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Hispanic Business Leaders 5/9/91 [OA 6032]
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Hispanic Business Leaders 5/9/91 [OA 6032]
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FOIA Number:
S
S
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
Library Staff.
Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting, White House Office of
Series:
Speech File Draft Files
Subseries:
Chron File, 1989-1993
OA/ID Number:
13566
Folder ID Number:
13566-006
Folder Title:
Hispanic Business Leaders 5/9/91 [OA 6032]
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26
17
1
2
NAME OF SPEECH & DATE OF SPEECH Hispanic Business
Leaders /Tree Trade 5/9/91
NAME OF WRITER : Grant
NAME OF RESEARCHER: Cawley
SPEECH SYNOPSIS:
The President begins
by auscussing the basic theory
of "fast flack" which is that
it allows us to negative in
good faith The President
track" in talks such as
outlines the need for "fast
Matt ; NaFla The Resident
then states that he finds
the ads put out by the
offensive The pusident then
apponents of last Hack Phsonally
Ouscusses the mud for
The President ends by asking
uncleased free hade policies.
for Support for "fast Hack"
NAME OF SPEECH & DATE OF SPEECH
NAME OF WRITER :
NAME OF RESEARCHER:
SPEECH SYNOPSIS:
HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS - FREE TRADE
INDIAN TREATY ROOM \ THURSDAY, MAY 9, 1991 \ 10:10 A.M.
WELCOME TO THE WHITE HOUSE. WE'VE ALL BEEN VERY
CONCERNED LATELY WITH TWO VITAL ISSUES: AMERICA'S
ABILITY TO COMPETE IN THE GLOBAL MARKETPLACE AND OUR
ABILITY TO NEGOTIATE WITH OUR TRADING PARTNERS. THE
TWO CONCERNS MEET IN AN ISSUE THAT WE ALL CARE ABOUT
DEEPLY: THE "FAST TRACK" PROCEDURES THAT I'VE ASKED
CONGRESS TO EXTEND.
- 2 -
FAST TRACK PROCEDURES LET US NEGOTIATE IN GOOD
FAITH WITH OUR TRADING PARTNERS AND WORK IN CONCERT
WITH CONGRESS. THEY SIMPLY ENSURE THAT WE WILL NOT
ALTER AGREEMENTS THAT OUR NEGOTIATORS HAVE REACHED WITH
THEIR COUNTERPARTS.
FAST TRACK DOESN'T TAKE AWAY CONGRESS' POWER TO
ACCEPT OR REJECT TRADE AGREEMENTS. CONGRESS WILL STILL
HAVE ITS SAY -- IN A YES-OR-NO VOTE -- BECAUSE FAST
TRACK DOES NOT GUARANTEE APPROVAL OF ANY AGREEMENT.
- 3 -
AND I WILL CONSULT CONGRESS CLOSELY DURING THE COURSE
OF TRADE TALKS, AS CALLED FOR BY FAST TRACK. WE HAVE
PURSUED FAST-TRACK IN A BIPARTISAN MANNER -- AND WE
SHALL DO THE SAME IN WORKING THROUGH TRADE AGREEMENTS.
FAST TRACK'S MAIN VIRTUE IS THIS: IT PREVENTS
11TH-HOUR CHANGES TO AGREEMENTS WE HAVE REACHED,
CHANGES THAT FORCE EVERYONE INVOLVED TO START FROM
SCRATCH.
- 4 -
CONGRESS FIRST ESTABLISHED FAST TRACK PROCEDURES IN
1974, AND WE HAVE USED IT IN NEGOTIATING THREE MAJOR
TRADE AGREEMENTS SINCE. As MANY OF YOU KNOW, FAST
TRACK ALSO PLAYS AN ESSENTIAL ROLE IN HELPING US
ADVANCE THREE OTHER IMPORTANT TRADE INITIATIVES: THE
URUGUAY ROUND OF GATT TALKS; THE NORTH AMERICAN FREE
TRADE AGREEMENT AND THE ENTERPRISE FOR THE AMERICAS
INITIATIVE.
- 5 -
[[UNFORTUNATELY, SOME OPPONENTS OF FREE TRADE HAVE
RESORTED TO SCARE TACTICS IN TRYING To DERAIL FAST
TRACK. I'VE BROUGHT ALONG A COUPLE OF EXAMPLES OF THIS
STUFF. HERE'S ONE AD THAT IMPLIES FAST TRACK WILL LEAD
TO RAW SEWAGE, DISEASE, AND CONTAMINATED FOOD SUPPLIES
TO OUR COUNTRY -- CHOLD UP TWO ADS -- SEE ATTACHED].
THE OTHER AD DISTORTS THE TRUTH THE OLD FASHIONED WAY.
IT WRENCHES QUOTES OUT OF CONTEXT AND TRIES TO GIVE THE
IMPRESSION THAT FOREIGNERS -- IN THIS CASE, OUR MEXICAN
NEIGHBORS -- SOMEHOW WILL POISON AMERICAN CITIZENS.
- 6 -
I FIND THESE ADS PERSONALLY OFFENSIVE. THEY
PROMOTE NOTHING MORE THAN PREJUDICE AND RACISM.
THEY
ALSO MISS THE POINT.
FREE TRADE ENCOURAGES ECONOMIC GROWTH AND
INTERNATIONAL UNDERSTANDING. IT ENABLES US TO BUILD
BONDS OF COMMON INTEREST AND COMMON EXPERIENCE. IT MAY
BE THE MOST EFFECTIVE ANTIDOTE TO THE KIND OF POISON
THESE ADS SPREAD AMONG OUR PEOPLE.]]
- 7 -
OPEN MARKETS AND FREE TRADE MEAN STRONGER ALLIANCES
AND BETTER RELATIONS. IT MEANS WE BECOME BETTER
NEIGHBORS, BECAUSE WE'LL BRING OUT THE BEST IN PEOPLE
-- NOT THE WORST.
TAKE A LOOK AT WHAT THE NORTH AMERICAN FREE TRADE
AGREEMENT WILL CREATE: THE LARGEST, RICHEST MARKET IN
THE WORLD. THAT'S 360 MILLION CONSUMERS AND $6
TRILLION IN ANNUAL OUTPUT.
- 8 -
AND TAKE A LOOK AT THE ALMOST 130 PERCENT INCREASE
IN OUR EXPORTS TO MEXICO OVER THE PAST FOUR YEARS.
THIS EXPORT BOOM HAS CREATED 264,000 NEW EXPORT-RELATED
JOBS IN THE UNITED STATES. AND EACH ADDITIONAL BILLION
DOLLARS IN EXPORTS TO MEXICO WILL CREATE APPROXIMATELY
20,000 NEW JOBS HERE IN THE UNITED STATES.
- 9 -
So YOU SEE, WE HAVE MUCH TO GAIN FROM EXTENDING
FAST TRACK -- A NEW ERA OF OPEN, FREE AND FAIR TRADE
-- A FUTURE OF UNPRECEDENTED ECONOMIC GROWTH AND
REGIONAL HARMONY.
THE VOTE ON FAST TRACK REALLY IS A VOTE ON WHAT
KIND OF OUTLOOK WE SHARE -- ONE OF OPTIMISM AND
INTEGRITY, OR ONE OF SELF-DOUBT AND PETTY PREJUDICE.
- 10 -
A "YES" VOTE MEANS A VOTE FOR "GOOD FAITH" AND THE
STRENGTH OF OUR WORD. WE WILL NOT ALLOW THE
FEARMONGERS TO CONTROL OUR AGENDA. WE MUST RELY ON OUR
BETTER SELVES -- OUR TRUER SELVES.
FAST TRACK PLAYS A CRITICAL ROLE IN HELPING THE
UNITED STATES COMPETE IN A WORLD UNITED BY BONDS OF
COMMERCE.
- 11 -
WE WILL NEED YOUR SUPPORT IN PERSUADING CONGRESS TO
EXTEND FAST TRACK PROCEDURES. WE WILL NEED YOUR HELP
AS BUSINESSMEN AND WOMEN, AS ENTREPRENEURS, AS MEN AND
WOMEN FROM ALL WALKS OF LIFE. BUT MOST OF ALL, WE NEED
YOUR HELP AS AMERICANS COMMITTED TO THE IDEALS OF
FREEDOM AND OPPORTUNITY.
HELP US BUILD GOOD FAITH WITH OUR FRIENDS AND
NEIGHBORS.
- 12 -
HELP US DEVELOP BETTER WORKING RELATIONS WITH CONGRESS.
LET US SHOW OUR BETTER SELVES TO THE WHOLE WORLD.
WITH YOUR HELP, I KNOW WE WILL SUCCEED. ONCE
AGAIN, THANK YOU AND GOD BLESS EACH OF YOU.
###
Grant/Cawley
May 7, 1991 / 1 p.m.
A:ADS / Draft two
BRIEF REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS / FREE TRADE
THE INDIAN TREATY ROOM
THURSDAY, MAY 9, 1991
9:30 A.M.
( (Acknowledgements))
First of all, welcome to the White House. We've all been
very concerned lately with two vital issues: America's ability to
compete in the global marketplace and our ability to negotiate
with our trading partners. The two concerns meet in an issue
that we all care about deeply: the "fast track" procedures that
I've asked Congress to extend.
Fast track procedures let us negotiate in good faith with
our trading partners and work in concert with Congress. They
simply ensure that we will not alter agreements that our
negotiators have reached with their counterparts.
Fast-track doesn't take away Congress' power to accept or
reject trade agreements. Congress will still have its say -- in
a yes-or-no vote -- because fast track does not guarantee
approval of any agreement. And we have promised to consult
closely with Congress during the course of trade talks. Fast
track's main virtue is this: It prevents 11th-hour changes to
agreements we have reached, changes that force everyone involved
to start from scratch.
Congress first gave the president fast track authority in
1974, and we have used it in negotiating three major trade
agreements since. As many of you know, fast track also can play
2
a role in helping us complete three other important trade
initiatives: The Uruguay Round of GATT talks; the North American
Free Trade Agreement and the Enterprise for the Americas
Initiative.
Unfortunately, some opponents of free trade have decided to
mount a smear campaign in hopes of derailing fast-track.
Ignoring the facts, they have tried to frighten people with scare
tactics and race-baiting. I've got a couple examples of this
disgusting propaganda with me today. Here's one ad that
questions the health and sanitary habits of Hispanic people --
[HOLD UP TWO ADS -- SEE ATTACHED]. The other ad distorts the
truth the old fashioned way. It wrenches quotes out of context
and tries to give the impression that foreigners -- in this case,
our Mexican neighbors -- somehow will poison American citizens.
I find these ads personally offensive. They promote nothing
more than prejudice and racism.
Although it really shouldn't be necessary, let me set the
record straight. According to the American Journal of Public
Health, Mexicans and Mexican Americans have better birth
outcomes, lower drug use, and healthier diets than non-Hispanic
whites. This information was further supported by the January
1991 issue of the Journal of the American Medical Association.
There is no evidence that trade agreements with Mexico --
agreements that fast-track procedures would facilitate -- will
have any adverse impact on the quality of our food or water.
3
But there's another point: Free trade encourages economic
growth and international understanding. It enables us to build
bonds of common interest and common experience. It may be the
most effective antidote to the kind of poison these ads spread
among our people.
Open markets and free trade mean stronger alliances and
better relations. It means we become better neighbors, because
we'll bring out the best in people -- not the worst, as our
opponents want.
One ad reads: "There's a lot at stake here. But a lot of
important considerations are getting pushed aside in the fast
track rhetoric."
I couldn't agree more on this narrow point. Important
considerations have been pushed aside -- by the people who
sponsor these ads.
Take a look what the North American Free Trade Agreement
will create: the largest, richest market in the world. That's
360 million consumers and $6 trillion in annual output.
And take a look at the 130 percent increase in our exports
to Mexico over the past four years. This export boom has created
264,000 new jobs in the United States. And each additional
billion dollars in exports will create 20,000 new jobs here in
the United States. I didn't read about that in those ads.
So you see, we have much to gain from extending fast track -
- a new era of open, free and fair trade -- a future of
unprecedented economic growth and regional harmony.
4
A "yes" vote on fast-track really is a vote on what kind of
outlook we share -- one of optimism and integrity, or one of
self-doubt and petty prejudice. A "yes" vote means a vote for
"good faith" and the strength of our word. We can't allow bigots
and fearmongers to control our agenda. We must rely on our
better selves -- our truer selves.
Fast track plays a critical role in helping the United
States compete in a world newly united by bonds of commerce. We
will need your support as Hispanic leaders in persuading Congress
to extend fast-track procedures. We will need your help as
businessmen and women, as entrepreneurs, as men and women from
all walks of life. But most of all, we need your help as
Americans committed to the ideals of freedom and opportunity.
Help us build good faith with our friends and neighbors.
Help us develop better working relations with Congress. And help
us stifle the voices that want to replace reason with rancor,
cooperation with discrimination.
With your help, I know we will succeed. Once again, thank
you and God bless each of you.
# # #
Grant/Cawley
May 7, 1991 / 1 p.m.
A:ADS / Draft three
BRIEF REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS / FREE TRADE
THE INDIAN TREATY ROOM
THURSDAY, MAY 9, 1991
10:10 A.M.
Welcome to the White House. We've all been very concerned
lately with two vital issues: America's ability to compete in the
global marketplace and our ability to negotiate with our trading
partners. The two concerns meet in an issue that we all care
about deeply: the "fast track" procedures that I've asked
Congress to extend.
Fast track procedures let us negotiate in good faith with
our trading partners and work in concert with Congress. They
simply ensure that we will not alter agreements that our
negotiators have reached with their counterparts.
Fast track doesn't take away Congress' power to accept or
reject trade agreements. Congress will still have its say -- in
a yes-or-no vote -- because fast track does not guarantee
approval of any agreement. And I will consult Congress closely
during the course of trade talks, as called for by fast track.
We have pursued fast-track in a bipartisan manner -- and we shall
do the same in working through trade agreements.
Fast track's main virtue is this: It prevents 11th-hour
changes to agreements we have reached, changes that force
everyone involved to start from scratch.
Congress first established fast track procedures in 1974,
and we have used it in negotiating three major trade agreements
2
since. As many of you know, fast track also plays an essential
role in helping us advance three other important trade
initiatives: The Uruguay Round of GATT talks; the North American
Free Trade Agreement and the Enterprise for the Americas
Initiative.
Unfortunately, some opponents of free trade have resorted to
scare tactics in trying to derail fast track. [[I've brought
along a couple of examples of this stuff. Here's one ad that
questions the health and sanitary habits of Hispanic people --
[HOLD UP TWO ADS -- SEE ATTACHED]. The other ad distorts the
truth the old fashioned way. It wrenches quotes out of context
and tries to give the impression that foreigners -- in this case,
our Mexican neighbors -- somehow will poison American citizens. ]]
I find these ads personally offensive. They promote nothing
more than prejudice and racism.
They also miss the point. Free trade encourages economic
growth and international understanding. It enables us to build
bonds of common interest and common experience. It may be the
most effective antidote to the kind of poison these ads spread
among our people.
Open markets and free trade mean stronger alliances and
better relations. It means we become better neighbors, because
we'll bring out the best in people -- not the worst.
Take a look at what the North American Free Trade Agreement
will create: the largest, richest market in the world. That's
360 million consumers and $6 trillion in annual output.
3
And take a look at the almost 130 percent increase in our
exports to Mexico over the past four years. This export boom has
created 264,000 new export-related jobs in the United States.
And each additional billion dollars in exports to Mexico will
create approximately 20,000 new jobs here in the United States.
So you see, we have much to gain from extending fast track
-- a new era of open, free and fair trade -- a future of
unprecedented economic growth and regional harmony.
The vote on fast track really is a vote on what kind of
outlook we share -- one of optimism and integrity, or one of
self-doubt and petty prejudice. A "yes" vote means a vote for
"good faith" and the strength of our word. We will not allow the
fearmongers to control our agenda. We must rely on our better
selves -- our truer selves.
Fast track plays a critical role in helping the United
States compete in a world united by bonds of commerce. We will
need your support in persuading Congress to extend fast track
procedures. We will need your help as businessmen and women, as
entrepreneurs, as men and women from all walks of life. But most
of all, we need your help as Americans committed to the ideals of
freedom and opportunity.
Help us build good faith with our friends and neighbors.
Help us develop better working relations with Congress. Let us
show our better selves to the whole world.
With your help, I know we will succeed. Once again, thank
you and God bless each of you.
# # #
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
May 8, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
TONY SNOW TS
FROM:
MARY KATE GRANT mkg
SUBJECT:
HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS MEETING
ON FREE TRADE
I. SUMMARY
with Hispanic business leaders, to be held Thursday, May 9, at
Attached for your review are brief remarks for your meeting
10:10 a.m. in the Indian Treaty Room. You will be addressing a
crowd of about 80 on the issue of fast track. Tentatively,
Ambassador Hills will be speaking before you; Ambassador Gustavo
Petricioli of Mexico will be present.
II. DISCUSSION
Your remarks take the high road, and denounce the scare
tactics used by some of those opposed to fast track --
particularly a series of print ads, which are attached.
Document No 23428455
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
91 MAY 9 A10: 04
DATE: 5/8/91
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
---
SUBJECT: PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS MEETING ON FREE TRADE
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
PETERSMEYER
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BRADY
SMITH
BROMLEY
UNTERMEYER
CARD
BOSKIN
DEMAREST
MARTINEZ
FITZWATER
ROGERS
GRAY
SNOW
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
The attached has been forwarded to the President.
RESPONSE:
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON SLHAY -8 PM 5:51 5:
May 8, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
TONY SNOW TS
FROM:
MARY KATE GRANT mkg
SUBJECT:
HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS MEETING
ON FREE TRADE
I. SUMMARY
Attached for your review are brief remarks for your meeting
with Hispanic business leaders, to be held Thursday, May 9, at
10:10 a.m. in the Indian Treaty Room. You will be addressing a
crowd of about 80 on the issue of fast track. Tentatively,
Ambassador Hills will be speaking before you; Ambassador Gustavo
Petricioli of Mexico will be present.
II. DISCUSSION
Your remarks take the high road, and denounce the scare
tactics used by some of those opposed to fast track --
particularly a series of print ads, which are attached.
Grant/Cawley
May 7, 1991 / 1 p.m.
A:ADS / Draft three
BRIEF REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS / FREE TRADE
THE INDIAN TREATY ROOM
THURSDAY, MAY 9, 1991
10:10 A.M.
Welcome to the White House. We've all been very concerned
lately with two vital issues: America's ability to compete in the
global marketplace and our ability to negotiate with our trading
partners. The two concerns meet in an issue that we all care
about deeply: the "fast track" procedures that I've asked
Congress to extend.
Fast track procedures let us negotiate in good faith with
our trading partners and work in concert with Congress. They
simply ensure that we will not alter agreements that our
negotiators have reached with their counterparts.
Fast track doesn't take away Congress' power to accept or
reject trade agreements. Congress will still have its say -- in
a yes-or-no vote -- because fast track does not guarantee
approval of any agreement. And I will consult Congress closely
during the course of trade talks, as called for by fast track.
We have pursued fast-track in a bipartisan manner -- and we shall
do the same in working through trade agreements.
Fast track's main virtue is this: It prevents 11th-hour
changes to agreements we have reached, changes that force
everyone involved to start from scratch.
Congress first established fast track procedures in 1974,
and we have used it in negotiating three major trade agreements
2
since. As many of you know, fast track also plays an essential
role in helping us advance three other important trade
initiatives: The Uruguay Round of GATT talks; the North American
Free Trade Agreement and the Enterprise for the Americas
Initiative.
Unfortunately, some opponents of free trade have resorted to
scare tactics in trying to derail fast track. [[I've brought
along a couple of examples of this stuff. Here's one ad that
questions the health and sanitary habits of Hispanic people --
[HOLD UP TWO ADS -- SEE ATTACHED]. The other ad distorts the
truth the old fashioned way. It wrenches quotes out of context
and tries to give the impression that foreigners -- in this case,
our Mexican neighbors -- somehow will poison American citizens. ]]
I find these ads personally offensive. They promote nothing
more than prejudice and racism.
They also miss the point. Free trade encourages economic
growth and international understanding. It enables us to build
bonds of common interest and common experience. It may be the
most effective antidote to the kind of poison these ads spread
among our people.
Open markets and free trade mean stronger alliances and
better relations. It means we become better neighbors, because
we'll bring out the best in people -- not the worst.
Take a look at what the North American Free Trade Agreement
will create: the largest, richest market in the world. That's
360 million consumers and $6 trillion in annual output.
3
And take a look at the almost 130 percent increase in our
exports to Mexico over the past four years. This export boom has
created 264,000 new export-related jobs in the United States.
And each additional billion dollars in exports to Mexico will
create approximately 20,000 new jobs here in the United States.
So you see, we have much to gain from extending fast track
-- a new era of open, free and fair trade -- a future of
unprecedented economic growth and regional harmony.
The vote on fast track really is a vote on what kind of
outlook we share -- one of optimism and integrity, or one of
self-doubt and petty prejudice. A "yes" vote means a vote for
"good faith" and the strength of our word. We will not allow the
fearmongers to control our agenda. We must rely on our better
selves -- our truer selves.
Fast track plays a critical role in helping the United
States compete in a world united by bonds of commerce. We will
need your support in persuading Congress to extend fast track
procedures. We will need your help as businessmen and women, as
entrepreneurs, as men and women from all walks of life. But most
of all, we need your help as Americans committed to the ideals of
freedom and opportunity.
Help us build good faith with our friends and neighbors.
Help us develop better working relations with Congress. Let us
show our better selves to the whole world.
With your help, I know we will succeed. Once again, thank
you and God bless each of you.
# # #
KaLL CaLL ApriL29 29 p.7
U.S.
- MEXICO TRADE NEGOTIATIONS
Fast Track
W
hat would fast track trade
fast track rhetoric. In terms of
negotiations between the U.S.
safe food and drinking water.
and Mexico really produce?
there is already a problem of crisis
Could Be
From the standpoint of food
proportions along both sides of
safety and water quality, it would
the border. Fast track is not a
Hazardous To
make an already deplorable
framework for solving these
situation worse.
problems.
What we drink.
This issue-and its long-term
Your Health
political and economic
Mexican border towns like
ramifications-deserves a lot
Matamoros and Juarez have
more than a simple up or down
virtually no sewage facilities for
vote by Congress.
their populations that swell as the
maquiladora plants expand. With
Congress should reject fast
no treatment facilities, health
track
it's a shortcut to disaster.
FAST
problems abound on both sides of
the border.
TRACK
In San Elizario, Texas, for
example, 90 percent of the people
have Hepatitis A by the time they
reach age 30. Nogales, Arizona,
has a Hepatitis A rate 20 times
the U.S. national average.
What we eat.
DISASTER
With no treatment facilities,
TO
produce destined for export may
be irrigated with polluted water.
including raw sewage. Irapuato, a
town in Guanajuato is an
example.
There's a lot at stake here. But a
lot of important considerations
are getting pushed aside in the
AEL-CIO 815 SIXTEENTH STREET, N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
POISON!
Fast Track
Environmental specialists-especially those concerned about
water-say the (border) area's natural resources cannot
handle the extra economic development free-trade advocates
The More You Read
foresee.
-The Economist
April 20, 1991
The Worse It Gets
Indiscriminate dumping or long-term storage of industrial
garbage and hazardous wastes is trashing the landscape and
poisoning the water and soil.
FAST
-U.S. News & World Report
May 6. 1991
SHORTENT
TRACK
Uncontrolled air and water pollution is rapidly deteriorating
and seriously affecting the health and future economic vitality
on both sides of the border.
-American Medical Association
June, 1990
TO
DISASTER
Their very success (the maquiladoras) is helping turn much of
the border region into a sinkhole of abysmal living conditions
and environmental degradation.
-Wall Street Journal
September 27, 1989
T
he case against fast track free
This issue-and its long-term
trade negotiations between the
political and economic
U.S. and Mexico grows
ramifications-deserves a lot
stronger every day. There's a lot
more than a simple up or down
more at stake here than the fast
vote by Congress.
track rhetoric would lead you to
Congress should reject fast track
believe.
it's a shortcut to disaster.
AFL-CIO 815 SIXTEENTH STREET, N.W. WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
Document No. 236286SS
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
5/8/91
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: TODAY 5/8/91 1:00PM
SUBJECT: BRIEF REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS/ FREE TRADE
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE omaster
SUNUNU
PETERSMEYER
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH N/V
BRADY
SMITH
BROMLEY
UNTERMEYER
CARD
BOSKIN N/C
DEMAREST
MARTINEZ
FITZWATER
ROGERS
GRAY N/C
SNOW
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please forward your comments directly to Tony Snow, Rm. 122, x2930,
no later than 1:00 p.m., TODAY, WEDNESDAY, MAY 8, with a copy
to this office.
RESPONSE:
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
Grant/Cawley
May 7, 1991 / 1 p.m.
91 MAY -8 AM 8: 00
A:ADS / Draft two
BRIEF REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS / FREE TRADE
THE INDIAN TREATY ROOM
THURSDAY, MAY 9, 1991
9:30 A.M.
((Acknowledgements))
First of all, welcome to the White House. We've all been
very concerned lately with two vital issues: America's ability to
compete in the global marketplace and our ability to negotiate
with our trading partners. The two concerns meet in an issue
that we all care about deeply: the "fast track" procedures that
I've asked Congress to extend.
Fast track procedures let us negotiate in good faith with
our trading partners and work in concert with Congress. They
simply ensure that we will not alter agreements that our
negotiators have reached with their counterparts.
Fast-track doesn't take away Congress' power to accept or
reject trade agreements. Congress will still have its say in
a yes-or-no vote -- because fast track does not guarantee
approval of any agreement. And we have promised to consult
closely with Congress during the course of trade talks. Fast
track's main virtue is this: It prevents 11th-hour changes to
agreements we have reached, changes that force everyone involved
to start from scratch.
Congress first gave the president fast track authority in
1974, and we have used it in negotiating three major trade
agreements since. As many of you know, fast track also can play
2
a role in helping us complete three other important trade
initiatives: The Uruguay Round of GATT talks; the North American
Free Trade Agreement and the Enterprise for the Americas
Initiative.
Unfortunately, some opponents of free trade have decided to
mount a smear campaign in hopes of derailing fast-track.
Ignoring the facts, they have tried to frighten people with scare
tactics and race-baiting. I've got a couple examples of this
disgusting propaganda with me today. Here's one ad that
questions the health and sanitary habits of Hispanic people --
[HOLD UP TWO ADS -- SEE ATTACHED]. The other ad distorts the
truth the old fashioned way. It wrenches quotes out of context
and tries to give the impression that foreigners -- in this case,
our Mexican neighbors -- somehow will poison American citizens.
I find these ads personally offensive. They promote nothing
more than prejudice and racism.
Although it really shouldn't be necessary, let me set the
record straight. According to the American Journal of Public
Health, Mexicans and Mexican Americans have better birth
outcomes, lower drug use, and healthier diets than non-Hispanic
whites. This information was further supported by the January
1991 issue of the Journal of the American Medical Association.
There is no evidence that trade agreements with Mexico --
agreements that fast-track procedures would facilitate -- will
have any adverse impact on the quality of our food or water.
3
But there's another point: Free trade encourages economic
growth and international understanding. It enables us to build
bonds of common interest and common experience. It may be the
most effective antidote to the kind of poison these ads spread
among our people.
Open markets and free trade mean stronger alliances and
better relations. It means we become better neighbors, because
we'll bring out the best in people -- not the worst, as our
opponents want.
One ad reads: "There's a lot at stake here. But a lot of
important considerations are getting pushed aside in the fast
track rhetoric."
I couldn't agree more on this narrow point. Important
considerations have been pushed aside -- by the people who
sponsor these ads.
Take a look what the North American Free Trade Agreement
will create: the largest, richest market in the world. That's
360 million consumers and $6 trillion in annual output.
And take a look at the 130 percent increase in our exports
to Mexico over the past four years. This export boom has created
264,000 new jobs in the United States. And each additional
billion dollars in exports will create 20,000 new jobs here in
the United States. I didn't read about that in those ads.
So you see, we have much to gain from extending fast track -
- a new era of open, free and fair trade -- a future of
unprecedented economic growth and regional harmony.
extending
4
A "yes" vote on fast-track really is a vote on what kind of
outlook we share -- one of optimism and integrity, or_one of
-
self-doubt and petty prejudice. A "yes" vote means a vote for
"good faith" and the strength of our word. We can't allow bigots
and fearmongers to control our agenda. We must rely on our
better selves -- our truer selves.
Fast track plays a critical role in helping the United
States compete in a world newly united by bonds of commerce. We
will need your support as Hispanic leaders in persuading Congress
to extend fast-track procedures. We will need your help as
businessmen and women, as entrepreneurs, as men and women from
all walks of life. But most of all, we need your help as
Americans committed to the ideals of freedom and opportunity.
Help us build good faith with our friends and neighbors.
Help us develop better working relations with Congress. And help
us stifle the voices that want to replace reason with rancor,
cooperation with discrimination.
with your help, I know we will succeed. Once again, thank
you and God bless each of you.
# # #
KaLL CaLL ApriL29 29 p.7
U.S.
- MEXICO TRADE NEGOTIATIONS
Fast Track
W
hat would fast track trade
fast track rhetoric. In terms of
negotiations between the U.S.
safe food and drinking water,
and Mexico really produce?
there is already a problem of crisis
Could Be
From the standpoint of food
proportions along both sides of
safety and water quality, it would
the border. Fast track is not a
Hazardous To
make an already deplorable
framework for solving these
situation worse.
problems.
What we drink.
This issue-and its long-term
Your Health
political and economic
Mexican border towns like
ramifications-deserves a lot
Matamoros and Juarez have
more than a simple up or down
virtually no sewage facilities for
vote by Congress.
their populations that swell as the
maquiladora plants expand. With
Congress should reject fast
no treatment facilities, health
track
it's a shortcut to disaster.
FAST
problems abound on both sides of
the border.
TRACK
In San Elizario, Texas, for
example, 90 percent of the people
have Hepatitis A by the time they
INSTRUET
reach age 30. Nogales, Arizona.
has a Hepatitis A rate 20 times
the U.S. national average.
What we eat.
DISASTER
With no treatment facilities,
TO
produce destined for export may
be irrigated with polluted water,
including raw sewage. Irapuato. a
town in Guanajuato, is an
example.
There's a lot at stake here. But a
lot of important considerations
are getting pushed aside in the
AFL-CIO
815 SIXTEENTH STREET, N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
POISON!
Fast Track
Environmental specialists-especially those concerned about
water-say the (border) area's natural resources cannot
handle the extra economic development free-trade advocates
The More You Read
foresee.
-The Economist
April 20, 1991
The Worse It Gets
Indiscriminate dumping or long-term storage of industrial
garbage and hazardous wastes is trashing the landscape and
poisoning the water and soil.
FAST
-U.S. News & World Report
May 6, 1991
SHORTERT
TRACK
Uncontrolled air and water pollution is rapidly deteriorating
and seriously affecting the health and future economic vitality
on both sides of the border.
-American Medical Association
June, 1990
TO
DISASTER
Their very success (the maquiladoras) is helping turn much of
the border region into a sinkhole of abysmal living conditions
and environmental degradation.
-Wall Street Journal
September 27, 1989
T
he case against fast track free
This issue-and its long-term
trade negotiations between the
political and economic
U.S. and Mexico grows
ramifications-deserves a lot
stronger every day. There's a lot
more than a simple up or down
more at stake here than the fast
vote by Congress.
track rhetoric would lead you to
believe.
Congress should reject fast track
it's a shortcut to disaster.
AFL-CIO
815 SIXTEENTH STREET, N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
Document No. 235552SS
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
91 MAY 9 A10: 04
DATE: 5/8/91
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
---
SUBJECT: DEPARTURE STATEMENT FOLLOWING MEETING WITH SEC. GENERAL DE CUELLAR
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
PETERSMEYER
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BRADY
SMITH
BROMLEY
UNTERMEYER
CARD
ROGERS
DEMAREST
SNOW
FITZWATER
FIRESTONE
GRAY
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
The attached has been forwarded to the President.
RESPONSE:
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
91 MAY -7 PM 4:51
May 7, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
TONY SNOW TS
FROM:
DAN McGROARTY Durcr
SUBJECT:
DEPARTURE STATEMENT FOLLOWING MEETING WITH SECRETARY
GENERAL PEREZ DE CUELLAR
I. SUMMARY
On Thursday, May 9, at 1:15 p.m., you and Secretary
General Perez de Cuellar will give departure statements at the
Diplomatic Entrance.
II. DISCUSSION
Your remarks (6 minutes, cards) focus on the UN's recent
string of successes and on the common challenges we face in
the Persian Gulf and beyond.
# # #
McGroarty/Dooley
May 7, 1991
4:00 pm
[CUELLAR]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS:
STATEMENT FOLLOWING MEETING WITH
SECRETARY GENERAL PEREZ DE CUELLAR
THE DIPLOMATIC ENTRANCE
MAY 9, 1991
1:15 p.m.
Mr. Secretary General: it has been my pleasure to welcome
you to the White House today -- to discuss with you the many
issues now on the world's agenda.
In a moment, I'll speak about a few of the common challenges
we face. But before I do, permit me a personal observation. I
often think back to the times we worked together as Perm Reps 20
years ago -- and I still wonder how it is I ended up with the
easier job. The problems that arrive at your doorstep often are
the product of years of violence and strife. It falls to you to
find -- through so much hatred and bitterness -- the path to
peace.
For 10 years now you've led the UN. Your years as Secretary
General could merely have been difficult -- a study in stubborn
hope. Instead, they have proved momentous -- historic. During
your years of service, the UN has come of age. After decades of
ideological stalemate, conflict and Cold War -- the UN has at
long last taken a major step forward as a true force for peace.
Today, the UN can lay claim to a string of successes
stretching across the globe. In Africa, the UN played a leading
in the birth of an independent Namibia. Elsewhere on the African
continent, the UN now works to end the war in Angola, and resolve
the future of the Western Sahara. / Across Asia, the UN
2
continues to play a critical role in peacemaking efforts in
Afghanistan and Cambodia. / Right here in our own hemisphere,
the UN has helped the people of Nicaragua and Haiti exercise
their right to choose their own government -- and is working to
bring peace to El Salvador.
And of course, there is the United Nation's role in the
liberation of Kuwait. The United Nations sent its strong, steady
signal every step of the way. Defending the defenseless against
aggression. Keeping faith with its founding principles.
Standing fast for what is good and right.
Mr. Secretary General, a great measure of this success
belongs to you, my friend: the product of your patience and
perseverance, your immeasurable diplomatic skill -- your
unwavering desire for peace. //
But for each success -- new challenges remain. Mr.
Secretary General, consider the unprecedented responsibilities
placed upon your good offices and the UN Secretariat by Security
Council Resolution 687: the Administration of UNIKOM, / the
Special Commission for eliminating Iraq's weapons of mass
destruction, / the Compensation Commission, / the UN's role in
demarcating the Iraq-Kuwait border, developing guidelines for the
arms embargo against Iraq, and encouraging arms control in the
region -- all of these are daunting tasks which will challenge
the UN as never before.
Mr. Secretary General, we are responding to another
challenge, too -- the need to protect and care for tens of
3
thousands of refugees who fled home and hearth to escape the
brutality of one man, Saddam Hussein. / For our part, the U.S.
has responded to this human wave of tragedy with massive
emergency relief for the refugees in Northern Iraq and Turkey.
Working with other nations -- in close consultation with you, sir
-- and in accord with Resolution 688, we are building temporary
camps to encourage these people to come down from the mountains
into the camps -- and ultimately to their own villages and towns.
We have always looked at this relief effort as limited in
duration. We are now in the process of turning these efforts
over to the UN. We look forward to working with the United
Nations to hasten the day when all these refugees can return home
-- free from fear, free to live in peace. //
In the South, American soldiers provided refuge and care to
thousands of Iraqis. Those who sought refuge are now safe in
Iran or Saudi Arabia. The Blue Helmets are on the scene, and UN
relief agencies are providing assistance to those Iraqis who have
chosen to remain in the area where the UN is now working.
The UN's work in Iraq is just one of many challenges.
Beyond the Gulf, we must work to strengthen the UN system itself
through appropriate reforms -- to deliver development assistance
where needed -- and to chart a common course of action on global
issues ranging from the environment to international drug
trafficking to terrorism. / And we must build on the UN's
ability to respond to humanitarian crises which -- as we've seen
4
most recently in the heart-wrenching ordeal of Bangladesh --
speak a universal language of simple human compassion. //
Mr. Secretary General, meeting these challenges is the work
of the United States -- and the United Nations. I thank you for
travelling to Washington, so that we could continue our practice
of close consultations -- and I congratulate you, on behalf of
the American people, for doing the world's work -- the work of
peace.
# # #
Document No. 236286SS
91 MAY 8 WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
5/8/91
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: TODAY 5/8/91 1:00PM
SUBJECT: BRIEF REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS/ FREE TRADE
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
PETERSMEYER
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BRADY
SMITH
BROMLEY
UNTERMEYER
CARD
BOSKIN
DEMAREST
MARTINEZ
FITZWATER
ROGERS
GRAY
SNOW
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please forward your comments directly to Tony Snow, Rm. 122, x2930,
no later than 1:00 p.m., TODAY, WEDNESDAY, MAY 8, with a copy
to this office.
RESPONSE:
Attach
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
Grant/Cawley
May 7, 1991 / 1 p.m.
91 MAY -8 AM 8: 00
A:ADS / Draft two
BRIEF REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS / FREE TRADE
THE INDIAN TREATY ROOM
THURSDAY, MAY 9, 1991
9:30 A.M.
((Acknowledgements) )
First of all, welcome to the White House. We've all been
very concerned lately with two vital issues: America's ability to
compete in the global marketplace and our ability to negotiate
with our trading partners. The two concerns meet in an issue
that we all care about deeply: the "fast track" procedures that
I've asked Congress to extend.
Fast track procedures let us negotiate in good faith with
our trading partners and work in concert with Congress. They
simply ensure that we will not alter agreements that our
negotiators have reached with their counterparts.
Fast-track doesn't take away Congress' power to accept or
reject trade agreements. Congress will still have its say -- in
a yes-or-no vote -- because fast track does not guarantee
approval of any agreement. And we have promised to consult
closely with Congress during the course of trade talks. Fast
track's main virtue is this: It prevents 11th-hour changes to
agreements we have reached, changes that force everyone involved
to start from scratch.
Congress first gave the president fast track authority in
1974, and we have used it in negotiating three major trade
agreements since. As many of you know, fast track also can play
WE HAVE UNDERTAKEN THIS IN A BIPARTISAN MANNER-
MMCH THE SAME way WE WILL NEGOTIATE OUD TREATIES -
2
a role in helping us complete three other important trade
initiatives: The Uruguay Round of GATT talks; the North American
Free Trade Agreement and the Enterprise for the Americas
Initiative.
Unfortunately, some opponents of free trade have decided to
mount a smear campaign in hopes of derailing fast-track.
Ignoring the facts, they have tried to frighten people with scare
AWFVL
tactics 7 and race-baiting. I've got a couple examples of this
disgusting
propaganda with me today. Here's one ad that
questions the health and sanitary habits of Hispanic people --
[HOLD UP TWO ADS -- SEE ATTACHED]. The other ad distorts the
truth the old fashioned way. It wrenches quotes out of context
and tries to give the impression that foreigners -- in this case,
our Mexican neighbors -- somehow will poison American citizens.
I find these ads personally offensive. They promote nothing
more than prejudice and racism.
Although it really shouldn't be necessary, let me set the
record straight. According to the American Journal of Public
Health, Mexicans and Mexican Americans have better birth
outcomes, lower drug use, and healthier diets than non-Hispanic
whites. This information was further supported by the January
1991 issue of the Journal of the American Medical Association.
There is no evidence that trade agreements with Mexico --
agreements that fast-track procedures would facilitate -- will
have any adverse impact on the quality of our food or water.
3
But there's another point: Free trade encourages economic
growth and international understanding. It enables us to build
bonds of common interest and common experience. It may be the
most effective antidote to the kind of poison these ads spread
among our people.
Open markets and free trade mean stronger alliances and
better relations. It means we become better neighbors, because
we'll bring out the best in people -- not the worst, as our
opponents want.
One ad reads: "There's a lot at stake here. But a lot of
important considerations are getting pushed aside in the fast
track rhetoric."
I couldn't agree more on this narrow point. Important
considerations have been pushed aside -- by the people who
sponsor these ads.
Take a look what the North American Free Trade Agreement
will create: the largest, richest market in the world. That's
360 million consumers and $6 trillion in annual output.
And take a look at the 130 percent increase in our exports
to Mexico over the past four years. This export boom has created
264,000 new jobs in the United States. And each additional
billion dollars in exports will create 20,000 new jobs here in
the United States. I didn't read about that in those ads.
So you see, we have much to gain from extending fast track -
- a new era of open, free and fair trade -- a future of
unprecedented economic growth and regional harmony.
4
A "yes" vote on fast-track really is a vote on what kind of
outlook we share -- one of optimism and integrity, or_one of
self-doubt and petty prejudice. A "yes" vote means a vote for
"good faith" and the strength of our word. We can't allow bigots
and fearmongers to control our agenda. We must rely on our
better selves -- our truer selves.
Fast track plays a critical role in helping the United
States compete in a world newly united by bonds of commerce. We
will need your support as Hispanic leaders in persuading Congress
to extend fast-track procedures. We will need your help as
businessmen and women, as entrepreneurs, as men and women from
all walks of life. But most of all, we need your help as
Americans committed to the ideals of freedom and opportunity.
Help us build good faith with our friends and neighbors.
Help us develop better working relations with Congress. And help
us stifle the voices that want to replace reason with rancor,
cooperation with discrimination.
with your help, I know we will succeed. Once again, thank
you and God bless each of you.
# # #
KaLL CaLL ApriL29 29 p.7
U.S.
-
MEXICO TRADE NEGOTIATIONS
Fast Track
W
hat would fast track trade
fast track rhetoric. In terms of
negotiations between the U.S.
safe food and drinking water,
and Mexico really produce?
there is already a problem of crisis
Could Be
From the standpoint of food
proportions along both sides of
safety and water quality, it would
the border. Fast track is not a
Hazardous To
make an already deplorable
framework for solving these
situation worse.
problems.
What we drink.
This issue-and its long-term
Your Health
political and economic
Mexican border towns like
ramifications-deserves a lot
Matamoros and Juarez have
more than a simple up or down
virtually no sewage facilities for
vote by Congress.
their populations that swell as the
maquiladora plants expand. With
Congress should reject fast
no treatment facilities, health
track
it's a shortcut to disaster.
FAST
problems abound on both sides of
the border.
TRACK
In San Elizario, Texas, for
example, 90 percent of the people
have Hepatitis A by the time they
reach age 30. Nogales, Arizona.
has a Hepatitis A rate 20 times
the U.S. national average.
What we eat.
DISASTEN
With no treatment facilities,
TO
produce destined for export may
be irrigated with polluted water,
including raw sewage. Irapuato, a
town in Guanajuato. is an
example.
There's a lot at stake here. But a
lot of important considerations
are getting pushed aside in the
AFL-CIO
815 SIXTEENTH STREET, N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
POISON!
Fast Track
Environmental specialists-especially those concerned about
water-say the (border) area's natural resources cannot
handle the extra economic development free-trade advocates
The More You Read
foresee.
-The Economist
April 20, 1991
The Worse It Gets
Indiscriminate dumping or long-term storage of industrial
garbage and hazardous wastes is trashing the landscape and
poisoning the water and soil.
FAST
-U.S. News & World Report
TRACK
May 6, 1991
Uncontrolled air and water pollution is rapidly deteriorating
SHORTENT
and seriously affecting the health and future economic vitality
on both sides of the border.
-American Medical Association
June, 1990
TO
DISASTER
Their very success (the maquiladoras) is helping turn much of
the border region into a sinkhole of abysmal living conditions
and environmental degradation.
-Wall Street Journal
September 27, 1989
T
he case against fast track free
This issue-and its long-term
trade negotiations between the
political and economic
U.S. and Mexico grows
ramifications-deserves a lot
stronger every day. There's a lot
more than a simple up or down
more at stake here than the fast
vote by Congress.
track rhetoric would lead you to
believe.
Congress should reject fast track
it's a shortcut to disaster.
AFL-CIO
815 SIXTEENTH STREET, N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
Document No. 236286SS
WHITE 8
MEMORANDUM
DATE:
5/8/91
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: TODAY 5/8/91 1:00PM
SUBJECT: BRIEF REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS/ FREE TRADE
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
PETERSMEYER
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BRADY
SMITH
BROMLEY
UNTERMEYER
CARD
BOSKIN
DEMAREST
MARTINEZ
FITZWATER
ROGERS
GRAY
SNOW
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please forward your comments directly to Tony Snow, Rm. 122, x2930,
no later than 1:00 p.m., TODAY, WEDNESDAY, MAY 8, with a copy
to this office.
RESPONSE: See comments
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
Grant/Cawley
May 7, 1991 / 1 p.m.
91 MAY -8 AM 8: 00
A:ADS / Draft two
BRIEF REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS / FREE TRADE
THE INDIAN TREATY ROOM
THURSDAY, MAY 9, 1991
9:30 A.M.
( (Acknowledgements) )
First of all, welcome to the White House. We've all been
very concerned lately with two vital issues: America's ability to
compete in the global marketplace and our ability to negotiate
with our trading partners. The two concerns meet in an issue
that we all care about deeply: the "fast track" procedures that
I've asked Congress to extend.
Fast track procedures let us negotiate in good faith with
our trading partners and work in concert with Congress. They
simply ensure that we will not alter agreements that our
negotiators have reached with their counterparts.
Fast-track doesn't take away Congress' power to accept or
reject trade agreements. Congress will still have its say -- in
a yes-or-no vote -- because fast track does not guarantee
approval of any agreement. And we have promised to consult
closely with Congress during the course of trade talks. Fast
track's main virtue is this: It prevents 11th-hour changes to
agreements we have reached, changes that force everyone involved
to start from scratch.
Congress first gave established the president procedurestor fast track authority in 44864
Martin
1974, and we have used it in negotiating three major trade
agreements since. As many of you know, fast track also can play
2
a role in helping us complete three other important trade
initiatives: The Uruguay Round of GATT talks; the North American
Free Trade Agreement and the Enterprise for the Americas
Initiative.
Unfortunately, some opponents of free trade have decided to
mount a smear campaign in hopes of derailing fast-track.
Ignoring the facts, they have tried to frighten people with scare
tactics and race-baiting. I've got a couple examples of this
disgusting propaganda with me today. Here's one ad that
questions the health and sanitary habits of Hispanic people --
[HOLD UP TWO ADS -- SEE ATTACHED]. The other ad distorts the
truth the old fashioned way. It wrenches quotes out of context
and tries to give the impression that foreigners -- in this case,
our Mexican neighbors -- somehow will poison American citizens.
I find these ads personally offensive. They promote nothing
more than prejudice and racism.
Although it really shouldn't be necessary, let me set the
record straight. According to the American Journal of Public
Health, Mexicans and Mexican Americans have better birth
outcomes, lower drug use, and healthier diets than non-Hispanic
whites. This information was further supported by the January
1991 issue of the Journal of the American Medical Association.
There is no evidence that trade agreements with Mexico --
agreements that fast-track procedures would facilitate -- will
have any adverse impact on the quality of our food or water.
3
But there's another point: Free trade encourages economic
growth and international understanding. It enables us to build
bonds of common interest and common experience. It may be the
most effective antidote to the kind of poison these ads spread
among our people.
Open markets and free trade mean stronger alliances and
better relations. It means we become better neighbors, because
we'll bring out the best in people -- not the worst, as our
opponents want.
One ad reads: "There's a lot at stake here. But a lot of
important considerations are getting pushed aside in the fast
track rhetoric."
I couldn't agree more on this narrow point. Important
considerations have been pushed aside -- by the people who
sponsor these ads.
Take a look what the North American Free Trade Agreement
will create: the largest, richest market in the world. That's
360 million consumers and $6 trillion in annual output.
And take a look at the 130 percent increase in our exports
to Mexico over export-related the past four years. This export boom has created
264,000 new jobs in the United States. And each additional
Martin
billion dollars in exports to Mexico will create 20,000 approximately new jobs here in
X4864
the United States. I didn't read about that in those ads.
So you see, we have much to gain from extending fast track -
- a new era of open, free and fair trade -- a future of
unprecedented economic growth and regional harmony.
4
A "yes" vote on fast-track really is a vote on what kind of
outlook we share -- one of optimism and integrity, or_one of
self-doubt and petty prejudice. A "yes" vote means a vote for
"good faith" and the strength of our word. We can't allow bigots
and fearmongers to control our agenda. We must rely on our
better selves -- our truer selves.
Fast track plays a critical role in helping the United
States compete in a world newly united by bonds of commerce. We
will need your support as Hispanic leaders in persuading Congress
to extend fast-track procedures. We will need your help as
businessmen and women, as entrepreneurs, as men and women from
all walks of life. But most of all, we need your help as
Americans committed to the ideals of freedom and opportunity.
Help us build good faith with our friends and neighbors.
Help us develop better working relations with Congress. And help
us stifle the voices that want to replace reason with rancor,
cooperation with discrimination.
with your help, I know we will succeed. Once again, thank
you and God bless each of you.
# # #
KaLL CaLL ApriL29 p.7
U.S.
- MEXICO TRADE NEGOTIATIONS
Fast Track
W
hat would fast track trade
fast track rhetoric. In terms of
negotiations between the U.S.
safe food and drinking water,
and Mexico really produce?
there is already a problem of crisis
Could Be
From the standpoint of food
proportions along both sides of
safety and water quality, it would
the border. Fast track is not a
Hazardous To
make an already deplorable
framework for solving these
situation worse.
problems.
What we drink.
This issue-and its long-term
Your Health
political and economic
Mexican border towns like
ramifications-deserves a lot
Matamoros and Juarez have
virtually no sewage facilities for
more than a simple up or down
vote by Congress.
their populations that swell as the
maquiladora plants expand. With
Congress should reject fast
no treatment facilities, health
track
it's a shortcut to disaster.
FAST
problems abound on both sides of
the border.
TRACK
In San Elizario, Texas, for
example, 90 percent of the people
have Hepatitis A by the time they
INSIHONS
reach age 30. Nogales, Arizona,
has a Hepatitis A rate 20 times
the U.S. national average.
What we eat.
DISASTER
With no treatment facilities,
TO
produce destined for export may
be irrigated with polluted water,
including raw sewage. Irapuato. a
town in Guanajuato. is an
example.
There's a lot at stake here. But a
lot of important considerations
are getting pushed aside in the
AEL-CIO 815 SIXTEENTH STREET, N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
POISON!
Fast Track
Environmental specialists-especially those concerned about
water-say the (border) area's natural resources cannot
handle the extra economic development free-trade advocates
The More You Read
foresee.
-The Economist
April 20, 1991
The Worse It Gets
Indiscriminate dumping or long-term storage of industrial
garbage and hazardous wastes is trashing the landscape and
poisoning the water and soil.
FAST
-U.S. News & World Report
May 6, 1991
SHORTENT
TRACK
Uncontrolled air and water pollution is rapidly deteriorating
and seriously affecting the health and future economic vitality
on both sides of the border.
-American Medical Association
June, 1990
TO
DISASTEN
Their very success (the maquiladoras) is helping turn much of
the border region into a sinkhole of abysmal living conditions
and environmental degradation.
-Wall Street Journal
September 27, 1989
T
he case against fast track free
This issue-and its long-term
trade negotiations between the
political and economic
U.S. and Mexico grows
ramifications-deserves a lot
stronger every day. There's a lot
more than a simple up or down
more at stake here than the fast
vote by Congress.
track rhetoric would lead you to
believe.
Congress should reject fast track
it's a shortcut to disaster.
AFL-CIO
815 SIXTEENTH STREET, N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
3433
Document No. 236286SS
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
91
MAY
DATE:
5/8/91
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: TODAY 5/8/91 1:00PM
SUBJECT: BRIEF REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS/ FREE TRADE
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
PETERSMEYER
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BRADY
SMITH
BROMLEY
UNTERMEYER
CARD
BOSKIN
DEMAREST
MARTINEZ
FITZWATER
ROGERS
GRAY
SNOW
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please forward your comments directly to Tony Snow, Rm. 122, x2930,
no later than 1:00 p.m., TODAY, WEDNESDAY, MAY 8, with a copy
to this office.
RESPONSE:
May 8, 1991
TO:
TONY SNOW
NSC concurs with the attached, as revised.
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
Brent Scowcroft
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
CC: Phillip Brady
RECEIVED
91 MAY 8 A8. 53
a veing
Grant/Cawley
May 7, 1991 / 1 p.m.
91 MAY -8 AM 8: 00
A:ADS / Draft two
BRIEF REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS / FREE TRADE
THE INDIAN TREATY ROOM
THURSDAY, MAY 9, 1991
9:30 A.M.
((Acknowledgements))
First of all, welcome to the White House. We've all been
very concerned lately with two vital issues: America's ability to
compete in the global marketplace and our ability to negotiate
with our trading partners. The two concerns meet in an issue
that we all care about deeply: the "fast track" procedures that
I've asked Congress to extend.
Fast track procedures let us negotiate in good faith with
our trading partners and work in concert with Congress. They
simply ensure that we will not alter agreements that our
negotiators have reached with their counterparts.
Fast-track doesn't take away Congress' power to accept or
reject trade agreements. Congress will still have its say -- in
a yes-or-no vote -- because fast track does not guarantee
approval of any agreement. And we have promised to consult
closely with Congress during the course of trade talks. Fast
track's main virtue is this: It prevents 11th-hour changes to
agreements we have reached, changes that force everyone involved
to start from scratch.
Congress first gave the president fast track authority in
1974, and we have used it in negotiating three major trade
agreements since. As many of you know, fast track also can play
2
a role in helping us complete three other important trade
initiatives: The Uruguay Round of GATT talks; the North American
Free Trade Agreement and the Enterprise for the Americas
Initiative.
Unfortunately, some opponents of free trade have decided to
mount a smear campaign in hopes of derailing fast-track.
Ignoring the facts, they have tried to frighten people with scare
tactics and race-baiting. I've got a couple examples of this
this is
disgusting propaganda with me today. Here's one ad that implies
just as as
that fast track will lead to raw sewage disease, and contaminated food
questions the health and sanitary habits of Hispanic people --
distortal
supplies to our country
[HOLD UP TWO ADS -- SEE ATTACHED]. The other ad distorts the
truth the old fashioned way. It wrenches quotes out of context
and tries to give the impression that foreigners -- in this case,
our Mexican neighbors -- somehow will poison American citizens.
I find these ads personally offensive. They promote nothing
more than prejudice and racism.
Although it really shouldn't be necessary, let me set the
record straight. According to the American Journal of Public
Health Mexicans and Mexican Americans have better birth
?
outcomes,
lower drug use, and healthier diets than non-Hispanic
whites. This information was further supported by the January
1991 issue of the Journal of the American Medical Association.
There is no evidence that trade agreements with Mexico --
agreements that fast-track procedures authority would facilitate -- will
make possible
have any adverse impact on the quality of our food or water.
Economic growth for all is the best way to attack
pollution it permits acquisition of state of the art
environmentally Sound plant and equipment,
3
But there's another point: Free trade encourages economic
growth and international understanding. It enables us to build
bonds of common interest and common experience. It may be the
most effective antidote to the kind of poison these ads spread
among our people.
Open markets and free trade mean stronger alliances and
better relations. It means we become better neighbors, because
we'll bring out the best in people -- not the worst, as our
opponents want.
One ad reads: "There's a lot at stake here. But a lot of
important considerations are getting pushed aside in the fast
track rhetoric."
I couldn't agree more on this narrow point. Important
considerations have been pushed aside -- by the people who
sponsor these ads.
Take a look what the North American Free Trade Agreement
will create: the largest, richest market in the world. That's
360 million consumers and $6 trillion in annual output.
And take a look at the 130 percent increase in our exports
to Mexico over the past four years. This export boom has created
264,000 new jobs in the United States. And each additional
billion dollars in exports will create 20,000 new jobs here in
the United States. I didn't read about that in those ads.
So you see, we have much to gain from extending fast track -
- a new era of open, free and fair trade -- a future of
unprecedented economic growth and regional harmony.
4
A "yes" vote on fast-track really is a vote on what kind of
outlook we share -- one of optimism and integrity, or_ one of
self-doubt and petty prejudice. A "yes" vote means a vote for
"good faith" and the strength of our word. We can't allow bigots
and fearmongers to control our agenda. We must rely on our
better selves -- our truer selves.
Fast track plays a critical role in helping the United
States compete in a world newly united by bonds of commerce. We
will need your support as Hispanic leaders in persuading Congress
to extend fast-track procedures. We will need your help as
businessmen and women, as entrepreneurs, as men and women from
all walks of life. But most of all, we need your help as
Americans committed to the ideals of freedom and opportunity.
Help us build good faith with our friends and neighbors.
Help us develop better working relations with Congress. And help
us stifle the voices that want to replace reason with rancor,
cooperation with discrimination.
with your help, I know we will succeed. Once again, thank
you and God bless each of you.
# # #
KaLL CaLL ApriL29 p.7
U.S.
- MEXICO TRADE NEGOTIATIONS
Fast Track
W
/hat would fast track trade
fast track rhetoric. In terms of
negotiations between the U.S.
safe food and drinking water,
and Mexico really produce?
there is already a problem of crisis
Could Be
From the standpoint of food
proportions along both sides of
safety and water quality, it would
the border. Fast track is not a
Hazardous To
make an already deplorable
framework for solving these
situation worse.
problems.
What we drink.
This issue-and its long-term
Your Health
political and economic
Mexican border towns like
ramifications-deserves a lot
Matamoros and Juarez have
more than a simple up or down
virtually no sewage facilities for
vote by Congress.
their populations that swell as the
maquiladora plants expand. With
Congress should reject fast
no treatment facilities, health
track
it's a shortcut to disaster.
FAST
problems abound on both sides of
the border.
TRACK
In San Elizario, Texas, for
example, 90 percent of the people
have Hepatitis A by the time they
INSTRUET
reach age 30. Nogales, Arizona,
has a Hepatitis A rate 20 times
the U.S. national average.
What we eat.
DISASTER
With no treatment facilities,
TO
produce destined for export may
be irrigated with polluted water,
including raw sewage. Irapuato, a
town in Guanajuato, is an
example.
There's a lot at stake here. But a
lot of important considerations
are getting pushed aside in the
AFL-CIO
815 SIXTEENTH STREET, N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
POISON!
Fast Track
Environmental specialists-especially those concerned about
water-say the (border) area's natural resources cannot
handle the extra economic development free-trade advocates
The More You Read
foresee.
-The Economist
April 20, 1991
The Worse It Gets
Indiscriminate dumping or long-term storage of industrial
garbage and hazardous wastes is trashing the landscape and
poisoning the water and soil.
FAST
-U.S. News & World Report
TRACK
May 6, 1991
Uncontrolled air and water pollution is rapidly deteriorating
SHORTENT
and seriously affecting the health and future economic vitality
on both sides of the border.
-American Medical Association
June, 1990
TO
DISASTEN
Their very success (the maquiladoras) is helping turn much of
the border region into a sinkhole of abysmal living conditions
and environmental degradation.
-Wall Street Journal
September 27, 1989
T
he case against fast track free
This issue-and its long-term
trade negotiations between the
political and economic
U.S. and Mexico grows
ramifications-deserves a lot
stronger every day. There's a lot
more than a simple up or down
more at stake here than the fast
vote by Congress.
track rhetoric would lead you to
believe.
Congress should reject fast track
it's a shortcut to disaster.
AFL-CIO
815 SIXTEENTH STREET, N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
Document No. 236286SS
WHITEY HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
5/8/91
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: TODAY 5/8/91 1:00PM
SUBJECT: BRIEF REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS/ FREE TRADE
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
PETERSMEYER
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BRADY
SMITH
BROMLEY
UNTERMEYER
CARD
BOSKIN
DEMAREST
MARTINEZ
FITZWATER
ROGERS
GRAY
SNOW
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please forward your comments directly to Tony Snow, Rm. 122, x2930,
no later than 1:00 p.m., TODAY, WEDNESDAY, MAY 8, with a copy
to this office.
RESPONSE:
see comments. Thanks.
Holly Williamson
5-8-91
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
May 8, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR TONY SNOW
FROM:
HOLLY WILLIAMSON
NW
SUBJECT:
Hispanic Business Leaders Speech
Please see the attached text with specific line-by-line
suggestions as well as the general comments noted below.
1. USTR felt very strongly about all of their comments as marked
up on the attached text.
2. USTR felt that all racial/bigotry references had to come out.
It appears there was a discussion among the senior fast track
group that even though Deputy Secretary DeArment was using that
tough language that it was not appropriate for the President's
use. The Department of Interior concurred stating that you
should not mix race into the 2 important criticisms we are
hearing: job losses and environment. OCA staff also felt the
racial/bigotry references should be toned down. The Department
of Labor had one person flag that same language because it seemed
inappropriate for the President to use.
(The above includes the paragraph on Mexicans and Mexican-
Americans at the bottom of page 2 -- it poses too many
complicated questions and problems. For example, why compare
that information on Mexican-Americans to non-Hispanic whites
instead of American blacks?)
Attachment
Grant/Cawley
e
May 7, 1991 / 1 p.m.
91 MAY -8 AM 8: 00
a
A:ADS / Draft two
BRIEF REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS / FREE TRADE
THE INDIAN TREATY ROOM
THURSDAY, MAY 9, 1991
9130 A.M.
((Acknowledgements))
First of all, welcome to the White House. We've all been
very concerned lately with two vital issues: America's ability to
compete in the global marketplace and our ability to negotiate
with our trading partners. The two concerns meet in an issue
that we all care about deeply: the "fast track" procedures that
I've asked Congress to extend.
Fast track procedures let us negotiate in good faith with
our trading partners and work in concert with Congress. They
simply ensure that we will not alter agreements that our
negotiators have reached with their counterparts.
Fast-track dcesn't take away Congress' power to accept or
reject trade agreements. Congress will still have its say -- in
a yes-or-no vote -- because fast track does not guarantee
I will consult
approval of any agreement. And we have promised to consult
VUSTR
closely with Congress during the course of trade talks/\ Fast
as called for by the
fast tinch.
track's main virtue is this: It prevents 11th-hour changes to
agreements we have reached, changes that force everyone involved
to start from scratch.
Congress first gave the president fast track authority in
1974, and we have used it in negotiating three major trade
agreements since. As many of you know, fast track/also is can
essential
play
USTR
essential
(it is
not surplasing
2
Erole in helping advance three other important trade
&
JUSTR +
initiatives: The Uruguay Round of GATT talks; the North American
OCA
Free Trade Agreement and the Enterprise for the Americas
Initiative.
Unfortunately, some opponents of free trade have decided to
mount a smear campaign in hopes of derailing fast-track.
Ignoring the facts, they have tried to frighten people with scare
USM
DOI + tactics, and race baiting. I've got a couple examples OF this
USTR & DOI disgussing propaganda with me today. Mere ad that
These ads try to scare americans
usm/DOI questions the health and sanitary habits of Hispanic people --
in to thinking that fast trach threatens our health.
These ads
w/ DOI [HOLD UP TWO ADS --- SEE ATTACHED]. ^The other ad distorts the
/USTRIPOI. truth the old fashioned way. 11 wrenches quotes out of context
They use scare words and
USDRI DOF and tries to give the impression that foreigners -- in this case,
our Mexican neighbors -- somehow will poison American citizens.
I find these ads personally offensive. They promote nothing
more than prejudice, and recism.
WATRIDOJ
Although it really shouldn't be necessary, let me set the
record straight.
According to the American Journal of Public
VOCA
Health, Mexicans and Mexican Americans have better birth
outcomes, lower drug use, and healthier diets than non-Hispanic
whites, This information was further supported by the January
1991 issue of the Journal of the American Medical Association.
A
There is no evidence that trade agreements with Mexico --
astoc
an agreements that fast-track procedures would facilitate -- will not
have any adverse impact on the quality of our food or water.
3
But there's another point: Free trade encourages economic
growth and international understanding. It enables us to build
bonds of common interest and common experience. It may be the
most effective antidote to the kind of poison these ads spread
among our people.
Open markets and free trade mean stronger alliances and
better relations. It means we become better neighbors, because
we'll bring out the best in people -- not the worst, as our
opponents want.
One ad reads: "There's a lot at stake here. But a lot of
important considerations are getting pushed aside in the fast
track rhetoric."
I couldn't agree more on this narrow point. Important
considerations have been pushed aside -- by the people who
sponsor these ads.
at
Take a looks what the North American Free Trade Agreement
will create: the largest, richest market in the world. That's
360 million consumers and $6 trillion in annual output.
And take a look at the 130 percent increase in our exports
to Mexico over the past four years. This export boom has created
264,000 new jobs in the United States. And each additional
USTR
billion dollars in exports will create/20,000 almost new jobs here in
the United States. I didn't read about that in those ads.
So you see, we have much to gain from extending fast track -
- a new era of open, free and fair trade -- a future of
unprecedented economic growth and regional harmony.
4
1
A "yes" vote on fast-track really is a vote on what kind of
outlook we share -- one of optimism and integrity, or_one of
self-doubt and petty prejudice. A "yes" vote means a vote for
USTR
"good faith" and the strength of our word. We can't allow
begine
and fearmongers to control our agenda. We must rely on our
better selves -- our truer selves.
Fast track plays a critical role in helping the United
States compete in a world newly united by bonds of commerce. We
will need your support as Hispanic leaders in persuading Congress
to extend fast-track procedures. We will need your help as
businessmen and women, as entrepreneurs, as men and women from
all walks of life. But most of all, we need your help as
Americans committed to the ideals of freedom and opportunity.
Help us build good faith with our friends and neighbors.
Help us develop better working relations with Congress. And help
us stifle the voices that want to replace reason with rancor,
cooperation with discrimination.
with your help, I know we will succeed. Once again, thank
you and God bless each of you.
# # #
KaLL CaLL ApriL29 29 p.7
U.S
M'EXICO TRADE NEGOIATIONS
Fast Track
W
hat would fast track trade
fast track rhetoric. In terms of
negotiations between the U.S.
safe food and drinking water.
and Mexico really produce?
there is already 8 problem of crisis
Could Be
From the standpoint of food
proportions along both sides of
safety and water quality, it would
the border. Fast track is not a
Hazardous To
make an already deplorable
framework for solving these
situation worse.
problems.
What we drink.
This issue-and its long-term
Your Health
Mexican border towns like
political and economic
ramifications-deserves a lot
Matamoros and Juarez have
virtually no sewage facilities for
more than a simple up or down
vote by Congress.
their populations that swell as the
maquiladora plants expand. With
Congress should reject fast
no treatment facilities. hesith
track it's a shortcut to disaster.
FAST
problems abound on both sides of
the border.
TRACK
In San Elizario, Texas, for
example. 90 percent of the people
have Hepatitis A by the time they
reach age 30. Nogales, Arizona.
has a Hepatitis A rate 20 times
the U.S. national average.
What we eat.
TO
DISASTENT
With no treatment facilities.
produce destined for export may
be irrigated with polluted water.
including raw sowage. Irapuato, &
town in Guansjuato, is an
example.
There's a lot at stake here. But a
lot of important considerations
are getting pushed aside in the
AFL-CIO 815 SISTEENTH STREET, N.W. WASHINGT ON, D.C. 20006
POISON!
Fast Track
Environmental specialists-especially those concerned about
water-say the (border) area's natural resources cannot
handle the extra economic development free-trade advocates
The More You Read
foresee.
-The Economist
April 20. 1991
The Worse It Gets
Indiscriminate dumping or long-term storage of Industrial
garbage and hazardous wastes is trashing the landscape and
poisoning the water and soil.
-U.S. News & World Report
FAST
May 6, 1991
TRACK
Uncontrolled air and water pollution is rapidly deteriorating
and seriously affecting the health and future economic vitality
on both sides of the border.
American Medical Association
June, 1990
DISASTER
Their very success (the maquiladoras) is helping turn much of
TO
the border region into a sinkhole of abysmal living conditions
and environmental degradation.
-Wall Street Journal
September 27, 1989
T
he case against fast track free
This issue-and its long-term
trade negotiations between the
political and economic
U.S. and Mexico grows
ramifications-deserves a lot
stronger every day. There's a lot
more than a simple up or down
more at stake here than the fast
vote by Congress.
track rhetoric would lead you to
Congress should reject fast track
believe.
it's a shortcut to disaster.
AFL-CIO
815 SIXTEENTH STREET. N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
Document No. 236286SS
91 MAY WHITEAHOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
5/8/91
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: TODAY 5/8/91 1:00PM
SUBJECT: BRIEF REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS/ FREE TRADE
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
PETERSMEYER
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BRADY
SMITH
BROMLEY
UNTERMEYER
CARD
BOSKIN
DEMAREST
MARTINEZ
FITZWATER
ROGERS
GRAY
SNOW
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please forward your comments directly to Tony Snow, Rm. 122, x2930,
no later than 1:00 p.m., TODAY, WEDNESDAY, MAY 8, with a copy
to this office.
RESPONSE:
delintate so of he he make can chooses. easily the AA aid drop section A
substantive comments
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
Grant/Cawley
May 7, 1991 / 1 p.m.
91 MAY -8 AM 8: 00
A:ADS / Draft two
BRIEF REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS / FREE TRADE
THE INDIAN TREATY ROOM
THURSDAY, MAY 9, 1991
9:30 A.M.
((Acknowledgements))
First of all, welcome to the White House. We've all been
very concerned lately with two vital issues: America's ability to
compete in the global marketplace and our ability to negotiate
with our trading partners. The two concerns meet in an issue
that we all care about deeply: the "fast track" procedures that
I've asked Congress to extend.
Fast track procedures let us negotiate in good faith with
our trading partners and work in concert with Congress. They
simply ensure that we will not alter agreements that our
negotiators have reached with their counterparts.
Fast-track doesn't take away Congress' power to accept or
reject trade agreements. Congress will still have its say -- in
a yes-or-no vote -- because fast track does not guarantee
approval of any agreement. And we have promised to consult
closely with Congress during the course of trade talks. Fast
track's main virtue is this: It prevents 11th-hour changes to
agreements we have reached, changes that force everyone involved
to start from scratch.
Congress first gave the president fast track authority in
1974, and we have used it in negotiating three major trade
agreements since. As many of you know, fast track also can play
2
a role in helping us complete three other important trade
initiatives: The Uruguay Round of GATT talks; the North American
Free Trade Agreement and the Enterprise for the Americas
Initiative.
Unfortunately, some opponents of free trade have decided to
of
mount a smear campaign in hopes of derailing fast-track,
ignoring the facts, they have tried to frighten people with scare
tactics.and race baiting. I've got a couple examples.ef this
brought along
disgusting propaganda with me today. Here's one ad that
questions the health and sanitary habits of Hispanic people --
[HOLD UP TWO ADS -- SEE ATTACHED]. The other ad distorts the
truth the old fashioned way. It wrenches quotes out of context
and tries to give the impression that foreigners -- in this case,
our Mexican neighbors -- somehow will poison American citizens.
I find these ads personally offensive. They promote nothing
more than prejudice and racism.
Although it really shouldn't be necessary, let me set the
record straight. According to the American Journal of Public
Health, Mexicans and Mexican Americans have better birth
outcomes, lower drug use, and healthier diets than non-Hispanic
whites. This information was further supported by the January
1991 issue of the Journal of the American Medical Association.
There is no evidence that trade agreements with Mexico
:
agreements that fast-track procedures would facilitate -- will
have any adverse impact on the quality of our food or water.
3
But there's another point: Free trade encourages economic
growth and international understanding. It enables us to build
bonds of common interest and common experience. It may be the
most effective antidote to the kind of poison these ads spread
among our people.
Open markets and free trade mean stronger alliances and
better relations. It means we become better neighbors, because
we'll bring out the best in people -- not the worst, as our
opponents want.
One ad reads "There's a lot at stake here. But a lot of
important considerations are getting pushed aside in the fast
track rhetoric."
I couldn't agree more on this narrow point. Important
considerations have been pushed aside -- by the people who
sponsor these ads.
Take a look what the North American Free Trade Agreement
will create: the largest, richest market in the world. That's
360 million consumers and $6 trillion in annual output.
And take a look at the 130 percent increase in our exports
to Mexico over the past four years. This export boom has created
264,000 new jobs in the United States. And each additional
billion dollars in exports will create 20,000 new jobs here in
the United States. I didn't read about that in those ads.
So you see, we have much to gain from extending fast track -
- a new era of open, free and fair trade -- a future of
unprecedented economic growth and regional harmony.
4
A "yes" vote on fast-track really is a vote on what kind of
outlook we share -- one of optimism and integrity, or_one of
self-doubt and petty prejudice. A "yes" vote means a vote for
will not
the "good faith" and the strength of our word. We can't allow bigots
and fearmongers to control our agenda. We must rely on our
better selves -- our truer selves.
Fast track plays a critical role in helping the United
States compete in a world newly united by bonds of commerce. We
will need your support as Hispanic leaders in persuading Congress
to extend fast-track procedures. We will need your help as
businessmen and women, as entrepreneurs, as men and women from
all walks of life. But most of all, we need your help as
Americans committed to the ideals of freedom and opportunity.
Help us build good faith with our friends and neighbors.
Help us develop better working relations with Congress. And help
us stifle the voices that want to replace reason with rancor,
cooperation with discrimination.
with your help, I know we will succeed. Once again, thank
you and God bless each of you.
# # #
KaLL CaLL ApriL29 29 p.7
U
S - MEXICO TRADE NEGOTIATIONS
Fast Track
W
hat would fast track trade
fast track rhetoric. In terms of
negotiations between the U.S.
safe food and drinking water,
and Mexico really produce?
there is already a problem of crisis
Could Be
From the standpoint of food
proportions along both sides of
safety and water quality, it would
the border. Fast track is not a
Hazardous To
make an already deplorable
framework for solving these
situation worse.
problems.
What we drink.
This issue-and its long-term
Your Health
political and economic
Mexican border towns like
ramifications-deserves a lot
Matamoros and Juarez have
more than a simple up or down
virtually no sewage facilities for
vote by Congress.
their populations that swell as the
maquiladora plants expand. With
Congress should reject fast
no treatment facilities, health
track
it's a shortcut to disaster.
FAST
problems abound on both sides of
the border.
TRACK
In San Elizario, Texas, for
example, 90 percent of the people
have Hepatitis A by the time they
reach age 30. Nogales, Arizona,
has a Hepatitis A rate 20 times
the U.S. national average.
What we eat.
DISASTER
With no treatment facilities,
TO
produce destined for export may
be irrigated with polluted water,
including raw sewage. Irapuato. a
town in Guanajuato is an
example.
There's a lot at stake here. But a
lot of important considerations
are getting pushed aside in the
AFL-CIO
815 SIXTEENTH STREET, N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
POISON!
Fast Track
Environmental specialists-especially those concerned about
water-say the (border) area's natural resources cannot
handle the extra economic development free-trade advocates
The More You Read
foresee.
-The Economist
April 20, 1991
The Worse It Gets
Indiscriminate dumping or long-term storage of industrial
garbage and hazardous wastes is trashing the landscape and
poisoning the water and soil.
FAST
-U.S. News & World Report
TRACK
May 6, 1991
Uncontrolled air and water pollution is rapidly deteriorating
SHORTENT
and seriously affecting the health and future economic vitality
on both sides of the border.
-American Medical Association
June, 1990
TO
DISASTEN
Their very success (the maquiladoras) is helping turn much of
the border region into a sinkhole of abysmal living conditions
and environmental degradation.
-Wall Street Journal
September 27, 1989
T
he case against fast track free
This issue-and its long-term
trade negotiations between the
political and economic
U.S. and Mexico grows
ramifications-deserves a lot
stronger every day. There's a lot
more than a simple up or down
more at stake here than the fast
vote by Congress.
track rhetoric would lead you to
believe.
Congress should reject fast track
it's a shortcut to disaster.
AFL-CIO
815 SIXTEENTH STREET, N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
carolyns Comments
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTGrant/Cawley
May 7, 1991 / 1 p.m.
A:ADS / Draft two
BRIEF REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS / FREE TRADE
THE INDIAN TREATY ROOM
THURSDAY, MAY 9, 1991
9:30 A.M.
FYI:
((Acknowledgements))
coming from Shiree.
First of all, welcome to the White House. We've all been
very concerned lately with two vital issues: America's ability to
compete in the global marketplace and our ability to negotiate
with our trading partners. The two concerns meet in an issue
that we all care about deeply: the "fast track" procedures that
I've asked Congress to extend.
Fast track procedures let us negotiate in good faith with
our trading partners and work in concert with Congress. They
simply ensure that we will not alter agreements that our
negotiators have reached with their counterparts.
Fast-track doesn't take away Congress' power to accept or
reject trade agreements. Congress will still have its say -- in
a yes-or-no vote -- because fast track does not guarantee
approval of any agreement. And we have promised to consult
closely with Congress during the course of trade talks. Fast
track's main virtue is this: It prevents 11th-hour changes to
agreements we have reached, changes that force everyone involved
to start from scratch.
Congress first gave the president fast track authority in
1974, and we have used it in negotiating three major trade
agreements since. As many of you know, fast track also can play
Id like at the to studies look done, am interpreting My instinct 2 this stuff.
is that this # is problematic.
THE WHITE HOUSE Im concerned about the "Mexican +
WASHINGTON Mex-American"qualifier; and
a role in helping us complete three other important trade 2 the statement
on diets.
initiatives: The Uruguay Round of GATT talks; the North American
Free Trade Agreement and the Enterprise for the Americas
Initiative.
mount a smear campaign in hopes of derailing fast-track.
Ignoring the facts, they have tried to frighten people with scare
tactics and race-baiting. I've got a couple examples of this
disgusting propaganda with me today. Here's one ad that
see aTTached from the Hispanic HELITH organization.
They wrote the press release from which M.K. got this
language when I called to verify the info, they wanted to send
a revised # that more closely follows the Journal pieces.
Unfortunately, some opponents of free trade have decided to
questions the health and sanitary habits of Hispanic people --
[HOLD UP TWO ADS -- SEE ATTACHED]. The other ad distorts the
truth the old fashioned way. It wrenches quotes out of context
and tries to give the impression that foreigners -- in this case,
our Mexican neighbors -- somehow will poison American citizens.
I find these ads personally offensive. They promote nothing
more than prejudice and racism.
It was an article published in the JPH; doesn't
necessarily reflect their views.
Although it really shouldn't be necessary, let me set the
record straight.
According to the American Journal of Public
Health, Mexicans and Mexican Americans have better birth
outcomes, lower drug use, and healthier diets than non-Hispanic
it's a weekly, not
whites. This information was further supported by the January a monthly
pub.
1991 issue of the Journal of the American Medical Association.
There is no evidence that trade agreements with Mexico --
agreements that fast-track procedures would facilitate -- will
have any adverse impact on the quality of our food or water.
Note: Porter's office contacted the Surgeon Generals
Office, among others, and it seems that
everyone is uncomfortable w/ this #.
THE WHITE HOUSE
3
WASHINGTON
But there's another point: Free trade encourages economic
growth and international understanding. It enables us to build
bonds of common interest and common experience. It may be the
most effective antidote to the kind of poison these ads spread
among our people.
Open markets and free trade mean stronger alliances and
better relations. It means we become better neighbors, because
we'll bring out the best in people -- not the worst, as our
opponents want.
One ad reads: "There's a lot at stake here. But a lot of
important considerations are getting pushed aside in the fast
track rhetoric."
I couldn't agree more on this narrow point. Important
considerations have been pushed aside -- by the people who
sponsor these ads.
Take a look what the North American Free Trade Agreement
will create: the largest, richest mårket in the world. That's
360 million consumers and $6 trillion in annual output.
Cit's nearly 130%]
And take a look at the 130 percent increase in our exports
to Mexico over the past four years. This export boom has created
264,000 new jobs in the United States. And each additional
(almost)
billion dollars in exports will create/20,000 new jobs here in
the United States. I didn't read about that in those ads.
So you see, we have much to gain from extending fast track -
- a new era of open, free and fair trade -- a future of
unprecedented economic growth and regional harmony.
THE WHITE HOUSE
4
WASHINGTON
A "yes" vote on fast-track really is a vote on what kind of
outlook we share -- one of optimism and integrity, or one of
self-doubt and petty prejudice. A "yes" vote means a vote for
"good faith" and the strength of our word. We can't allow bigots
and fearmongers to control our agenda. We must rely on our
better selves -- our truer selves.
Fast track plays a critical role in helping the United
States compete in a world newly united by bonds of commerce. We
will need your support as Hispanic leaders in persuading Congress
pandering ? How about "as community leaders',
to extend fast-track procedures. We will need your help as
etc.
businessmen and women, as entrepreneurs, as men and women from
all walks of life. But most of all, we need your help as
Americans committed to the ideals of freedom and opportunity.
Help us build good faith with our friends and neighbors.
Help us develop better working relations with Congress. And help
us stifle the voices that want to replace reason with rancor,
cooperation with discrimination.
With your help, I know we will succeed. Once again, thank
you and God bless each of you.
# # #
Extended Page 1.1
May 8, 1991
Quite the contrary to the AFL-CIO claims of poor health among
Mexicans, the December 1990 supplement of the American Journal of
Public Health, published under the auspices of the National
Coalition of Hispanic Health and Human Services Organizations
(COSSMHO), shows that first generation Mexican Americans have
better birth outcomes, lower drug use, and healthier diets than
second generation Mexican Americans. Furthermore, federal data
(Secretary's Task Force on Black and Minority Health, the National
Center for Health Statistics, and the National Institute on Drug
Abuse) indicates that Mexican Americans have better birth outcomes,
lower drug use, and healthier diets than non-Hispanic whites.
From: Adolph Falcón
Nt'l Coalition of Hispanic HHS Organizations
(COSSMHO)
202/371-2100
MAY-, 8-91 WED 12:25 COSSMHO
P.01
....
COSSMHO
....
highlights
Facsimile Transmission bee
TO: CAROCYN CAULEY
Date:
FAX Number: 456-6218
FROM: Adolph P. Falcón
National Coalition of Hispanic Health and Human Services Organizations
1030 15th Street, N.W.; Suite 1053
Washington, D.C. 20005
(202) 371-2100 FAX Number (202) 371-6968
If document needs re-transmission, wait 10 minutes and then contact
Demitria Johnson at (202) 371-2100.
This is page # 1 of 25
Note:
R hope this is helpful
Please call me with
any questions.
PLEASE DELIVER IMMEDIATELY!! TIME SENSITIVE MATERIALS!!
8-91 WED 12:27 COSSMHO
IX. Acculturation and Marijuana and Cocaine Use:
Findings from HHANES 1982-84
HORTENSIA AMARO, PHD. RUPERT WHITAKER. GERALD COPPMAN, MS, AND TIMOTHY HEEREN, PHD
Abstract: We examined the relation berween acculturation and
with marijuana and cocaine use among Mexican Americans and
illicitidrug use among Hispanics in the United States emptoying data
Puerto Ricans of lower educational attainment than among those of
from the 1982-84 Hispanic Health and Nutrition Evaluation Survey
higher educational attainment. Significant interactions between lan-
(HHANES). Across all Hispanic groups. acculturation into us
guage USE and other factors such as sex. marital status, and place of
society. as reflected in English longuage use, was associated with
birth were also associated with marijuana and cocaine use. These
higher rates of illicit drug use even after sociodemographic variables
results suggest that the experience of acculturation. especially as it
such as gender, agc. income. and education were considered.
relates to drug use, is closely tied to the social and economic context
Significant Interactions between language and education indicated
in which an individual lives. 1Am J Public Health 1990; 80(Suppl):
that the predominant use of English was more strongly associated
54-60.)
Introduction
than acculturative factors. Morcover, the possible interac-
tions between acculturation and sociodemographic factors,
Drug use has long been recognized as a major public
such as sex and other demographic variables, have not yet
health problem in the United States.' and increasing indica-
been systematically investigated.
tors of serious use in the last two decades have prompted "
This paper investigates the extent to which illicit drug
surge in research to identify patterns and risk factors for drug
use among Mexican American, Puerto Rican, and Cuban
use in general populations. 2.3 However, these studies have
American adults is associated with place of birth and lan-
generally not provided reliable epidemiological data on drug
guage use as indicators of acculturation, and whether this
use among minorities, especially Hispanics. When data on
relation differs across gender, age, and socioeconomic status.
Hispanics have been reported, most studies have failed to
distinguish between Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, and
Cuban Americans. Failure to specify results by Hispanic
Methods
subgroup greatly limits the usefulness of such reports for
The methods and sampling design used in the Hispanic
public health efforts since, by the year 2000, Hispanics will be
Health and Nutrition Evaluation Survey (HHANES) are
the largest minority group in the United States. While
described in detail elsewhere, 19 Briefly, the HHANES is a
ancedotal, clinical, and some community-based studies SUB-
complex, multistage, stratified, clustered sample of house-
gest that drug use may be a significant problem in Hispanic
holds drawn from three geographic regions (i.e., Southwest-
communities,5-11 information on general drug use prevalence
ern US, Northeastern US. and Dade County, Florida) with
and the associated risk factors in specific Hispanic groups is
the largest national concentrations of Hispanics. Households
essential for prevention and intervention efforts in this
were screened for eligible respondents, who were asked
population.
general information about individuals in the household. The
One critical experience shared by all Hispanic subgroups
second part of the study involved physical examination and
is the process of acculturation or culture change resulting
interview at a nearby mobile examination unit. Questions on
from continuous. first hand contact with the United States
drug use were included in the Adult Sample Questionnaire
culture. Since acculturation may involve changes in atti-
Supplement and administered in the interview portion of the
tudes, norms, and practices regarding use of ifficit drugs. it is
study to individuals 12 to 74 years of age.¹⁹
important to understand the relation of acculturation to drug
The present analyses include respondents 20 years of age
use. Psychoactive drug use among Hispanics may be gener-
and older who self-identified as Mexican American in the
ally associated with increased levels of acculturation into US
Southwestern US sample, Puerto Rican in the Northeastern
norms and lifestyle. 12-15 Some research has suggested
US sample, or Cuban American in the Dade County, Florida
that acculturation may be more strongly associated with the
sample and who completed the physical examination and
use of some psychoactive substances, such as alcohol. among
interview portions of the study. All respondents were asked
women than men. Whether acculturation is also more
questions on marijuana use, but only those younger than 45
strongly associated with illicit drug use among women than
years were asked questions about cocaine use. While the
men has not yet been investigated. While these findings on
HHANES also included questions on use of inhalants and
acculturation are suggestive. their generalizability has been
sedatives, data on these substances are not included in this
limited due to the sclect and small samples in the reported
paper due to an insufficient number of users, The participa-
studies. Most such studies have been limited to one specific
tion rates for those approached, aged 20-74. were 58.4
Hispanic group or have not identified the group tinder study.
percent among Cuban Americans, 69.2 percent among Puerto
It is also unclear from previous research whether accultur-
Ricans, and 70.2 percent among Mexican Americans. The
ation is associated with increased drug use in all Hispanic
non-response rate for drug questions did not exceed 1.3
groups. Furthermore, because acculturation is associated
percent. The Mexican American sample includes 3,303 re-
with improved sociocconomic status, 19 it is unclear 10 what
spondents (ages 20-74) who were asked about marijuana use
extent increased drug use is prompted by economic rather
and 2.054 (ages 20-45) who were asked about cocaine use; the
Puerto Rican sample, 1,209 and 673 respondents respec-
tively. and the Cuban American sample, 858 and 348 respon-
NOTE: Author affiliations are listed elsewhere under CONTRIBUTORS.
dents respectively.
54
AJPH December 1990, Vol. 80, Supplement
8-91 WED COSSMHO
P.03
ACCULTURATION/MARIJUANA AND COCAINE USE
Questions on drug use were limited to whether the
group) The indicators of acculturation included in the model
respondent had ever used the drug in question (lifetime use)
were: birthplace (continental US/not continental US), and
and the most recent periods of use. Due to the small number
the language index score described previously (range from 1
of respondents who reported use in the last month and use in
305 Only English to $ III Only Spanish). Proe LOGIST
the last six months, analyses were conducted only on lifetime
accounts for sample weights but not design effects:22 there-
and previous year's use (no/yes) of marijuana and cocaine.
fore standard errors were corrected for a design effect of 1.5
Information was also obtained on sociodemographic charac-
when calculating p-values and confidence limits.
teristics such as sex, age, marital status, years of education,
Multivariate analysis to test interactions between accul-
current employment status, and yearly household income.
turation measures and sociodemographic variables: For
The HHANES acculturation measure, originally developed
each: Dapanic group and drug, the model described above
for the Mexican American sample, is based on eight items
served as the basic model to which interaction terms were
measuring language use, ethnic identification, and birthplace
added and tested one at a time. The interaction terms tested
of respondent and respondent's parents. An analysis of the
were: language use by birthplace, language use by gender,
distribution of these items for Puerto Ricans and Cuban
language use bylage, language use by income, language use
Americans revealed that responses to some of these items are
by education, and language use by marital status. Interac-
highly skowed, rendering the measure inappropriate for
tions between language use and birthplace and language use
general use across all Hispanic groups. To develop an
and each of the sociodemographic variables in the model
acculturation measure that was equally applicable to all
were tested individually.
groups, the highly skewed items were deleted and accultur-
Test of the final model with all interaction terms: A final
ation was measured by: 1) place of birth (coded as within or
model for each drug and Hispanic group--which included all
outside the continental US); and 2) a language index derived
sociodemographic variables, language use, place of birth and
from the simple mean of self-ratings on language spoken,
all significant interactions as determined in the previous
language preferred, language written, and language read
step then tested. Language use as a measure of accul-
(each scored English only sm 1, mostly English TEP 2, both
turation rather than birthplace was chosen for the interac-
English and Spanish # 3, mostly Spanish 4, Spanish only
tions because preliminary analyses showed this variable to be
at 5), and language of interview (coded as English = 1.
most closely associated with drug use.
Spanish #: 5).
Results
Statistical Analyses
Sample Characteristics
Age adjusted rates for marijuana and cocoine use:
Marijuana and cocaine use rates were calculated for each
Table 1 presents selected weighted sample characteris-
tics foreach Hispanic group. With the exception of the Puerto
Hispanic subgroup by gender. Marijuana and cocaltie use
rates were calculated adjusting for age by a direct standard-
Rican sample, which was predominantly female, gender
representation was approximately equal. Since drug use
ization method. That is, each of the three Hispanic samples
patterns have been shown to vary substantially by gender,
was weighted to reflect the age distribution of the combined
the overrepresentation of females in the Puerto Rican sample
weighted sample which reflects the Hispanic population in
of the HHANES needs to be considered in the interpretation
the United States. Standard errors were calculated account-
of the findings. The Mexican American and Puerto Rican
ing for design effects using the RTIFREQS procedure in
samples were younger, had a lower yearly family income, and
SAS.20 These standard errors were used to calculate 95
have Idss formal education than the Cuban American sample.
percent confidence intervals for drug use rates from each of
The Puerto Rican sample had a greater proportion of indi-
the three Hispanic populations.
viduals who were unemployed and not currently married
Marijuana and cocaine use by place of birth and lan-
compared to the other Hispanic samples. Nearly 60 percent
guage use: Marijuana and cocaine use rates by place of birth
of Mexican Americans were born in the United States
and language use were calculated. The RTIFREQS proce-
mainland, while this was true for only 21 percent of Puerto
dure in SAS was employed to calculate use rate estimates
and their standard errors while accounting for design effects.
Ricans and 2 percent of Cuban Americans. Scores on the
language use index indicate that Cuban Americans used
Multivariate analysis to assess relationship of accultur-
Spanish more than English, Puerto Ricans were equally
ation to drug use controlling for socioeconomic factors: To
divided in language use. and Mexican Americans used
investigate whether indicators of acculturation were inde-
pendently associated with drug use after the effects of
English more than Spanish.
socioeconomic factors were removed, a series of logistic
Drug Use
regression analyses were conducted using LOGIST proce-
Age-adjusted rates for marijuana use: The age-adjusted
dure in SAS.21 The analyses were conducted separately for
rates shown in Table 2 indicate that nearly half of Mexican
Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans; the number of users
American and Puerto Rican men reported having used
in the Cuban American sample was too small for multivariate
marijuana at some point in their lives, while 30.7 percent of
analysis to be meaningful. Use in the year prior to interview
Cuban American men reported ever using marijuana. Use of
(no/yes) was chosen as the dependent variable for the
marijuana la the previous year among Hispanic men was
analyses because it was the most recent measure of drug use
reported by 26.6 percent of Puerto Ricans, 22 percent of
with a sufficiently large sample to allow multivariate analy-
Mexican Americans, and 12.5 percent of Cuban Americans.
ses. The sociodemographic variables in the model were: sex
Lifetime use of marijuana was reported by 30.8 percent
(male/female), respondent's age (continuous), yearly family
of Puerto Rican women, but only 19.5 percent of Mexican
income (<$20,000/a>$20,000), currently employed (no/yes),
American women and 11.5 percent of Cuban American
years of education (0-17), and marital status (measured by
women. Compared to lifetime use, use of marijuana in the
two dummy variables: separated/divorced/widowed [nolyes]
previous year was reported by fewer women than men in all
and never married [no/yes], with married as the comparison
Hispanic groups. Compared to Mexican American (6.6 per-
AJPH December 1990, Vol. 80, Supplement
55
8-91 WED 12:29 COSSMHO
AMARO, ET AL.
TABLE 1-Selected Weighted Sample Characteristics of Hispanic Sub-
rates for lifetime cocaine use indicate that 40.6 percent of all
group
Puerto Rican men reported ever using cocaine and 26.9
percent reported using cocaine in the previous year. Among
Mexican
Puorto
Cubari
Mexican American men, 19.6 percent reported ever using
American
Ricon
American
Characteristics
(N * 3,303)
(N 14 1,209)
(N will 058)
cocaine and 10.8 percent reported using cocaine in the
previous year. One-fifth (20.3 percent) of Cuban American
%
%
%
men reported ever using cocaine and 17.1 percent said they
Sex
used cocaine in the previous year.
Female
50.3
62.7
445
Among women, 21.2 percent of all Puerto Rican women
Male
49.7
37.3
55.5
reported lifetime use of cocaine, while 6.4 percent of Mexican
Ago (years)
20-28
36.9
32.8
18.8
American and 7.2 percent of Cuban American women re-
30-39
27.6
27.4
21.8
ported ever using cocaine. Use of cocaine in the previous
40.44"
7.5
11.4
10.7
year was reported by 13.6 percent of Puerto Rican women but
45-49
6.9
8.8
10.0
only 2.1 percent of Mexican American and 2.7 percent of
50*
20.9
20.3
37.8
Cuban American women.
Yearly family income
<$20,000
64.6
70.0
57.7
Marijuana and cocaine use by place of birth and lan-
-$20,000
35.4
30.0
42.3
guage use: Figures 1 through 4 present the estimates of use
Employed
62.2
47.6
67.5
and 95 percent confidence intervals (CI) for marijuana and
Education (years)
28
33.7
21.3
27.2
cocaine use in the previous year by birthplace and language
8-11
24.4
31.5
19.0
index. Use of marijuana and cocaine was reported more often
12
23.8
20.5
23.7
by US-born Hispanic men and women of all groups than by
>12
16.1
17.8
30.2
those who were born outside the continental US (see Figures
Marital status
Nover married
14.5
23.4
12.6
1 and 2). Overall, the use of marijuana and cocaine use was
Married
72.0
51.6
69.3
highest among English-speaking Hispanic men and women
Sep/Div/Wid
13.5
25.0
18.1
than among those who were bilingual, who in turn were
US-born
59.3
21.5
2.3
generally more likely to report drug use than those who were
Language LIERS
English only
26.2
18.2
4.0
primarily Spanish-spenkers (see Figures 3 and 4). As found in
Montly English
30.3
24.0
7.9
corlier analyses, in comparison to the other Hispanic groups,
Both-equally
12.0
17.4
19.5
Puerto Rican men and women reported the highest use of
Mostly Spanish
19,7
31.2
42.7
marijuana and cocaine across language categories and birth-
Spanish only
12.9
9.2
26.6
place. It should be noted, however, that sample sizes become
very small, especially where drug use among Cuban Amer-
a) The age category of 40- 49 years in siplit into two groups bacause the questions on
docalne use word saked only of respondents ages 20-44
icaus was reported by birthplace and language use, making
b) Reform only to Individuals born in the continental us.
these estimates highly unstable.
TABLE 2-Age-adjustod Rates of Drug Use among Hispanic Mon and
Multivariate Analysis
Women (95 percent confidence Intervate)
Table 3 presents odds ratios of sociocconomic and
Mexican
Puedo
Cuban
acculturation variables for use of marijuana and cocaine in
American
Richn
American
the previous year among Mexican Americans and Puerto
Ricans. The Cuban American sample of users was too small
Marijuana
%
%
%
Males
(N - 1,450)
(N an 440)
(N (A) 373)
to conduct multivariate analysis. The odds ratios were
Provious year
22.0
26.0
12.5
(19.2, 24.8)
(21.9, 31.3)
(5.0, 19.1)
Lifetime
48.8
49.5
30.7
Males
Females
(45.6, 52.0)
(41.3, 57.7)
(24.5, 37.0)
100
Fomalos
(N th 1,853)
(N - 769)
(N - 485)
Provious year
6.6
12.5
3.8
90
(4.7. 8.5)
(9.6. 15.2)
(1.2, (5.4)
80
Lifetime
19.4
30.8
11.5
(15.8, 23.0)
(26.9, 34.7)
(5.5. 17.5)
70
ISSI US Born
Males
(N 4b 903)
IN - 231)
(N 14 141)
10.8
Percent
Not US Born
Cocalho
60
Provious year
20.9
17.1
(7.6, 14.0)
(1B.7, 35.1)
(7.5, 26.7)
50
Lifetime
19.6
40.8
20.3
40
(14.6, 24.8)
(32 0, 49.2)
(8.6. 31.8)
Females
(N - 1,151)
(N & 442)
(N - 207)
30
Previous year
2.1
13.6
2.7
(0.8, 3.9)
(9.8. 17.4)
(0.0. 5.4)
20
Lifelimo
6.4
21.2
7.2
10
(4.9. 7.9)
(16.5, 25.9)
(4.3. 11.0)
0
Mexican Puerto Cuban
Mexicon Puerto Cuhan
Rican
Ricun
cent) and Cuban American women (3.8 percent). Puerto
FIGURE I--Percent of Mexican American, Puerto Ricart, and Cubun American
Rican women reported the highest rate of marijuana use (12.5
mates and fenules who reported using marljuana in the previous year by
birthplace
percent) in the previous year.
NOTE: Only upper 95 percent confidence limits are presented. The upper and
Age-adjusted rates for cocaine use: The age-adjusted
lower limits are equidistant.
56
AJPH December 1990, Vol. 80, Supplement
8-91 WED 12:30 COSSMHO
P.05
ACCULTURATION/MARIJUANA AND COCAINE USE
Males
Funales
Males
Females
100
100
90
90
80
BO
ISS US Marn
70
NO Not us Born
70
English Dominent
Dilligual
Percent
60
60
Spanish Dominant
50
Percent
50
40
40
30
30
20
30
10
10
0
0
Puarto
Cuban
Mexican
Puerto
Qubon
Mexican Puerto Cuban
Mexicon
Puerto
Cubon
Mexican
Richa
Rionn
Rition
Ricen
FIGURE 2--Perent of Mexican American, Poerto Rican, and American
FIGURE 1-Percent of Mexican American, Puerto Rican, and Cuban American
males find Females who reported using cocaine in the previous year by birthplace
males and Temales who reported using cocaine In the previous year by language
NOTE: Only upper 95 percent confidence firstes are presented. The upon and
use,
lower finits are oquidistant.
NOTE: Only upper 95 percent confidence limits are presented. The upper and
lower inits are equidistant.
developed with separate multivariate logistic regressions for
each cthnic group/drug combination.
never-married status (p < .03) were found. These interactions
suggest that among Mexican Americans, speaking English
Marijuana Use
was more strongly associated with a higher rate of marijuana
Marijuana use and acculturation effects: In both Mex-
use in the previous year among: women in comparison to
ican Americans and Puerto Ricans, language use was signif-
men; those who have less formal education in comparison to
those with more formal education; and those who were
icantly associated with marijuana use in the previous year,
even after sociodemographic factors were considered. The
married compared to those who were not married.
odds of using marjuana were eight times greater for Mexican
Among Puerto Ricans. marijuana use in the previous
Americans and five times greater among Puerto Ricans who
year was most often reported by males (p < .0001), young
were English-speaking than among Spanish-speakers.
adults (p < .0001), individuals with less education (p < .05),
Marijuana use and interaction effects: A final model,
and those who were predominantly English-speaking (p <
which included the significant interactions (see Methods) in
.02). One marginally significant interaction (language by
addition to the basic model presented in Table 3. was tested
education, P < .08) suggests that use of English among Puerto
separately for Mexican Americans (x2 If 611.84, df #: 12, P <
Ricans was more strongly associated with a higher rate of
.0001) and Puerto Ricans (x² - 236.78, df Me 10, P < .0001).
marijuana use in the previous year among those with less
education than among those with more education.
Among Mexican Americans, marijuana use in the pro-
vious year was often reported by those who were younger (p
Cocaine Use
< .0001), not employed (p < .05). separated/divorced/
widowed (p < .0002), and never married (p < .03). In
Cocaine use and acculturation effects: Once sociode-
addition, significant interactions between language and sex (p
mographic variables were taken into account, language use
< .02), language and education (p < .05). and language and
was significantly associated with use of cocaine in the
previous year among both Mexican Americans and Puerto
Ricans (Table 3). The odds of using cocaine were 25 times
Males
Females
greater among Mexican Americans who scored toward the
100
English-dominant end of the language use index than among
90
those who were Spanish-dominant. Among Puerto Ricans,
English-speakers were two times more likely than were
80
NO English Dominent
MI
Bilingual
Spanish-speakers to report cocaine use in the previous year,
70
LD Spentah Domment
bitt the association was weak.
Cocalne use and interaction effects: A final model.
Percent
60
which included the basic model presented in Table 3 in
50
addition to all significant interactions, was tested separately
40
for Mexican Americans (x² BE 257.22, df и 11, p < .0001) and
30
Puerto Ricans (x² #1 158.29. df - 12, P < .0001).
20
Among Mexican Americans, cocaine use in the previous
year was most likely to be reported by those who were: male
10
(p < .0001). young adults (p < .0001), less educated (p <
0
.002), separated, divorced or widowed (p < .006), English-
Mexican Puerto Cutran
Mexican Puerio Coban
Ricen
Hiema
speakers (p < .0001). and born in the US (p < .005). Two
FIGURE 3-Percent of Mexican American, Puerto Rican, and Caban American
significant interactions between language and birthplace (p <
males and females who reported estag marijuana in the previous year by
.001) and language and education (p < .001) suggest that use
language use,
NOTE: Only upper 95 percent confidence limits are presented. The upper and
of English was more strongly associated with a higher rate of
lower limits are equidistant.
cocaine use among Mexican Americans who were US-born
57
AJPH December 1990, Vol. 60, Supploment
WED
COSSMHO
P.06
AMARO, ET AL.
TASLE 3--Odds Ration (95 percent confidence/Intervats) of Suclosconomic and Acculturation Variables for
Usolot Marijuria and Cocaine In the Previous Year among Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans,
Multivariate Legistic Regressions
Mexican Amoricans
Puorto Ricans
Murijuana
Cocaine
Marijuana
Cocaine
OR
OR
OR
OR
Variables
(95%
CI)
(95% Ci)
(95% CI)
(95% CI)
Sex
Male.vs. female
7.17
7.52
3.14
2.66
(4.78, 10.75)
(4.11. 13.77)
(1.93.5.11)
(1.58, 4.49)
Age
20 VG 40 years
8.33
6.44
6.03
9.17
(5.21. 13.32)
(2.74,15.15)
(3.26, 11.15)
(3.63, 23.16)
Yearly Family income
<$20K VS H$20K
1.15
0.75
0.67
0.65
(0.81, 1.63)
(0.47, 1.20)
(0.40. 1.13)
(0.36, 1.17)
Employment
Employed VS not
0.66
0.94
1.21
1.98
(0.45, 0.96)
(0.53, 1.67)
(0.72, 2.02)
(1.12.3.50)
Education
8 VS 16 yours
0.79
1.24
0.91
0.95
(0.48, 1.29)
(0.60, 2.54)
(0.43. 1.91)
(0.42, 2.16)
Marital Status
Sup/div/wid VS married
2.53
2.76
1.68
3.70
(1.54. 4.15)
(1.37,5.51)
(0.89.3.18)
(2.03, 6.74)
Single VG married
0.84
1.14
1.10
2.55
(0.56, 1.26)
(0.67, 1.95)
(0.G2, 1.94)
(1.37,4.75)
Birthplace
0.92
US vs not us
1.54
1.03
1.44
(0.75,3.17)
(0.50, 2.14)
(0.88, 2.49)
(0.37,2.31)
Language Use
English VS Spanish
6.02
25.44
5.32
2.19
(3.40,21.66)
(0.56, 98.68)
(1.83. 15.46)
(0.69, 6.95)
ChiSquare
472.02
198.98
306,71
123.57
p
.0001
0001
0001
.0001
than among those who were Mexican-born and among those
presation is found in the data from the National Houschold
who had low educational attainment than among those with
Survey,3 in which prevalence of lifetime and previous year
high educational attainment.
marijuana and cocaine use was highest among those living in
Among Puerto Ricans, cocaine uso in the previous year
the Northeast region of the US. However, the lifetime and
was reported most often by those who were young adults (p
previous year rates for cocaine use among Puerto Ricans in
< .00013, employed (p < .04), separated, widowed or
the HHANES were higher than those reported in the general
divorced (p < ,0001), never married (p < .005), and born in
population of the US Northeast corridor. For example, data
the US mainland (p < .05). Significant interactions between
from the National Household Survey indicate that 8 percent
language and birthplace (p < .04) and language and sex/(p <
of women, and 18 percent of men in the general Northeast
.005) suggest that greater use of English was more strongly
population have used cocaine at some point in their lives.
associated with a higher rate of cocaine use among men than
These rates were much lower than those estimated for Puerto
among women and among Puerto Ricans born on the island
Ricans from the HHANES (21.2 percent and 40.6 percent,
than those born on the US mainland. In addition, a marginally
respectively). Comparisons of estimates for use of cocaine in
significant interaction between language and education (p if
the previous year follow a similar pattern, suggesting that use
.07) suggests that the use of English was more strongly
of cocaine cannot be attributed solely to the geographic
associated with cocaine use among Puerto Ricans of low
location.
educational attainment than those with higher educational
The results also indicate that acculturation into US
attainment.
society. as reflected by language use, was accompanied by a
higher prevalence of illicit drug use. This relationship holds
Discussion
true even when sociodemographic variables are taken into
The results indicate that the rate of marijuana and
account. Yet, the relative strength of the association between
cocaine use among Hispanics, especially among Puerto
acculturation measures and drug use varied across Hispanic
Ricans, is higher than that for non-Hispanic Whites:- Be-
subgroup and by drug. While the cross-sectional design of
cause previous large-scale studies have not distinguished
this study docs not allow. for an analysis of the process of
between the three largest Hispanic groups. the higher rates of
acculturation, the results lead us to believe that it is important
drug use among Puerto Ricans may havel been diluted by
to develop research to further investigate the nature of the
combining them with other Hispanics. who have drug use
acculturation process among Hispanic subgroups and its
rates similar to those reported for non-Hispanic Whites.
relationships to drug use.
It is possible that the higher rates of drug use among
One possible factor which influences the impact of
Puerio Ricans compared to other Hispanic groups reflect
acculturation on drug use is the social context of drug use in
regional patterns of drug use. Some support for this Inter-
the native country. For example, it is possible that drug
58
AJPH Docember 1990, Vol. 80, Supplement
Extended Page
6.1
factors which impact drug use among Hispanics living in the
of the process or acculturation among ruspanes and other
US mainland, research is needed on social froms and drug
immigrant groups.
use pract in the countries from which Hispanics originate.
The present findings also indicate the need for further
The results also suggest that the relation of acculturation
studies of drug use among Hispanics, especially Puerto
to drug use differs across education levels. Acculturation, as
Ricans on the mainland and on the island. Because of the
measured by language use, had the strongest relation to drug
close political, economic, and legal ties between Puerto Rico
use among those who were lenst educated. Mexican Amer-
and the United States mainland, and because of the contin-
loans and Puerto Ricans who were highly acculturated, but
other migration to and from Puerto Rico, drug availability and
had dot enjoyed access to educational resources of American
norms of drug use in the continental US may have a direct
society, were most likely to report marijuana and cocaine
effect on drug use among Puerto Ricans living on the island.
use. Similar findings indicating that high acculturation is
Met. Paceto Rico is not usually included in national studies of
associated with alcohol use among poor Hispanic men have
drug use. leaving a critical gap in knowledge about a sub-
been reported in the literature. 17123.26 Acculturation, when
stantial Hispanic population in the US. Further. public
accompanied by poverty and/or lack of access to education,
education campaigns and prevention efforts to reduce initi-
may resemble what Berry termed "marginalization. 127 In
ation into drug use have not typically included Puerto Ricans
this type of acculturation. an individual loses essential
on the island. Policy initiatives are needed to develop and
features of his/her culture and at the same time has: not
implement prevention programs aimed at the Puerto Rican
entered the larger society. This type of acculturation results
population on both the island and in the mainland. Such
in feelings of alienation and loss of identity: is highly
mitiatives should include ongoing mechanisms for gathering
stressful, and places an individual at high risk for poor mental
information on drug use among Puerto Ricans.
health outcomes.
Our: findings also suggest that, in some cases, the
relationship of acculturation to drug use varies by sex, Orice
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
socioeconomic factors were considered, the gender gap in
This Investigation was funded by a grant from the National Coalition of
marijuana use was relatively small among Mexican Ameri-
Hispinic Health and Human Services Organizations (COSSMIIO), Washing-
cans who speak primarily Spanish. This contrasts with the
min. DC.
The anthors wish to thank Drs. Douglas Anglin and Nancy Felipe Russo
rates of drug use among those who were predominantly
for their helpful suggestions on an earlier draft.
English-speaking. for whom the rates were much higher
among men than among women. Yet, the relative difference
in drug use between Spanish- and English-speakers was
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60
AJPH December 1990, Vol. 80, Supplement
WED
12:35
COSSMHO
P
-
GUENDELMAN, ET AL.
grams) at birth?" and "What is the total number of live
determined by the question "Do you currently smoke ciga-
births you have had?"
rettes?": and 3) interval, in years, since the last Pap smear
B For primipara. "Did this (the only) child weigh loss
test, recoded into four ordinal categories ranging from last
than S½ pounds (2,500 grams) at birth?"
two weeks to never.
Other questions asked of all women were "What is the
Medical factors include: 1) self-reported physician-
total number of miscarriages you have had?" and
diagnosed blood pressure or hypertension; 2) Quotelet index,
"How many times have you been pregnant?"
i.e., a body mass index based on self-reported weight at age
Generation, which is determined by the birthplace of the
25 and height (weight/height2). On the basis of the pairwise
subjects. was selected as the primary independent variable.
analyses described above, three additional variables were
To allow for sufficient sample size, the original three-
included in the model for miscarriages, namely: self-reported
generation coding given in the data tape (first generation born
physician diagnosed diabetes, heart problems, and self-
in Mexico: second generation not born in Moxico, one or both
perceived health status ranging from very good to poor.
parents born in Mexico: third or higher generation, neither
Differences between the two generational groups for
parent born in Mexico) was collapsed into two groups: 1)
each independent and outcome variable were examined by
subjects born in Mexico whose parents wereborn outside the
performing Student's two sample t-tests for the continuous
US, and 2) subjects born in the US who had at least one
variables and chi-square tests for the categorical variables.
parent born In Mexico or of Mexican descent.
Since the HHANES is a multistage, stratified probability
Other social, behavioral, and medical variables were
sample of clusters of persons in area-based segments,
initially screened if they have been reported in the literature
estimates were weighted using the "examined weights" and
as significantly related to birthweight or miscarriages in
complex design effects were taken into account using the
non-Hispanic populations. 19.14 Only those variables that were
Super Carp program. 20 To facilitate presentation, only the
tleast moderately associated (p % .20) with LBW in pairwise
weighted values and statistics are presented in the genera-
analyses and/or with miscarriages in separato pairwise anal-
tional profile in Table 1.
yses (adjusting for number of live births and number of
Logistic regression was used (SAS Logist procedure)21
pregnancies, respectively) were included for further study.
to examine the effects of generation on each outcome variable
The social variables considered in the prodictive models
controlling for the social, medical, and behavioral factors
for LBW and miscarriages are: 1) Medicaid coverage in the
studied. Only cases which had complete information on all
last 12 months prior to the interview: 2) highest grade of
these variables were included in the analyses (n = 1,078). We
regular school completed; 3) family income which is the
ran simultaneous logistic regressions for all women and then
combined income obtained in the last 12 months from jobs,
separate models for primipara and multipara. From these
public assistance, rents, interests or other sources; 4) marital
results we estimated odds ratios and their 95 percent confi-
status which refers to whether a spouse is living in the home;
dence intervals. For continuous or ordinal predictors, stan-
and 5) age in years at the time of the interview.
dardized odds ratios are estimated. These are presented in
The behavioral factors are: 1) current drinker status
Tables 2-5. To check whether the statistical significance of
determined by asking of non-abstainers whether they have
some variables might be affected by collinearity with other
had a drink in the last 28 days; 2) current smoker status
variables, the simultaneous logistic procedure was followed
TABLE 1-Maternal Characteristics by Goneration for Hispanic Women, HNANES 1982-84
First Goneration
Second Generation and Beyond
Weighted
Weighted
Characteristics
N 543
Moon or %*
S.E.
N - 847
Moon or %*
S.E.
0"
Social
Education, M in yours
543
M and 7.1
0.2
847
M 2% 10.6
0,3
.000
Income, M in $1.000
643
M we 14.1
0.3
847
M - 15.8
0.4
.009
increments
Medicaid last 12 months
541
6.9%
1.4
842
8.6%
1.1
.168
Married
541
75.8%
2.3
847
70.0%
20
.004
Age, M in years
543
M be 34.1
0.5
847
M as 34.3
0.4
.763
Live births, M number
543
M ** 3.3
0.8
847
M HD 3.1
0.4
.827
Behavioral
Current smoker
528
21.1%
1.3
798
28.1%
1.6
.009
Current drinker
542
6.0%
1.0
847
12.4%
1.3
.005
Nover had a Pap smoor
538
11.1%
1.3
832
3.3%
1,1
.002
Biological
History of high blood pressure
543
21.4%
2.2
847
22.4%
1.9
740
Quotolet Indox at age 25
446
801
Low Quototat Index
30.8%
1.6
28.6%
1.4
Medium Quotelet index
56.8%
23
55.7%
1.7
.517
High Quotolet Indox
12.5%
2.3
15.7%
2.7
Mistory of diabetes
543
5.1%
0.5
847
8.0%
0.4
.002
History of heart problems
543
2.4%
0.6
646
4.8%
0.8
.043
Porceived health status. M
542
M del 3.28
0.03
847
M - 2.83
0.04
.000
Pregnancies, M number
543
M Rd 3.9
0.7
847
M - 3.7
0.6
.834
SOURCE: Hisprinic Health and Nutrition Examination Survey, 1082-1984.
"Complex dosign effects also taken into account.
"p values represent the significance lovel for the first and second generation comparison in the weighted analysis.
62
AJPH December 1990, Vol. 80, Supplement
WED
2
COSSMHO
PERINATAL HEALTH AMONG MEXICAN AMERICANS
up with a backwards stepwise regression. 21 Data in the
TABLE Adjusted Odde Ratios* for Low Birthweight (n - 1078)
models were weighted according to the scaled weighting
procedure proposed by the National Center for Health
Adjusted
Statistics, where the sum of the weights is equal to the
Variables
Odde Ratios*
95% CI
observed sample size. The results on Tables 2-5 were also
examined adjusting for complex design effects using the
Generation (0 and first, 1 ** second or
1.73
1.11,2.71
estimated average design effect of 1.5 as described by
boyond)
Number of live births
1.37
1.13,1.67
Delgado, et at.
Age at injerview
1.13
0.91,1.41
Marital status (0 à no spouse home:
0.92
0.58,1.47
Results
1 - spouse at home)
Years of inducation
0.93
0.75, 1.15
Generational Profiles of Maternal Characteristics
income
0.93
0.75, 1.14
Medicaid coverage (0 @d no: 1
0.83
0.39, 1.78
The two generational groups were similar with respect to
yes)
age at interview (34.1 years for the first and 34.3 years for the
Current drinker status (0 abstainer;
0.76
0.41,1.40
second) and the proportion of primiparous women (19.7
1 in drinker)
percent in the first and 20.8 percent in the second). The
Current arnoker status (0 a no: 1 -
1.58
1.05,2.38
findings in Table I indicate that a variety of significant
yes)
interval alsos last Pap smoar
1.01
0.84, 1.21
changes take place between the first and second generationior
Low Quelleter Indox at age 25 (o
1.46
beyond. Second generation women have H significantly
no: 1 in yes)
higher educational attainment than first generation women.
High Qualifiet Index at age 25 (0 EM
1.26
On the average they have 31/2 more years of formal schooling.
no: 1 (M yes)
History of high blood pressure (0 -
1.25
0.82, 1.91
Family income is also significantly higher in the second
no: 1 or yes)
generation despite the fact that, compared with the first
generation, there are more women living withouth spouse at
SOURCE: Hispanic Health and Nutrition Examination Survey: 1902-04
home. From B behavioral standpoint, far more second gen-
Logistic regression analysis techniques were used to obtain the adjusted odde ratios.
"For the continuous and ordinal veriables, itvo birthe, age at interview, education, Income
cration women are smokers and drinkers than first generation
and interved africe last pap smear, standardized odds ration are presented. (The add: rollo
women. However, significantly fewer second generation
of LBW for the increase of one standard doviation of the prodictor.)
"To dynlum the Quototar Index (a nominal variable with 3 categories). a x² tost statistic
women have never had a Pap sinear compared with those in
with 2 D.F. WILG obtained from the difference of two log likelihood functions and was found
the first: significant differences in high blood pressure or
to the not Etallatically significant.
Quetelet index were found between the two generations. but
second generation women had significantly higher propor-
3-Adjusted Odds Retios* for Low Birthweight among Primipa-
tions of physician-diagnosed diabetes and heart problems.
rous Women (n # 107)
Despite reporting more medical problems, second generation
women perceived their health status significantly better than
Adjusted
first generation women.
Variables
Odds Ratios*
95% CI
Generational Effects on Low Birthweight
Generation (0 stim first, 1 TO second or boyond)
4.08
0.81, 20.45
The percentage of low birthweight out of the total live
Age at Interview
0.97
0.53. 1.77
births for Mexican origin mothers is 5.3 (S.E. 5% 0.04). This
Markel status (0 45% no spouse home, 1 - spouse
1.23
0.31, 1.51
estimate is similar to the rates based on birth certificate data
at home).
Years of education
0.98
0.51, 1.91
reported by Williams (5.3 percent) and Ventura* (5.6 per-
income
1.32
0.68,2.59
cent) and higher than those reported by Scribner and Dwyer's
Medicald coverage (0 " no: 1 & yes)
0.30
0.02,4.18
(4.8 percent) using an HHANES sample of older women up
Currentidrinker status (0 - abstainer: 1 -
0.93
0.78, 1.11
to age 74. Similar to Scribner and Dwyer. we found that LBW
drinker)
Current smoker status (0 the no; 1 TO yes)
0.62
0.16,2.43
rates differ significantly for the two generational groups. Out
Intervalisinco last Pap smoar
1.87
1.09,3.20
of the total live births for the first generation 3.9 percent (S.E.
Low Quotolet Index at age 25 (0 - no; 1 & yes)
1.28
as 0.7) are of LBW. whereas out of the total live births the
High/Quetaletet index at age 25 (0 an no; 1 to yes)
1.06
**
second generation, 6.1 percent (S.E. = 0.7) are of LBW. The
History Not high blood pressure (0 an no: 1 226 yes)
5.07
1.59, 16.20
generational effects on LBW are significant, even after
SOURCE: Hispanic Health and Nutrition Examination Survey: 1062-84
adjusting, in a logistic regression model. for the social,
regression analysis techniques word used to obtain the adjusted adds ratios.
behavioral and medical characteristics. The risk of LBW is
TO the continuous and ordinal variables, standardized odde ratios are presented.
1,73 times higher (95% CI 525' 1.11, 2.71) in the second
*TO evaluate the Quotelet Index (a nominal variable with 3 categories), 4 tost statistic
with 208 was obtained from the difference of two log likolihood functions and was found
generation compared with the first (Table 2); This result
to be not itatistically significant.
remains significant even after adjusting for complex design
effects.
potential confounders included in the logistic regression
We examined the generational differences in birthweight
model, the risk of LBW is approximately four times higher for
outcomes in the two parity groups and found that. in the first
second than first generation primiparous women (OR 4.08;
generation. the LBW rate was 6.3 percent (S.E. use 1.8) in
primipara and 3.8 percent (S.E. = 0.05) in multipara. In the
95% CI - 0.81, 20.45). The risk factor, however, was not
second generation, primipara also had higher rates: 9.7
statistically significant at the p - .05 level, possibly due to
percent (S.E. - 2.4) compared with 5.9 percent (S.E. IIII. 0.06)
small sample size. The risk for LBW is five times higher for
in multipara. These estimates indicate that although the
primiparous women with a physician-diagnosed history of
percentage of LBW increases in the second generation, in
high blood pressure (OR 5.07; 95% CI = 1.59, 16.20) and it
both generations primipara have LBW rates diat are almost
almost doubles when the interval since last Pap smear is
1.5 times Higher than multipara.
greater than one standard deviation from the mean (OR 1.87;
As shown in Table 3, we found that after adjusting for the
95% CI RED 1.09. 3.20). After adjusting for complex design
AJPH December 1990, Vol. 80, Supplement
63
8-91 WED COSSMHO
GUENDELMAN. ET AL.
effects, the only significant prodictor that remained was blood
TABLE 5-Adjusted Oddn Ratios* for Miscarriages (n at 1076)
pressure.
The effect of generation on LBW was significant for
Adjusted
Variables
Odds Ratios*
95% CI
multiparous women. The findings in Table 4 show that the
risk of LBW is almost double for second generation women
Generation (O - first, 1 #: second or beyond)
0.81
0.57, 1.15
(OR 1.69; 95% CI any 1.05, 2.84) and for current smokers (OR
Pregnancy number
3.92
3.09,4,96
1.79; 95% CI an 1.16, 2.76). Smoking remained a significant
Age at Interview
0.68
0.56, 0.82
predictor even after adjusting for complex design effects.
Marital status (0 an no spouse home, 1 tool spouse
0.69
0.47, 1.03
Results similar to those obtained with the logistic regression
at home)
Yours of education
1.25
1.04,1.51
techniques were obtained when doing backwards stepwise
Income
1,15
0.97, 1,37
regressions for primipara and multipara.
Medicaid coverage (0 - no: 1 or yes)
0.96
0.52, 1.75
Current drinker status (0 of abstainer: 1 in
0.99
0.60. 1.61
Generational Effects on Miscarriages
drinken
Current smoker status (0 - no: 1 An yes)
1.11
0.78, 1.58
The percentage of miscarriages out of the total number
Interval since last Pap smoar
0.91
0.78, 1.08
Low Quetolet Indox at age 25 (0 - no: 1 - yos)
1.13
of pregnancies for Mexican origin mothers is 12.7 percent
High Quotelet Indox at age 25 (0 a no: 1 - yes)
0.96
R$
(S.E. to 0.59). This rate falls within the expected range for
History of high blood pressure (0 - no; 1 go yes)
1.23
0.86, 1.76
spontaneous abortions in the mainstream population. 14 Fur-
History of diabetes (0 or no; 1 - yes)
1.25
0.70, 2.24
History of heart problems (0 TF no: 1 our yes)
1.07
0.52,2.20
thermore, the rates for the two generational groups are not
significantly different. Out of the total number of pregnancies
Perceived health status
1.09
0.93, 1.29
for the first generation, 13.1 percent (S.E. TIV 0.99) have had
SOURCE: Hapanic Health and Nutrition Examination Survey: 1982-84
miscarriages. For the second generation the percentage of
*Logistin regression analysis techniques ware used to obtain the adjusted odde ratios.
miscarriages is 12. 5 percent (S.E. 24 0.60).
For the continuous and ordinal variables, standardized odde ration are presented.
To evaluate the Quotatot Indox (a nominal variable with 3 cutegories). ax" tost statistic
Using logistic regression, we examined whether gener-
with 2 D.F. was obtained from the difference of two log likelihood functions and was found
ation becomes & significant predictor or miscarriages after
to be not statistically significant.
adjusting for the social, behavioral and medical factors listed
in Table 5. Generation was not a significant predictor of
including generation and found that it was not a significant
miscarriages (OR 0.81; 95% CI - 0.57, 1.15). The adjusted
predictor of miscarriages.
odds ratios reported in Table 5 indicate that miscatriages
Nor was generation a significant predictor of miscar-
increase 1.25 times with every increase in one standard
riages when logistic models were constructed separately for
deviation in education (95% CI this 1.04, 1.51); it increases 1.47
primipara and multipara (primipara: OR 0.76; 95% CI = 0.31,
times (95% CI - 1.79. 1.22) with every decrease in one
1.87; multipara: OR 0.91: 95% CI = 0.62, 1.34). However, for
standard deviation in age and 1.43 times among women
primipara, an older age at interview (OR 1.74; 95% CI = 1.17,
without a spouse living at home (95% CI ICE 2.13, 0.97).
2.57) and Medicaid coverage (OR 3.30 95% CI M .93; 11.69)
Education and age remained significant after adjusting for
was. positively associated with miscarriages, whereas in
complex design effects.
multipara age and socioeconomic factors were inversely
Since Scribner and Dwycr' reported that generation
associated with miscarriages (age OR 0.64; 95% CI = 0.52,
was not as strong a predictor of pregnancy outcome as
0.78; income OR 1.17; 95% CI = 0.97, 1.42; education OR
acculturation, we examined the role of acculturation in
1.22; 95% CI If 1.00, 1.49).
predicting miscarriages. Like Scribner and Dwyer, we looked
at the effect of the acculturation index with and without
Discussion
TABLE A--Adjusted Odda Ratios* for Low Birthweight embing Multipa-
The findings from this study show that for the Mexican
rous Women (n = 892)
origin population in the United States the percentage of LBW
was 5.3 and the percentage of miscarriages was 12.7.
Adjusted
Whereas the incidence of LBW in this population is lower
Variables
Odds Bation"
95% a
than that for the general population, the rate of miscarriages
seems similar to what is expected for the mainstream popu-
Congration (0 in first, 1 as second or beyond)
1.69
1.05, 2.84
Number of live births
1.37
1,11,1.58
lation. 3,8.14
Ago at Interview
1.18
1.05, 1.33
Mexican Americans are a heterogeneous group and our
Marital status (0 29 no spouse home, 1 ** spouse
0.86
0.52, 1.44
analysis demonstrates that wide variations are found accord-
of home)
ing to generation and parity. US-born Mexican Americans
Years of education
0.92
0,73, 1.16
income
0.09
0.79, 1,11
are at 60 percent higher risk for LBW than Mexico-born
Modicald coverage (0 - no: 1 the yes)
0.97
0.43. 2.20
women. Furthermore. the rate of LBW among US-born
Current drinker status (c MP abstainer: 1 Me)
0.79
0.41, 1.32
primipara at 9.7 percent begins to approximate that of the
drinker)
Current smoker status (0 - no: 1 - yes)
1.79
1,16,2.76
Black population. 19
Interval since last Pap smoar
0.89
0.72, 1,09
The findings, based on a rich array of variables, further
Low Quotelet Indox at age 25 (0 - no; 1 - you)
1.46
demonstrate that across generations, significant changes take
High Quetelet Index at age 26 (0 M/D no: 1 In t you)
1.38
place in certain bio-social-behavioral characteristics of moth-
History of high blood pressure (0 - no; 1 and yes)
0.95
0.00, 1.51
ers which are associated with pregnancy outcomes (Table 1).
While second generation Mexican American women show a
SOURCE: Hispanic Health and Nutrition Exercination Survey: 1982-84
*Logistic regronation analysis techniques were and to obtain the adjusted odda ration.
higher educational and income status and more use of health
"For the continuous ark! ordinal variables, standardized additionals the presented.
care relative to their first generation counterparts, certain
To evaluate the Quatetet Index to nominal variable with 3 calegories), AX cont claimatic
with 2 D.F. was obtained from the difference of two log likethood functions and was found
behavioral characteristics such as smoking and drinking
to to not statistically significant.
behaviors actually deteriorate in the second generation. The
64
AJPH Docember 1990, Vol. 80, Supplement
8-91 WED 12:39 COSSMHO
P.05
PERINATAL HEALTH AMONG MEXICAN AMERICANS
second generation also has higher rates of physician-diagnosed
extent to which prematurity or intrauterine growth retarda-
diabetes and heart problems. However. this could be a result
tion determine pregnancy outcomes in each generation. This
of improved access to care rather than to poor health status.
is a question that cannot be addressed in the HHANES.
Our multivariate models indicate that generation is a
significant predictor of LBW but not of miscarriages. This
evidence points to two important findings: first, even after
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
controlling for other factors. US-born Mexican origin women
This investigation was funded by a grant from the National Coalition of
Hispanic Health and Human Services Organizations (COSSMHO), Washing-
of the second generation or beyond have a higher likelihood
too. DC.
of giving birth to LBW infants; and second, these patterns are
The authors would like to thank Olivia Carter-Pokras. Katherine Flegal,
not consistent for all pregnancy outcomes.
and Peter Gerdsen at NCHS for theirhelpful comments. Special thanks are also
According to the acculturation model, the behaviors or
extended to Mury Maddox-Gonzalez. MD. MPH. and Jose Enz. MD. MPH.
for their help in the early stages of the study.
lifestyles that protect women against adverse pregnancy
outcomes are associated with a Mexican cultural orientation
which predates pregnancy. If this were the case, we would
REFERENCES
have expected that generation (as a proxy for acculturation)
1. Williams RL, Binkin NJ. Clingman EJ: Pregnancy outcomes among
Sponish-surnume women in California. Am I Public Health 1986; 76:387-
would have been a significant predictor, not only of LBW but
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also of miscarriages. Evidence from this study does not
2. Agairee ST, to KL: Maternal and Child Health Profile for Hispanics in
support this conclusion. The findings show no significant
California. Sacramento, California: Health Officers Association of Cali-
effects of generation or the acculturation index on miscar-
fornia, Border Maternal and Child Health Project, 1985.
3. Shiono Pit. Klebanoff MA. Graubard BI, Bernedes HW. Rhoads GG:
riages. Rather than cultural factors, the results suggest that
Birthweight among women of different ethnic group. JAMA 1986: 225:48-
socioeconomic, genetic, and unaccounted medical factors
52.
are better predictors of miscarriages in Latinas.
4. National Center for Health Statistics, Ventura SJ: Births of Hispanic
Furthermore, the findings do not support the hypothesis
Parentage, 1980. Monthly Vital Statistics Report, Vol. 32. No. 6. Supple-
ment. DHHS Pub. No. PHS 83-1120. Hyartsville. MD: NCHS. Public
that increased fetal losses explain the more favorable LBW
Health Service, September 1983.
outcomes in first generation Mexiean-Americans. 12.13 The
5. National Center for Health Statistics. Ventura SJ: Births of Hispanic
13.1 percent miscarriage rate in the first generation was very
parentage. 1981. Monthly Vital Statistics Report, Vol. 33. No. 8. Supple-
similar to the 12.5 percent found in the second generation.
ment. DHHS Pub. No. PHS 85-1120. Hyattsville, MD: NCHS. Public
Health Service. December 1984.
However, the possibility of reporting bias cannot be
6, National Center for Health Statistics, Ventura SJ: Births of Hispanic
discounted in this study. Underreporting miscarriages among
Paramage. 1982. Monthly Vital Statistics Report. Vol. 34, No. 4. Supple-
first generation women could occur as a result of less
ment. Hyattsville, MD: NCHS. Public Health Service. July 1985.
education which leads to less body awareness or less likeli-
7. Ventura SJ. Tallet SM: Childbearing characteristics of US- and foreign-
hood of recognition of miscarriages. Furthermore, compared
born Hispanic mothers. Public Health Rep 1985: 100:647-652.
8. Dowling PT. Fisher M: Material Dictors and low birthweight infants: A
with US-born, Mexico-born women are more likely to seek
comparison of Blacks with Mexican Americans. J Fam Pract 1987:
prenatal care late or none at all.s and thus are loss likely to
25:153-158,
receive a medical diagnosis if miscarriages occur. Con-
9. Gayle AD. Dibley MJ. Marks JS. Trowbridge FL.: Malnutrition in the first
versely, because induced abortion in Mexico is illegal.
two years of life. Am 1 Dis Child 1987: 141:531-534.
10. Scribuer R, Dwyer J: Acculturation and low birth weight among Latinos
Mexico-born women could be misreporting induced abortion
in the Hispinic HANES. Am I Public Health 1989: 79:1263-1267.
as miscurriages to make it more acceptable. 24 The possibility
11. Markides K, Coroil J: The health of Hispanics in the southwestern United
of measurement error also arises given the potential ambi-
States: ## epidemiological paradox. Public Health Rep 1986: 101:253-265.
guity concerning what events actually constitute a miscar-
12. Holderson J. Daudistel H: Infant mortality of the Spanish surname
population. Sec Sci J 1982: 19:68-78.
riage. We suspect that miscarriages may be more prone to
13. Eberstein 1. Pol L: Mexican-American ethnicity. socio-economic status.
reporting bias than LBW. particularly among less educated
and infant mortality: A county level analysis. Soc Sci J 1982: 19:61-71.
women. Hence, further studies are needed to confirm the
14. Kline 3. Stein 2: Spontaneous abortion (miscarriage). In: Bracken M (ed):
validity of the fetal loss hypothesis.
Perinaral Epidemiology. Ch 2. New York: Oxford University Press, 1984.
15. Mines R. Kearney M: The Health of Tulare County Farmworkers: A
Because the HHANES is a cross-sectional, retrospec-
Report of 1981 Survey & Ethnographic Research for the Tulare County
tive survey, variables do not necessarily measure the condi-
Department of Health. Sacramento: California Dept of Health. 1982.
tions or behaviors at the time of birth, hence possibly washing
16. De la Torre A. Rush 1.: The effects of health care uccess on maternal and
away some of the effects. In this study. the recall blas was as
infant health of California migrant seasonal farm worker women. Border
Health 1987; 3:18-25.
long as 40 years and no attempts at verifying the accuracy of
17. Eisner V. Brazie JV. Pratt MW, Hexter AC: The risk of low birthweight.
the miscarriage or LBW information given to the mother at
Am J Public Health 1979: 69:387-893.
the time of delivery were made in the HHANES. Neverthe-
18. National Center for Health Statistics: Plan and operation of the Hispanic
less, some of the traditional risk factors c.g. smoking for
Health and Nutrition Examination Survey 1982-84. Vital & Health
Statistics Series 1. No. 19. DHHS Pub. No. PHS 85-1321. Washington,
LBW and e.g. age for miscarriages are corroborated using the
DC: NCHS, Public Health Service. September 1985.
HHANES data. Furthermore, the results of LBW are con-
19. Institute of Medicine: Preventing Low Birthweight. Washington, DC:
sistent with those found by Williams, it al.' in California. The
National Academy Press. 1985.
latter found that the lower rates of LBW among Mexico-borni
20. Hidiroglou MA. Fuller WA, Hickman RD: Super Carp. 6th Ed. Ames. IA:
Survey Section Statistical Laboratory. Towa State University. October
compared with US-born women of Mexican origin could not
1980.
be the result of systematic underreporting by Mexican
21. Harrell F: The Logist Procedure: SAS Supplemental Library User's
women.
Guide. SAS Institute, 1980.
In conclusion, the findings from the HHANES suggest
22. National Center for Health Statistics, Division of Health Examination
Statistics: Analytic guidelines and reliability criteria for analyzing HANES
that cultural explanations of differential pregnancy outcomes
dive. Hyattsville, MD: NCHS. 1989.
in women of Mexican origin must be restricted to LBW. The
23. Delgado 1L. Johnson CL, Roy 1. Trevino FM: Hispanic Health and
evidence strongly argues for the need to include generation as
Nutrition Examination Survey. Methodological considerations. Am J
a risk factor when doing studies of LBW in Mexican-
Public Health 1990: 80(Suppl):6-10.
24, Combs 1. Freedman R. Namboodiri D: Inferences about abortion from
Americans. Further studies are also needed to assess the
fetal mortality data. Popul Stud 1969: 23:247-265.
AJPH December 1990, Vol. 80. Supplement
65
WED
COSSMHO
-
III. Health Risk Behaviors of Hispanics in the United States:
Findings from HHANES, 1982-84
GARY MARKS. PHD, MELINDA GARCIA. PHD, AND JULIA M. SOLIS, PHD
Abstract: With data from the Hispanic Health and Nutrition
American men and women). The Puerto Ricans' diet was less
Examination Survey (HHANES). we examined several health risk
bulanced than that of the other two groups. For each sample, more
behaviors (cigarette smoking. alcohol use. dietary practices. and
mon than women had not had a routine physical or dental examina-
recency of health screening) of Mexican American, Cuban Ameri-
don within the past five years: the recency of screening was lowest
can. and Puerto Rican adults (ages 20-74). For each sample, 2 greater
for Mexican American men. Screening (including Pap smear for the
percentage of men than women smoked cigarettes and used alcohol.
women) was lower for those who smoked cigarettes and for those
Heavy smoking (20+ cigarettes per day) was most provatent for
with poor dietory practices, indicating that many Hispanics at special
Cubon American males, and heavy drinking (1.00+ oz ethanol por
risk of disease underutilize preventive health services, increasing the
day) was most prevalent for Mexican American and Puerto Rican
likelihood of diagnosis at a later stage of illness. [Am / Public Health
men. Acculturation correlated positively with alcohol use (particu-
1990: 80(Suppl):20-26.)
larly for females) and negatively with dictary balance (for Mexican
Introduction
Methods
Compared to non-Hispanic Whites in the United States.
Sample
Mexican Americans underutilize preventive health services
The study used data from the Hispanic Health and
such as routine physical check-ups, dental and eye exami-
Nutrition Examination Survey (HHANES), conducted by
nations, and prenatal care.1-3 When they present with an
the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS) from
illness, the illness frequently is at a later stage. Conse-
1982-1984. This survey sampled Mexican Americans from
quently, Mexican Americans are at greater risk of morbidity
five southwestern states, Cuban Americans from Dade
and mortality than the general United Status population.*
County (Miami) Florida, and Puerto Ricans from the Now
The screening behavior of persons of Mexican heritage
York City area. For detailed information about the complex
has been shown to be affected by: access to care; such as
sampling design see the methodological paper by Delgado, et
having à regular family physician and health insurance
al,29 at the beginning of this supplement and the NCHS plan
coverage;2.3.5.9 cultural variables such as adaptation to the
and operation of HHANES.
practices of American society 5,10.12 and sociodemographic
Our analyses focused on adults (20-74 years of age) from
factors such as income, education, age, and gender: 13.14 The
caub of these three samples. Table 1 presents the total sample
extent to which utilization of preventive health services is
sizes in this age range. the analytic sample sizes, and selected
influenced by attitudinal and behavioral factors. however,
sample characteristics. Analyses were restricted to eligible
has received much less attention.
Hispanic sumple persons who provided data on each variable
Attitudes about health are reflected in many behaviors.
used in this study. or the total number of Mexican Ameri-
For example, those who smoke cigarettes heavily, 15-17 drink
cans. Cuban Americans, and Puerto Ricans (20-74) sampled,
alcohol lexcessively, 18,19 or maintain an unbalanced and
85 percent, 86 percent, and 87 percent, respectively, were
unvaried diet (e.g., high in fried meats and low in fruits,
included in the analytic samples.
vegetables, and fiber17.20,21) place themselves at increased
risk of specific diseases. such UN cancer of the lungs.
Measures
pancreas, colorectal area. and prostate. 17.20-35 and hyperten-
sion and coronary heart disease 26.27 Idently, individuals who
Health Service Utilization-Recency of physical exam-
engage in these "health risk behaviors" should use screening
ination was measured by asking "How long has it been since
services regularly in order to monitor their health status. We
you had a routine physical examination, that is, not for a
suspect; however, that (after controlling for income, educa-
particular illness. but for a general check up?" Responses
tion, age, and acculturation) they use those services less
were coded on a 5-point scale ranging from "never" [1] to
frequently than individuals who do not engage in such
"less than one year ago" [5]. Recency of dental examination
behaviors, based on the assumption that such behaviors are
WAS assessed by asking how long it was since they saw a
components of a constellation that emanstes from a general
dentist or dental hygienist for dental care (coded from
"ndver" [1] to "six months ago or less" [6]). Recency of Pap
attitude toward health promotion and disease prevention.
smear was examined for the women ("never" [1] to "less
This eluster of behaviors is likely to contribute to the
than one year ago" [7]).
presence of illness and to diagnosis at a later stage.
Cigarette Smoking-This behavior was measured two
We provide data on the prevalence of these health risk
ways: (a) a dichotomous measure reflected whether or not the
behaviors among Mexican American, Cuban American, and
respondent was a current cigarette smoker (current smoker BE
Puerto Rican adults, and examine the extent to which
1; does not currently smoke cigarettes, cigars, or pipes = 0;
recency of screening (physical and dental examination. Pap
the few persons who smoked cigars or pipes only were not
smeat) is correlated with them.
included in the analyses); or (b) among current cigarette
smokers, each was assigned a score indicating the number of
cigarettes smoked per day. These two measures allowed us
NOTE: Author affiliations are listed elsewhere under CONTRIBUTORS.
to examine whether the effects of smoking are due to more
20
AJPH December 1990, Vol. 80, Supplement
8-91 WED COSSMHO
P.07
HEALTH RISK BEHAVIORS
TABLE 1--Sample Characteristics
Mexidan Americans
Cuban Americans
Puerto Ricans
Age range (years)
20-74
20-74
20-74
Total sample (20-74)
3326
865
1220
Analytic sample size
2824
745
1066
Mon
1249
330
389
Women
1675
415
677
M
#
M
F
M
F
Marital Status
% Married-spouse in home
76.5
65.8
74.6
85.6
60.5
39.0
% Married-spouse not home
2.0
1.9
1.3
1.6
2.8
5.1
% Widowed
1.1
6.3
0.5
78
0.3
5.8
% Divorced
3.7
7.5
7.8
12.0
7.5
13.4
% Separated
1.0
6.4
1.8
3.1
4.4
14.3
% Nover married
14.9
121
14.2
10.0
24.5
22.4
Age (years)
% 20-30
41.4
39.5
23.6
20.1
35.0
34.6
% 31-40
28.0
25.9
17.6
22.9
27.6
27.9
% 41-50
13.3
14.1
23.5
22.9
16.3
19.6
% 51-74
17.3
20.5
35.0
34.1
21.1
17.9
Annual Family income
% Loss than $10,000
23.1
33.6
20.6
29.0
29.2
44.6
% $10,000-$19,909
37.9
33.7
33.4
30.3
34.8
29.0
% $20,000-$29.999
21.1
18.1
22.6
17.7
17.4
10.9
% $30,000 and above
17.9
14.0
23.4
23.0
18.6
15.5
Education
% Loss than 7 years
27.9
30.9
22.2
22.6
16.3
16.4
% 7-11 years
26.6
26.5
24.9
21.9
36.1
35.9
% 12 years
24.1
24.2
21.3
27.2
26.4
30.1
% 18 or more
21.4
16.5
31.6
28.3
19.2
17.6
The percentages for marital status. age, income, and aducation words eniculated with nample weights (examination weights).
smoking status (smoker VS nonsmoker) or to magnitude of
diet soda), cake, cookies, chips, sugar, etc. The overall diet
smoking among current smokers.
index was formed by splitting the distribution of scores for
Alcohol Use-Alcohol consumption was grouped into
dictary balance and the distribution of scores for "junk food"
four volume levels: (a) little or no current use (fewer than 12
at their respective medians. Those high on dietary balance
drinks of Becr, wine, or liquor in one's entire life or in any one
and low on "junk food" intake were assigned a score of 3;
year, or no current use); (b) light regular/occasional drinkers
those high on each dimension received a score of 2; those low
(light regular drinkers consumed an average of 0.01 to D. 21 02
on each dimension received a score of 1; and those low on
of ethanol per day, occasional drinkers drank in the light
balance and high on "Junk food" were assigned a score of 0.
ethanol range or above but did so irregularly); (c) moderate
This Index was used in the correlations and regression
regular drinkers (an average of 0.22 to 0.99 oz of ethanol per
analyses. For descriptive purposes, we calculated the num-
day) and (d) heavy regular drinkers (an average of 1.00 or
ber of the five food groups from which respondents had caten
more oz of ethanol per day). The ethanol scale was con-
one or more Food items daily, and the percentage who had
structed by NCHS using a conversion factor in which one 02
eaten one or more "junk food" items daily.
of beer contains 0.04 OZ of ethanol, one OZ of wine contains
Acculturation-This variable was measured with eight
0. 15 oz of ethanol, and one OZ of hard liquor contains 0.45 oz
items pertaining to spoken and written language and to ethnic
of ethanol.
identification. The items represent a subset of the 20-item
Diet Index-Diet was assessed with a food itdm and
"Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican Americans" de-
consumption frequency checklist similar to that used by
veloped by Cuellar, of at.st
others. 17.20.22.23 Respondents reported on all food items
1. What language do you speak?
consumed in the past three months. They indicated whether
2. What language do you prefer?
they had eaten the food item daily (coded as a score of 3),
3. What language do you read better?
weekly (2), less than once a week (1), or never (0). We
4. What language do you write better?
constructed an overall diet index that consisted of two
These four measures (as well as the four below) were
components. One component was the extent to which an
coded so that higher scores reflected a stronger English
individual's diet was balanced. Specific food items were
language/American orientation. Items 1-4 ranged from
grouped into dairy products, ments (including poultry and
"Spanish only" (1), to the midpoint "Spanish and English
fish), fruits, vegetables, and grains/cereals. For each person,
equally" (3), to "English only" (5). The four remaining items
scores were averaged separately for each food group, and
measured ethnic identification:
then the five subscale scores were averaged. Higher overall
$. What ethnic identification do you use?
scores indicated a more balanced diet (i.e., frequent con-
6. What ethnic identification does/did your mother use?
sumption of foods in each group). The second component
7. What ethnic identification does/did your father use?
consisted of a "junk food" factor, i.e., the extent to which an
8. Where was the birthplace of yourself, your mother,
individual consumed Items such as candy. sodas (excluding
your father?
AJPH December 1990, Vol. 80, Supplement
21
WED
12:43
COSSMHO
P.08
MARIKS, ET AL.
For the Mexican American sample, the response codes
by B weighted ordinary least-squares analysis. We should
for items 5-7 ranged from "Mexican" (1). to "Mexican
emphasize that although certain variables were examined as
American" (3), to "Anglo or other" (5). For the Cuban
"predictors," the HHANES is a cross-sectional design; thus,
Americans and Poerto Ricans, responses to items 5-7 had
it does not provide evidence regarding cause and effect.
highly restricted variance; almost all of the Cuban Americans
(and their parents) identified themselves as "Cuban"; the
same situation occurred for the Puerto Ricans. Thus, these
Results
items could not be used meaningfully for these two groups.
Prevalence of Henlth Risk Behaviors
Item 8 was coded to establish generation. The scale runged
from "first generation (respondent born in country of origin)"
For each sample, behaviors that increase one's risk of
(1) to "third or higher generation (respondent and both
illness and disease were more prevalent for men than women.
parents born in US)" (4). This item could not be used for the
A greater percentage of the men smoked cigarettes and drank
Cuban Americans and Puerto Ricans again because of re-
alcohol heavily (Table 2). Heavy cigarette smoking was most
stricted variance; 97.5 percent of the Cuban Americans (age
prevalent for Cuban American men, and heavy drinking most
20-74) and 80.5 percent of the Puerto Ricans (age 20-74) were
prevalent for Mexican American and Puerto Rican males.
first generation. Thus, for these two samples, only the four
Distary balance was somewhat lower for men than women,
language items were used to assess acculturation. These four
and lower for the Puerto Ricans compared to the other two
items were standardized to a mean of zero and variance of
groups, Further, for each sample, more men than women had
one (to give each item equal weight) and then averaged to
not had a physical or dental examination within the last five
create a composite score for the Cuban Americans and
years. These gender differences occurred for those above, as
Puèrto Ricans. For the Mexican Americans, all eight items
well as for those below, the median on the acculturation
were standardized and then averaged to create the accultur-
index. The utilization of the health services was especially
ation score. Demographic information on annual income.
low for the Mexican American men. Table 2 also indicates
education, and age was also included in the analyses.
that use of the preventive services was lower for the Mexican
Americans than the Cuban Americans and Puerto Ricans.
Data Analysis
One explanation for this difference is that fewer Mexican
Analyses were performed separately for each of the
Americans had some form of health insurance coverage.5
three samples, and separately for men and women applying
Correlation of Health Risk Behaviors with Acculturation and
normalized sample weights (examination weigh(s) We
Sociodemographics
analyzed the weighted prevaience of each health risk behav-
for as well as the weighted Pearson correlation of these
With only a few exceptions, the pattern of the correla-
behaviors with acculturation, education, income, and age,
dons was similar for men and women, and for each sample
Our primary hypothesis was examined with multiple regres-
(Table 3). Because of the relatively large sample sizes, many
sion analysis. The regression model for each dependent
of the coefficients were statistically significant even though
measure (i.e., utilization variable) included as predictors the
their absolute magnitudes were low. There were, however,
three health risk behaviors, acculturation, and the three
several meaningful effects. The strongest associations in-
sociodemographic variables. The predictors were entered
volved acculturation, which correlated with increased alco-
into the equation simultancously. Prior to conducting these
hol consumption (particularly for the women of each sample),
tests, a statistical program (SESUDAAN) was run to
and with lower diet scores for the Mexican American men
calculate the average design effect for each predictor vari-
and women. As age increased, alcohol consumption de-
able. This average design effect was used to conservatively
creased; the correlations between age and cigarette smoking
adjust theistandard error of a regression coefficient generated
and between age and diet were small. Those with more
TABLE 2-Weighted Prevalence of Houlth Risk Behaviors
Mexican Americans
Cuban Americans
Puerto Ricans
Males
Fomales
Malos
Females
Malos
Females
Percent current cigarette smoker
43.9
24.2
45.1
23.9
41.9
33.5
Percent smoking 20/F cigarettes por day
13.7
M.S
27.3
11.9
22.0
12.2
Percent current alcohol user
77.4
34.7
68.9
22.8
70.8
32,6
Percont drinking 1.00+ oz ethanol per day
17.1
1.2"
9.2
0.4*
17.1
2.5"
Dietary balance"
0-1
22.4
16.9
14.8
13.0
29.0
30.3
2-3
50.8
$1.0
57.3
52.1
50.1
49.5
4-6
26.7
32.1
27.9
34.9
20.9
20.2
"Junk food" intake"
67.4
61.0
75.3
75.7
79.1
73.9
Percent having last physical examination
over is years ago or never
46.1
37.5
33.0
22.7
31.8
19,4
Percent having last dontal examination over
5 years ago or never
29.9
21.7
16.5
9.6
19.1
9.5
Parcent having last Pap smear over 5 years
ago or nover
15.4
17.8
13.3
Entries B/O not aga-edjusted.
"An Actorisk next to an entry Indicates that the statutic should to viewed equitiously because if does not meat the minimum reliability standard due to amall coll size,
*Tho adulto for distory billance Indicates the number of Healthy food groups train which vie netdon has outen one or more food Items daily.
The entites for "junk food" indicate the percentage who had enter and or more food" nome dully.
22
AJPH December 1990, Vol. 80, Supplement
1
WED
COSSMHO
HEALTH RISK BEHAVIORS
TABLE 3-Correlation of Health Risk Behaviors with Acculturation and Sociodemographics
Age
Education
Income
Acculturation
M
F
M
F
M
F
M
F
Mexican Americans
Smoking
.01
01
-,12
-..01
-.17
-.07
-.06
.09
Alcohol use
-.11
-13
12
.20
.10
.10
.11
.30
Diet Indox
.04
.08
.00
.03
.06
.05
-,12
-.12
Cuban Americans
Smoking
-.10
--,11
0.00
03
.04
-.05
-.15
-.01
Alcohol use
-.18
- 29
,10
30
.13
.21
.13
.36
Dist Indox
--.01
10
.09
.12
.05
.06
.04
.03
Puerto Ricans
Smoking
-.00
-.13
.13
.01
-.18
--,06
-.07
.17
Alcohol use
-.13
--.17
.05
.25
-,01
12
.04
.26
Diet Index
.03
.16
.07
.15
11
.13
.06
-.03
Entiles are weighted Pedroon dorrulations. Cigarette smoking wes a dichotomous variable with current smoker ## 1 and nonsmoker * 0.
education and higher income (especially the women) con-
findings were strongest for the Mexican American and Cuban
sumed a greater volume of alcohol.
American men: for these two groups, the results were
consistent across levels of acculturation. The relation be-
Correlates of Screening
tween smoking and screening for the Puerto Rican men and
Smoking-In separate regression analyses the two cig-
women was generally in the predicted direction, although
arette smoking measures were examined as predictors of
very weak.
recency of screening. Only the dichotomous measure was
Diet-Dietary practices were associated with screening,
significant, which suggests that the key factor associated with
especially for the Mexican American women. Among this
screening activity was whether or not one smokes, not
subgroup. those with poorer diets (i.e., low in balance and
necessarily the amount one smokes. As seen in Table 4,
high in "junk food" intake) were less recent users of the
among the Mexican Americans and Cuban Americans, smok-
health services (Tables 4 and 5). This association was not
ers were less recent users of the health services than were the
qualified by the degree of acculturation of the Mexican
nonsmokers. These effects are seen more concretely in Table
American women.
5, which presents the weighted prevalence of recent utiliza-
An interesting pattern emerged for the diet and smoking
tion by smoking status (not controlling for other factors). The
variables for the Mexican American sample. Whereas the
TABLE Regression Analyses of Health Risk Behaviors, Acculturation, and Sociodemographics Prodicting Recency of Screening
Males
Females
Physical
Physical
Examination
Dontal Examination
Examination
Dental Examination
Pap Smear
b
SE
b
SE
b
SE
b
SE
b
SE
Mexican Americans
Smoking
-.139
.085
-.354
103
-.085
.089
-.086
.092
.013
.107
Diet Indox
101
.046
.043
.055
.130
.039
.168
.040
.110
.047
Alcohol
--.079
.039
.086
.047
-.050
.090
.118
.091
.108
.106
Acculturation
.244
.084
.117
.103
.119
.008
.011
.101
.166
.118
Education
.050
.020
.001
.025
041
.023
.005
.023
,038
.027
Income
.015
,003
.031
.007
013
.006
.029
.007
.025
.007
Age
.014
.004
014
.00%
.012
.004
.008
.004
-.011
.004
Cuban Americans
Smoking
-275
.158
-.412
.167
-.207
.152
-.107
.155
-,342
.203
Diat Index
.087
.072
.075
.078
-011
.059
,063
.060
.125
.078
Alcohol
.013
.062
.010
-087
--.308
.148
-.134
.148
-.198
.191
Acculturation
.095
.120
209
.127
111
.117
.261
.119
.183
.154
Education
.053
.023
.018
.025
.083
.022
.026
.022
.010
.029
.011
.031
012
-,014
.011
012
.011
.031
.015
Income
.005
Age
.020
.007
.002
007
.007
.006
.000
,005
-,014
.008
Puerto Ricans
Smoking
-.037
.146
-.084
.166
-.050
.132
.043
.148
.218
.178
Diet Indox
.053
.071
.057
.052
.057
.064
-.012
.072
.136
.087
Alcohol
-.020
.076
-.145
.079
-.073
.096
-.008
.108
+.122
.131
Acculturation
.182
.130
.074
.140
-.086
.148
-,167
.164
--.171
.199
Education
.053
.025
.048
.029
.034
.025
.003
.029
.031
.035
Income
->.006
.013
.016
.015
001
.016
.010
.018
.015
.022
Age
.022
.009
.000
010
.007
.004
--004
.005
.008
.006
Entrior Fro weighted regression coofficients and adjusted standard The health service incecures wore coded with higher numbers Indicating more recent use of the service. Cigarette
amoking was a dicholomous variable with current smoker as 1 and nonemoker - a.
AJPH December 1990, Vol. 80, Supplement
23
8-91 WED 12:45 COSSMHO
P.10
MARKS, ET AL.
TABLE 5--Weightod Prevatence of Recont Screening by Health Risk Behaviors
Males
Fomales
Physical
Dental
Physical
Dental
Pap
Recency:
0-2 yrs
0-2 yru
0-2 yrs
0-2 yrs
0-2 yrs
Moxican Americans
Cigarette smoking
Smoker
29.7
42.1
42,3
57.3
75.6
Nonsmoker
37.4
56.9
47.3
62.2
76.0
Diat"
Low
31.0
46.3
42.7
55.0
72.8
High
37.0
53.6
49,3
67.0
79.2
Alcohol use
Moderato/high
30.6
52.2
45.2'
70.01
None/low
83.0*
36.7
47.9
46,2
60.3
75.3
Cuban Americans
Cigarette smoking
Smoker
34.6
51.8
$4.1
70.6
59.4
Nonsmoker
40.6
71,4
60.2
73.6
71.5
Diet
Low
38.9
59.3
57.3
71.7
66.9
High
46.9
65 8
60.2
74.0
70.4
Alcohol Libe
Moderate/high
41.1
60.2
61.4*
70.0*
89.4°
None/low
441
64.0
58.7
73.0
67.7
Puerto Ricens
Cigarette smoking
Smoker
45.7
59.8
50.0
74.9
80.5
Nonamoker
49.3
63.5
63.5
74.9
76.8
Diot
Low
46.6
50.9
55.9
72.9
76.0
High
48.6
66,0
67.6
76.7
82.6
Alcohol use
Moderate/high
44.9
$0.4
54.3"
81.1"
76.5'
None/low
49.9
64.5
62.8
74.3
79.6
Entrios are not age-adjusted.
"An astorisk next to an untry Indicates that the statific should be viewed daullously because 11 does not moot the minimum reliability
standard due to small coll size.
"The "low" diet score includes Individuals VAID reselved a of 0 or 1 on the overall (flot index: the "high" diet score Includes persons
who received a score of 2 or 3 on the overall street Indeic
association between dictary behavior and screening was
American men and women) were related to more recent use
stronger for the women than the men, the relation between
of the services, although the regression weights were small.
smoking and screening was stronger for the men than the
The effects of age were minimal.
women. These gender-specific associations were not as clear
for the Cuban Americans or Puerto Ricans.
Discussion
Alcohol-The results for alcohol consumption were
mixed. Some of the regression coefficients suggested that
Cigarette smoking, poor dietary practices, and excessive
heavier drinking tended to associate with less redent use of
alcohol consumption place individuals at risk of specific
the health services (e.g., Mexican American men/physical
disease. 20-27 Ideally, those who engage in these health risk
examination), while other coefficients suggested the oppo-
behaviors should use preventive health services regularly in
site. We attempted to clarify the picture by examining a
order to monitor their health status. The present study
subset of heavy drinkers who did not suffer from chronic
demonstrated several instances in which those at risk were
illnesses (diabetes, heart disease, hypertension) that may
screened less recently than those not at risk. Such underu-
necessitate regular visits to a physician. Analyses of this
tilization increases the likelihood of diagnosis of illness at a
subsct, however, yielded essentially the same null and mixed
later stage.
results. Second, among those with no chronic illnesses we
For each sample, risk of disease was greater for men than
compared screening rates for two extreme groups: non-
women. Men were more likely to be smokers, heavier
drinkers versus heavy drinkers (those drinking an average of
smokers, and heavier alcohol users; also, their screening
1.00 or more oz of othanol per day). Again. most of the results
rates were much lower than the women's. These gender
were nonsignificant. Thus, the hypothesis regarding the
differences held across level of acculturation, which suggests
association between heavy drinking and infrequent use of
that similar results would be found in non-Hispanic popula-
preventive health services was not confirmed.
tions.
Acculturation and Soclodemographics-These factors
The gender effects may stem from sex-role norms. The
did not produce strong effects. Increased acculturation
strong emphasis in our society on self-reliance and indepen-
tended to be associated with greater recency of screening for
dence for men may contribute to their less-than-optimal
the Mexican Americans and Cuban Americans. Higher levels
health attitudes and practices. Further, these norms may
of education and higher income (primarily for the Mexican
influence personal beliefs about one's invulnerability to
24
AJPH December 1990, Vol. 80, Supplement
8-91 WED 12:46 COSSMHO
- 1
HEALTH RISK BEHAVIORS
illness, 34 which may be held more strongly by Hispanic men
clearly or consistently. The variable beliefs about the effects
than Hispanic wonten. Such beliefs are likely to impact
of alcohol use may have contributed to the inconsistent
negatively on proventive action. 35
findings for alcohol consumption and medical screening.
We found significant positive correlations between ac-
culturation and alcohol consumption. especially for the
women of each sample. These findings are consistent with the
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
acculturation model of alcohol use. 36-28 which emphasizes
This investigation was funded by a grant from the National Coalition of
normative influence on behavior. The dominant norms guid-
Hispanic Health and Human Services Organizations (COSSMHO). Washing-
ing alcohol consumption among non-Hispanic women are
kon. DC.
more liberal than the cultural norms for Hispanic women-
non-Hispanic women drink more frequently and drink greater
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activity. One potentially important factor, however, is a
21. Rosen M. Nystrom L. Wall $: Diet and cancer mortality in the counties
person's perception of the health effects of alcohol use, which
of Sweden. Am I Epidemol 1968; 127:42-49.
is likely to vary considerably among individuals, For exam-
22. Stryker WS. Kaplan LA. Stein EA, Stampfer MJ. Sober A, Willett WC:
ple, some people with a relatively positive attitude toward
The relation of diet, cigarette smoking, and alcohol consumption to plasma
health promotion may drink moderately/heavily due to the
beta-enrotene and alpha-tecopherol levels. Am J Epidemol 1988; 127:283-
296.
fact that they perceive the risk of drinking to be slight. Others
23. Kolonel LN, Yoshizawa CN. Hankin JH: Dict and prostatic cancer: A
may perceive the risk of drinking differently. This variability
care-control study in Hawaii. Am J Edpidemio) 1988: 127:999-1012.
may occur because, compared to the clear media message
24. Gwinn ML., Webster LA. Lee NC. Layde PM, Rubin GL: Alcohol
consumption and ovarian cancer risk. Am J Epidemicl 1986: 123:759-766.
about the negative effects of smoking cigarettes. the health
25. Friedman LA. Kimball AW; Coronary heart disease mortality and alcohol
consequences of alcohol have not been communicated as
consumption in Framingham. Am J Epidemol 1986: 124:481-489.
AJPH December 1900. Vol, 80. Supplement
25
norty
MAY- 8-91 WED 12:51 COSSMHO
P.13
a
Table 9:
Characteristic Mexican-American Foods and Food Choices
PROTEIN
Meat:
beef, pork, lamb, tripe, sausage (chorizo),
FOODS
bologna, bacon
Poultry:
chicken
Eggs
Legumes: pinto beans, pink beans, garbonzo beans, lentils
Nuts:
peanuts, peanut butter
MILK AND MILK
Milk: fluid, flavored, evaporated, condensed
PRODUCTS
Cheese: American, Monterey jack, Hoop
Ice cream
GRAIN PRODUCTS
Rice, tortillas: com, flour, oatmeal,
dry cereals: comflakes, sugar coated; noodles
spaghetti, white bread, sweet bread (pan dulce)
VEGETABLES
Avocado, cabbage, carrots, chilies, corn,
green beans, lettuce, onion, peas, potato,
prickly pear cactus leaf (nopales), spinach,
sweet potato, bomato, zucchini
FRUITS
Apple, apricots, banana, guava, lemon, mango, melons,
orange, peach, prickly pear cactus fruit (tuna),
zapote (or sapote)
OTHER Salsa (tomato-pepper onion relish), chili sauce, guacamole,
lard (manteca), pork cracklings, fruit drinks, Kool-aid,
carbonated beverages, beer, coffee
SOURCE: California Department of Health, 1975, Table 9
Mexican American and Puerto Rican diets are generally favorable
from a chronic disease risk perspective." Fiber content is high.
Animal fat content is an important component of Hispanic diets but
its proportional contribution to calories is less than in typical
U.S. diets. The high carbohydrate content does pose a potential risk
of excess caloric intake if the meal pattern shifts from the
tradition of taking a heavy meal at midday to the U.S. practice of
having the beaviest meal in the evening-particularly if the heavy
meal. evening meal is added to, rather than substituted for, the midday
149
MAY- 8-91 WED 12:52 COSSMHO
P.14
CDC-PNSS data for 1977-81 and 1982 (Centers for Disease Control,
1983; Trowbridge, 1983) for children less than 2 years of age do not
show an excess prevalence of low weight for height or low height for
age among Hispanic children, compared with reference standards or
with white children in the data base. However, an excess prevalence
of low height for age (linear growth stunting) is implied in the data
for children over 2 years old; for example, the prevalence among
Hispanic children was 16% (vs. 5% expected and 6% among white
children) in 1982. Findings of an excess prevalence of growth
stunting among Hispanic American children have also been reported in
several other studies (Yanochik-Owen and White, 1977; Lowenstein,
1981, Dewey, 1983, Alvarez et al., 1984). The Alvarez et al. (1984)
data for Hispanic children in an inner-city neighborhood health
center population during 1978 also indicated a 13% prevalence of
acute undernutrition (primarily moderate rather than severe levels of
underweight, according to the ratio of observed weight to the
age-appropriate NCHS median). The prevalence of short stature was
greater among immigrant than among U.S. born Hispanic children.
A few additional sources have reported low iron intakes, low blood
iron status, or low intakes of other nutrients among Hispanic
children or adolescents (Yanochik-Owen and White, 1977; Haider and
Wheeler, 1980, Lowenstein, 1981). The 1977-1981 CDC-PNSS hemoglobin
data did not indicate an excess prevalence of low values among
Hispanic children (Centers for Disease Control, 1983). Data from the
National School Lunch Program evaluation did not find major
differences between the 24 hour dietary intakes of Hispanic VS. white
children, although it was noted that Hispanic children were more
likely than white children to have energy and calcium intakes below
the RDA (Vermeersch et al., 1984). Overall, these data do not give
an impression of any clear pattern of dietary deficiency. The data
on stunting are much more consistent.
An excess prevalence of overweight has also been a common
finding among Hispanic American children (Yanochik-Owen, 1977;
Lowenstein, 1981; Centers for Disease Control, 1983; Trowbridge,
1983). According to CDC-PNSS reports for 1977-1982, the prevalence
of high weight for height among Hispanic infants was somewhat greater
than expected but was similar to that among white children in the
data base. Among older Hispanic children the prevalence of high
weight for height was higher than expected and higher than for the
white children (Centers for Disease Control, 1983; Trowbridge, 1983).
5.2.2 Adults
Cardenas et al. (1976) reported that intakes of meats, milk,
fruits and vegetables were lower for primigravid Mexican American
women than "average" Anglo women. Thirty-nine percent of the Mexican
American women were overweight or obese at the first visit. Hunt et
al. (1979) reported that 85% of low income Mexican American pregnant
women had reported intakes below 2/3 of the 20 mg/day RDA for zinc;
153
8-91 WED 12:53 COSSMHO
Monthly Vital Statistics Report
39
Table 25. Birth and fertility rates, by Hispanic origin of mother: Total of 11 reporting States, 1988
Origin of mother
Hispanic
All
Puerto
Other
Non-
origins
Total
Maxican
Riczin
Cuban
Maasure
Hispanic'
Hispanic2
10.9
24.1
23.2
19.6
0.8
34.2
15.7
Birth rate
70.5
96.4
98.0
07.9
47.7
118.6
65.7
Fertility rote
"instudes Centrel and South American and Other and unknown Hispitale origin.
Sincludes origin mill stated
state per 1,000 total population
*Plate your 1,000 women Aged 15-44 years.
NOTE The 11 States die Arizona, California, Colorado. Fiorida, Illinois, Indiana, New Jousery, New Mexico, New York, Ohio, and Texas.
Table 26. Live births by age and Hispanic origin of mother and by race of child for mothers of non-Hispanic origin: Total of 30 reporting
States and the District of Columbia, 1988
Origin of mother
Hisparte
Non-Hispanic
Central and
Other and
All
Puarto
South
unknown
Age of mother
origins'
Total
Mexican
Alcan
Cuban
American
Hispanic
Total²
White
Black
All agos
2,856,492
449,604
271,170
40,202
10,189
57,610
64,403
2,247,312
1,652,782
455,883
Under 15 years
7,951
1,621
1,021
243
14
06
257
6,094
1,585
4,300
15-19 years
354,357
72,237
45,820
9,643
605
4,576
11,593
268,652
158,776
99,900
16 years
19,326
4,257
2,732
596
26
222
681
14,465
5,062
8,271
16 years
41,226
9,123
5,801
1,289
80
446
1,507
30,691
15,296
14,326
17 yours
71,233
14,877
9,300
2,125
108
823
2,463
33,734
30,646
21,171
18 years
96,333
19,685
12,403
2.593
170
1,236
3,180
74,095
45,591
20,202
19 years
124,239
24,315
15,434
3,040
220
1,859
3,762
95,067
61,581
29,870
20-24 years
779,714
143.226
89,155
15,924
2,428
15,820
19,800
601,033
423,225
149,398
25-29 years
894,985
126,830
74,100
11,652
4,056
18,799
18,214
715,280
557,121
113,244
30-34 years
586,732
72,305
41,503
6.109
2,166
12.260
10,258
473,098
373,047
63,245
35-39 years
201,567
28,027
16,327
2.210
803
5,114
3,573
58,807
121,648
22,218
40-44 years
30,104
5,104
3.059
434
109
900
22,944
16,915
3,439
45-40 years
1,082
254
176
17
8
43
754
465
139
includes origin not stated.
Includes reces dihar than white and black.
Table 27. Percent of births with selected characteristics, by Hisponic origin of
origin: Total of 30 reporting States and the District of Columbia, 1988
The mother and Birth Outcomes by race of child checks for mothers out. of non-Hispanic
Origin of mother
Hispanic
Non-Hispanic
Contral and
Ollier and
All
Puoito
South
unknown
Characterfstic
origins'
Total
Mexican
Ricon
Cuban
American
Hispanic
Total²
White
Black
Fourth and higher order births
10.2
156
181
12.3
5.0
11.7
12.1
9.2
7.6
14.1
Births to unmarried mothors
26.2
34.0
30.6
53.3
16.3
36.4
35.5
24.9
14.9
63.7
Mothers completing 12 years or more
or school 3
78.4
57.5
43.1
54.8
01.9
68.2
65.9
70.8
83.4
68.5
Mothers born in the United States
83.4
430
40.9
63.4
169
3.9
83.7
91.1
95.4
92.1
Mothers who began prenatal care In
the first trimester
75.0
613
56.3
63.2
834
62.8
67.3
77.3
82.0
60.8
Mothers who had late or no pronatal care
65
121
13.9
10.2
3.6
9.9
8.8
5.6
4.1
10.9
Births of low birth weight
7.0
6.2
5.6
0.4
5.9
5.6
6.8
7.2
5.6
13.1
Protorm birthest
104
108
106
13.3
9.0
10.1
10.8
10.4
8.2
18.5
i-minute Apgar score loss than 7 6
8.5
7.3
7.8
6.8
4 9
6.0
0.3
8.7
6.0
11,2
5-minuto Apgar score less than 7 A
1.6
1.4
1.3
1.6
10
1.2
1.6
1.6
1.3
2.9
"Includes origination stated.
Rincludes than white and black,
*Excludes data for California, Now York State (exclusive of New York City), Texas, and Washington, which did not imquire reporting of educational Attainment of mother.
Birth weight of less than 2,500 grams (5 lb. e oz.).
osorri pilor to 37 completed wheke of gestation
*Excludes detailer California and Texas. which did not require reporting of either of:5-minute Appal score
8-91 WED 12:54 COSSMHO
P.16
ANY ILLICIT DRUG USE
TABLE 2-8
WHITES
ANY ILLICIT DRUG USE: EVER, PAST YEAR, AND PAST MONTH (1990)
BY SEX AND AGE GROUPS FOR WHITES
EVER USED
USED PAST YEAR
USED PAST MONTH
RATE ESTIMATES
Observed
Observed
Observed
Estimate
95% C.I.
Estimate
96% C.I.
Estimate
95% C.I.
AGE
12-17
24.0 x
(20.9-27.4) X
10.9 %
(14.4-19.8)
%
8.9 %
( 6.9-11.5) %
18-25
59.3
(56.3-63.2)
30.2
(25.6-34.0)
16.0
(13.5-19.0)
26-34
67.6
(04.0-71.1)
22.4
(19.3-25.7)
9.6
( 7.1-12.6)
35+
26.0
(23.8-28.3)
6.7
( 4.4- 7.4)
2.6
( 1.8- 3.5)
SEX
MALE
42.2
(39.4-45.0)
14.8
(12.8-17.2)
7.5
( 6.2- 9.2)
FEMALE
34.3
(31.4-37.3)
11.6
(10.1-13.2)
5.0
( 4.1- 6.1)
TOTAL
38.1
(36.2-40.1)
13.1
(11.7-14.7)
6.2
( 5.3- 7.3)
POPULATION ESTIMATES (IN THOUSANDS)
AGE
12-17
3,393
( 2,968- 3,509)
2,305
( 2,041- 2,796)
1,263
(
977- 1,622)
18-25
12,607
(11,761-13,426)
6,414
( 5,661- 7,221)
3,411
( 2,861- 4,044)
26-34
19,031
(18,764-20,839)
6,550
( 5,672- 7,535)
2,787
( 2,091- 3,684)
35+
24,132
(22,158-26,276)
6,302
( 4,104- 6,623)
2,330
( 1,856- 3,268)
SEX
MALE
31,982
(29,873-34,129)
11,245
( 9,688-13,029)
5,713
( 4,872- 6,981)
FEMALE
27,981
(25,625-30,437)
9,421
( 8,210-10,784)
4,079
( 3,348- 4,960)
TOTAL
59,963
(68,931-63,057)
20,667
(18,456-23,086)
9,791
( 8,383-11,448)
TABLE 2-C
ANY ILLICIT DRUG USE
HISPANICS
ANY ILLICIT DRUG USE: EVER, PAST YEAR, AND PAST MONTH (1990)
not
BY SEX AND AGE GROUPS FOR HISPANICS
EVER USED
USED PAST YEAR
RATE ESTIMATES
USED Lower
checks. any out
Observed
Observed
Observed
Estimate
95% C.I.
Estimate
96% C.I.
Estimate
95% C.I.
AGE
12-17
21.1 %
(17.2-25.7)
X
17.0 %
(13.4-21.3) %
6.5 %
( 4.2- 9.8) %
18-26
47.3
(41.6-53.2)
27.3
(22.0-33.3)
11.4
( 8.8-14.7)
26-34
45.0
(38.9-51.2)
20.1
(16.3-24.6)
9.4
( 6.7-13.0)
35+
22.8
(19.3-26.9)
6,6
( 3.8- 7.9)
3.0
( 1.8- 5.0)
SEX
MALE
40.5
(36,6-44.4)
19.0
(18.2-22.2)
8.8
( 6.8-11.2)
FEMALE
24.8
(21.4-28.4)
10.6
( 6.3-13.3)
4.5
( 3.3- 6.1)
TOTAL
32.6
(30.2-35.1)
14.8
(12.9-16.8)
6.8
( 5.5- 7.9)
POPULATION ESTIMATES (IN THOUSANDS)
AGE
12-17
468
(
381-
559)
378
(
298-
471)
143
(
93-
217)
18-25
1,419
( 1,246- 1,594)
818
(
859-
($66
342
(
263-
441)
26-34
1,692
( 1,485- 1,926)
767
(
613-
925)
353
(
253-
488)
36+
1,544
( 1,302- 1,816)
371
(
265-
535)
202
(
121-
335)
SEX
MALE
3,163
( 2,864- 3,472)
1,486
(
1,264-
1,737)
688
(
535-
879)
FEMALE
1,960
( 1,695- 2,251)
838
(
681- 1,061)
353
(
258-
480)
TOTAL
6,123
( 4,745- 5,516)
2,822
( 2,037- 2,839)
1,041
(
865- 1,250)
*Low precision; no estimates reported
Source: National Institute on Drug Abuse, 1928 National Household Survey on Drug Abuse
18
Document No. 236286SS
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
5/8/91
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: TODAY 5/8/91 1:00PM
SUBJECT: BRIEF REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS/ FREE TRADE
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
PETERSMEYER
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BRADY
SMITH
BROMLEY
UNTERMEYER
CARD
BOSKIN
DEMAREST
MARTINEZ
FITZWATER
ROGERS
GRAY
SNOW
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please forward your comments directly to Tony Snow, Rm. 122, x2930,
no later than 1:00 p.m., TODAY, WEDNESDAY, MAY 8, with a copy
to this office.
RESPONSE: Herenica from
Onver P John natters, Chif of stoff Uin
marked
Jenn Balestrier- ept 2992 VEOB 176
PHILLIP D. BRADY
pup2 fee p2
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
Grant/Cawley
May 7, 1991 / 1 p.m.
91 MAY -8 AM 8: 00
A:ADS / Draft two
BRIEF REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS / FREE TRADE
THE INDIAN TREATY ROOM
THURSDAY, MAY 9, 1991
9:30 A.M.
((Acknowledgements)
First of all, welcome to the White House. We've all been
very concerned lately with two vital issues: America's ability to
compete in the global marketplace and our ability to negotiate
with our trading partners. The two concerns meet in an issue
that we all care about deeply: the "fast track" procedures that
I've asked Congress to extend.
Fast track procedures let us negotiate in good faith with
our trading partners and work in concert with Congress. They
simply ensure that we will not alter agreements that our
negotiators have reached with their counterparts.
Fast-track doesn't take away Congress' power to accept or
reject trade agreements. Congress will still have its say -- in
a yes-or-no vote -- because fast track does not guarantee
approval of any agreement. And we have promised to consult
closely with Congress during the course of trade talks. Fast
track's main virtue is this: It prevents 11th-hour changes to
agreements we have reached, changes that force everyone involved
to start from scratch.
Congress first gave the president fast track authority in
1974, and we have used it in negotiating three major trade
agreements since. As many of you know, fast track also can play
2
a role in helping us complete three other important trade
initiatives: The Uruguay Round of GATT talks; the North American
Free Trade Agreement and the Enterprise for the Americas
Initiative.
Unfortunately, some opponents of free trade have decided to
mount a smear campaign in hopes of derailing fast-track.
Ignoring the facts, they have tried to frighten people with scare
tactics and race-baiting. I've got a couple examples of this
disgusting propaganda with me today. Here's one ad that
questions the health and sanitary habits of Hispanic people --
[HOLD UP TWO ADS -- SEE ATTACHED]. The other ad distorts the
truth the old fashioned way. It wrenches quotes out of context
and tries to give the impression that foreigners -- in this case,
our Mexican neighbors -- somehow will poison American citizens.
I find these ads personally offensive. They promote nothing
more than prejudice and racism.
Although it-really shouldn't be necessary, let me set the
record straight. According to the American Journal of Public
Health Mexicans and Mexican Americans have better birth
outcomes lower drug use, and healthier diets than non Hispanic
whites This information was further supported by the January
1991 issue of the Journal of the American Medical Association.
There is no evidence that trade agreements with Mexico --
agreements that fast-track procedures would facilitate -- will
have any adverse impact on the quality of our food or water.
3
But there's another point: Free trade encourages economic
growth and international understanding. It enables us to build
bonds of common interest and common experience. It may be the
most effective antidote to the kind of poison these ads spread
among our people.
Open markets and free trade mean stronger alliances and
better relations. It means we become better neighbors, because
we'll bring out the best in people -- not the worst, as our
opponents want.
One ad reads: "There's a lot at stake here. But a lot of
important considerations are getting pushed aside in the fast
track rhetoric."
I couldn't agree more on this narrow point. Important
considerations have been pushed aside -- by the people who
sponsor these ads.
Take a look what the North American Free Trade Agreement
will create: the largest, richest market in the world. That's
360 million consumers and $6 trillion in annual output.
And take a look at the 130 percent increase in our exports
to Mexico over the past four years. This export boom has created
264,000 new jobs in the United States. And each additional
billion dollars in exports will create 20,000 new jobs here in
the United States. I didn't read about that in those ads.
So you see, we have much to gain from extending fast track -
- a new era of open, free and fair trade -- a future of
unprecedented economic growth and regional harmony.
4
A "yes" vote on fast-track really is a vote on what kind of
outlook we share -- one of optimism and integrity, or_one of
self-doubt and petty prejudice. A "yes" vote means a vote for
"good faith" and the strength of our word. We can't allow bigots
and fearmongers to control our agenda. We must rely on our
better selves -- our truer selves.
Fast track plays a critical role in helping the United
States compete in a world newly united by bonds of commerce. We
will need your support as Hispanic leaders in persuading Congress
to extend fast-track procedures. We will need your help as
businessmen and women, as entrepreneurs, as men and women from
all walks of life. But most of all, we need your help as
Americans committed to the ideals of freedom and opportunity.
Help us build good faith with our friends and neighbors.
Help us develop better working relations with Congress. And help
us stifle the voices that want to replace reason with rancor,
cooperation with discrimination.
With your help, I know we will succeed. Once again, thank
you and God bless each of you.
# # #
KaLL CaLL ApriL 29 p.7
U.S.
-
MEXICO TRADE NEGOTIATIONS'
Fast Track
W
hat would fast track trade
fast track rhetoric. In terms of
negotiations between the U.S.
safe food and drinking water,
and Mexico really produce?
there is already a problem of crisis
Could Be
From the standpoint of food
proportions along both sides of
safety and water quality, it would
the border. Fast track is not a
Hazardous To
make an already deplorable
framework for solving these
situation worse.
problems.
What we drink.
This issue-and its long-term
Your Health
political and economic
Mexican border towns like
ramifications-deserves a lot
Matamoros and Juarez have
more than a simple up or down
virtually no sewage facilities for
vote by Congress.
their populations that swell as the
maquiladora plants expand. With
Congress should reject fast
no treatment facilities, health
track
it's a shortcut to disaster.
FAST
problems abound on both sides of
the border.
TRACK
In San Elizario, Texas, for
example, 90 percent of the people
have Hepatitis A by the time they
reach age 30. Nogales, Arizona,
has a Hepatitis A rate 20 times
the U.S. national average.
What we eat.
DISASTER
With no treatment facilities,
TO
produce destined for export may
be irrigated with polluted water,
including raw sewage. Irapuato, a
town in Guanajuato, is an
example.
There's a lot at stake here. But a
lot of important considerations
are getting pushed aside in the
AFL-CIO
815 SIXTEENTH STREET, N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
POISON!
Fast Track
Environmental specialists-especially those concerned about
water-say the (border) area's natural resources cannot
handle the extra economic development free-trade advocates
The More You Read
foresee.
-The Economist
April 20, 1991
The Worse It Gets
Indiscriminate dumping or long-term storage of industrial
garbage and hazardous wastes is trashing the landscape and
poisoning the water and soil.
FAST
-U.S. News & World Report
TRACK
May 6, 1991
Uncontrolled air and water pollution is rapidly deteriorating
SHORTENT
and seriously affecting the health and future economic vitality
on both sides of the border.
--American Medical Association
June, 1990
TO
DISASTER
Their very success (the maquiladoras) is helping turn much of
the border region into a sinkhole of abysmal living conditions
and environmental degradation.
-Wall Street Journal
September 27, 1989
T
he case against fast track free
This issue-and its long-term
trade negotiations between the
political and economic
U.S. and Mexico grows
ramifications-deserves a lot
stronger every day. There's a lot
more than a simple up ordown
more at stake here than the fast
vote by Congress.
track rhetoric would lead you to
believe.
Congress should reject fast track
it's a shortcut to disaster.
AFL-CIO
815 SIXTEENTH STREET, N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
THE WHITE HOUSE
wWASHINGTON
May 8, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR TONY SNOW
FROM:
ROGER B. PORTER RBP
SUBJECT:
Presidential Remarks: Hispanic Business
Leaders/Free Trade
We have reviewed the attached draft remarks from a policy
standpoint and have noted several suggestions on the draft.
We recommend deleting the last paragraph on page two
concerning health comparisons between Mexicans and non-
Hispanic whites. We are not confident that this data can be
substantiated with sufficient certainty.
Additionally, at the top of page four we recommend
changing the sentence to delete the word "yes." Because the
fast track legislation is being considered as a motion to deny
extension, a "yes" vote will actually end the fast track
authorization.
CC: Phillip D. Brady
91 MAY 8 36
Document No. 236286SS
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
5/8/91
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: TODAY 5/8/91 1:00PM
SUBJECT: BRIEF REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS/ FREE TRADE
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
PETERSMEYER
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BRADY
SMITH
BROMLEY
UNTERMEYER
CARD
BOSKIN
DEMAREST
MARTINEZ
FITZWATER
ROGERS
GRAY
SNOW
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please forward your comments directly to Tony Snow, Rm. 122, x2930,
no later than 1:00 p.m., TODAY, WEDNESDAY, MAY 8, with a copy
to this office.
RESPONSE:
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
Grant/Cawley
May 7, 1991 / 1 p.m.
91 MAY -8 AM 8: 00
A:ADS / Draft two
BRIEF REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS / FREE TRADE
THE INDIAN TREATY ROOM
THURSDAY, MAY 9, 1991
9:30 A.M.
((Acknowledgements)
First of all, welcome to the White House. We've all been
very concerned lately with two vital issues: America's ability to
compete in the global marketplace and our ability to negotiate
with our trading partners. The two concerns meet in an issue
that we all care about deeply: the "fast track" procedures that
I've asked Congress to extend.
Fast track procedures let us negotiate in good faith with
our trading partners and work in concert with Congress. They
simply ensure that we will not alter agreements that our
negotiators have reached with their counterparts.
Fast-track doesn't take away Congress' power to accept or
reject trade agreements. Congress will still have its say ----- in
a yes-or-no vote -- because fast track does not guarantee
approval of any agreement. And we have promised to consult
closely with Congress during the course of trade talks. Fast
track's main virtue is this: It prevents 11th-hour changes to
agreements we have reached, changes that force everyone involved
to start from scratch.
Congress first gave the president fast track authority in
1974, and we have used it in negotiating three major trade
agreements since. As many of you know, fast track also can play
2
to ADVANCE
a role in helping us complete I three other important trade
initiatives: The Uruguay Round of GATT talks; the North American
Free Trade Agreement and the Enterprise for the Americas
Initiative.
Unfortunately, some opponents of free trade have decided to
mount a smear campaign in hopes of derailing fast-track.
Ignoring the facts, they have tried to frighten people with scare
tactics and race-baiting. I've got a couple examples of this
disgusting propaganda with me today. Here's one ad that
questions the health and sanitary habits of Hispanic people --
[HOLD UP TWO ADS -- SEE ATTACHED]. The other ad distorts the
truth the old fashioned way. It wrenches quotes out of context
and tries to give the impression that foreigners -- in this case,
our Mexican neighbors -- somehow will poison American citizens.
I find these ads personally offensive. They promote nothing
more than prejudice and racism.
Although it really shouldn't be necessary, let me set the
A STUDY PUBLISHED IN
record straight. According to the American Journal of Public
CONCUDED THAT
Health, Mexicans and Mexican Americans have better birth
outcomes, lower drug use, and healthier diets than non-Hispanic
whites. This information was further supported by the January
1991 issue of the Journal of the American Medical Association.
There is no evidence that trade agreements with Mexico --
agreements that fast-track procedures would facilitate -- will
have any adverse impact on the quality of our food or water.
3
But there's another point: Free trade encourages economic
growth and international understanding. It enables us to build
bonds of common interest and common experience. It may be the
most effective antidote to the kind of poison these ads spread
among our people.
Open markets and free trade mean stronger alliances and
better relations. It means we become better neighbors, because
we'll bring out the best in people -- not the worst, as our
opponents want.
One ad reads: "There's a lot at stake here. But a lot of
important considerations are getting pushed aside in the fast
track rhetoric."
I couldn't agree more on this narrow point. Important
considerations have been pushed aside -- by the people who
sponsor these ads.
Take a look what the North American Free Trade Agreement
will create: the largest, richest market in the world. That's
360 million consumers and $6 trillion in annual output.
And take a look at the 130 percent increase in our exports
to Mexico over the past four years. This export boom has created
264,000 new jobs in the United States. And each additional
billion dollars in exports will create 20,000 new jobs here in
the United States. I didn't read about that in those ads.
So you see, we have much to gain from extending fast track -
- a new era of open, free and fair trade -- a future of
unprecedented economic growth and regional harmony.
for
4
A "yes" "yes vote on fast-track really is a vote on what kind of
outlook we share -- one of optimism and integrity, or.one of
i
self-doubt and petty prejudice. A "yes" vote means a vote for
"good faith" and the strength of our word. We can't allow bigots
and fearmongers to control our agenda. We must rely on our
better selves -- our truer selves.
Fast track plays a critical role in helping the United
States compete in a world newly united by bonds of commerce. We
will need your support as Hispanic leaders in persuading Congress
to extend fast-track procedures. We will need your help as
businessmen and women, as entrepreneurs, as men and women from
all walks of life. But most of all, we need your help as
Americans committed to the ideals of freedom and opportunity.
Help us build good faith with our friends and neighbors.
Help us develop better working relations with Congress. And help
us stifle the voices that want to replace reason with rancor,
cooperation with discrimination.
with your help, I know we will succeed. Once again, thank
you and God bless each of you.
# # #
KaLL CaLL ApriL29 29 p.7
U.S. - MEXICO TRADE NEGOTIATIONS
Fast Track
hat would fast track trade
W
fast track rhetoric. In terms of
negotiations between the U.S.
safe food and drinking water,
and Mexico really produce?
there is already a problem of crisis
Could Be
From the standpoint of food
proportions along both sides of
safety and water quality, it would
the border. Fast track is not a
Hazardous To
make an already deplorable
framework for solving these
situation worse.
problems.
What we drink.
This issue-and its long-term
Your Health
political and economic
Mexican border towns like
ramifications-deserves a lot
Matamoros and Juarez have
more than a simple up or down
virtually no sewage facilities for
vote by Congress.
their populations that swell as the
maquiladora plants expand. With
Congress should reject fast
track
no treatment facilities, health
it's a shortcut to disaster.
FAST
problems abound on both sides of
the border.
TRACK
In San Elizario, Texas, for
example, 90 percent of the people
have Hepatitis A by the time they
INSTRONS
reach age 30. Nogales, Arizona.
has a Hepatitis A rate 20 times
the U.S. national average.
What we eat.
DISASTER
With no treatment facilities,
TO
produce destined for export may
be irrigated with polluted water,
including raw sewage. Irapuato. a
town in Guanajuato, is an
example.
There's a lot at stake here. But a
lot of important considerations
are getting pushed aside in the
AFL-CIO
815 SIXTEENTH STREET, N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
POISON!
Fast Track
Environmental specialists-especially those concerned about
water-say the (border) area's natural resources cannot
handle the extra economic development free-trade advocates
The More You Read
foresee.
-The Economist
April 20, 1991
The Worse It Gets
Indiscriminate dumping or long-term storage of industrial
garbage and hazardous wastes is trashing the landscape and
poisoning the water and soil.
FAST
-U.S. News & World Report
May 6, 1991
SHORTENT
TRACK
Uncontrolled air and water pollution is rapidly deteriorating
and seriously affecting the health and future economic vitality
on both sides of the border.
-American Medical Association
June, 1990
TO
DISASTER
Their very success (the maquiladoras) is helping turn much of
the border region into a sinkhole of abysmal living conditions
and environmental degradation.
-Wall Street Journal
September 27, 1989
T
he case against fast track free
This issue-and its long-term
trade negotiations between the
political and economic
U.S. and Mexico grows
ramifications-deserves a lot
stronger every day. There's a lot
more than a simple up or down
more at stake here than the fast
vote by Congress.
track rhetoric would lead you to
believe.
Congress should reject fast track
it's a shortcut to disaster.
AFL-CIO
815 SIXTEENTH STREET, N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
Document No. 236286SS
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
5/8/91
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: TODAY 5/8/91 1:00PM
SUBJECT: BRIEF REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS/ FREE TRADE
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
PETERSMEYER
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BRADY
SMITH
BROMLEY
UNTERMEYER
CARD
BOSKIN
DEMAREST
MARTINEZ
FITZWATER
ROGERS
GRAY
SNOW
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please forward your comments directly to Tony Snow, Rm. 122, x2930,
no later than 1:00 p.m., TODAY, WEDNESDAY, MAY 8, with a copy
RESPONSE:
to KSR this office.
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
Grant/Cawley
May 7, 1991 / 1 p.m.
91 MAY -8 AM 8:00
A:ADS / Draft two
BRIEF REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS / FREE TRADE
THE INDIAN TREATY ROOM
THURSDAY, MAY 9, 1991
9:30 A.M.
((Acknowledgements)
First of all, welcome to the White House. We've all been
very concerned lately with two vital issues: America's ability to
compete in the global marketplace and our ability to negotiate
with our trading partners. The two concerns meet in an issue
that we all care about deeply: the "fast track" procedures that
I've asked Congress to extend.
Fast track procedures let us negotiate in good faith with
our trading partners and work in concert with Congress. They
simply ensure that we will not alter agreements that our
negotiators have reached with their counterparts.
Fast-track doesn't take away Congress' power to accept or
reject trade agreements. Congress will still have its say -- in
a yes-or-no vote -- because fast track does not guarantee
approval of any agreement. And we have promised to consult
closely with Congress during the course of trade talks. Fast
track's main virtue is this: It prevents 11th-hour changes to
agreements we have reached, changes that force everyone involved
to start from scratch.
Congress first gave the president fast track authority in
1974, and we have used it in negotiating three major trade
agreements since. As many of you know, fast track also can play
2
a role in helping us complete three other important trade
initiatives: The Uruguay Round of GATT talks; the North American
Free Trade Agreement and the Enterprise for the Americas
Initiative.
Unfortunately, some opponents of free trade have decided to
mount a smear campaign in hopes of derailing fast-track.
Ignoring the facts, they have tried to frighten people with scare
tactics and race-baiting. I've got a couple examples of this
disgusting propaganda with me today. Here's one ad that
questions the health and sanitary habits of Hispanic people --
[HOLD UP TWO ADS -- SEE ATTACHED]. The other ad distorts the
truth the old fashioned way. It wrenches quotes out of context
and tries to give the impression that foreigners -- in this case,
our Mexican neighbors -- somehow will poison American citizens.
I find these ads personally offensive. They promote nothing
more than prejudice and racism.
Although it really shouldn't be necessary, let me set the
record straight. According to the American Journal of Public
Health, Mexicans and Mexican Americans have better birth
outcomes, lower drug use, and healthier diets than non-Hispanic
whites. This information was further supported by the January
1991 issue of the Journal of the American Medical Association.
There is no evidence that trade agreements with Mexico --
agreements that fast-track procedures would facilitate -- will
have any adverse impact on the quality of our food or water.
3
But there's another point: Free trade encourages economic
growth and international understanding. It enables us to build
bonds of common interest and common experience. It may be the
most effective antidote to the kind of poison these ads spread
among our people.
Open markets and free trade mean stronger alliances and
better relations. It means we become better neighbors, because
we'll bring out the best in people -- not the worst, as our
opponents want.
One ad reads: "There's a lot at stake here. But a lot of
important considerations are getting pushed aside in the fast
track rhetoric."
I couldn't agree more on this narrow point. Important
considerations have been pushed aside -- by the people who
sponsor these ads.
Take a look what the North American Free Trade Agreement
will create: the largest, richest market in the world. That's
360 million consumers and $6 trillion in annual output.
And take a look at the 130 percent increase in our exports
to Mexico over the past four years. This export boom has created
264,000 new jobs in the United States. And each additional
billion dollars in exports will create 20,000 new jobs here in
the United States. I didn't read about that in those ads.
So you see, we have much to gain from extending fast track -
- a new era of open, free and fair trade -- a future of
unprecedented economic growth and regional harmony.
4
A "yes" vote on fast-track really is a vote on what kind of
outlook we share -- one of optimism and integrity, or_one of
-
self-doubt and petty prejudice. A "yes" vote means a vote for
"good faith" and the strength of our word. We can't allow bigots
and fearmongers to control our agenda. We must rely on our
better selves -- our truer selves.
Fast track plays a critical role in helping the United
States compete in a world newly united by bonds of commerce. We
will need your support as Hispanic leaders in persuading Congress
to extend fast-track procedures. We will need your help as
businessmen and women, as entrepreneurs, as men and women from
all walks of life. But most of all, we need your help as
Americans committed to the ideals of freedom and opportunity.
Help us build good faith with our friends and neighbors.
Help us develop better working relations with Congress. And help
us stifle the voices that want to replace reason with rancor,
cooperation with discrimination.
with your help, I know we will succeed. Once again, thank
you and God bless each of you.
# # #
KaLL CaLL ApriL 29 p.7
U.S.
- MEXICO TRADE NEGOTIATIONS
Fast Track
W
hat would fast track trade
fast track rhetoric. In terms of
negotiations between the U.S.
safe food and drinking water,
and Mexico really produce?
there is already a problem of crisis
Could Be
From the standpoint of food
proportions along both sides of
safety and water quality, it would
the border. Fast track is not a
make an already deplorable
framework for solving these
Hazardous To
situation worse.
problems.
What we drink.
This issue-and its long-term
Your Health
political and economic
Mexican border towns like
ramifications-deserves a lot
Matamoros and Juarez have
more than a simple up or down
virtually no sewage facilities for
vote by Congress.
their populations that swell as the
maquiladora plants expand. With
Congress should reject fast
no treatment facilities, health
track
it's a shortcut to disaster.
FAST
problems abound on both sides of
the border.
TRACK
In San Elizario, Texas, for
example, 90 percent of the people
have Hepatitis A by the time they
INSTRONS
reach age 30. Nogales, Arizona.
has a Hepatitis A rate 20 times
the U.S. national average.
What we eat.
DISASTER
With no treatment facilities,
TO
produce destined for export may
be irrigated with polluted water,
including raw sewage. Irapuato. a
town in Guanajuato is an
example.
There's a lot at stake here. But a
lot of important considerations
are getting pushed aside in the
AFL-CIO
815 SIXTEENTH STREET, N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
POISON!
Fast Track
Environmental specialists-especially those concerned about
water-say the (border) area's natural resources cannot
handle the extra economic development free-trade advocates
The More You Read
foresee.
-The Economist
April 20, 1991
The Worse It Gets
Indiscriminate dumping or long-term storage of industrial
garbage and hazardous wastes is trashing the landscape and
poisoning the water and soil.
FAST
-U.S. News & World Report
May 6, 1991
SHORTENT
TRACK
Uncontrolled air and water pollution is rapidly deteriorating
and seriously affecting the health and future economic vitality
on both sides of the border.
-American Medical Association
June, 1990
TO
DISASTED
Their very success (the maquiladoras) is helping turn much of
the border region into a sinkhole of abysmal living conditions
and environmental degradation.
-Wall Street Journal
September 27, 1989
T
he case against fast track free
This issue-and its long-term
trade negotiations between the
political and economic
U.S. and Mexico grows
ramifications-deserves a lot
stronger every day. There's a lot
more than a simple up or down
more at stake here than the fast
vote by Congress.
track rhetoric would lead you to
Congress should reject fast track
believe.
it's a shortcut to disaster.
AFL-CIO
815 SIXTEENTH STREET, N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
Grant/Cawley
STHFFED
May 7, 1991 / 1 p.m.
91 MAY 8 A 24
A:ADS / Draft two
BRIEF REMARKS: HISPANIC BUSINESS LEADERS / FREE TRADE
THE INDIAN TREATY ROOM
THURSDAY, MAY 9, 1991
9:30 A.M.
( (Acknowledgements))
First of all, welcome to the White House. We've all been
very concerned lately with two vital issues: America's ability to
compete in the global marketplace and our ability to negotiate
with our trading partners. The two concerns meet in an issue
that we all care about deeply: the "fast track" procedures that
I've asked Congress to extend.
Fast track procedures let us negotiate in good faith with
our trading partners and work in concert with Congress. They
simply ensure that we will not alter agreements that our
negotiators have reached with their counterparts.
Fast-track doesn't take away Congress' power to accept or
reject trade agreements. Congress will still have its say -- in
a yes-or-no vote -- because fast track does not guarantee
approval of any agreement. And we have promised to consult
closely with Congress during the course of trade talks. Fast
track's main virtue is this: It prevents 11th-hour changes to
agreements we have reached, changes that force everyone involved
to start from scratch.
Congress first gave the president fast track authority in
1974, and we have used it in negotiating three major trade
agreements since. As many of you know, fast track also can play
2
a role in helping us complete three other important trade
initiatives: The Uruguay Round of GATT talks; the North American
Free Trade Agreement and the Enterprise for the Americas
Initiative.
Unfortunately, some opponents of free trade have decided to
mount a smear campaign in hopes of derailing fast-track.
Ignoring the facts, they have tried to frighten people with scare
tactics and race-baiting. I've got a couple examples of this
disgusting propaganda with me today. Here's one ad that
questions the health and sanitary habits of Hispanic people --
[HOLD UP TWO ADS -- SEE ATTACHED]. The other ad distorts the
truth the old fashioned way. It wrenches quotes out of context
and tries to give the impression that foreigners -- in this case,
our Mexican neighbors -- somehow will poison American citizens.
I find these ads personally offensive. They promote nothing
more than prejudice and racism.
Although it really shouldn't be necessary, let me set the
record straight. According to the American Journal of Public
Health, Mexicans and Mexican Americans have better birth
outcomes, lower drug use, and healthier diets than non-Hispanic
whites. This information was further supported by the January
1991 issue of the Journal of the American Medical Association.
There is no evidence that trade agreements with Mexico --
agreements that fast-track procedures would facilitate -- will
have any adverse impact on the quality of our food or water.
3
But there's another point: Free trade encourages economic
growth and international understanding. It enables us to build
bonds of common interest and common experience. It may be the
most effective antidote to the kind of poison these ads spread
among our people.
Open markets and free trade mean stronger alliances and
better relations. It means we become better neighbors, because
we'll bring out the best in people -- not the worst, as our
opponents want.
One ad reads: "There's a lot at stake here. But a lot of
important considerations are getting pushed aside in the fast
track rhetoric."
I couldn't agree more on this narrow point. Important
considerations have been pushed aside --- by the people who
sponsor these ads.
Take a look what the North American Free Trade Agreement
will create: the largest, richest market in the world. That's
360 million consumers and $6 trillion in annual output.
And take a look at the 130 percent increase in our exports
to Mexico over the past four years. This export boom has created
264,000 new jobs in the United States. And each additional
billion dollars in exports will create 20,000 new jobs here in
the United States. I didn't read about that in those ads.
So you see, we have much to gain from extending fast track -
- a new era of open, free and fair trade -- a future of
unprecedented economic growth and regional harmony.
4
A "yes" vote on fast-track really is a vote on what kind of
outlook we share -- one of optimism and integrity, or one of
self-doubt and petty prejudice. A "yes" vote means a vote for
"good faith" and the strength of our word. We can't allow bigots
and fearmongers to control our agenda. We must rely on our
better selves -- our truer selves.
Fast track plays a critical role in helping the United
States compete in a world newly united by bonds of commerce. We
will need your support as Hispanic leaders in persuading Congress
to extend fast-track procedures. We will need your help as
businessmen and women, as entrepreneurs, as men and women from
all walks of life. But most of all, we need your help as
Americans committed to the ideals of freedom and opportunity.
Help us build good faith with our friends and neighbors.
Help us develop better working relations with Congress. And help
us stifle the voices that want to replace reason with rancor,
cooperation with discrimination.
with your help, I know we will succeed. Once again, thank
you and God bless each of you.
# # #
RaLL CaLL ApriL29 29 p.7
U.S.
-
MEXICO TRADE NEGOTIATIONS
Fast Track
W
hat would fast track trade
fast track rhetoric. In terms of
negotiations between the U.S.
safe food and drinking water,
and Mexico really produce?
there is already a problem of crisis
Could Be
From the standpoint of food
proportions along both sides of
safety and water quality, it would
the border. Fast track is not a
Hazardous To
make an already deplorable
framework for solving these
situation worse.
problems.
What we drink.
This issue-and its long-term
Your Health
political and economic
Mexican border towns like
ramifications-deserves a lot
Matamoros and Juarez have
more than a simple up or down
virtually no sewage facilities for
vote by Congress.
their populations that swell as the
maquiladora plants expand. With
Congress should reject fast
no treatment facilities, health
track
it's a shortcut to disaster.
FAST
problems abound on both sides of
the border.
TRACK
In San Elizario, Texas, for
example, 90 percent of the people
have Hepatitis A by the time they
SHORTENT
reach age 30. Nogales, Arizona,
has a Hepatitis A rate 20 times
the U.S. national average.
What we eat.
With no treatment facilities,
TO
produce destined for export may
be irrigated with polluted water,
including raw sewage. Irapuato, a
town in Guanajuato, is an
example.
There's a lot at stake here. But a
lot of important considerations
are getting pushed aside in the
AEL-CIO
815 SIXTEENTH STREET, N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
POISON!
Fast Track
Environmental specialists-especially those concerned about
water-say the (border) area's natural resources cannot
handle the extra economic development free-trade advocates
The More You Read
foresee.
-The Economist
April 20, 1991
The Worse It Gets
Indiscriminate dumping or long-term storage of industrial
garbage and hazardous wastes is trashing the landscape and
poisoning the water and soil.
FAST
-U.S. News & World Report
May 6, 1991
SHORTENT
TRACK
Uncontrolled air and water pollution is rapidly deteriorating
and seriously affecting the health and future economic vitality
on both sides of the border.
-American Medical Association
June, 1990
TO
DISASTER
Their very success (the maquiladoras) is helping turn much of
the border region into a sinkhole of abysmal living conditions
and environmental degradation.
-Wall Street Journal
September 27, 1989
T
he case against fast track free
This issue-and its long-term
trade negotiations between the
political and economic
U.S. and Mexico grows
ramifications-deserves a lot
stronger every day. There's a lot
more than a simple up or down
more at stake here than the fast
vote by Congress.
track rhetoric would lead you to
Congress should reject fast track
believe.
it's a shortcut to disaster.
AFL-CIO
815 SIXTEENTH STREET, N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
May 9, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO HISPANIC ALLIANCE
Indian Treaty Room
Old Executive Office Building
10:19 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much. And some of that
has to do, I think, with my fibrillating heart -- (laughter) -- but
it's all right. I just came back from Bethesda and really got a
wonderful report. I won't go into the clinical assessment, but it's
great. I just take something to do with the thyroid, and the heart
is perfect. So I'm very lucky -- very, very lucky. (Applause.)
I came over to talk to you today about an issue that is
really of vital concern to me, and I think of our country. And I
have some talking points here, but let me just put them away and
speak from the heart. I see my friend, the Ambassador, here, and I
have great respect for him. And I might say I have enormous respect
for President Salinas of Mexico.
And he is taking that country that we all love and moving
it in a direction that we can all admire. And it would be a terrible
tragedy if we took this Fast-Track authority from Mexico and pulled
it away and turned it down. I think it would send an outrageously
bad symbol, not only to Mexico, but to the countries to the south.
We've got a real opportunity while I'm President to build stronger
relations with South America.
I've been down there, I've talked endlessly to the
Presidents of the various countries. Just the other day, Gus, Carlos
Andres Perez of Venezuela was in. He doesn't benefit from a free
trade agreement with Mexico, but he said, you cannot let this fail.
The signal that this would send through our part of the world would
just be unconscionable.
And so I am committed to this. And I'm committed to it
not just because it's good for Mexico. I'm the President of the
United States, and all of us are citizens of the United States. Gus,
that leaves you out -- (laughter.) But we've got to do what's in the
best interest of the United States. And this is in the best interest
of the United States.
And I can understand the concerns about the environment,
but as Ambassador Hills tells you, we have good answers for that.
Mexico is moving on their own. Carlos closed down PEMEX refinery, an
enormously difficult political move for him. And yet, he did it.
And many other businesses that were polluting have closed down. And
the way to help with pollution on the border is to raise the standard
of living down there so people can have more money to put into these
things that we hold near and dear to our hearts.
And S.O I approach this on a foreign policy basis as
thinking that it's essential. And I approach it in terms of our own
economy as thinking it's essential. We think it will create jobs. I
am offended, frankly, by some of the advertising I've seen that I
honestly find discriminatory. And I don't like it and I'm troubled
by it. I can understand a labor union person wondering whether it's
going to cause drops, but I think we have good answers for it. And I
think the answer is it will add to American jobs. And I'm going to
keep working with Carla Hills to get that message out to the United
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States Congress.
But I really wanted to come over to exhort you all to
sally forth to the Hill up there. You've got many friends up there
-- and use your best influence in the best tradition of persuasion of
the Congress to make them understand that the Fast-Track authority
will create jobs, it will open up more trade between countries, it
will raise the standards of living along the border on both sides, in
my view, and it's going to be a wonderful thing. And I want our
administration, indeed, to be firmly committed in terms of free
trade, because history shows it results in prosperity.
And so this is where we stand. And I thank you all very,
very much for your interest in it. And do exactly what Carla Hills
tells you to do. Thank you all very much. (Applause.)
END
10:24 A.M. EDT