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Institute for International Relations 7/30/91 [OA 6030] [2]
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Institute for International Relations 7/30/91 [OA 6030] [2]
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This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
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Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting, White House Office of
Series:
Speech File Draft Files
Subseries:
Chron File, 1989-1993
OA/ID Number:
13577
Folder ID Number:
13577-003
Folder Title:
Institute for International Relations 7/30/91 [OA 6030] [2]
Stack:
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26
17
2
6
TIME OF TRANSMISSION
TIME OF REC
DBZ
THE SITUATION ROOM
PRECEDENCE: IMMEDIATE
PRIORITY
RELEASER: RSigler
ROUTINE
DTG: 2919452
MESSAGE NO. 31 CLASSIFICATION unclass
PAGES $ 6
FROM Nancy Benson (Name)
456-2930 122,0,EQB.
(Phone Number)
(Room No.)
MESSAGE DESCRIPTION
TO (Agency)
DELIVER TO:
DEPT/ROOM NO. PHONE NUMBER
Christinamartin Mascow
REMARKS
Please deliver A.S.AP.
EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT
OFFICE OF MANAGEMENT AND BUDGET
WASHINGTON. D.C. 20503
JUL 29 1991
Inst Int. for Relations
NOTICE:
Enclosed are comments from staff members of the Office of
Management and Budget (OMB). Such comments do not necessarily
represent the official position of the Director of OMB or of the
Office of Management and Budget. If you wish to have the
Director's personal comments, please let me know -- and contact
me if you have any questions.
If our proposed substantive changes are not made, please let
us know before the material is prepared in final.
James Marc
Associate Director for
Legislative Reference
and Administration
7
the collapse of the Soviet economy -- nor can your economic ills
be cured by an infusion of cash. // Only through real reform
can the Soviet Union abolish the counter-productive command
economy -- only through real reform can the Soviet Union unleash
the ingenuity, the energy and the entrepreneurial instincts of
its people. 11
America stands ready to help -- ready to provide expertise
seek to
and advice that can advance real reform. To this end, I will ask poor
Not aware
fund
a decision
Congress for $20 million dollars to form a Technical Assistance for
has agreed been
Fund, to encourage economic reform at the federal level and in
should to
the republics. // We will also seek the support of our partners
Howard takeout take out
in the G-7 for the creation of an Enterprise Fund -- a pool of
capital to fuel the dreams of emerging Soviet entrepreneurs. 11
44657
As market reform moves forward, our assistance can take new
reas. nothing &CEA
forms. Together with our friends in the European Community, the
U.S. will explore the possibilities of creating a Stabilization
now
this Fund to ease the transition from a system based on command and
hould bout deleted be
control to one based on supply and demand. ///
Howard
But our new partnership must go far beyond the halls of
XY657
government in Washington and Moscow. It must bring together the
businessman from the American Midwest and his partner in the
Ukraine. It must bridge the thousands of miles between small
town America and Soviet cities. It means expanded exchanges of
scientists and scholars, artists and engineers. And from the
great cities of Moscow and Petersburg, from the plains of Central
Asia and the villages of Siberia to the port of Vladivostok and
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
91 JUL 29 P12: 31
July 29, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR TONY SNOW
FROM:
STEPHEN G. RADEMAKER
SR
ASSOCIATE COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT
SUBJECT:
Presidential Remarks: The Monument at Babi Yar
Pursuant to Phillip Brady's request, Counsel's Office has
reviewed the above-referenced matter. We have no objection to
the draft presidential remarks, subject to the comment indicated
on page 3 of the attached text.
Attachment
cc: Phillip D. Brady
3
way into the ears and minds and hearts of townspeople. When the
first round of shooting stopped, more than 33,000 bodies lay in
the pit at Babi Yar. Many more committed suicide, rather than
facing certain, humiliating slaughter. Within 18 months, nearly
100,000 innocents perished here.
At the same time, a few people managed to escape. Yelena
Yefimovna Borodyansky-Knysh leaped into the pit with her young
daughter, shielding her child with her body. In the dead silent
night, she managed to work her way through the piled up bodies.
She slipped past her would-be executioners as they argued about
dividing up victims' booty. Naked, scared, mother and daughter
wriggled through ravines, stumbled over roots, waded through a
gamut of waving branches. Eventually they found freedom and
lived to tell of Babi Yar.
effort is
iteminals
While some in Kiev assisted the murders, others gave shelter
and
to Jews, Gypsies, party members and other targets of the
chowe
genocide. They gave shelter, at the risk of death. They gave
submits
food and clothing at the risk of death. They gave the gift of
Lin
life at the dawning of what later would be called the holocaust.
Abraham Lincoln once said, "We cannot escape history."
Mikhail Gorbachev more recently observed that we need truthful
proup
historical documents "not to settle political scores, or cause
suffering, but to render due tribute to everything that was
heroic in the past and to learn lessons from mistakes and
miscalculations."
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
91 JUL 29 P12 : 31
July 29, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR TONY SNOW
FROM:
STEPHEN G. RADEMAKER SR
ASSOCIATE COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT
SUBJECT:
Breakfast with Soviet Businessmen
Pursuant to Phillip Brady's request, Counsel's Office has
reviewed the above-referenced matter and has no objection,
subject to the comment indicated on page 2 of the attached text.
Attachment
CC: Phillip D. Brady
2
Government does have a legitimate role -- enforcing
contracts, protecting property rights, and providing the
boundaries of acceptable business behavior. Government can
establish rules for fair play -- a "level playing field" -- that
build trust and stability. Once established in the Soviet Union,
the rule of law will further make you attract country foreign more attractive know-how to and
by providing the predictality necessary for businessment to be
investment because smàrt businessmen will only go where it's
alling to take risks and expend effort.
good for business
[The United States stands ready to help. We're going beyond
loans and subsidies: we're offering our best expertise. At the
London Economic Summit, we agreed to Soviet observership in the
GATT trade negotiations to help establish normal relations with
the trading nations of the world. And to help devise effective
market reforms, we've proposed special status for the Soviet
Union in the IMF and the World Bank.
When I return to Washington, I'll be submitting the U.S.-
Soviet Trade Agreement to Congress for approval, which will
generate trade between our countries; I'll also ask that certain
restrictions be lifted so that American businesses can better
compete for export sales here. We're also negotiating a
bilateral treaty -- I'd like to see it completed by year's end -
- to create a better investment climate between us, to expand our
economic partnership as much as possible. ]
Freedom brings the opportunity to succeed, and the risk of
failure. The government can act as referee, but it cannot
guarantee success. Free markets are simply unpredictable. They
Document No. 257672
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
91 JUL 29 A8:31 A
DATE: 07/26/91
9:00 a.m. Monday 7/29
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
SUBJECT: PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
(07/26 5:45 p.m. draft)
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
1
MCCLURE
N/C
SUNUNU
PETERSMEYER
SCOWCROFT
PORTER 2205 N/C
DARMAN
ROGICH
BRADY
SMITH
BROMLEY
UNTERMEYER
CARD
ROGERS
DEMAREST
SNOW
FITZWATER
BOSKIN
GRAY N/C
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please provide any comments directly to Tony Snow no later than
9:00 a.m. on Monday, 07/29, with a copy to this office. Thanks.
RESPONSE:
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
91 JUL 25 PM 5:43
McGroarty/Dooley
July 26, 1991
5:45 pm
[MOSCOW]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
MOSCOW, U.S.S.R.
JULY 30, 1991
3:00 P.M.
[Introductory acknowledgements. ]
It is a privilege to meet with you at this critical moment
in the history of your nation -- at this time of great hope for
all the world. //
For four long decades, our two nations stood locked in
conflict, as the Cold War cast its shadow across an armed and
uneasy peace. This Summit marks a new beginning: the prospect
that we can put an end to a long era as adversaries, write a new
chapter in the history of our two nations -- forge a new
partnership and a sturdy peace. //
We have reason to hope. One by one, the cruel realities of
the Cold War flicker and fade -- and a new world of opportunities
calls us forward. In Europe -- for four long decades the fault-
line of East-West conflict -- the nations of the East, like their
neighbors in the West, find a common home in democracy. Far
beyond the confines of this continent -- from Afghanistan to the
horn of Africa, from Angola to Central America -- regional
conflicts no longer threaten to become flashpoints for superpower
confrontation. Worldwide, the risk of global war stands lower
now than at any point in the post-war era. //
2
The challenge we face at this summit -- the challenge you
face as present and future leaders of this great nation -- lies
in this: together, our two nations must overcome a half-century
of mistrust to seize this moment and build a lasting peace. //
Already, we've made progress. The easing of tensions
between our nations has created new opportunities for arms
control. Last fall, in Paris, we agreed on deep reductions in
conventional forces stationed in Europe. Tomorrow, in the
Kremlin, President Gorbachev and I will sign the historic START
Treaty that will cut our strategic arsenals by a full one-third.
//
Lower tensions have also made it possible for our two
nations to normalize economic relations. / In May, the Supreme
Soviet removed the key impediment to increased trade: Soviet
restrictions on free emigration. The new Soviet emigration law
stands as a major step forward -- a victory for all who value
human rights. // As a consequence of this progress, I am
pleased to announce that when I return to Washington, I will
submit to Congress the U.S.-Soviet Trade Agreement we signed one
year ago. In addition, I will urge the Congress to remove
restrictions that impede trade -- and grant the Soviet Union Most
Favored Nation status. //
Beyond two-way trade, the U.S. is working to open doors to
Soviet entry into the global economy. // For more than forty
years, the Soviet Union stood apart from the world market --
stood aside as free market forces sparked an era of unprecedented
3
prosperity across the West. / The results of this self-imposed
isolation from the world economy proved disastrous. At this
month's London Summit, President Gorbachev spoke of the Soviet
Union's interest in becoming fully integrated into the world
economy. //
The Soviet Union should become a full partner. That's why
the U.S. supports observer status in the GATT -- and, when it has
completed the necessary reforms, full membership. That's why I
proposed last December that the USSR should enter a "special
association" with the IMF and the World Bank -- and why I pushed
that proposal with my summit partners in London. These measures
will make available to the Soviet Union assistance and expertise
that can ease the difficult transition to a market economy. //
But the crowning proof that we are overcoming the old Cold
War animosities remains our cooperation in the Persian Gulf. In
the depths of the Cold War era, Iraq's aggression against its
tiny neighbor might well have brought our two nations -- and even
the entire world -- to the brink of conflict. If Saddam Hussein
thought he could exploit our differences to his own advantage --
he was dead wrong. At every key point in the crisis, the U.S.
and USSR worked together to send a strong and steady signal to
Saddam that his aggression would not stand. //
Today, our cooperation in the Gulf holds out hope that we
can work together towards a just and lasting peace in the Middle
East. [[MIDDLE EAST INITIATIVE UPDATE??]] //
4
In every aspect of our relations -- military, political,
economic -- we see positive signs of a new partnership. / But
for all the progress we've made, obstacles remain. Our ability
to overcome them will be a key test of the strength of our new
relationship. //
In many cases, we face conflicts and quarrels rooted in the
world war fought fifty years ago, frozen in place by the long
Cold War that followed: Disputes like the one that stands
between the Soviets and Japan on the return of the Northern
Territories. But surely, none looms larger today than the sad
half-century of suffering in the Baltic nations of Estonia,
Latvia and Lithuania.
For fifty years, the Baltic peoples refused to accept their
fate or surrender their quest for freedom. For fifty years,
their pleas fell on deaf ears. Today, hope in the Baltics rests
with a new generation of Soviet leaders -- a generation that has
fearlessly thrown open once-forbidden doors, and shined a bright
light into some of the darkest corners of the Stalin era. Let
this new generation be the one to free the Baltics. //
I call on both parties -- the central government and the
Baltic leaders -- to resume negotiations in good faith. No one
can ignore the complexities involved in negotiating a new
relationship -- or the yearnings of a people to be free. Above
all, we seek a clear and unqualified commitment to peaceful
change. We must not see the positive progress we have made these
5
past two years threatened and thrown in doubt by further violence
in the Baltics. //
A second obstacle lies close to home for the U.S. -- ninety
miles off the Florida coast, in Cuba. In Europe, the Cold War
may be over, but the news hasn't yet reached the Caribbean.
Despite the fact that Soviet aid keeps Castro afloat, Cuba's
leader has nothing but contempt for glasnost and perestroika. //
Castro stands isolated and alone -- a lone dictator out of step
with the democratic tide sweeping his hemisphere. I call on the
Soviet leadership to reconsider whether such costly support for
the Castro regime serves their aims and interests. //
Finally, I call on the Soviet leadership to make further
cuts in Soviet military spending. In spite of the strains on the
Soviet economy, military spending continues to consume 15 to 17%
of Soviet GDP. While the Soviet consumer confronts long lines
and empty shelves, the Soviet military-industrial complex
continues to crank out 1300 tanks a year, 4000 armored vehicles,
and a new ICBM every three days. // Military spending of this
magnitude weighs down the Soviet economy -- and threatens
international security. Now that the Cold War is over, the time
has come to put the Soviet economy on a peace-time footing. //
But the key challenge -- the single most important factor in
forging a new partnership between our nations -- remains the
outcome of the experiment now reshaping Soviet society. The
future of U.S.-Soviet relations is tied to the future of Soviet
reform. //
6
No visitor to this country can fail to see the signs of
change. Three times in three years as Vice President, I came to
Moscow. That third visit, I met with a new leader, Mikhail
Gorbachev -- the man who put these monumental changes in motion.
//
Consider the Soviet Union we see today. Gone are the days
when a small cadre hidden behind the high Kremlin walls worked
the levers of power. Gone is the rubber-stamp legislature -- the
one-party monopoly, enforcing one point of view. //
In its place we see unmistakeable signs of the new Soviet
Union. Dissidents who once languished in internal exile now
serve as Deputies in the People's Congress. Samizdat has given
way to streetcorner critics. / A new Soviet Revolution has
begun: a revolution marked by the emergence of many voices -- in
government and outside, / in the proliferation of political
parties, / here in Moscow, and across the vast reaches of this
great land, in every Republic.
The forces of reaction and resistance still retain great
power. But each day brings new alliances -- a new manifesto for
change -- a new call to action. Some ask: amid this shifting
scene, what is our policy toward all these groups, who and what
do we support? My answer is clear and simple: America stands
with the forces of freedom and reform -- wherever they are found.
My country stands ready to assist in this new Soviet
revolution. In the economic sphere, the transformation must come
from within. A shortage of foreign capital is not what caused
7
the collapse of the Soviet economy -- nor can your economic ills
be cured by an infusion of cash. // Only through real reform
can the Soviet Union abolish the counter-productive command
economy -- only through real reform can the Soviet Union unleash
the ingenuity, the energy and the entrepreneurial instincts of
its people. //
America stands ready to help -- ready to provide expertise
and advice that can advance real reform. To this end, I will ask
Congress for $20 million dollars to form a Technical Assistance
Fund, to encourage economic reform at the federal level and in
the republics. // We will also seek the support of our partners
in the G-7 for the creation of an Enterprise Fund -- a pool of
capital to fuel the dreams of emerging Soviet entrepreneurs. //
As market reform moves forward, our assistance can take new
forms. Together with our friends in the European Community, the
U.S. will explore the possibilities of creating a Stabilization
Fund to ease the transition from a system based on command and
Nonsens
control to one based on supply and demand.
But our new partnership must go far beyond the halls of
government in Washington and Moscow. It must bring together the
businessman from the American Midwest and his partner in the
Ukraine. It must bridge the thousands of miles between small
town America and Soviet cities. It means expanded exchanges of
scientists and scholars, artists and engineers. And from the
great cities of Moscow and Petersburg, from the plains of Central
Asia and the villages of Siberia to the port of Vladivostok and
8
all points in between -- it means students coming to study in
American schools and live with American families. It means
thousands more American students coming to the Soviet Union, to
explore your past and experience first-hand the future you are
working to create. //
In that same spirit, I am pleased to announce today that in
[month], we will send a Peace Corps mission to the USSR --
volunteers specializing in agriculture and environment -- to live
and work in this country, to contribute to the transformation
taking place here. //
[[CONCL>>>>> Let Moscow mark a new beginning for our two
nations ]]
Once again, thank you for your warm welcome -- and may God
bless the people of the Soviet Union.
# # #
7
the collapse of the Soviet economy -- nor can your economic ills
be cured by an infusion of cash. // Only through real reform
can the Soviet Union abolish the counter-productive command
economy -- only through real reform can the Soviet Union unleash
the ingenuity, the energy and the entrepreneurial instincts of
its people. //
America stands ready to help -- ready to provide expertise
seek to
and advice that can advance real reform. To this end, I will ask
spocide
aware
Congress for $20 million dollars to form a Technical Assistance
funding
ecision
been
eed
Fund, to encourage economic reform at the federal level and in
I
the republics. // We will also seek the support of our partners
out
in the G-7 for the creation of an Enterprise Fund -- a pool of
and
capital to fuel the dreams of emerging Soviet entrepreneurs. //
57
As market reform moves forward, our assistance can take new
&CEA
forms. Together with our friends in the European Community, the
nothing
U.S. will explore the possibilities of creating a Stabilization
this
Fund to ease the transition from a system based on command and
be
ted
control to one based on supply and demand. ///
rd
But our new partnership must go far beyond the halls of
;7
government in Washington and Moscow. It must bring together the
businessman from the American Midwest and his partner in the
Ukraine. It must bridge the thousands of miles between small
town America and Soviet cities. It means expanded exchanges of
scientists and scholars, artists and engineers. And from the
great cities of Moscow and Petersburg, from the plains of Central
Asia and the villages of Siberia to the port of Vladivostok and
THE OFFICE OF THE
EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT
OFFICE OF MANAGEMENT AND BUDGET
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20503
JUL 29 1991
NOTICE:
Enclosed are comments from staff members of the Office of
Management and Budget (OMB) Such comments do not necessarily
represent the official position of the Director of OMB or of the
Office of Management and Budget. If you wish to have the
Director's personal comments, please let me know -- and contact
me if you have any questions.
If our proposed substantive changes are not made, please let
us know before the material is prepared in final.
James am C. Murr
Associate Director for
Legislative Reference
and Administration
Document No. 257672
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 07/26/91
9:00 a.m. Monday 7/29
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
SUBJECT: PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
(07/26 5:45 p.m. draft)
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
PETERSMEYER
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BRADY
SMITH
BROMLEY
UNTERMEYER
CARD
ROGERS
DEMAREST
SNOW
FITZWATER
BOSKIN
GRAY
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please provide any comments directly to Tony Snow no later than
9:00 a.m. on Monday, 07/29, with a copy to this office. Thanks.
RESPONSE:
See comments
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
91 JUL 25 PM 5:43
McGroarty/Dooley
July 26, 1991
5:45 pm
[MOSCOW]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
MOSCOW, U.S.S.R.
JULY 30, 1991
3:00 P.M.
[Introductory acknowledgements.]
It is a privilege to meet with you at this critical moment
in the history of your nation -- at this time of great hope for
all the world. //
For four long decades, our two nations stood locked in
conflict, as the Cold War cast its shadow across an armed and
uneasy peace. This Summit marks a new beginning: the prospect
that we can put an end to a long era as adversaries, write a new
chapter in the history of our two nations -- forge a new
partnership and a sturdy peace. //
We have reason to hope. One by one, the cruel realities of
the Cold War flicker and fade -- and a new world of opportunities
calls us forward. In Europe -- for four long decades the fault-
line of East-West conflict -- the nations of the East, like their
neighbors in the West, find a common home in democracy. Far
beyond the confines of this continent -- from Afghanistan to the
horn of Africa, from Angola to Central America -- regional
conflicts no longer threaten to become flashpoints for superpower
confrontation. Worldwide, the risk of global war stands lower
now than at any point in the post-war era. //
2
The challenge we face at this summit -- the challenge you
face as present and future leaders of this great nation -- lies
in this: together, our two nations must overcome a half-century
of mistrust to seize this moment and build a lasting peace. //
Already, we've made progress. The easing of tensions
between our nations has created new opportunities for arms
control. Last fall, in Paris, we agreed on deep reductions in
conventional forces stationed in Europe. Tomorrow, in the
Kremlin, President Gorbachev and I will sign the historic START
Treaty that will cut our strategic arsenals by a full one-third.
//
Lower tensions have also made it possible for our two
nations to normalize economic relations. / In May, the Supreme
Soviet removed the key impediment to increased trade: Soviet
restrictions on free emigration. The new Soviet emigration law
stands as a major step forward -- a victory for all who value
human rights. // As a consequence of this progress, I am
pleased to announce that when I return to Washington, I will
submit to Congress the U.S.-Soviet Trade Agreement we signed one
year ago. In addition, I will urge the Congress to remove
restrictions that impede trade -- and grant the Soviet Union Most
Favored Nation status. //
Beyond two-way trade, the U.S. is working to open doors to
Soviet entry into the global economy. // For more than forty
years, the Soviet Union stood apart from the world market --
stood aside as free market forces sparked an era of unprecedented
3
prosperity across the West. / The results of this self-imposed
isolation from the world economy proved disastrous. At this
month's London Summit, President Gorbachev spoke of the Soviet
Union's interest in becoming fully integrated into the world
economy. //
The Soviet Union should become a full partner. That's why
the U.S. supports observer status in the GATT -- and, when it has
completed the necessary reforms, full membership. That's why I
proposed last December that the USSR should enter a "special
association" with the IMF and the World Bank -- and why I pushed
that proposal with my summit partners in London. These measures
will make available to the Soviet Union assistance and expertise
that can ease the difficult transition to a market economy. //
But the crowning proof that we are overcoming the old Cold
War animosities remains our cooperation in the Persian Gulf. In
the depths of the Cold War era, Iraq's aggression against its
tiny neighbor might well have brought our two nations -- and even
the entire world -- to the brink of conflict. If Saddam Hussein
thought he could exploit our differences to his own advantage --
he was dead wrong. At every key point in the crisis, the U.S.
and USSR worked together to send a strong and steady signal to
Saddam that his aggression would not stand. //
Today, our cooperation in the Gulf holds out hope that we
can work together towards a just and lasting peace in the Middle
East. [[MIDDLE EAST INITIATIVE UPDATE??]] //
4
In every aspect of our relations -- military, political,
economic -- we see positive signs of a new partnership. / But
for all the progress we've made, obstacles remain. Our ability
to overcome them will be a key test of the strength of our new
relationship. //
In many cases, we face conflicts and quarrels rooted in the
world war fought fifty years ago, frozen in place by the long
Cold War that followed: Disputes like the one that stands
between the Soviets and Japan on the return of the Northern
Territories. But surely, none looms larger today than the sad
half-century of suffering in the Baltic nations of Estonia,
Latvia and Lithuania.
For fifty years, the Baltic peoples refused to accept their
fate or surrender their quest for freedom. For fifty years,
their pleas fell on deaf ears. Today, hope in the Baltics rests
with a new generation of Soviet leaders -- a generation that has
fearlessly thrown open once-forbidden doors, and shined a bright
light into some of the darkest corners of the Stalin era. Let
this new generation be the one to free the Baltics. //
I call on both parties -- the central government and the
Baltic leaders -- to resume negotiations in good faith. No one
can ignore the complexities involved in negotiating a new
relationship -- or the yearnings of a people to be free. Above
all, we seek a clear and unqualified commitment to peaceful
change. We must not see the positive progress we have made these
5
past two years threatened and thrown in doubt by further violence
in the Baltics. //
A second obstacle lies close to home for the U.S. -- ninety
miles off the Florida coast, in Cuba. In Europe, the Cold War
may be over, but the news hasn't yet reached the Caribbean.
Despite the fact that Soviet aid keeps Castro afloat, Cuba's
leader has nothing but contempt for glasnost and perestroika. //
Castro stands isolated and alone -- a lone dictator out of step
with the democratic tide sweeping his hemisphere. I call on the
Soviet leadership to reconsider whether such costly support for
the Castro regime serves their aims and interests. //
Finally, I call on the Soviet leadership to make further
cuts in Soviet military spending. In spite of the strains on the
Soviet economy, military spending continues to consume 15 to 17%
of Soviet GDP. While the Soviet consumer confronts long lines
and empty shelves, the Soviet military-industrial complex
continues to crank out 1300 tanks a year, 4000 armored vehicles,
and a new ICBM every three days. // Military spending of this
magnitude weighs down the Soviet economy -- and threatens
international security. Now that the Cold War is over, the time
has come to put the Soviet economy on a peace-time footing. //
But the key challenge -- the single most important factor in
forging a new partnership between our nations -- remains the
outcome of the experiment now reshaping Soviet society. The
future of U.S.-Soviet relations is tied to the future of Soviet
reform. //
6
No visitor to this country can fail to see the signs of
change. Three times in three years as Vice President, I came to
Moscow. That third visit, I met with a new leader, Mikhail
Gorbachev -- the man who put these monumental changes in motion.
//
Consider the Soviet Union we see today. Gone are the days
when a small cadre hidden behind the high Kremlin walls worked
the levers of power. Gone is the rubber-stamp legislature -- the
one-party monopoly, enforcing one point of view. //
In its place we see unmistakeable signs of the new Soviet
Union. Dissidents who once languished in internal exile now
serve as Deputies in the People's Congress. Samizdat has given
way to streetcorner critics. / A new Soviet Revolution has
begun: a revolution marked by the emergence of many voices -- in
government and outside, / in the proliferation of political
parties, / here in Moscow, and across the vast reaches of this
great land, in every Republic.
The forces of reaction and resistance still retain great
power. But each day brings new alliances -- a new manifesto for
change -- a new call to action. Some ask: amid this shifting
scene, what is our policy toward all these groups, who and what
do we support? My answer is clear and simple: America stands
with the forces of freedom and reform -- wherever they are found.
My country stands ready to assist in this new Soviet
revolution. In the economic sphere, the transformation must come
from within. A shortage of foreign capital is not what caused
8
all points in between -- it means students coming to study in
American schools and live with American families. It means
thousands more American students coming to the Soviet Union, to
explore your past and experience first-hand the future you are
working to create. //
In that same spirit, I am pleased to announce today that in
[month], we will send a Peace Corps mission to the USSR --
volunteers specializing in agriculture and environment -- to live
and work in this country, to contribute to the transformation
taking place here. //
[ [CONCL>>>>> Let Moscow mark a new beginning for our two
nations ]]
Once again, thank you for your warm welcome -- and may God
bless the people of the Soviet Union.
# # #
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 28, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
DAVID DEMAREST
TONY SNOW TS
FROM:
DAN McGROARTY DMr
SUBJECT:
INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS =
I. SUMMARY
On Tuesday, July 30, you will address an audience of
about 500 people at the Institute of International Relations
in Moscow. The audience will include a broad mixture of
people: students, businessmen, diplomats, members of the
government, intellectuals, etc.
The speech is 15 minutes long, and will be
teleprompted.
II. DISCUSSION
The remarks laud the Soviet Union -- and President
Gorbachev in particular -- for the monumental changes they
have wrought in the past years. The remarks also emphasize
the progress made in the relationship between the Soviet
Union and the United States, and the many challenges that
remain.
# # #
McGroarty/Dooley
July 28, 1991
12:00 noon
[MOSCOW]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS:
INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
MOSCOW, U.S.S.R.
JULY 30, 1991
3:00 P.M.
[Introductory acknowledgements.] It is a privilege to meet
with you at this critical moment in the history of your nation -
- at this time of great hope for all the world. //
For four long decades, our two nations stood locked in
conflict, as the Cold War cast its shadow across an armed and
uneasy peace. This Summit marks a new beginning: the prospect
that we can put an end to a long era as adversaries -- write a
new chapter in the history of our two nations -- forge a new
partnership and a sturdy peace. //
We have reason to hope. One by one, the cruel realities of
the Cold War flicker and fade -- and a new world of opportunities
calls us forward. In Europe -- for four long decades the fault-
line of East-West conflict -- the nations of Central Europe, like
their neighbors in the West, find a common home in democracy.
Far beyond the confines of this continent -- from Afghanistan to
the horn of Africa, from Angola to Central America -- regional
conflicts no longer threaten to become flashpoints for superpower
confrontation. Worldwide, the risk of global war stands lower
now than at any point in the post-war era. //
The challenge we face at this summit -- the challenge you
face as present and future leaders of this great nation -- lies
2
in this: together, our two nations must overcome a half-century
of mistrust to seize this moment and build a lasting peace. //
During the past two years, President Gorbachev and I have
made progress in building this new relationship. Together, we
have created new opportunities for arms control: Last fall, in
Paris, we agreed on landmark reductions in conventional forces
stationed in Europe. Tomorrow, in the Kremlin, President
Gorbachev and I will sign the historic START Treaty that will
reduce the most dangerous and destabilizing nuclear forces by a
full one-third.
Lower tensions have also made it possible for our two
nations to normalize economic relations. President Gorbachev and
I made this a priority at the Malta Summit, and I am pleased to
report today that this process of normalization is now nearly
complete. In May, the Supreme Soviet removed the key impediment
to increased trade: Soviet restrictions on free emigration. The
new Soviet emigration law stands as a major step forward -- a
victory for all who value human rights. 11
As a consequence of this progress, when I return to
Washington, I will submit to Congress the U.S.-Soviet Trade
Agreement we signed one year ago. We will accelerate our effort
to conclude a Tax and Bilateral Investment Agreement. I will
also urge the Congress to remove restrictions that limit credits
and impede trade -- and to grant the Soviet Union Most Favored
Nation status. //
3
Beyond two-way trade, the U.S. is working to open doors to
Soviet entry into the global economy. // For more than forty
years, the Soviet Union stood apart from the world market --
stood aside as free market forces sparked an era of unprecedented
prosperity across the West. / The results of this self-imposed
isolation from the world economy proved disastrous. At this
month's London Summit, President Gorbachev spoke from the heart
of the Soviet Union's interest in becoming fully integrated into
the world economy. //
The Soviet Union should become a full participant in the
global economy. That's why the U.S. supports Soviet observer
status in the GATT -- and, when the USSR has completed the
necessary reforms, full membership. That's why I proposed last
December that the USSR should enter a "special association" with
the IMF and the World Bank -- and why I pushed that proposal with
my summit partners in London. These measures will make available
to the Soviet Union assistance and expertise that can ease the
difficult transition to a market economy -- and improve the
standard of living for the Soviet people. //
But the crowning proof that we are overcoming the old Cold
War animosities remains our cooperation in the Persian Gulf. In
the depths of the Cold War era, Iraq's aggression against its
tiny neighbor might well have brought our two nations -- and even
the entire world -- to the brink of conflict. If Saddam Hussein
thought he could exploit our differences to his own advantage --
he was dead wrong. At every key point in the crisis, the U.S.
4
and USSR worked together to send a strong and steady signal to
Saddam that his aggression would not stand. //
Today, our cooperation in the Gulf holds out hope that we
can work together towards a just and lasting peace in regions of
the world now riven by conflict -- in the Middle East, Cambodia
and Afghanistan -- just as we have worked together to bring peace
to Namibia, Angola and Nicaragua. //
In every aspect of our relations -- military, political,
economic -- we see positive signs of a new partnership. / But
for all the progress we've made, obstacles remain. Our ability
to overcome them will be a key test of the strength of our new
relationship. //
In many cases, we face conflicts and quarrels rooted in the
world war fought fifty years ago, frozen in place by the long
Cold War that followed: Disputes like Japan's just claim for the
return of the Northern Territories. But surely, none looms
larger today than the sad half-century of suffering in the Baltic
nations of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.
For fifty years, the Baltic peoples refused to accept their
fate or surrender their quest for freedom. For fifty years,
their pleas fell on deaf ears. Today, a new generation of Baltic
leaders -- democratically elected, and reflecting the will of the
Baltic peoples -- asks a new generation of Soviet leaders to
reject and repudiate one of the darkest legacies of the Stalin
era. Surely, men and women of reason and good will can find a
way to extend freedom to the Baltic peoples. //
5
Today, I call on the Soviet government to resume real
negotiations in good faith with the Baltic governments. No one
can ignore the complexities involved in negotiating a new
relationship -- or the yearnings of a people to be free. Above
all, we seek a clear and unqualified commitment to peaceful
change. We must not see the positive progress we have made these
past two years threatened and thrown in doubt by further violence
against the Baltic peoples. //
A second obstacle lies close to home for the U.S. -- ninety
miles off the Florida coast, in Cuba. We pose no threat to Cuba.
Yet, the USSR continues to funnel millions of dollars in military
aid to Cuba -- and in return, Castro heaps contempt on glasnost
and perestroika. I call on the Soviet leadership to reconsider
whether such costly support for Castro's regime serves their aims
and interests. //
Finally, I call on the Soviet leadership to make further
cuts in Soviet military spending. In this new era of cooperation
-- in this moment of extreme economic crisis -- military spending
continues to consume one in every five rubles of the Soviet
Union's national wealth. [[While the Soviet consumer confronts
long lines and empty shelves, the Soviet military-industrial
complex continues to crank out 1300 tanks a year, 4000 armored
vehicles -- and a new ICBM every three days. ]] // The time has
come to put the Soviet economy on a peace-time footing. We stand
ready to help you convert your military-industrial might to
6
peaceful purposes, but you must take the initiative by slashing
defense expenditures. //
But the key challenge -- the single most important factor in
forging a new partnership between our nations -- remains the
outcome of the experiment now reshaping Soviet society. The
future of U.S.-Soviet relations is tied to the future of Soviet
reform. //
No visitor to this country can fail to see the signs of
change. Three times in three years as Vice President, I came to
Moscow. That third visit, I met with a new leader, Mikhail
Gorbachev -- the man who put these monumental changes in motion.
Consider the Soviet Union we see today. Gone are the days
when a small cadre hidden behind the high Kremlin walls worked
the levers of power. Gone is the rubber-stamp legislature -- the
one-party monopoly, enforcing one point of view. //
In its place we see unmistakeable signs of the new Soviet
Union. Dissidents who once languished in internal exile now
serve as Deputies in the People's Congress. Samizdat has given
way to streetcorner critics. / A new Soviet Revolution has
begun: a revolution marked by the emergence of many voices -- in
government and outside, / in the proliferation of political
parties, / here in Moscow, and across the vast reaches of this
great land, in every Republic.
The forces of reaction and resistance still retain great
power. But each day brings new alliances -- a new manifesto for
change --- a new call to action. Some ask: amid this shifting
7
scene, what is our policy toward all these groups, who and what
do we support? My answer is clear: America stands with the
forces of freedom and reform -- wherever they are found.
My country stands ready to assist in this new Soviet
revolution. In the economic sphere, the transformation must come
from within. A shortage of foreign capital is not what plunged
your economy into crisis -- nor can your economic ills be cured
by an infusion of cash. Only through real reform can the Soviet
Union abolish the counter-productive command economy only
through real reform can the Soviet Union unleash the ingenuity,
the energy and the entrepreneurial instincts of its people. //
As market reform moves forward, the U.S. stands ready to
support your efforts. Right now, the next step is to devise a
reform strategy with the IMF and World Bank -- a strategy that
wins the support of the international financial and business
community. It should be a program that sets out priorities --
one that makes maximum use of your great natural wealth, but even
more, it must be a plan that unlocks the great human potential of
the Soviet people. Progress rests on the pace of your reforms -
- on the speed with which you move from a system based on command
and control to one based on supply and demand. As in Eastern
Europe, our assistance will keep pace with your reform. //
But our new partnership must go far beyond the halls of
government in Washington and Moscow. It must bring together the
businessman from the American Midwest and his partner in the
Ukraine. It must bridge the thousands of miles between small
8
town America and Soviet cities. It means expanded exchanges of
scientists and scholars, artists and engineers. And from the
great cities of Moscow and Kiev, from the plains of Central Asia
and the villages of Siberia to the port of Vladivostok and all
points in between -- it means students coming to study in
American schools and live with American families. It means
thousands more American students coming to the Soviet Union, to
explore your past and experience first-hand the future you are
working to create. //
For four long decades, cooperation of this kind was a
casualty of the Cold War. / Let this Moscow Summit mark an end
to the long era of mistrust, and a new beginning for our two
nations: an era of progress toward a new world of peace, and
partnership. //
Once again, thank you for your warm welcome -- and may God
bless the people of the Soviet Union.
# # #
Document No. 257672
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
07/26/91
9:00 a.m. Monday 7/29
ACTON/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
SUBJECT: PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
(07/26 5:45 p.m. draft)
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
PETERSMEYER
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BRADY
SMITH
BROMLEY
UNTERMEYER
CARD
ROGERS
DEMAREST
SNOW
BOSKIN
FITZWATER
GRAY
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please provide any comments directly to Tony Snow no later than
9:00 a.m. on Monday, 07/29, with a copy to this office. Thanks.
RESPONSE:
Oh
DS
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
Document No. 257672
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 07/26/91
9,00 a.m. Monday 7/29
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
SUBJECT: PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
(07/26 5:45 p.m. draft)
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
PETERSMEYER
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BRADY
SMITH
BROMLEY
UNTERMEYER
CARD
ROGERS
DEMAREST
SNOW
BOSKIN
FITZWATER
GRAY
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please provide any comments directly to Tony Snow no later than
9:00 a.m. on Monday, 07/29 with a copy to this office. Thanks.
RESPONSE: No rement. Comments creattached
Thanks,
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Elizabeth Luttig
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
SEN! BY:Xerox lelecopier 7020 ; 7-26-91 ; 19:09 ;
2024566279-
CABINET AFFAIRS:# 3
91 JUL 25 PM 5: 43
McGroarty/Dooley
July 26, 1991
5:45 pm
[MOSCOW]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
MOSCOW, U.S.S.R.
JULY 30, 1991
3:00 P.M.
[Introductory acknowledgements.]
It is a privilege to meet with you at this critical moment
in the history of your nation -- at this time of great hope for
all the world. 11
For four long decades, our two nations stood locked in
conflict, as the Cold War cast its shadow across an armed and
uneasy peace. This Summit marks a new beginning: the prospect
that we can put an end to a long era as adversaries, write a new
chapter in the history of our two nations -- forge a new
partnership and a sturdy peace. 11
We have reason to hope. One by one, the cruel realities of
the Cold War flicker and fade -- and a new world of opportunities
calls us forward. In Europe -- for four long decades the fault-
line of East-West conflict -- the nations of the East, like their
neighbors in the West, find a common home in democracy. Far
beyond the confines of this continent -- from Afghanistan to the
horn of Africa, from Angola to Central America -- regional
conflicts no longer threaten to become flashpoints for superpower
confrontation. Worldwide, the risk of global war stands lower
now than at any point in the post-war era. 11
1020
VADINET APPAIRS:# 4
2
The challenge we face at this summit -- the challenge you
face as present and future leaders of this great nation -- lies
in this: together, our two nations must overcome a half-century
of mistrust to seize this moment and build a lasting peace. 11
Already, we've made progress. The easing of tensions
between our nations has created new opportunities for arms
control. Last fall, in Paris, we agreed on deep reductions in
conventional forces stationed in Europe. Tomorrow, in the
Kremlin, President Gorbachev and I will sign the historic START
Treaty that will cut our strategic arsenals by a full one-third.
11
Lower tensions have also made it possible for our two
nations to normalize economic relations. / In May, the Supreme
Soviet removed the key impediment to increased trade: Soviet
restrictions on free emigration. The new Soviet emigration law
stands as a major step forward -- a victory for all who value
human rights. 11 As a consequence of this progress, I am
pleased to announce that when I return to Washington, I will
submit to Congress the U.S.-Soviet Trade Agreement we signed one
year ago. In addition, I will urge the Congress to remove
restrictions that impede trade -- and grant the Soviet Union Most
Favored Nation status. 11
Beyond two-way trade, the U.S. is working to open doors to
Soviet entry into the global economy. 11 For more than forty
years, the Soviet Union stood apart from the world market -
stood aside as free market forces sparked an era of unprecedented
SENI By:xerox Telecopier 7020 ; 7-26-91 ; 19:10 ;
2024566279->
CABINET AFFAIRS:# 5
3
prosperity across the West. / The results of this self-imposed
isolation from the world economy proved disastrous. At this
month's London Summit, President Gorbachev spoke of the Soviet
Union's interest in becoming fully integrated into the world
economy. 11
The Soviet Union should become a full partner. That's why
the U.S. supports observer status in the GATT -- and, when it has
completed the necessary reforms, full membership. That's why I
proposed last December that the USSR should enter a "special
association" with the IMF and the World Bank -- and why I pushed
that proposal with my summit partners in London. These measures
will make available to the Soviet Union assistance and expertise
that can ease the difficult transition to a market economy. 11
But the crowning proof that we are overcoming the old Cold
War animosities remains our cooperation in the Persian Gulf. In
the depths of the Cold War era, Iraq's aggression against its
tiny neighbor might well have brought our two nations -- and even
the entire world -- to the brink of conflict. If Saddam Hussein
thought he could exploit our differences to his own advantage --
he was dead wrong. At every key point in the crisis, the U.S.
and USSR worked together to send a strong and steady signal to
Saddam that his aggression would not stand. 11
Today, our cooperation in the Gulf holds out hope that we
can work together towards a just and lasting peace in the Middle
East. [[MIDDLE EAST INITIATIVE UPDATE??]] 11
SENT BY:Xerox Telecopier 7020 ; 7-26-91 ; 19:10 ;
2024566279-
CABINET AFFAIRS;# 6
4
In every aspect of our relations -- military, political,
economic -- we see positive signs of a new partnership. / But
for all the progress we've made, obstacles remain. Our ability
to overcome them will be a key test of the strength of our new
relationship. 11
In many cases, we face conflicts and quarrels rooted in the
world war fought fifty years ago, frozen in place by the long
Cold War that followed: Disputes like the one that stands
between the Soviets and Japan on the return of the Northern
Territories. But surely, none looms larger today than the sad
half-century of suffering in the Baltic nations of Estonia,
Latvia and Lithuania.
For fifty years, the Baltic peoples refused to accept their
fate or surrender their quest for freedom. For fifty years,
their pleas fell on deaf ears. Today, hope in the Baltics rests
with a new generation of Soviet leaders -- a generation that has
fearlessly thrown open once-forbidden doors, and shined a bright
light into some of the darkest corners of the Stalin era. Let
this new generation be the one to free the Baltics. 11
I call on both parties -- the central government and the
Baltic leaders -- to resume negotiations in good faith. No one
can ignore the complexities involved in negotiating a new
relationship -- or the yearnings of a people to be free. Above
all, we seek a clear and unqualified commitment to peaceful
change. We must not see the positive progress we have made these
SEN! BY:Xerox Telecopier 7020 ; 7-26-91 ; 19:11
2024566279->
CABINET AFFAIRS:# 7
5
past two years threatened and thrown in doubt by further violence
in the Baltics. 11
A second obstacle lies close to home for the U.S. -- ninety
miles off the Florida coast, in Cuba. In Europe, the Cold War
may be over, but the news hasn't yet reached the Caribbean.
Despite the fact that Soviet aid keeps Castro afloat, Cuba's
leader has nothing but contempt for glasnost and perestroika. 11
Castro stands isolated and alone -- a lone dictator out of step
with the democratic tide sweeping his hemisphere. I call on the
Soviet leadership to reconsider whether such costly support for
the Castro regime serves their aims and interests. 11
Finally, I call on the Soviet leadership to make further
cuts in Soviet military spending. In spite of the strains on the
Soviet economy, military spending continues to consume 15 to 17%
of Soviet GDP. While the Soviet consumer confronts long lines
and empty shelves, the Soviet military-industrial complex
continues to crank out 1300 tanks a year, 4000 armored vehicles,
and a new ICBM every three days. 11 Military spending of this
magnitude weighs down the Soviet economy -- and threatens
international security. Now that the Cold War is over, the time
has come to put the Soviet economy on a peace-time footing. 11
But the key challenge --- the single most important factor in
forging a new partnership between our nations -- remains the
outcome of the experiment now reshaping Soviet society. The
future of U.S.-Soviet relations is tied to the future of Soviet
reform. 11
SENT BY:Xerox Telecopier 7020 ; 7-26-91 ; 19:11 ;
2024566279-
CABINET AFFAIRS:# 8
6
No visitor to this country can fail to see the signs of
change. Three times in three years as Vice President, I came to
Moscow. That third visit, I met with a new leader, Mikhail
Gorbachev -- the man who put these monumental changes in motion.
11
Consider the Soviet Union we see today. Gone are the days
when a small cadre hidden behind the high Kremlin walls worked
the levers of power. Gone is the rubber-stamp legislature -- the
one-party monopoly, enforcing one point of view. 11
In its place we see unmistakeable signs of the new Soviet
Union. Dissidents who once languished in internal exile now
serve as Deputies in the People's Congress. Samizdat has given
way to streetcorner critics. / A new Soviet Revolution has
begun: a revolution marked by the emergence of many voices -- in
government and outside, / in the proliferation of political
parties, / here in Moscow, and across the vast reaches of this
great land, in every Republic.
The forces of reaction and resistance still retain great
power. But each day brings new alliances -- a new manifesto for
change -- a new call to action. Some ask: amid this shifting
scene, what is our policy toward all these groups, who and what
do we support? My answer is clear and simple: America stands
with the forces of freedom and reform -- wherever they are found.
My country stands ready to assist in this new Soviet
revolution. In the economic sphere, the transformation must come
from within. A shortage of foreign capital is not what caused
SETT DT-Xerox relecopier 1020 1-20-31
VADING AΓΓATKO,# 3
Institute for International Relations
7
the collapse of the Soviet economy -- nor can your economic ills
be cured by an infusion of cash. 11 only through real reform
can the Soviet Union abolish the counter-productive command
economy -- only through real reform can the Soviet Union unleash
the ingenuity, the energy and the entrepreneurial instincts of
its people. 11
America stands ready to help -- ready to provide expertise
and advice that can advance real reform. To this end, I will ask
Congress for $20 million dollars to form a Technical Assistance
Fund, to encourage economic reform at the federal level and in
the republics. 14 We will also seek the support of our partners
in the G-7 for the creation of an Enterprise Fund -- a pool of
capital to fuel the dreams of emerging Soviet entrepreneurs. 11
As market reform moves forward, our assistance can take new
forms
per BOSKIN
Together with our friends in the European Community, the
U.S. will explore the possibilities of creating a Stabilization
Fund to ease the transition from a system based on command and
control to one based on supply and demand. III
But our new partnership must go far beyond the halls of
government in Washington and Moscow. It must bring together the
businessman from the American Midwest and his partner in the
Ukraine. It must bridge the thousands of miles between small
town America and Soviet cities. It means expanded exchanges of
scientists and scholars, artists and engineers. And from the
great cities of Moscow and Petersburg, from the plains of Central
Asia and the villages of Siberia to the port of Vladivostok and
8
all points in between -- it means students coming to study in
American schools and live with American families. It means
thousands more American students coming to the Soviet Union, to
explore your past and experience first-hand the future you are
working to create. 11
In that same spirit, I am pleased to announce today that in
[month], we will send a Peace Corps mission to the USSR --
See
insure
volunteers specializing in agriculture and environment -- to live
attacud
and work in this country, to contribute to the transformation
taking place here. 11
[[CONCL>>>>> Let Moscow mark a new beginning for our two
nations ]]
Once again, thank you for your warm welcome -- and may God
bless the people of the Soviet Union.
# # #
insert on page 8
1st full paragraph should read as follows:
In that same spirit, I am Pleased to announce today that
a Peace Corps team will be immediately disparched to the Soviet
union to determine how that organizations technical support can
Collaborate on age agriculture and environmental issues.
Note: Director Coverdall believes that the language suggeted above would
be better for relative between the u.s. and the Sevier Union because
the Somets are very sensitive at any suggation that they are a 3rd
wold country
Thanks, oca
THE WHITE HOUSE
91 JUL 29 WASH INGTON
July 29, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR TONY SNOW
FROM:
STEPHEN G. RADEMAKER SR
ASSOCIATE COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT
SUBJECT:
Presidential Remarks: Institute for International
Relations
Pursuant to Phillip Brady's request, Counsel's Office has
reviewed the above-referenced matter. We have no objection to
the draft presidential remarks.
CC: Phillip D. Brady
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
94141299 1981: 35
MEMORANDUM FOR TONY SNOW
FROM:
ROGER B. PORTER RBP
SUBJECT:
Presidential Remarks: Institute for
International Relations
As requested, we have reviewed and concur with the
attached draft Presidential remarks to the Institute for
International Relations.
Recommendation
That you sign the attached memorandum to Tony Snow.
Attachment
c: Phillip D. Brady
Document No. 257672
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
07/26/91
9:00 a.m. Monday 7/29
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
SUBJECT: PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
(07/26 5:45 p.m. draft)
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
PETERSMEYER
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BRADY
SMITH
BROMLEY
UNTERMEYER
CARD
R
ROGERS
DEMAREST
SNOW
FITZWATER
BOSKIN
GRAY
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please provide any comments directly to Tony Snow no later than
9:00 a.m. on Monday, 07/29, with a copy to this office. Thanks.
RESPONSE:
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
91 JUL 25 PM 5:43
McGroarty/Dooley
July 26, 1991
5:45 pm
[MOSCOW]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
MOSCOW, U.S.S.R.
JULY 30, 1991
3:00 P.M.
[Introductory acknowledgements.]
It is a privilege to meet with you at this critical moment
in the history of your nation -- at this time of great hope for
all the world. //
For four long decades, our two nations stood locked in
conflict, as the Cold War cast its shadow across an armed and
uneasy peace. This Summit marks a new beginning: the prospect
that we can put an end to a long era as adversaries, write a new
chapter in the history of our two nations -- forge a new
partnership and a sturdy peace. //
We have reason to hope. One by one, the cruel realities of
the Cold War flicker and fade -- and a new world of opportunities
calls us forward. In Europe -- for four long decades the fault-
line of East-West conflict -- the nations of the East, like their
neighbors in the West, find a common home in democracy. Far
beyond the confines of this continent -- from Afghanistan to the
horn of Africa, from Angola to Central America -- regional
conflicts no longer threaten to become flashpoints for superpower
confrontation. Worldwide, the risk of global war stands lower
now than at any point in the post-war era. //
2
The challenge we face at this summit -- the challenge you
face as present and future leaders of this great nation -- lies
in this: together, our two nations must overcome a half-century
of mistrust to seize this moment and build a lasting peace. //
Already, we've made progress. The easing of tensions
between our nations has created new opportunities for arms
control. Last fall, in Paris, we agreed on deep reductions in
conventional forces stationed in Europe. Tomorrow, in the
Kremlin, President Gorbachev and I will sign the historic START
Treaty that will cut our strategic arsenals by a full one-third.
//
Lower tensions have also made it possible for our two
nations to normalize economic relations. / In May, the Supreme
Soviet removed the key impediment to increased trade: Soviet
restrictions on free emigration. The new Soviet emigration law
stands as a major step forward -- a victory for all who value
human rights. // As a consequence of this progress, I am
pleased to announce that when I return to Washington, I will
submit to Congress the U.S.-Soviet Trade Agreement we signed one
year ago. In addition, I will urge the Congress to remove
restrictions that impede trade -- and grant the Soviet Union Most
Favored Nation status. //
Beyond two-way trade, the U.S. is working to open doors to
Soviet entry into the global economy. // For more than forty
years, the Soviet Union stood apart from the world market --
stood aside as free market forces sparked an era of unprecedented
3
prosperity across the West. / The results of this self-imposed
isolation from the world economy proved disastrous. At this
month's London Summit, President Gorbachev spoke of the Soviet
Union's interest in becoming fully integrated into the world
economy. //
The Soviet Union should become a full partner. That's why
the U.S. supports observer status in the GATT -- and, when it has
completed the necessary reforms, full membership. That's why I
proposed last December that the USSR should enter a "special
association" with the IMF and the World Bank -- and why I pushed
that proposal with my summit partners in London. These measures
will make available to the Soviet Union assistance and expertise
that can ease the difficult transition to a market economy. //
But the crowning proof that we are overcoming the old Cold
War animosities remains our cooperation in the Persian Gulf. In
the depths of the Cold War era, Iraq's aggression against its
tiny neighbor might well have brought our two nations -- and even
the entire world -- to the brink of conflict. If Saddam Hussein
thought he could exploit our differences to his own advantage --
he was dead wrong. At every key point in the crisis, the U.S.
and USSR worked together to send a strong and steady signal to
Saddam that his aggression would not stand. //
Today, our cooperation in the Gulf holds out hope that we
can work together towards a just and lasting peace in the Middle
East. [[MIDDLE EAST INITIATIVE UPDATE??]] //
4
In every aspect of our relations -- military, political,
economic -- we see positive signs of a new partnership. / But
for all the progress we've made, obstacles remain. Our ability
to overcome them will be a key test of the strength of our new
relationship. //
In many cases, we face conflicts and quarrels rooted in the
world war fought fifty years ago, frozen in place by the long
Cold War that followed: Disputes like the one that stands
between the Soviets and Japan on the return of the Northern
Territories. But surely, none looms larger today than the sad
half-century of suffering in the Baltic nations of Estonia,
Latvia and Lithuania.
For fifty years, the Baltic peoples refused to accept their
fate or surrender their quest for freedom. For fifty years,
their pleas fell on deaf ears. Today, hope in the Baltics rests
with a new generation of Soviet leaders -- a generation that has
fearlessly thrown open once-forbidden doors, and shined a bright
light into some of the darkest corners of the Stalin era. Let
this new generation be the one to free the Baltics. //
I call on both parties -- the central government and the
Baltic leaders -- to resume negotiations in good faith. No one
can ignore the complexities involved in negotiating a new
relationship -- or the yearnings of a people to be free. Above
all, we seek a clear and unqualified commitment to peaceful
change. We must not see the positive progress we have made these
5
past two years threatened and thrown in doubt by further violence
in the Baltics. //
A second obstacle lies close to home for the U.S. -- ninety
miles off the Florida coast, in Cuba. In Europe, the Cold War
may be over, but the news hasn't yet reached the Caribbean.
Despite the fact that Soviet aid keeps Castro afloat, Cuba's
leader has nothing but contempt for glasnost and perestroika. //
Castro stands isolated and alone -- a lone dictator out of step
with the democratic tide sweeping his hemisphere. I call on the
Soviet leadership to reconsider whether such costly support for
the Castro regime serves their aims and interests. //
Finally, I call on the Soviet leadership to make further
cuts in Soviet military spending. In spite of the strains on the
Soviet economy, military spending continues to consume 15 to 17%
of Soviet GDP. While the Soviet consumer confronts long lines
and empty shelves, the Soviet military-industrial complex
continues to crank out 1300 tanks a year, 4000 armored vehicles,
and a new ICBM every three days. // Military spending of this
magnitude weighs down the Soviet economy -- and threatens
international security. Now that the Cold War is over, the time
has come to put the Soviet economy on a peace-time footing. //
But the key challenge -- the single most important factor in
forging a new partnership between our nations -- remains the
outcome of the experiment now reshaping Soviet society. The
future of U.S.-Soviet relations is tied to the future of Soviet
reform. / /
6
No visitor to this country can fail to see the signs of
change. Three times in three years as Vice President, I came to
Moscow. That third visit, I met with a new leader, Mikhail
Gorbachev -- the man who put these monumental changes in motion.
//
Consider the Soviet Union we see today. Gone are the days
when a small cadre hidden behind the high Kremlin walls worked
the levers of power. Gone is the rubber-stamp legislature -- the
one-party monopoly, enforcing one point of view. //
In its place we see unmistakeable signs of the new Soviet
Union. Dissidents who once languished in internal exile now
serve as Deputies in the People's Congress. Samizdat has given
way to streetcorner critics. / A new Soviet Revolution has
begun: a revolution marked by the emergence of many voices -- in
government and outside, / in the proliferation of political
parties, / here in Moscow, and across the vast reaches of this
great land, in every Republic.
The forces of reaction and resistance still retain great
power. But each day brings new alliances -- a new manifesto for
change -- a new call to action. Some ask: amid this shifting
scene, what is our policy toward all these groups, who and what
do we support? My answer is clear and simple: America stands
with the forces of freedom and reform -- wherever they are found.
My country stands ready to assist in this new Soviet
revolution. In the economic sphere, the transformation must come
from within. A shortage of foreign capital is not what caused
7
the collapse of the Soviet economy -- nor can your economic ills
be cured by an infusion of cash. // Only through real reform
can the Soviet Union abolish the counter-productive command
economy -- only through real reform can the Soviet Union unleash
the ingenuity, the energy and the entrepreneurial instincts of
its people. //
America stands ready to help -- ready to provide expertise
and advice that can advance real reform. To this end, I will ask
Congress for $20 million dollars to form a Technical Assistance
Fund, to encourage economic reform at the federal level and in
the republics. // We will also seek the support of our partners
in the G-7 for the creation of an Enterprise Fund -- a pool of
capital to fuel the dreams of emerging Soviet entrepreneurs. //
As market reform moves forward, our assistance can take new
forms. Together with our friends in the European Community, the
U.S. will explore the possibilities of creating a Stabilization
Fund to ease the transition from a system based on command and
control to one based on supply and demand. ///
But our new partnership must go far beyond the halls of
government in Washington and Moscow. It must bring together the
businessman from the American Midwest and his partner in the
Ukraine. It must bridge the thousands of miles between small
town America and Soviet cities. It means expanded exchanges of
scientists and scholars, artists and engineers. And from the
great cities of Moscow and Petersburg, from the plains of Central
Asia and the villages of Siberia to the port of Vladivostok and
8
all points in between -- it means students coming to study in
American schools and live with American families. It means
thousands more American students coming to the Soviet Union, to
explore your past and experience first-hand the future you are
working to create. //
In that same spirit, I am pleased to announce today that in
[month], we will send a Peace Corps mission to the USSR --
volunteers specializing in agriculture and environment -- to live
and work in this country, to contribute to the transformation
taking place here. //
[ [CONCL>>>>> Let Moscow mark a new beginning for our two
nations ]]
Once again, thank you for your warm welcome -- and may God
bless the people of the Soviet Union.
# # #