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Speyer, Germany Rally 11/18/90 [OA 6027]
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Speyer, Germany Rally 11/18/90 [OA 6027]
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26
16
5
6
Davis/Blymire
Title: Speyer
Nov. 16, 1990
Draft: Three
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: RALLY, SPEYER, GERMANY
12:15 P.M.
SUNDAY, NOV. 18, 1990
((Acknowledgements))
Thank you. I am delighted to be back in the Rhine Country,
in the beautiful village of Speyer -- to again be with your great
Chancellor -- and most of all, to be the first American President
to visit the new Germany. 111 It is also a sign of the times
that ten days ago a Soviet President, Mikhail Gorbachev, walked
your streets, saw your majestic cathedral, and joined with you in
the celebration of German unity.
Today marks the second visit to the Rhineland-Pfalz
((Rhineland-False)) of my Presidency. Last year, your Chancellor
and I sailed down the river on a splendid spring day past ancient
castles and steep vineyards. We banked at the massive monument
of the Deutsches-Eck, that special corner of German hope and
history. At that time, Germans still lived in two societies --
one free and one oppressed; one alive, the other frozen in
tyranny. Two very different countries, but one nation; two very
different governments, but one people -- one Germany. III
Earlier on that same day in May, 1989, I addressed the
citizens of Mainz. On that day, we spoke not only of our mutual
defense, but of our shared values -- not just of the matters of
the mind, but of the deeper aspirations of the heart. We had
heard the call for a Common European Home -- but insisted on
2
another home, one in which all within would be free to move from
room to room and free to enjoy their right of self-determination.
We applauded the new spirit of greater freedom guiding the Soviet
Union, but asked that freedom be brought to East Berlin.
I said then that the Cold War began with the division of
Europe, and it would only end when Europe is whole. We knew that
the very concept of a divided Europe was under siege from the
power of a single idea -- democracy. But no one knew just how
rapidly that idea was gaining momentum. No one knew that the
stirring in the East would culminate in a peaceful revolution
that very year -- the Revolution of '89. III
Like so many German and American leaders before, I called on
the Soviet Union to bring down the brutal Berlin Wall, to
dismantle state control on democracy in Eastern Europe -- to "let
Europe be whole and free." III
On that wonderful spring day, change was already in the air.
But in our wildest dreams, no one dared to imagine that change
would come so soon.
I will never forget November 9, 1989, when I received word
from Berlin: The Wall has been breached. 111 Soon, the world was
transfixed by startling images -- scenes of celebration and
triumph -- as thousands of Germans joined hands across a mass of
concrete that had divided your nation for so long. I was in my
home state of Texas when I received this news. And today I am
delighted to celebrate that moment in the home area of the first
3
Chancellor of this new Germany -- a great son of Speyer --
Chancellor Helmut Kohl -- the Chancellor who united Germany. III
I am also here because the unification of Germany is not
just cause for celebration by one people. It is a cause for
celebration for all who love freedom. And no people on earth are
more thrilled by your achievement than your friends in America.
On October third, American citizens of German descent, and
members of the German diplomatic community, came to the White
House to celebrate our friendship on the day of your country's
unification -- a day clearly envisioned by another chancellor,
and another son of the Rhineland, Konrad Adenauer. For it was,
after all, Adenauer who said that the solution to a divided
Germany would come only with the help of friends.
Events have shown Adenauer to be a great visionary. Over
the years, the friendship of our two peoples have deepened and
intensified. German unity came, in part, because Americans stood
by the free people of Berlin, from the daredevil pilots of the
airlift, to a young President who made his bold declaration on a
windswept day before the Wall.
The United States is proud to have joined you in building
the foundations of freedom, proud to have stood by you in the
dream we both shared for so long: German Unity in peace and
freedom.
But most of all, this moment came because of your
determination to live in a Germany whole and free. Germany is
4
whole because the German people are one. III And Germany is free
because the German people will never again live behind a wall.
Here in Speyer, throughout the seven centuries your medieval
gate-tower has stood watch, history has been a familiar companion
to the people of Speyer. More than three centuries ago, the
Thirty Years War devastated your people; a later war left your
town in ruins. It was here that the first Lutherans issued the
protests that gave the world the name of a new denomination --
Protestants. And it is here that your majestic romanesque
cathedral has been demolished and rebuilt -- reborn like the
German nation itself.
Look inside this cathedral, at the crypts of kings and tombs
of bishops -- and we see that power is fleeting. But the
architecture of beauty and the power of great ideas are ever-
lasting.
Beyond Germany, even beyond Europe, the power of a few great
ideas are transforming the world. Across this continent and
across the Atlantic, we have created a moral community. We have
founded a commonwealth bound by our shared principles and
embracing our hopes for the whole world. This is the vision
which I asked the Czechoslovak peoples to share with me
yesterday, and I ask you to share today.
This vision was set forth in Mainz, where we spoke of a
Europe whole and free, and of a broader Commonwealth of Free
Nations.
5
of course, then we all thought that 1992 would mark that
beginning of a new Europe. But that historic transformation is
already well underway -- a unified market, a peaceful conclusion
to the divisions of the Cold War, and whole nations reborn in
freedom. But as you forge an open market from Birmingham to
Bremen; as you forge a new European identity that spans all the
way to Budapest and beyond -- Europe must not turn away from the
world.
Europe and the United States now have an historic
opportunity to improve the welfare of all countries by making the
hard decisions needed to ensure a successful Uruguay Round of
trade negotiations. We must not let this opportunity pass.
In addition, new challenges to our peace and freedom are
arising from distant shores. If we indulge the pretensions of
regional aggressors; if we ignore the proliferation of the
technologies of mass destruction; if we delude ourselves into
believing that these challenges are not our concern -- then we
put at risk everything we have achieved.
Together, we rank among the leaders of the Commonwealth of
Free Nations. Together, America, Germany and the Atlantic
Alliance must lead. III
After all, we have seen the nations of Europe overcome
conflict and the partitions that are the bitter fruits of
conflict. For you, these days are past. By working together, in
the spirit of unity and determination, we can help to achieve the
same for the world.
6
The foundation of lasting security comes not from tanks,
troops or barbed wire. It is built on shared values and
agreements that link free peoples.
( (What is coming true for East and West Europe today can be
true tomorrow for Pakistan and India; for North and South Korea;
for Africa, from Cape to Horn. of course, there will be those
who will say "never" -- just as there were those who confidently
predicted that no German would outlive the Berlin Wall.) )
You, of all people, know that our future can be as worthy as
our highest hopes and noblest dreams. You know this because you
dared to dream noble dreams, dared to hope for what the world
deemed impossible. That is why this land is so great. That is
why it is, once again, simply Germany.
Thank you for your hospitality. It is truly a delight to be
back. Thank you, and may God bless you all and the people of our
two lands.
#
#
#
7
ALTERNATE PARAGRAPH:
"What is coming true for East and West Europe today can be
true for the world tomorrow. of course, there will be those who
will say 'never' -- just as there were those who confidently
predicted that no German would outlive the Berlin Wall. "
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
November 16, 1990
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
CHRISS WINSTON cw
FROM:
MARK DAVIS MD
SUBJECT:
SPEYER RALLY
On Sunday, November 18, at 12:15 p.m., you will address the
citizens of Speyer at a rally in the town square. Your remarks,
10-12 minutes in length, will be on cards.
Davis/Blymire
Title: Speyer
Nov. 16, 1990
Draft: Three
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: RALLY, SPEYER, GERMANY
12:15 P.M.
SUNDAY, NOV. 18, 1990
((Acknowledgements))
Thank you. I am delighted to be back in the Rhine Country,
in the beautiful village of Speyer -- to again be with your great
Chancellor -- and most of all, to be the first American President
to visit the new Germany. III It is also a sign of the times
that ten days ago a Soviet President, Mikhail Gorbachev, walked
your streets, saw your majestic cathedral, and joined with you in
the celebration of German unity.
Today marks the second visit to the Rhineland-Pfalz
( (Rhineland-False)) of my Presidency. Last year, your Chancellor
and I sailed down the river on a splendid spring day past ancient
castles and steep vineyards. We banked at the massive monument
of the Deutsches-Eck, that special corner of German hope and
history. At that time, Germans still lived in two societies --
one free and one oppressed; one alive, the other frozen in
tyranny. Two very different countries, but one nation; two very
different governments, but one people -- one Germany. III
Earlier on that same day in May, 1989, I addressed the
citizens of Mainz. On that day, we spoke not only of our mutual
defense, but of our shared values -- not just of the matters of
the mind, but of the deeper aspirations of the heart. We had
heard the call for a Common European Home -- but insisted on
2
another home, one in which all within would be free to move from
room to room and free to enjoy their right of self-determination.
We applauded the new spirit of greater freedom guiding the Soviet
Union, but asked that freedom be brought to East Berlin.
I said then that the Cold War began with the division of
Europe, and it would only end when Europe is whole. We knew that
the very concept of a divided Europe was under siege from the
power of a single idea -- democracy. But no one knew just how
rapidly that idea was gaining momentum. No one knew that the
stirring in the East would culminate in a peaceful revolution
that very year -- the Revolution of '89. III
Like so many German and American leaders before, I called on
the Soviet Union to bring down the brutal Berlin Wall, to
dismantle state control on democracy in Eastern Europe -- to "let
Europe be whole and free." III
On that wonderful spring day, change was already in the air.
But in our wildest dreams, no one dared to imagine that change
would come so soon.
I will never forget November 9, 1989, when I received word
from Berlin: The Wall has been breached. 111 Soon, the world was
transfixed by startling images -- scenes of celebration and
triumph -- as thousands of Germans joined hands across a mass of
concrete that had divided your nation for so long. I was in my
home state of Texas when I received this news. And today I am
delighted to celebrate that moment in the home area of the first
3
Chancellor of this new Germany -- a great son of Speyer --
Chancellor Helmut Kohl -- the Chancellor who united Germany. 111
I am also here because the unification of Germany is not
just cause for celebration by one people. It is a cause for
celebration for all who love freedom. And no people on earth are
more thrilled by your achievement than your friends in America.
On October third, American citizens of German descent, and
members of the German diplomatic community, came to the White
House to celebrate our friendship on the day of your country's
unification -- a day clearly envisioned by another chancellor,
and another son of the Rhineland, Konrad Adenauer. For it was,
after all, Adenauer who said that the solution to a divided
Germany would come only with the help of friends.
Events have shown Adenauer to be a great visionary. Over
the years, the friendship of our two peoples have deepened and
intensified. German unity came, in part, because Americans stood
by the free people of Berlin, from the daredevil pilots of the
airlift, to a young President who made his bold declaration on a
windswept day before the Wall.
The United States is proud to have joined you in building
the foundations of freedom, proud to have stood by you in the
dream we both shared for so long: German Unity in peace and
freedom.
But most of all, this moment came because of your
determination to live in a Germany whole and free. Germany is
4
whole because the German people are one. 111 And Germany is free
because the German people will never again live behind a wall. 111
Here in Speyer, throughout the seven centuries your medieval
gate-tower has stood watch, history has been a familiar companion
to the people of Speyer. More than three centuries ago, the
Thirty Years War devastated your people; a later war left your
town in ruins. It was here that the first Lutherans issued the
protests that gave the world the name of a new denomination --
Protestants. And it is here that your majestic romanesque
cathedral has been demolished and rebuilt -- reborn like the
German nation itself.
Look inside this cathedral, at the crypts of kings and tombs
of bishops -- and we see that power is fleeting. But the
architecture of beauty and the power of great ideas are ever-
lasting.
Beyond Germany, even beyond Europe, the power of a few great
ideas are transforming the world. Across this continent and
across the Atlantic, we have created a moral community. We have
founded a commonwealth bound by our shared principles and
embracing our hopes for the whole world. This is the vision
which I asked the Czechoslovak peoples to share with me
yesterday, and I ask you to share today.
This vision was set forth in Mainz, where we spoke of a
Europe whole and free, and of a broader Commonwealth of Free
Nations.
5
of course, then we all thought that 1992 would mark that
beginning of a new Europe. But that historic transformation is
already well underway -- a unified market, a peaceful conclusion
to the divisions of the Cold War, and whole nations reborn in
freedom. But as you forge an open market from Birmingham to
Bremen; as you forge a new European identity that spans all the
way to Budapest and beyond -- Europe must not turn away from the
world.
Europe and the United States now have an historic
opportunity to improve the welfare of all countries by making the
hard decisions needed to ensure a successful Uruguay Round of
trade negotiations. We must not let this opportunity pass.
In addition, new challenges to our peace and freedom are
arising from distant shores. If we indulge the pretensions of
regional aggressors; if we ignore the proliferation of the
technologies of mass destruction; if we delude ourselves into
believing that these challenges are not our concern -- then we
put at risk everything we have achieved.
Together, we rank among the leaders of the Commonwealth of
Free Nations. Together, America, Germany and the Atlantic
Alliance must lead. III
After all, we have seen the nations of Europe overcome
conflict and the partitions that are the bitter fruits of
conflict. For you, these days are past. By working together, in
the spirit of unity and determination, we can help to achieve the
same for the world.
6
The foundation of lasting security comes not from tanks,
troops or barbed wire. It is built on shared values and
agreements that link free peoples.
( (What is coming true for East and West Europe today can be
true tomorrow for Pakistan and India; for North and South Korea;
for Africa, from Cape to Horn. of course, there will be those
who will say "never" -- just as there were those who confidently
predicted that no German would outlive the Berlin Wall.))
You, of all people, know that our future can be as worthy as
our highest hopes and noblest dreams. You know this because you
dared to dream noble dreams, dared to hope for what the world
deemed impossible. That is why this land is so great. That is
why it is, once again, simply Germany.
Thank you for your hospitality. It is truly a delight to be
back. Thank you, and may God bless you all and the people of our
two lands.
#
#
#
7
ALTERNATE PARAGRAPH:
"What is coming true for East and West Europe today can be
true for the world tomorrow. of course, there will be those who
will say 'never' -- just as there were those who confidently
predicted that no German would outlive the Berlin Wall. "
Document No.
90 OCT 14 WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 11/13/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 5:00 p.m. 11/14
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: RALLY, SPEYER, GERMANY
SUBJECT:
(11/09 draft two)
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
N/C
ROGICH
N/C
CARD
UNTERMEYER
no comm
CICCONI
ROGERS
out of
DEMAREST
PINKERTON
FITZWATER
WINSTON
GRAY
PORTER ROSE
HAGIN
HOLIDAY
N/C
REMARKS:
Please provide any comments/recommendations directly to Chriss
Winston by 5:00 p.m. on Wednesday, 11/14, with a copy to my office.
Thanks.
RESPONSE:
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Search: Reunification
Davis/Blymire
90 NOV 13 PM 7:21
Title: Speyer
Nov. 9, 1990
Draft: Two
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: RALLY, SPEYER, GERMANY
(Time)) SUNDAY, NOV. 18, 1990
It is Also A sign OF the
Times THAT TEN DAYS AGO A SOUiET PRESIDENT,
((Acknowledgements)) SAW your majestic CATHEDRAL, AND
MIKHAIL GORBACHEU, WALKED your are STREETS,
Joined w/ you iN THE CELEBRATION OF GERMAN
Thank you. I am delighted to be back in the Rhine Country, unloy.
in the beautiful village of Speyer -- to again be with your great
Chancellor -- and most of all, to be the first American President
to visit the new Germany. III
Today marks the second visit to the Rhineland-Phalz F/
((Rhineland-False)) of my Presidency. Last year, your Chancellor
and I sailed down the river on a splendid spring day past ancient
castles and steep vineyards. We banked at the massive monument
of the Deutsches-Eck, that special corner of German hope and
history. At that time, Germans still lived in two societies --
one free and one oppressed; one alive, the other frozen in
tyranny. Two very different countries, but one nation; two very
different governments, but one people -- one Germany. III
Earlier on that same day in May, 1989, I addressed the
citizens of Mainz. On that day, we spoke not only of our mutual
defense, but of our shared values -- not just of the matters of
the mind, but of the deeper aspirations of the heart. We had
heard the call for a Common European Home -- but insisted on
another home, one in which all within would be free to move from
room to room. We applauded the new spirit of greater freedom
ZAND DETERMINATION, FRee toenjoy their BIGHT OF SELF-
2
guiding the Soviet Union, but asked that freedom be brought to
East Berlin.
SAID THEN
I told you that the Cold War began with the division of
Europe, and it would only end when Europe is whole. We knew that
the very concept of a divided Europe was under siege from the
power of a single idea -- democracy. But no one knew just how
rapidly that idea was gaining momentum. No one knew that the
stirring in the East would culminate in a peaceful revolution
that very year -- the Revolution of '89. 111
Like so many German and American leaders before, I called on
the Soviet Union to bring down the brutal Berlin Wall, to
dismantle state control on democracy in Eastern Europe -- to "let
Europe be whole and free." III
On that wonderful spring day, change was already in the air.
But in our wildest dreams, no one dared to imagine that change
would come so soon.
I will never forget November 9, 1989, when I received word
from Berlin: The Wall has been breached. III Soon, the world was
transfixed by startling images -- scenes of celebration and
triumph -- as thousands of Germans joined hands across a mass of
concrete that had divided your nation for so long. I was in my
homestate of Texas when I received this news. And today I am
delighted to celebrate that moment in the home area of the first
Chancellor of this new Germany -- a great son of Speyer --
Chancellor Helmut Kohl -- the Founding Father of Germany. III
ThE CHANCELLOR WHO UNITED GERMANY
Mrs
3
I am also here because the reunification of Germany is not
just cause for celebration by one people. It is a cause for
celebration for all who love freedom. And no people on earth are
more thrilled by your achievement than your friends in America.
On October third, American citizens of German descent, and
members of the German diplomatic community, came to the White
House to celebrate our friendship on the day of your country's
A DAY
reunification Reunification was clearly envisioned by another
chancellor, and another son of the Rhineland, Konrad Adenauer.
For it was, after all, Adenauer who said that the solution to a
divided Germany would come only with the help of friends.
ADenAVeR
Events have shown your first chancellor to be a great
visionary. Over the years, the friendship of our two peoples
have deepened and intensified. German reunification unity came, in
part, because Americans stood by the free people of Berlin, from
the daredevil pilots of the airlift, to a young President who
made his bold declaration on a windswept day before the Wall.
THE United STATES is FROUD 70 HAVE JOINED
Your historic achievement was also possible because of the
you in BUILDING THE FOUNDATIONS OF TREEDOM,
new thinking of someone else, a recent visitor to Speyer who
PROUD TO HAVE 57000 By you IN THE DREAM
walked your streets and stood in the nave of your great cathedral
WE BOTH SHARED Foe SOLONG : GERMAN un 137 in PEACE +
the bold Soviet leader President Mikhail Gorbachev. 111 FREEDOM,
But most of all, this moment came because of your
determination to live in a Germany whole and free. Germany is
whole because the German people are one. 111 And Germany is free
because the German people will never again live behind a wall. III
(HeRe in Speger,
4
Seven
Throughout the ten centuries your medieval gate-tower has
stood watch, history has been a familiar companion to the people
of Speyer. More than three centuries ago, the Thirty Years War
devastated your people; a later war left your town in ruins. It
was here that the first Lutherans issued the protests that gave
the world the name of a new denomination -- Protestants. And it
is here that your majestic romanesque cathedral has been
demolished and rebuilt -- reborn like the German nation itself.
Look inside this cathedral, at the crypts of kings and tombs
of bishops -- and we see that power is fleeting. But the
architecture of beauty and the power of great ideas are ever-
lasting.
even
Beyond Germany, beyond the growing open market of Europe,
beyond the West itself, the power of a few great ideas are
ACROSS this Continent AND ACROSS
transforming the world. Ideas like the rule-of law. Borders
the Atlantic, we have CREATED A MORAL community.
open to the free movement of people goods and dialogue. And the
WE HAVE FOUNDED A common WEAL TH BOUND By ove
greatest idea of all democracy This is what we mean by the
SHARED PRINCIPLES AND EMBRACING OUR HOPES FOR THE WHOLE
Commonwealth of Freedom an-order of sovereign nations at peace.
WORLD, THIS is THE UISION WHICH I ASKED the (zeehoslovck
This is the vision the Czech people shared with me yesterday and
which PEOPLES we TO share SHARE WITHME YESTERDAY, AND I ASK you TO
today SHARE TODAY.
spoke of
This vision was set forth in Mainz, where we began to,
a EUROPE whole AND fRee, AND OF A BROADER
convince the Soviets that our goal is not to undermine their
CommonweA Hh OF FREE NATIONS.
legitimate security interests to convince them, step-by-step,
that their deepest fears about the West are unfounded. Since
then, the circle of trust has widened and deepened. But it still
not yet complete.
5
Obsolete machines of war still face each other in the very
heart of Europe So I will go to Paris to work for a Europe that
is at peace with itself. We have already made another European
war improbable. I will go to Paris to begin to make conventional
war impossible. 111
The great pan-European convention of the last century -- the
Congress of Vienna -- marked the beginning of a long peace for
the continent. Let this meeting in Paris mark the beginning of a
lasting peace.
Of COURse, then
We all thought that 1992 would mark that beginning of a new
Europe. But that historic transformation is already well
underway -- a unified market, a peaceful conclusion to the
divisions of the Cold War, and whole nations reborn in freedom.
But as you forge an open market from Birmingham to Bremen; as you
forge a new European identity that spans all the way to Budapest
and beyond -- Europe must not turn away from the world.
In ADD ITION
AfterWall new challenges to our peace and freedom are
arising from distant shores. If we indulge the pretensions of
regional aggressors; if we ignore the proliferation of the
DELUDE OURSELVES INTO
technologies of mass destruction; if we tolerate countries that
BELIEVING THAT THESE CHALLENGES ARE not OUR CONCERN
devour their neighbors whole then we put at risk everything we
have achieved.
Together, we rank among the leaders of the Commonwealth of
Free Nations. Together, America, Germany and the Atlantic
Alliance must lead. 111
now
\
the HARD DECISIONS NEEDED TO ensure A successful
DOW to improve the welfare countries by making
EUROPE AND the United States of All have An historic opportunity
this opportunity PASS
Veuguay RounD of tRADE megotiations, We MUST not let
5
6
After all, we have seen the nations of Europe overcome
conflict and the partitions that are the bitter fruits of
conflict. For you, these days are past. By working together, in
the spirit of unity and determination, we can help to achieve the
same for the world of nations.
The foundation of lasting security comes not from tanks,
troops or barbed wire. It is built on shared values and
agreements that link free peoples.
What is coming true for East and West Europe today can be
true tomorrow for Pakistan and India; for North and South Korea;
for Africa, from Cape to Horn. of course, there will be those
who will say "never" just as there were those who confidently
predicted that no German would outlive the Berlin Wall.
You, of all people, know that our future
can be as worthy as our highest hopes and noblest dreams. You
know this because you dared to dream noble dreams, dared to hope
for what the world deemed impossible. That is why this land is
so great. That is why it is, once again, simply Germany.
Thank you for your hospitality. It is truly a delight to be
back. Thank you, and may God bless you all and the people of our
two lands.
#
#
#
THAT During trip my COUNTRIES InsT TRip HAVE GERNANY BECOME PARTNERS In Recognized
LEADERSHIP OUR Now, AS America AND the wel WE OW w/terpraney
BUILD UNITED ON THE sew LEEMANY FIRM possibilities LOOK UNITED FORUSARD BF ofoR GERMANY clen
TO TAKE $6/30 ITS RIGHTFUL PLACE AS AVENDER INOUR common-
A15A771 OF FREEDOM,
9023
Document No.
90 OCT 16 21
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 11/13/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 5:00 p.m. 11/14
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: RALLY, SPEYER, GERMANY
SUBJECT:
(11/09 draft two)
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
CARD
UNTERMEYER
CICCONI
ROGERS
DEMAREST
PINKERTON
FITZWATER
WINSTON
GRAY
PORTER ROSE
HAGIN
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please provide any comments/recommendations directly to Chriss
Winston Thanks. by 5:00 p.m. on Wednesday, 11/14, with a copy to my office.
RESPONSE:
November 16, 1990
The NSC Staff concurs with the changes indicated.
RSates for
Brent Scowcroft
cc: James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Blymire
90 NOV 13 PM 7:21
Title: Speyer
Nov. 9, 1990
Draft: Two
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: RALLY, SPEYER, GERMANY
( (Time)) SUNDAY, NOV. 18, 1990
it is a wonderful sign of the times
that ten days ago a Soviet President
mikhail fortscher also walked these
( (Acknowledgements)
streets, also joined you in the celebration
of german unity
Thank you. I am delighted to be back in the Rhine Country,
in the beautiful village of Speyer -- to again be with your great
Chancellor -- and most of all, to be the first American President
to visit the new Germany.
III
Today marks the second visit to the Rhineland-Phalz f
((Rhineland-False)) of my Presidency. Last year, your Chancellor
and I sailed down the river on a splendid spring day past ancient
castles and steep vineyards. We banked at the massive monument
of the Deutsches-Eck, that special corner of German hope and
history. At that time, Germans still lived in two societies --
one free and one oppressed; one alive, the other frozen in
tyranny. Two very different countries, but one nation; two very
different governments, but one people -- one Germany. III
Earlier on that same day in May, 1989, I addressed the
citizens of Mainz. On that day, we spoke not only of our mutual
defense, but of our shared values -- not just of the matters of
the mind, but of the deeper aspirations of the heart. We had
heard the call for a Common European Home -- but insisted on
another home, one in which all within would be free to move from
room to room L We applauded the new spirit of greater freedom
and tree to enjoy their right to
self-determination.
2
guiding the Soviet Union, but asked that freedom be brought to
East Berlin.
said then
I told you that the Cold War began with the division of
and face.
Europe, and it would only end when Europe is whole We knew that
the very concept of a divided Europe was under siege from the
Madion STET
power of a single idea -- democracy. But no one knew just how
rapidly that idea was gaining momentum. No one knew that the
stirring in the East would culminate in a peaceful revolution
that very year -- the Revolution of '89. III
Like so many German and American leaders before, I called on
(repetitive) dismantle state control on democracy in Eastern Europe -- to "let
the Soviet Union to bring down the brutal Berlin Wall, to
Europe be whole and free." III
On that wonderful spring day, change was already in the air.
But in our wildest dreams, no one dared to imagine that change
would come so soon.] ]
I will never forget November 9, 1989, when I received word
from Berlin: The Wall has been breached. III Soon, the world was
transfixed by startling images -- scenes of celebration and
triumph -- as thousands of Germans joined hands across a mass of
concrete that had divided your nation for so long. I was in my
homestate of Texas when I received this news. And today I am
delighted to celebrate that moment in the home area of the first
Chancellor of this new Germany -- a great son of Speyer --
Chancellor who united
Chancellor Helmut Kohl -- the Founding Father of) Germany. III
3
I am also here because the reunification of Germany is not
just cause for celebration by one people. It is a cause for
celebration for all who love freedom. And no people on earth are
more thrilled by your achievement than your friends in America.
On October third, American citizens of German descent, and
members of the German diplomatic community, came to the White
House to celebrate our friendship on the day of your country's
a day
reunification Reunification was clearly envisioned by another
chancellor, and another son of the Rhineland, Konrad Adenauer.
For it was, after all, Adenauer who said that the solution to a
divided Germany would come only with the help of friends.
Events have shown your first chancellor to be a great
visionary. Over the years, the friendship of our two peoples
have deepened and intensified. German reunification unity came, in
part, because Americans stood by the free people of Berlin, from
the daredevil pilots of the airlift, to a young President who
made his bold declaration on a windswept day before the Wall.
(heo
[Your Your historic achievement was also possible because of the
The United States is prond to have joined you
new thinking of someone else, a recent visitor to Speyer who
in building the foundations of freed om, proud
REPLACE
1
walked your and stood in the nave of your great cathedral
to have streets store my you in the dream me both shared
Sorhy ant
the for bold Su long: Soviet Serman unity in peace and freedom.
of place
leader -- President Mikhail Gorbachev. III,
here
But most of all, this moment came because of your
determination to live in a Germany whole and free. Germany is
whole because the German people are one. III [And Germany is free
because the German people will never aqain live behind a wall. +1)
7
(Next sentence falles about
a gate clash between
gate and wall)
4
Throughout the ten centuries your medieval gate-tower has
stood watch, history has been a familiar companion to the people
of Speyer. More than three centuries ago, the Thirty Years War
- OBSCURE
devastated your peoplet [a later war left your town in ruins. It
was here that the first Lutherans issued the protests that gave
the world the name of a new denomination -- Protestants. And it
is here that your majestic romanesque cathedral has been
demolished and rebuilt -- reborn like the German nation itself.
Look inside this cathedral, at the crypts of kings and tombs
of bishops -- and we see that power is fleeting. But the
architecture of beauty and the power of great ideas are ever-
lasting.
even
Beyond Germany, beyond the growing open market of Europe,
beyond the West itself the power of a few great ideas are
Across this Continent, and across
transforming
the
world.
Ideas like the rule of law. Borders
the Atlantic we have created a moral community.
open to the free movement of people, goods and dialogue. And the
NO
we have founded a
greatest idea of all -- democracy. This is what we mean by the
yestership in frague, bound by our shared principles
Commonwealth of Freedom, an order of sovereign nations at peace.
and embracing our hopes for the whole world.
This is the vision the Czech people shared with me yesterday, and
1 ask you to
which we share today.
which asked the Czechoslorch peoples to share
^
This vision was set forth in Mainz, where we began to
/ spoke of
a Europe whole and free and of a broader commonwedth
convince the Soviets that our goal is not to undermine their
of free nations.
legitimate security interests to convince them, step-by-step,
that their deepest fears about the West are unfounded. Since
then, the circle of trust has widened and deepened. But it still
not yet complete.
5
Obsolete machines of war still face each other in the very
heart of Europe. So I will go to Paris to work for a Europe that
is at peace with itself. We have already made another European
BIG
war improbable. I will go to Paris to begin to make conventional
POLICY
war impossible. ITT
OBJECTIONS
The great pan-European convention of the last century -- the
Congress of Vienna -- marked the beginning of a long peace for
the continent. Let this meeting in Paris mark the beginning of a
lasting peace. III)
We all thought that 1992 would mark that beginning of a new
Europe. But that historic transformation is already well
underway -- a unified market, a peaceful conclusion to the
divisions of the Cold War, and whole nations reborn in freedom.
But as you forge an open market from Birmingham to Bremen; as you
forge a new European identity that spans all the way to Budapest
and beyond -- Europe must not turn away from the world.
After all, new challenges to our peace and freedom are
arising from distant shores. If we indulge the pretensions of
regional aggressors; if we ignore the proliferation of the
technologies of mass destruction; if we tolerate countries that
delude ourselves into believing
that these challenges are no aftairs of ours
devour their neighbors whole -- then we put at risk everything we
have achieved.
Together, we rank among the leaders of the Commonwealth of
Free Nations. Together, America, Germany and the Atlantic
Alliance must lead. 111
6
After all, we have seen the nations of Europe overcome
conflict and the partitions that are the bitter fruits of
conflict. For you, these days are past. By working together, in
the spirit of unity and determination, we can help to achieve the
same for the world E a new concert of nations]
The foundation of lasting security comes not from tanks,
troops or barbed wire. It is built on shared values and
agreements that link free peoples.
What is coming true for East and West Europe today can be
true tomorrow for Pakistan and India; for North and South Korea;
for Africa, from Cape to Horn. Of course, there will be those-
who will say "never" -- just as there were those who confidently
predicted that no German would outlive the Berlin Wall.
You, of all people, know (better. You know) that our future
can be as worthy as our highest hopes and noblest dreams. You
know this because you dared to dream noble dreams, dared to hope
for what the world deemed impossible. That is why this land is
so great. That is why it is, once again, simply Germany.
Thank you for your hospitality. It is truly a delight to be
back. Thank you, and may God bless you all and the people of our
two lands.
During my last trip to Germany, I called on our two
countries to be partners in leadership. Now, as America and the
new Germany -- united Germany -- look forward, we can build on
the firm foundation of our partnership to seize new
possibilities, meet new challenges, and assume new
responsibilities. United Germany can take its rightful place as
a leader in our commonwealth of freedom.
THE WHITE HOUSE
90 OCT 15
November All 14, 1990
42
MEMORANDUM FOR CHRISS WINSTON
FROM:
ROGER B. PORTER
RBP
SUBJECT:
Presidential Remarks: Rally, Speyer, Germany
This speech provides a ready-made opportunity to highlight
the importance the U.S. attaches to a successful Uruguay Round
of trade negotiations. Indeed, given the emphasis the
President has placed on the issue in recent days, failure to
mention the Round is likely to be taken in Europe as a sign of
the issue's low priority.
I recommend that the draft be modified as indicated on
page 5.
Please let me or Steve Farrar know if we can be of further
help.
Attachment
90 OCT 15 All : 25
SENT BY:Xerox Telecopier 7020 11-15-90 10:47AM ;
OPD->
The White House|# 3
* Insert, page 5
Europe and the United States have a historic opportunity
now to improve the welfare of people in all countries by making
the hard decisions needed to ensure a successful Uruguay Round
of trade negotiations. We must not let this opportunity pass.
Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 11/13/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 5:00 p.m. 11/14
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: RALLY, SPEYER, GERMANY
SUBJECT:
(11/09 draft two)
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
,
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
CARD
UNTERMEYER
CICCONI
ROGERS
DEMAREST
PINKERTON
FITZWATER
WINSTON
GRAY
PORTER ROSE
HAGIN
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please provide any comments/recommendations directly to Chriss
Winston by 5:00 p.m. on Wednesday, 11/14, with a copy to my office.
Thanks.
RESPONSE:
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Blymire
90NOV 13 PM 7:21 7:
Title: Speyer
Nov. 9, 1990
Draft: Two
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: RALLY, SPEYER, GERMANY
((Time)) SUNDAY, NOV. 18, 1990
((Acknowledgements))
Thank you. I am delighted to be back in the Rhine Country,
in the beautiful village of Speyer -- to again be with your great
Chancellor -- and most of all, to be the first American President
to visit the new Germany. III
Today marks the second visit to the Rhineland-Phalz
((Rhineland-False)) of my Presidency. Last year, your Chancellor
and I sailed down the river on a splendid spring day past ancient
castles and steep vineyards. We banked at the massive monument
of the Deutsches-Eck, that special corner of German hope and
history. At that time, Germans still lived in two societies --
one free and one oppressed; one alive, the other frozen in
tyranny. Two very different countries, but one nation; two very
different governments, but one people -- one Germany. 111
Earlier on that same day in May, 1989, I addressed the
citizens of Mainz. On that day, we spoke not only of our mutual
defense, but of our shared values -- not just of the matters of
the mind, but of the deeper aspirations of the heart. We had
heard the call for a Common European Home -- but insisted on
another home, one in which all within would be free to move from
room to room. We applauded the new spirit of greater freedom
2
guiding the Soviet Union, but asked that freedom be brought to
East Berlin.
I told you that the Cold War began with the division of
Europe, and it would only end when Europe is whole. We knew that
the very concept of a divided Europe was under siege from the
power of a single idea -- democracy. But no one knew just how
rapidly that idea was gaining momentum. No one knew that the
stirring in the East would culminate in a peaceful revolution
that very year -- the Revolution of '89. 111
Like so many German and American leaders before, I called on
the Soviet Union to bring down the brutal Berlin Wall, to
dismantle state control on democracy in Eastern Europe -- to "let
Europe be whole and free." 111
On that wonderful spring day, change was already in the air.
But in our wildest dreams, no one dared to imagine that change
would come so soon.
I will never forget November 9, 1989, when I received word
from Berlin: The Wall has been breached. III Soon, the world was
transfixed by startling images -- scenes of celebration and
triumph -- as thousands of Germans joined hands across a mass of
concrete that had divided your nation for so long. I was in my
homestate of Texas when I received this news. And today I am
delighted to celebrate that moment in the home area of the first
Chancellor of this new Germany -- a great son of Speyer --
Chancellor Helmut Kohl -- the Founding Father of Germany. 111
3
I am also here because the reunification of Germany is not
just cause for celebration by one people. It is a cause for
celebration for all who love freedom. And no people on earth are
more thrilled by your achievement than your friends in America.
On October third, American citizens of German descent, and
members of the German diplomatic community, came to the White
House to celebrate our friendship on the day of your country's
reunification. Reunification was clearly envisioned by another
chancellor, and another son of the Rhineland, Konrad Adenauer.
For it was, after all, Adenauer who said that the solution to a
divided Germany would come only with the help of friends.
Events have shown your first chancellor to be a great
visionary. Over the years, the friendship of our two peoples
have deepened and intensified. German reunification came, in
part, because Americans stood by the free people of Berlin, from
the daredevil pilots of the airlift, to a young President who
made his bold declaration on a windswept day before the Wall.
Your historic achievement was also possible because of the
new thinking of someone else, a recent visitor to Speyer who
walked your streets and stood in the nave of your great cathedral
-- the bold Soviet leader -- President Mikhail Gorbachev. III
But most of all, this moment came because of your
determination to live in a Germany whole and free. Germany is
whole because the German people are one. 111 And Germany is free
because the German people will never again live behind a wall. III
4
Throughout the ten centuries your medieval gate-tower has
stood watch, history has been a familiar companion to the people
of Speyer. More than three centuries ago, the Thirty Years War
devastated your people; a later war left your town in ruins. It
was here that the first Lutherans issued the protests that gave
the world the name of a new denomination -- Protestants. And it
is here that your majestic romanesque cathedral has been
demolished and rebuilt -- reborn like the German nation itself.
Look inside this cathedral, at the crypts of kings and tombs
of bishops -- and we see that power is fleeting. But the
architecture of beauty and the power of great ideas are ever-
lasting.
Beyond Germany, beyond the growing open market of Europe,
beyond the West itself, the power of a few great ideas are
transforming the world. Ideas like the rule of law. Borders
open to the free movement of people, goods and dialogue. And the
greatest idea of all -- democracy. This is what we mean by the
Commonwealth of Freedom, an order of sovereign nations at peace.
This is the vision the Czech people shared with me yesterday, and
which we share today.
This vision was set forth in Mainz, where we began to
convince the Soviets that our goal is not to undermine their
legitimate security interests -- to convince them, step-by-step,
that their deepest fears about the West are unfounded. Since
then, the circle of trust has widened and deepened. But it still
not yet complete.
5
Obsolete machines of war still face each other in the very
heart of Europe. So I will go to Paris to work for a Europe that
is at peace with itself. We have already made another European
war improbable. I will go to Paris to begin to make conventional
war impossible. 111
The great pan-European convention of the last century -- the
Congress of Vienna -- marked the beginning of a long peace for
the continent. Let this meeting in Paris mark the beginning of a
lasting peace. 111
We all thought that 1992 would mark that beginning of a new
Europe. But that historic transformation is already well
underway -- a unified market, a peaceful conclusion to the
divisions of the Cold War, and whole nations reborn in freedom.
But as you forge an open market from Birmingham to Bremen; as you
forge a new European identity that spans all the way to Budapest
and beyond -- Europe must not turn away from the world.
Inaddition
After all, new challenges to our peace and freedom are
arising from distant shores. If we indulge the pretensions of
regional aggressors; if we ignore the proliferation of the
technologies of mass destruction; if we tolerate countries that
devour their neighbors whole -- then we put at risk everything we
have achieved.
Together, we rank among the leaders of the Commonwealth of
Free Nations. Together, America, Germany and the Atlantic
Alliance must lead. 111
Emore and The United States have a historic opportunity
now to immore the welfare of people in all countries
by making the hand decisions needed to ensure a
successful Uniquey Round of trade negotiations. We
must not let this opportunity pass.
6
After all, we have seen the nations of Europe overcome
conflict and the partitions that are the bitter fruits of
conflict. For you, these days are past. By working together, in
the spirit of unity and determination, we can help to achieve the
same for the world -- a new concert of nations.
The foundation of lasting security comes not from tanks,
troops or barbed wire. It is built on shared values and
agreements that link free peoples.
What is coming true for East and West Europe today can be
true tomorrow for Pakistan and India; for North and South Korea;
for Africa, from Cape to Horn. Of course, there will be those
who will say "never" -- just as there were those who confidently
predicted that no German would outlive the Berlin Wall.
You, of all people, know better. You know that our future
can be as worthy as our highest hopes and noblest dreams. You
know this because you dared to dream noble dreams, dared to hope
for what the world deemed impossible. That is why this land is
SO great. That is why it is, once again, simply Germany.
Thank you for your hospitality. It is truly a delight to be
back. Thank you, and may God bless you all and the people of our
two lands.
#
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
November 14, 1990
MEMORANDUM FOR CHRISS WINSTON
FROM:
JIM PINKERTON 8
SUBJECT:
Rally -- Speyer, Germany
pg. 2, para. 5, line 9
" Helmut Kohl -- the Founding
Father of Germany."
To avoid the appearance of coyly ignoring Bismarck, we
suggest either omitting this characterization -- it is a
bit grandiloquent -- or saying "Founding Father of the New
Germany."
3,3,1 "Events have shown your first chancellor to be a
great visionary."
Many others had been chancellor of Germany before
Adenauer (including Hitler).
90 OCT 14 P4: 01
Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 11/13/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 5:00 p.m. 11/14
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: RALLY, SPEYER, GERMANY
SUBJECT:
(11/09 draft two)
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
CARD
UNTERMEYER
CICCONI
ROGERS
DEMAREST
PINKERTON
FITZWATER
WINSTON
GRAY
PORTER ROSE
HAGIN
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please provide any comments/recommendations directly to Chriss
Winston by 5:00 p.m. on Wednesday, 11/14, with a copy to my office.
Thanks.
RESPONSE:
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Blymire
90 NOV 13 PM 7:21 7:
Title: Speyer
Nov. 9, 1990
Draft: Two
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: RALLY, SPEYER, GERMANY
( (Time)) SUNDAY, NOV. 18, 1990
(Acknowledgements) )
Thank you. I am delighted to be back in the Rhine Country,
in the beautiful village of Speyer -- to again be with your great
Chancellor -- and most of all, to be the first American President
to visit the new Germany. 111
Today marks the second visit to the Rhineland-Phalz
((Rhineland-False)) of my Presidency. Last year, your Chancellor
and I sailed down the river on a splendid spring day past ancient
castles and steep vineyards. We banked at the massive monument
of the Deutsches-Eck, that special corner of German hope and
history. At that time, Germans still lived in two societies --
one free and one oppressed; one alive, the other frozen in
tyranny. Two very different countries, but one nation; two very
different governments, but one people -- one Germany. 111
Earlier on that same day in May, 1989, I addressed the
citizens of Mainz. On that day, we spoke not only of our mutual
defense, but of our shared values -- not just of the matters of
the mind, but of the deeper aspirations of the heart. We had
heard the call for a Common European Home -- but insisted on
another home, one in which all within would be free to move from
room to room. We applauded the new spirit of greater freedom
2
guiding the Soviet Union, but asked that freedom be brought to
East Berlin.
I told you that the Cold War began with the division of
Europe, and it would only end when Europe is whole. We knew that
the very concept of a divided Europe was under siege from the
power of a single idea -- democracy. But no one knew just how
rapidly that idea was gaining momentum. No one knew that the
stirring in the East would culminate in a peaceful revolution
that very year -- the Revolution of '89. III
Like so many German and American leaders before, I called on
the Soviet Union to bring down the brutal Berlin Wall, to
dismantle state control on democracy in Eastern Europe -- to "let
Europe be whole and free." III
On that wonderful spring day, change was already in the air.
But in our wildest dreams, no one dared to imagine that change
would come so soon.
I will never forget November 9, 1989, when I received word
from Berlin: The Wall has been breached. III Soon, the world was
transfixed by startling images -- scenes of celebration and
triumph -- as thousands of Germans joined hands across a mass of
concrete that had divided your nation for so long. I was in my
homestate of Texas when I received this news. And today I am
delighted to celebrate that moment in the home area of the first
Chancellor of this new Germany -- a great son of Speyer --
Chancellor Helmut Kohl -- the Founding Father of Germany. III
3
I am also here because the reunification of Germany is not
just cause for celebration by one people. It is a cause for
celebration for all who love freedom. And no people on earth are
more thrilled by your achievement than your friends in America.
On October third, American citizens of German descent, and
members of the German diplomatic community, came to the White
House to celebrate our friendship on the day of your country's
reunification. Reunification was clearly envisioned by another
chancellor, and another son of the Rhineland, Konrad Adenauer.
For it was, after all, Adenauer who said that the solution to a
divided Germany would come only with the help of friends.
Events have shown your first chancellor to be a great
visionary. Over the years, the friendship of our two peoples
have deepened and intensified. German reunification came, in
part, because Americans stood by the free people of Berlin, from
the daredevil pilots of the airlift, to a young President who
made his bold declaration on a windswept day before the Wall.
Your historic achievement was also possible because of the
new thinking of someone else, a recent visitor to Speyer who
walked your streets and stood in the nave of your great cathedral
-- the bold Soviet leader -- President Mikhail Gorbachev. III
But most of all, this moment came because of your
determination to live in a Germany whole and free. Germany is
whole because the German people are one. III And Germany is free
because the German people will never again live behind a wall. III
4
Throughout the ten centuries your medieval gate-tower has
stood watch, history has been a familiar companion to the people
of Speyer. More than three centuries ago, the Thirty Years War
devastated your people; a later war left your town in ruins. It
was here that the first Lutherans issued the protests that gave
the world the name of a new denomination -- Protestants. And it
is here that your majestic romanesque cathedral has been
demolished and rebuilt -- reborn like the German nation itself.
Look inside this cathedral, at the crypts of kings and tombs
of bishops -- and we see that power is fleeting. But the
architecture of beauty and the power of great ideas are ever-
lasting.
Beyond Germany, beyond the growing open market of Europe,
beyond the West itself, the power of a few great ideas are
transforming the world. Ideas like the rule of law. Borders
open to the free movement of people, goods and dialogue. And the
greatest idea of all -- democracy. This is what we mean by the
Commonwealth of Freedom, an order of sovereign nations at peace.
This is the vision the Czech people shared with me yesterday, and
which we share today.
This vision was set forth in Mainz, where we began to
convince the Soviets that our goal is not to undermine their
legitimate security interests -- to convince them, step-by-step,
that their deepest fears about the West are unfounded. Since
then, the circle of trust has widened and deepened. But it still
not yet complete.
5
Obsolete machines of war still face each other in the very
heart of Europe. So I will go to Paris to work for a Europe that
is at peace with itself. We have already made another European
war improbable. I will go to Paris to begin to make conventional
war impossible. 111
The great pan-European convention of the last century -- the
Congress of Vienna -- marked the beginning of a long peace for
the continent. Let this meeting in Paris mark the beginning of a
lasting peace. 111
We all thought that 1992 would mark that beginning of a new
Europe. But that historic transformation is already well
underway -- a unified market, a peaceful conclusion to the
divisions of the Cold War, and whole nations reborn in freedom.
But as you forge an open market from Birmingham to Bremen; as you
forge a new European identity that spans all the way to Budapest
and beyond -- Europe must not turn away from the world.
After all, new challenges to our peace and freedom are
arising from distant shores. If we indulge the pretensions of
regional aggressors; if we ignore the proliferation of the
technologies of mass destruction; if we tolerate countries that
devour their neighbors whole -- then we put at risk everything we
have achieved.
Together, we rank among the leaders of the Commonwealth of
Free Nations. Together, America, Germany and the Atlantic
Alliance must lead. 111
6
After all, we have seen the nations of Europe overcome
conflict and the partitions that are the bitter fruits of
conflict. For you, these days are past. By working together, in
the spirit of unity and determination, we can help to achieve the
same for the world -- a new concert of nations.
The foundation of lasting security comes not from tanks,
troops or barbed wire. It is built on shared values and
agreements that link free peoples.
What is coming true for East and West Europe today can be
true tomorrow for Pakistan and India; for North and South Korea;
for Africa, from Cape to Horn. of course, there will be those
who will say "never" -- just as there were those who confidently
predicted that no German would outlive the Berlin Wall.
You, of all people, know better. You know that our future
can be as worthy as our highest hopes and noblest dreams. You
know this because you dared to dream noble dreams, dared to hope
for what the world deemed impossible. That is why this land is
so great. That is why it is, once again, simply Germany.
Thank you for your hospitality. It is truly a delight to be
back. Thank you, and may God bless you all and the people of our
two lands.
#
#
onemore OCA comment on
5
Rally, Speyer Germany
Obsolete machines of war still face each other in the very speech,
heart of Europe. So I will go to Paris to work for a Europe that TMX,
is at peace with itself. We have already made another European Hav
war improbable. I will go to Paris to begin to make conventional
war impossible. 111
The great pan-European convention of the last century -- the
Congress of Vienna -- marked the beginning of a long peace for
the continent. Let this meeting in Paris mark the beginning of a
lasting peace. 111
We all thought that 1992 would mark that beginning of a new
Europe. But that historic transformation is already well
underway -- a unified market, a peaceful conclusion to the
divisions of the Cold War, and whole nations reborn in freedom.
But as you forge an open market from Birmingham to Bremen; as you
forge a new European identity that spans all the way to Budapest
and beyond -- Europe must not turn away from the world.
In After addition all, new challenges to our peace and freedom are
arising from distant shores. If we indulge the pretensions of
regional aggressors; if we ignore the proliferation of the
technologies of mass destruction; if we tolerate countries that
devour their neighbors whole -- then we put at risk everything we
have achieved.
Together, we rank among the leaders of the Commonwealth of
Free Nations. Together, America, Germany and the Atlantic
Alliance must lead. 111
to the welfare of people in ensure a
Europe and the United States have a historic all counties opportunity Ty
now immore decisions needed to
by successful making the Uniques hand Round of trade negotiations. We
must not let this opportunity pass.
Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 11/13/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 5:00 p.m. 11/14
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: RALLY, SPEYER, GERMANY
SUBJECT:
(11/09 draft two)
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
CARD
UNTERMEYER
CICCONI
ROGERS
DEMAREST
PINKERTON
FITZWATER
WINSTON
GRAY
PORTER ROSE
HAGIN
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please provide any comments/recommendations directly to Chriss
Winston by 5:00 p.m. on Wednesday, 11/14, with a copy to my office.
Thanks.
RESPONSE:
OK.
S.R.
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Blymire
90 NOV 13 PM 7:21 7:
Title: Speyer
Nov. 9, 1990
Draft: Two
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: RALLY, SPEYER, GERMANY
((Time)) SUNDAY, NOV. 18, 1990
((Acknowledgements))
Thank you. I am delighted to be back in the Rhine Country,
in the beautiful village of Speyer -- to again be with your great
Chancellor -- and most of all, to be the first American President
to visit the new Germany. 111
Today marks the second visit to the Rhineland-Phalz
((Rhineland-False)) of my Presidency. Last year, your Chancellor
and I sailed down the river on a splendid spring day past ancient
castles and steep vineyards. We banked at the massive monument
of the Deutsches-Eck, that special corner of German hope and
history. At that time, Germans still lived in two societies --
one free and one oppressed; one alive, the other frozen in
tyranny. Two very different countries, but one nation; two very
different governments, but one people -- one Germany. 111
Earlier on that same day in May, 1989, I addressed the
citizens of Mainz. On that day, we spoke not only of our mutual
defense, but of our shared values -- not just of the matters of
the mind, but of the deeper aspirations of the heart. We had
heard the call for a Common European Home -- but insisted on
another home, one in which all within would be free to move from
room to room. We applauded the new spirit of greater freedom
2
guiding the Soviet Union, but asked that freedom be brought to
East Berlin.
I told you that the Cold War began with the division of
Europe, and it would only end when Europe is whole. We knew that
the very concept of a divided Europe was under siege from the
power of a single idea -- democracy. But no one knew just how
rapidly that idea was gaining momentum. No one knew that the
stirring in the East would culminate in a peaceful revolution
that very year -- the Revolution of '89. 111
Like so many German and American leaders before, I called on
the Soviet Union to bring down the brutal Berlin Wall, to
dismantle state control on democracy in Eastern Europe -- to "let
Europe be whole and free." III
On that wonderful spring day, change was already in the air.
But in our wildest dreams, no one dared to imagine that change
would come so soon.
I will never forget November 9, 1989, when I received word
from Berlin: The Wall has been breached. Soon, the world was
transfixed by startling images -- scenes of celebration and
triumph -- as thousands of Germans joined hands across a mass of
concrete that had divided your nation for so long. I was in my
homestate of Texas when I received this news. And today I am
delighted to celebrate that moment in the home area of the first
Chancellor of this new Germany -- a great son of Speyer --
Chancellor Helmut Kohl -- the Founding Father of Germany. 111
3
I am also here because the reunification of Germany is not
just cause for celebration by one people. It is a cause for
celebration for all who love freedom. And no people on earth are
more thrilled by your achievement than your friends in America.
On October third, American citizens of German descent, and
members of the German diplomatic community, came to the White
House to celebrate our friendship on the day of your country's
reunification. Reunification was clearly envisioned by another
chancellor, and another son of the Rhineland, Konrad Adenauer.
For it was, after all, Adenauer who said that the solution to a
divided Germany would come only with the help of friends.
Events have shown your first chancellor to be a great
visionary. Over the years, the friendship of our two peoples
have deepened and intensified. German reunification came, in
part, because Americans stood by the free people of Berlin, from
the daredevil pilots of the airlift, to a young President who
made his bold declaration on a windswept day before the Wall.
Your historic achievement was also possible because of the
new thinking of someone else, a recent visitor to Speyer who
walked your streets and stood in the nave of your great cathedral
-- the bold Soviet leader -- President Mikhail Gorbachev. III
But most of all, this moment came because of your
determination to live in a Germany whole and free. Germany is
whole because the German people are one. III And Germany is free
because the German people will never again live behind a wall.
4
Throughout the ten centuries your medieval gate-tower has
stood watch, history has been a familiar companion to the people
of Speyer. More than three centuries ago, the Thirty Years War
devastated your people; a later war left your town in ruins. It
was here that the first Lutherans issued the protests that gave
the world the name of a new denomination -- Protestants. And it
is here that your majestic romanesque cathedral has been
demolished and rebuilt -- reborn like the German nation itself.
Look inside this cathedral, at the crypts of kings and tombs
of bishops -- and we see that power is fleeting. But the
architecture of beauty and the power of great ideas are ever-
lasting.
Beyond Germany, beyond the growing open market of Europe,
beyond the West itself, the power of a few great ideas are
transforming the world. Ideas like the rule of law. Borders
open to the free movement of people, goods and dialogue. And the
greatest idea of all -- democracy. This is what we mean by the
Commonwealth of Freedom, an order of sovereign nations at peace.
This is the vision the Czech people shared with me yesterday, and
which we share today.
This vision was set forth in Mainz, where we began to
convince the Soviets that our goal is not to undermine their
legitimate security interests -- to convince them, step-by-step,
that their deepest fears about the West are unfounded. Since
then, the circle of trust has widened and deepened. But it still
not yet complete.
5
Obsolete machines of war still face each other in the very
heart of Europe. So I will go to Paris to work for a Europe that
is at peace with itself. We have already made another European
war improbable. I will go to Paris to begin to make conventional
war impossible. 111
The great pan-European convention of the last century -- the
Congress of Vienna -- marked the beginning of a long peace for
the continent. Let this meeting in Paris mark the beginning of a
lasting peace. 111
We all thought that 1992 would mark that beginning of a new
Europe. But that historic transformation is already well
underway -- a unified market, a peaceful conclusion to the
divisions of the Cold War, and whole nations reborn in freedom.
But as you forge an open market from Birmingham to Bremen; as you
forge a new European identity that spans all the way to Budapest
and beyond -- Europe must not turn away from the world.
After all, new challenges to our peace and freedom are
arising from distant shores. If we indulge the pretensions of
regional aggressors; if we ignore the proliferation of the
technologies of mass destruction; if we tolerate countries that
devour their neighbors whole -- then we put at risk everything we
have achieved.
Together, we rank among the leaders of the Commonwealth of
Free Nations. Together, America, Germany and the Atlantic
Alliance must lead. III
6
After all, we have seen the nations of Europe overcome
conflict and the partitions that are the bitter fruits of
conflict. For you, these days are past. By working together, in
the spirit of unity and determination, we can help to achieve the
same for the world -- a new concert of nations.
The foundation of lasting security comes not from tanks,
troops or barbed wire. It is built on shared values and
agreements that link free peoples.
What is coming true for East and West Europe today can be
true tomorrow for Pakistan and India; for North and South Korea;
for Africa, from Cape to Horn. Of course, there will be those
who will say "never" -- just as there were those who confidently
predicted that no German would outlive the Berlin Wall.
You, of all people, know better. You know that our future
can be as worthy as our highest hopes and noblest dreams. You
know this because you dared to dream noble dreams, dared to hope
for what the world deemed impossible. That is why this land is
so great. That is why it is, once again, simply Germany.
Thank you for your hospitality. It is truly a delight to be
back. Thank you, and may God bless you all and the people of our
two lands.
#
Document No.
90 OCT 14 WHITE 24 HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 11/13/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 5:00 p.m. 11/14
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: RALLY, SPEYER, GERMANY
SUBJECT:
(11/09 draft two)
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
CARD
UNTERMEYER
CICCONI
ROGERS
DEMAREST
PINKERTON
FITZWATER
WINSTON
GRAY
PORTER ROSE
HAGIN
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please provide any comments/recommendations directly to Chriss
Winston by 5:00 p.m. on Wednesday, 11/14, with a copy to my office.
Thanks.
RESPONSE: No comment
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Blymire
90 NOV 13 PM 7:21
Title: Speyer
Nov. 9, 1990
Draft: Two
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: RALLY, SPEYER, GERMANY
( (Time) ) SUNDAY, NOV. 18, 1990
( (Acknowledgements))
Thank you. I am delighted to be back in the Rhine Country,
in the beautiful village of Speyer -- to again be with your great
Chancellor -- and most of all, to be the first American President
to visit the new Germany. III
Today marks the second visit to the Rhineland-Phalz
((Rhineland-False)) of my Presidency. Last year, your Chancellor
and I sailed down the river on a splendid spring day past ancient
castles and steep vineyards. We banked at the massive monument
of the Deutsches-Eck, that special corner of German hope and
history. At that time, Germans still lived in two societies --
one free and one oppressed; one alive, the other frozen in
tyranny. Two very different countries, but one nation; two very
different governments, but one people -- one Germany. 111
Earlier on that same day in May, 1989, I addressed the
citizens of Mainz. On that day, we spoke not only of our mutual
defense, but of our shared values -- not just of the matters of
the mind, but of the deeper aspirations of the heart. We had
heard the call for a Common European Home -- but insisted on
another home, one in which all within would be free to move from
room to room. We applauded the new spirit of greater freedom
2
guiding the Soviet Union, but asked that freedom be brought to
East Berlin.
I told you that the Cold War began with the division of
Europe, and it would only end when Europe is whole. We knew that
the very concept of a divided Europe was under siege from the
power of a single idea -- democracy. But no one knew just how
rapidly that idea was gaining momentum. No one knew that the
stirring in the East would culminate in a peaceful revolution
that very year -- the Revolution of '89. 111
Like so many German and American leaders before, I called on
the Soviet Union to bring down the brutal Berlin Wall, to
dismantle state control on democracy in Eastern Europe -- to "let
Europe be whole and free." III
On that wonderful spring day, change was already in the air.
But in our wildest dreams, no one dared to imagine that change
would come so soon.
I will never forget November 9, 1989, when I received word
from Berlin: The Wall has been breached. Soon, the world was
transfixed by startling images -- scenes of celebration and
triumph -- as thousands of Germans joined hands across a mass of
concrete that had divided your nation for so long. I was in my
homestate of Texas when I received this news. And today I am
delighted to celebrate that moment in the home area of the first
Chancellor of this new Germany -- a great son of Speyer --
Chancellor Helmut Kohl -- the Founding Father of Germany. 111
3
I am also here because the reunification of Germany is not
just cause for celebration by one people. It is a cause for
celebration for all who love freedom. And no people on earth are
more thrilled by your achievement than your friends in America.
On October third, American citizens of German descent, and
members of the German diplomatic community, came to the White
House to celebrate our friendship on the day of your country's
reunification. Reunification was clearly envisioned by another
chancellor, and another son of the Rhineland, Konrad Adenauer.
For it was, after all, Adenauer who said that the solution to a
divided Germany would come only with the help of friends.
Events have shown your first chancellor to be a great
visionary. Over the years, the friendship of our two peoples
have deepened and intensified. German reunification came, in
part, because Americans stood by the free people of Berlin, from
the daredevil pilots of the airlift, to a young President who
made his bold declaration on a windswept day before the Wall.
Your historic achievement was also possible because of the
new thinking of someone else, a recent visitor to Speyer who
walked your streets and stood in the nave of your great cathedral
-- the bold Soviet leader -- President Mikhail Gorbachev. III
But most of all, this moment came because of your
determination to live in a Germany whole and free. Germany is
whole because the German people are one. 111 And Germany is free
because the German people will never again live behind a wall. 111
4
Throughout the ten centuries your medieval gate-tower has
stood watch, history has been a familiar companion to the people
of Speyer. More than three centuries ago, the Thirty Years War
devastated your people; a later war left your town in ruins. It
was here that the first Lutherans issued the protests that gave
the world the name of a new denomination -- Protestants. And it
is here that your majestic romanesque cathedral has been
demolished and rebuilt -- reborn like the German nation itself.
Look inside this cathedral, at the crypts of kings and tombs
of bishops -- and we see that power is fleeting. But the
architecture of beauty and the power of great ideas are ever-
lasting.
Beyond Germany, beyond the growing open market of Europe,
beyond the West itself, the power of a few great ideas are
transforming the world. Ideas like the rule of law. Borders
open to the free movement of people, goods and dialogue. And the
greatest idea of all -- democracy. This is what we mean by the
Commonwealth of Freedom, an order of sovereign nations at peace.
This is the vision the Czech people shared with me yesterday, and
which we share today.
This vision was set forth in Mainz, where we began to
convince the Soviets that our goal is not to undermine their
legitimate security interests -- to convince them, step-by-step,
that their deepest fears about the West are unfounded. Since
then, the circle of trust has widened and deepened. But it still
not yet complete.
5
Obsolete machines of war still face each other in the very
heart of Europe. So I will go to Paris to work for a Europe that
is at peace with itself. We have already made another European
war improbable. I will go to Paris to begin to make conventional
war impossible. 111
The great pan-European convention of the last century -- the
Congress of Vienna -- marked the beginning of a long peace for
the continent. Let this meeting in Paris mark the beginning of a
lasting peace. 111
We all thought that 1992 would mark that beginning of a new
Europe. But that historic transformation is already well
underway -- a unified market, a peaceful conclusion to the
divisions of the Cold War, and whole nations reborn in freedom.
But as you forge an open market from Birmingham to Bremen; as you
forge a new European identity that spans all the way to Budapest
and beyond -- Europe must not turn away from the world.
After all, new challenges to our peace and freedom are
arising from distant shores. If we indulge the pretensions of
regional aggressors; if we ignore the proliferation of the
technologies of mass destruction; if we tolerate countries that
devour their neighbors whole -- then we put at risk everything we
have achieved.
Together, we rank among the leaders of the Commonwealth of
Free Nations. Together, America, Germany and the Atlantic
Alliance must lead. 111
6
After all, we have seen the nations of Europe overcome
conflict and the partitions that are the bitter fruits of
conflict. For you, these days are past. By working together, in
the spirit of unity and determination, we can help to achieve the
same for the world -- a new concert of nations.
The foundation of lasting security comes not from tanks,
troops or barbed wire. It is built on shared values and
agreements that link free peoples.
What is coming true for East and West Europe today can be
true tomorrow for Pakistan and India; for North and South Korea;
for Africa, from Cape to Horn. of course, there will be those
who will say "never" -- just as there were those who confidently
predicted that no German would outlive the Berlin Wall.
You, of all people, know better. You know that our future
can be as worthy as our highest hopes and noblest dreams. You
know this because you dared to dream noble dreams, dared to hope
for what the world deemed impossible. That is why this land is
so great. That is why it is, once again, simply Germany.
Thank you for your hospitality. It is truly a delight to be
back. Thank you, and may God bless you all and the people of our
two lands.
#
#
#
Document No.
HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 11/13/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 5:00 p.m. 11/14
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: RALLY, SPEYER, GERMANY
SUBJECT:
(11/09 draft two)
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
CARD
UNTERMEYER
CICCONI
ROGERS
DEMAREST
PINKERTON
FITZWATER
WINSTON
GRAY
PORTER ROSE
HAGIN
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please provide any comments/recommendations directly to Chriss
Winston by 5:00 p.m. on Wednesday, 11/14, with a copy to my office.
Thanks.
RESPONSE:
No comment. Thanks.
HW
Holly Williamson
11-14-90
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Folder
Davis/Blymire
Title: Speyer
Nov. 9, 1990
Draft: Two
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: RALLY, SPEYER, GERMANY
((Time)) SUNDAY, NOV. 18, 1990
((Acknowledgements))
Thank you. I am delighted to be back in the Rhine Country,
in the beautiful village of Speyer -- to again be with your great
Chancellor -- and most of all, to be the first American President
to visit the new Germany. 111
Today marks the second visit to the Rhineland-Phalz
((Rhineland-False)) of my Presidency. Last year, your Chancellor
and I sailed down the river on a splendid spring day past ancient
castles and steep vineyards. We banked at the massive monument
of the Deutsches-Eck, that special corner of German hope and
history. At that time, Germans still lived in two societies --
one free and one oppressed; one alive, the other frozen in
tyranny. Two very different countries, but one nation; two very
different governments, but one people -- one Germany. 111
Earlier on that same day in May, 1989, I addressed the
citizens of Mainz. On that day, we spoke not only of our mutual
defense, but of our shared values -- not just of the matters of
the mind, but of the deeper aspirations of the heart. We had
heard the call for a Common European Home -- but insisted on
another home, one in which all within would be free to move from
room to room. We applauded the new spirit of greater freedom
2
guiding the Soviet Union, but asked that freedom be brought to
East Berlin.
I told you that the Cold War began with the division of
Europe, and it would only end when Europe is whole. We knew that
the very concept of a divided Europe was under siege from the
power of a single idea -- democracy. But no one knew just how
rapidly that idea was gaining momentum. No one knew that the
stirring in the East would culminate in a peaceful revolution
that very year -- the Revolution of '89. III
Like so many German and American leaders before, I called on
the Soviet Union to bring down the brutal Berlin Wall, to
dismantle state control on democracy in Eastern Europe -- to "let
Europe be whole and free.' III
On that wonderful spring day, change was already in the air.
But in our wildest dreams, no one dared to imagine that change
would come so soon.
I will never forget November 9, 1989, when I received word
from Berlin: The Wall has been breached. Soon, the world was
transfixed by startling images -- scenes of celebration and
triumph -- as thousands of Germans joined hands across a mass of
concrete that had divided your nation for so long. I was in my
homestate of Texas when I received this news. And today I am
delighted to celebrate that moment in the home area of the first
Chancellor of this new Germany -- a great son of Speyer --
Chancellor Helmut Kohl -- the Founding Father of Germany. III
3
I am also here because the reunification of Germany is not
just cause for celebration by one people. It is a cause for
celebration for all who love freedom. And no people on earth are
more thrilled by your achievement than your friends in America.
On October third, American citizens of German descent, and
members of the German diplomatic community, came to the White
House to celebrate our friendship on the day of your country's
reunification. Reunification was clearly envisioned by another
chancellor, and another son of the Rhineland, Konrad Adenauer.
For it was, after all, Adenauer who said that the solution to a
divided Germany would come only with the help of friends.
Events have shown your first chancellor to be a great
visionary. Over the years, the friendship of our two peoples
have deepened and intensified. German reunification came, in
part, because Americans stood by the free people of Berlin, from
the daredevil pilots of the airlift, to a young President who
made his bold declaration on a windswept day before the Wall.
Your historic achievement was also possible because of the
new thinking of someone else, a recent visitor to Speyer who
walked your streets and stood in the nave of your great cathedral
-- the bold Soviet leader -- President Mikhail Gorbachev. 111
But most of all, this moment came because of your
determination to live in a Germany whole and free. Germany is
whole because the German people are one. III And Germany is free
because the German people will never again live behind a wall. III
4
Throughout the ten centuries your medieval gate-tower has
stood watch, history has been a familiar companion to the people
of Speyer. More than three centuries ago, the Thirty Years War
devastated your people; a later war left your town in ruins. It
was here that the first Lutherans issued the protests that gave
the world the name of a new denomination -- Protestants. And it
is here that your majestic romanesque cathedral has been
demolished and rebuilt -- reborn like the German nation itself.
Look inside this cathedral, at the crypts of kings and tombs
of bishops -- and we see that power is fleeting. But the
architecture of beauty and the power of great ideas are ever-
lasting.
Beyond Germany, beyond the growing open market of Europe,
beyond the West itself, the power of a few great ideas are
transforming the world. Ideas like the rule of law. Borders
open to the free movement of people, goods and dialogue. And the
greatest idea of all -- democracy. This is what we mean by the
Commonwealth of Freedom, an order of sovereign nations at peace.
This is the vision the Czech people shared with me yesterday, and
which we share today.
This vision was set forth in Mainz, where we began to
convince the Soviets that our goal is not to undermine their
legitimate security interests -- to convince them, step-by-step,
that their deepest fears about the West are unfounded. Since
then, the circle of trust has widened and deepened. But it still
not yet complete.
5
Obsolete machines of war still face each other in the very
heart of Europe. So I will go to Paris to work for a Europe that
is at peace with itself. We have already made another European
war improbable. I will go to Paris to begin to make conventional
war impossible. III
The great pan-European convention of the last century -- the
Congress of Vienna -- marked the beginning of a long peace for
the continent. Let this meeting in Paris mark the beginning of a
lasting peace. III
We all thought that 1992 would mark that beginning of a new
Europe. But that historic transformation is already well
underway -- a unified market, a peaceful conclusion to the
divisions of the Cold War, and whole nations reborn in freedom.
But as you forge an open market from Birmingham to Bremen; as you
forge a new European identity that spans all the way to Budapest
and beyond -- Europe must not turn away from the world.
After all, new challenges to our peace and freedom are
arising from distant shores. If we indulge the pretensions of
regional aggressors; if we ignore the proliferation of the
technologies of mass destruction; if we tolerate countries that
devour their neighbors whole -- then we put at risk everything we
have achieved.
Together, we rank among the leaders of the Commonwealth of
Free Nations. Together, America, Germany and the Atlantic
Alliance must lead. 111
6
After all, we have seen the nations of Europe overcome
conflict and the partitions that are the bitter fruits of
conflict. For you, these days are past. By working together, in
the spirit of unity and determination, we can help to achieve the
same for the world -- a new concert of nations.
The foundation of lasting security comes not from tanks,
troops or barbed wire. It is built on shared values and
agreements that link free peoples.
What is coming true for East and West Europe today can be
true tomorrow for Pakistan and India; for North and South Korea;
for Africa, from Cape to Horn. of course, there will be those
who will say "never" -- just as there were those who confidently
predicted that no German would outlive the Berlin Wall.
You, of all people, know better. You know that our future
can be as worthy as our highest hopes and noblest dreams. You
know this because you dared to dream noble dreams, dared to hope
for what the world deemed impossible. That is why this land is
so great. That is why it is, once again, simply Germany.
Thank you for your hospitality. It is truly a delight to be
back. Thank you, and may God bless you all and the people of our
two lands.
#
#
#
9023
Document No.
WHITE 9AOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 11/13/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 5:00 p.m. 11/14
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: RALLY, SPEYER, GERMANY
SUBJECT:
(11/09 draft two)
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROM
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
CARD
UNTERMEYER
CICCONI
ROGERS
DEMAREST
PINKERTON
FITZWATER
WINSTON
GRAY
PORTER ROSE
HAGIN
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please provide any comments/recommendations directly to Chriss
Winston by 5:00 p.m. on Wednesday, 11/14, with a copy to my office.
Thanks.
RESPONSE:
The NSC Staff concurs with the changes indicated.
Brent Scowcroft
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Blymire
NOV 13 PM 7:21
Title: Speyer
Nov. 9, 1990
Draft: Two
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: RALLY, SPEYER, GERMANY
(Time)) SUNDAY, NOV. 18, 1990
X
It is a wonderful sign of the times
that ten days ago a Soviet President
mikhail Sortscher also walked these
((Acknowledgements))
streets, also joined you in the celebration
of German unity
Thank you. I am delighted to be back in the Rhine Country,
in the beautiful village of Speyer -- to again be with your great
Chancellor -- and most of all, to be the first American President
to visit the new Germany. III
Today marks the second visit to the Rhineland-Phalz f
^
((Rhineland-False)) of my Presidency. Last year, your Chancellor
and I sailed down the river on a splendid spring day past ancient
castles and steep vineyards. We banked at the massive monument
of the Deutsches-Eck, that special corner of German hope and
history. At that time, Germans still lived in two societies --
one free and one oppressed; one alive, the other frozen in
tyranny. Two very different countries, but one nation; two very
different governments, but one people -- one Germany. III
Earlier on that same day in May, 1989, I addressed the
citizens of Mainz. On that day, we spoke not only of our mutual
defense, but of our shared values -- not just of the matters of
the mind, but of the deeper aspirations of the heart. We had
heard the call for a Common European Home -- but insisted on
another home, one in which all within would be free to move from
room
to
room, L We applauded the new spirit of greater freedom
and tree to enjoy their right to
self-determinction.
2
guiding the Soviet Union, but asked that freedom be brought to
East Berlin.
said then
I told you that the Cold War began with the division of
and face.
Europe, and it would only end when Europe is whole We knew that
the very concept of a divided Europe was under siege from the
Amendions STET
power of a single idea -- democracy. But no one knew just how
rapidly that idea was gaining momentum. No one knew that the
stirring in the East would culminate in a peaceful revolution
that very year -- the Revolution of '89. III
[Like so many German and American leaders before, I called on
the Soviet Union to bring down the brutal Berlin Wall, to
(repetitive) dismantle state control on democracy in Eastern Europe -- to "let
Europe be whole and free." 111
On that wonderful spring day, change was already in the air.
But in our wildest dreams, no one dared to imagine that change
would come so soon.] J
I will never forget November 9, 1989, when I received word
from Berlin: The Wall has been breached. III Soon, the world was
transfixed by startling images -- scenes of celebration and
triumph -- as thousands of Germans joined hands across a mass of
concrete that had divided your nation for so long. I was in my
homestate of Texas when I received this news. And today I am
delighted to celebrate that moment in the home area of the first
Chancellor of this new Germany -- a great son of Speyer --
chancellor who united
Chancellor Helmut Kohl -- the Founding Father of) Germany. III
3
I am also here because the reunification of Germany is not
just cause for celebration by one people. It is a cause for
celebration for all who love freedom. And no people on earth are
more thrilled by your achievement than your friends in America.
On October third, American citizens of German descent, and
members of the German diplomatic community, came to the White
House to celebrate our friendship on the day of your country's
- - a day
reunification Reunification was clearly envisioned by another
chancellor, and another son of the Rhineland, Konrad Adenauer.
For it was, after all, Adenauer who said that the solution to a
divided Germany would come only with the help of friends.
Events have shown your first chancellor to be a great
visionary. Over the years, the friendship of our two peoples
have deepened and intensified. German rounification unity came, in
part, because Americans stood by the free people of Berlin, from
the daredevil pilots of the airlift, to a young President who
made his bold declaration on a windswept day before the Wall.
(100
[Your Your historic achievement was also possible because of the
The United States is proud to have joined you
-in building the foundations of freed on, proud
REPLACE new thinking of someone else, a recent visitor to Speyer who
I
walked your streets and stood in the nave of your great cathedral
to have store my you in the dream me both shared
Sorby out
for Su long: Serman unity in peace and freedom.
-
of place
the bold Soviet leader -- President Mikhail Gorbachev. III
here
But most of all, this moment came because of your
determination to live in a Germany whole and free. Germany is
whole because the German people are one. III [And Germany is free
No
because the German people will never again live behind a wall. +D
7
(Next sentence talks about
a gate clash between
gate and wall)
4
Throughout the ten centuries your medieval gate-tower has
stood watch, history has been a familiar companion to the people
of Speyer. More than three centuries ago, the Thirty Years War
- OBSCUR
devastated your peoplem [a later war left your town in ruins) It
was here that the first Lutherans issued the protests that gave
the world the name of a new denomination -- Protestants. And it
is here that your majestic romanesque cathedral has been
demolished and rebuilt -- reborn like the German nation itself.
Look inside this cathedral, at the crypts of kings and tombs
of bishops -- and we see that power is fleeting. But the
architecture of beauty and the power of great ideas are ever-
lasting.
even
Beyond Germany, beyond the growing open market of Europe,
beyond the West itself] the power of a few great ideas are
Across this Continent and across
transforming the world. Ideas like the rule of law. Borders
open free movement of people, goods and dialogue. And the
the Atlantic to the we have created a moral community,
we have founded a
greatest idea of all - democracy. This is what we mean by the
the pragne, bound by our shared principles
Commonwealth of Freedom, an order of sovereign nations at peace.
and embracing our hopes for the whole world.
This is the vision the esech people shared with me yesterday, and
1 ask you to
which ^ we share today.
which asked the Czechoslooch peoples to share
This vision was set forth in Mainz, where we began to
/ spoke of
a Europe whole and free and of a broader commonwedth
convince the Soviets that our goal is not to undermine their
of free nations.
legitimate security interests to convince them, step-by-step,
that their deepest fears about the West are unfounded. Since
then, the circle of trust has widened and deepened. But it still
not yet complete.
5
Obsolete machines of war still face each other in the very
heart of Europe. So I will go to Paris to work for a Europe that
is at peace with itself. We have already made another European
BIG
war improbable. I will go to Paris to begin to make conventional
POLICY
war impossible. TIT
OBJECTIONS
The great pan European convention of the last century -- the
Congress of Vienna -- marked the beginning of a long peace for
the continent. Let this meeting in Paris mark the beginning of a
lasting peace. III)
We all thought that 1992 would mark that beginning of a new
Europe. But that historic transformation is already well
underway -- a unified market, a peaceful conclusion to the
divisions of the Cold War, and whole nations reborn in freedom.
But as you forge an open market from Birmingham to Bremen; as you
forge a new European identity that spans all the way to Budapest
and beyond -- Europe must not turn away from the world.
After all, new challenges to our peace and freedom are
arising from distant shores. If we indulge the pretensions of
regional aggressors; if we ignore the proliferation of the
technologies of mass destruction; if we delude tolerate ourselves countries into that believing
that these challenges are no affairs of ours
devour their neighbors whole -- then we put at risk everything we
have achieved.
Together, we rank among the leaders of the Commonwealth of
Free Nations. Together, America, Germany and the Atlantic
Alliance must lead. III
6
After all, we have seen the nations of Europe overcome
conflict and the partitions that are the bitter fruits of
conflict. For you, these days are past. By working together, in
the spirit of unity and determination, we can help to achieve the
same for the world a new concert of nations]
The foundation of lasting security comes not from tanks,
troops or barbed wire. It is built on shared values and
agreements that link free peoples.
What is coming true for East and West Europe today can be
true tomorrow for Pakistan and India; for North and South Korea;
for Africa, from Cape to Horn. Of course, there will be those-
who will say "never" -- just as there were those who confidently
predicted that no German would outlive the Berlin Wall.
You, of all people, know better. You know) that our future
can be as worthy as our highest hopes and noblest dreams. You
know this because you dared to dream noble dreams, dared to hope
for what the world deemed impossible. That is why this land is
so great. That is why it is, once again, simply Germany.
Thank you for your hospitality. It is truly a delight to be
back. Thank you, and may God bless you all and the people of our
two lands.
During my last trip to Germany, I called on our two
countries to be partners in leadership. Now, as America and the
new Germany -- united Germany -- look forward, we can build on
the firm foundation of our partnership to seize new
possibilities, meet new challenges, and assume new
responsibilities. United Germany can take its rightful place as
a leader in our commonwealth of freedom.