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    "ocrText": "Originally Processed With FOIA(s):\nFOIA Number:\nS; 1998-0188-F\nS\nFOIA\nMARKER\nThis is not a textual record. This is used as an\nadministrative marker by the George Bush Presidential\nLibrary Staff.\nRecord Group/Collection:\nGeorge H.W. Bush Presidential Records\nCollection/Office of Origin:\nSpeechwriting, White House Office of\nSeries:\nSpeech File Draft Files\nSubseries:\nChron File, 1989-1993\nOA/ID Number:\n13610\nFolder ID Number:\n13610-009\nFolder Title:\nNixon Library Dinner 3/11/92 [OA 6099] [1]\nStack:\nRow:\nSection:\nShelf:\nPosition:\nG\n26\n17\n7\n4\nDocument No. 313693ss\nWHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM\n92 MAR 10 P3: 30\nDATE:\n3/10/92\nACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:\n---\nPRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: NIXON LIBRARY SPEECH\nSUBJECT:\nWEDNESDAY, MARCH 11\nACTION FYI\nACTION FYI\nVICE PRESIDENT\nHORNER\nSKINNER\nMCBRIDE\nSCOWCROFT\nMOORE\nDARMAN\nPETERSMEYER\nBRADY\nPORTER\nBROMLEY\nROGICH\nCALIO\nROLLINS\nDEMAREST\nSMITH\nFITZWATER\nYEUTTER\nGRAY\nFINDLAY\nHOLIDAY\nDELAND\nKAUFMAN\nREMARKS:\nMCGROARTY\nThe attached has been forwarded to the President.\nRESPONSE:\nPHILLIP D. BRADY\nAssistant to the President\nand Staff Secretary\nExt. 2702\nTHE WHITE HOUSE\nWASHINGTON\n92 MAR 10 P1:59\nMarch 10, 1992\nMEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT\nTHROUGH:\nDAVID DEMAREST\n44\nFROM:\nCURT SMITH\nSUBJECT:\nNIXON LIBRARY SPEECH\nOn Wednesday, March 11 at 9:35 p.m., you will address a\nforeign policy forum sponsored by the Richard Nixon Library at\nthe Four Seasons Hotel. Your remarks (17 minutes, teleprompter)\nfocus on President Nixon's achievements in foreign policy; the\nlessons learned from his stewardship; and how those lessons can\nhelp build the New World Order.\n(Smith/Aarhus/Chia)\nMarch 10, 1992\nDraft Four\nA:3692RNIX\nPRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: NIXON LIBRARY\nFOUR SEASONS HOTEL\nWASHINGTON, D.C.\nWEDNESDAY, MARCH 11, 1992\nMr. President. Secretary Kissinger, Ambassador Annenberg.\nJulie and David Eisenhower, Tricia Cox, distinguished guests,\nladies and gentlemen. / It is indeed a pleasure to be among good\nfriends, and to renew old ties. //\n((Let me say how impressed I am by this audience. / I'm\nespecially glad to see Henry Kissinger. / I didn't always\nunderstand Henry, but I've now spent enough time around Arnold\nSchwarzenegger that I understand him perfectly.) //\nA writer once said of Henry's boss, \"His life was somehow\ncentral to the experience of being an American in the second half\nof this century.\" / I am proud tonight to salute a President who\nmade a difference -- not because he wished it, but because he\nwilled it. //\nRichard Nixon was born in the house his father built. Like\nDwight Eisenhower, he had the \"great and priceless privilege of\nbeing raised in a small town.\" // Later, as 37th President, he\nfounded the Environmental Protection Agency / placed crime and\ndrugs on the national agenda / created a pioneering cancer\ninitiative / and ended the draft. More people voted for him as\nPresident than any other man in history. //\nYet as I said when his Library opened, Richard Nixon will be\nremembered for another reason: Dedicating his life to the\n2\nnoblest cause offered any President -- the cause of peace among\nnations / a cause told in his books -- now, nine of them -- each\nwritten out long-hand on his famous yellow legal pads. /\nSo, I could not be more pleased than to be here this evening\nto speak before this gathering devoted to exploring \"America's\nRole in the Emerging World.' The subject could not be more\ntimely. And the auspices could not be more appropriate. / The\nRichard Nixon Library stands as a monument to a President and to\nan administration devoted to an active, thoughtful and above all,\nrealistic approach to the world. //\nThe challenge faced by President Nixon could hardly have\nbeen more daunting: How to maintain domestic support for a\nforeign policy mandated by a growing Soviet threat at a time an\nover-burdened America was fighting an unpopular war in Vietnam.\nWhat emerged -- the policies of detente and the doctrine that\nbears the name of the 37th President -- provided a balance\nbetween confrontation and cooperation. //\nPresident Nixon managed this and more, extricating us from a\nwar / negotiating the first comprehensive U.S. -Soviet arms\ncontrol agreements / opening up relations with China, mediating\ndisengagement pacts in the Middle East / all while preserving a\nconsensus at home favoring continued engagement in world affairs.\nTo be sure, today's challenge is fundamentally different.\nYet it does bear some resemblance. Once again we must find a way\nto square the responsibilities of world leadership with the\nrequirements of domestic renewal. / What we must do is find a\n3\nway to maintain popular support for an active foreign policy and\na strong defense in the absence of an overriding external threat\nto our nation's security. In this post-Cold War world, ours is\nthe wonderful yet no less real or difficult challenge of coping\nwith success. //\nThis challenge is by no means unprecedented. Think back to\nthe era after World War I or the years in the immediate wake of\nWorld War II. In both instances, the American people were\nanxious to bring their victorious troops home, to focus their\nenergies on making the American dream a reality. //\nPerhaps more instructive, though, are the differences\nbetween our reactions following this century's two great wars.\nAfter World War I, the United States retreated behind its oceans.\nLikewise, our initial reaction to victory in World War II showed\nlittle learning. // But, galvanized by an emerging Communist\nthreat spearheaded by an imperialist Soviet Union, the United\nStates acted. NATO, the IMF, the World Bank, the Marshall Plan -\n- these and other institutions prove that Americans grasped the\nnature of the challenge and the need to respond. / Our military\nwas modernized, free trade nourished, U.S. support for former\nadversaries Germany and Japan made generous. It was fitting that\nDean Acheson titled his memoirs \"Present at the Creation\", for\nthese years were truly creative. //\nThe result, as they say, is history. We kept the peace. We\nwon the Cold War. Democracy is today more the rule than\nexception. Now, for the third time this century, we have emerged\n4\non the winning side of a war -- the Cold War- involving the\ngreat powers. The question before us is the same: We have won\nthe war. But are we prepared to secure the peace?\nThat is the challenge we must face. Yet already, there are\nvoices across the political spectrum calling -- in some cases,\nshouting -- for America to \"Come Home. II // \"Gut defense, \" they\nsay. \"Spend the peace dividend.\" \"Shut out foreign goods.\"\n\"Slash foreign aid. \" //\nYou all know the slogans. You all know the so-called\nsolutions: Protectionism. Isolationism. America First.\nBut now we have the obligation, the responsibility to our\nchildren, to reject the false answers of isolation and\nprotection, to heed history's lessons. // Turning our back on\nthe world is no answer. To the contrary, the futures of the\nUnited States and the world are inextricably linked. //\nJust why this is so could not be more clear. Yes, the world\nis a safer place. Yes, the Soviet Union that we feared is no\nlonger. But the successor republics are still struggling to\nestablish themselves as democracies, still struggling to make the\ntransition to Capitalism. We invested so much to win the Cold\nWar. Can we not afford to invest what is necessary to win the\npeace? / If we fail, if we repeat the experience of the Weimar\nRepublic, we will create new problems for our security and that\nof Europe and Asia. We must support reform, not only in Russia,\nbut throughout the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. //\n5\nAs a former President, Richard Nixon is a prolific author.\nAs President, he wrote an early chapter of the New World Order. /\nToday, like my friend and predecessor, Ronald Reagan, we are\nbuilding on RN's roots planted in Tel Aviv and Cairo and Moscow\nand Bejing. We are building our New World Order not by shutting\nout -- but by including others through the personal diplomacy\nthat must mark America's role in the emerging world. / Look at\nthe lands of the former Soviet Union, reaching out toward Western\nways. / or at the fledgling democracies here in our own\nhemisphere. / Look at Cambodia and its neighbors in Southeast\nAsia, yearning for peace. Or at the historic peace process in\nthe Middle East -- one that holds out hope of reconciling Israel\nand her Arab neighbors and where the U.N. may be at long last in\na position to fulfill the vision of its founders. / The success\nof each depends on U.S. support and leadership. / Look, too, at\nthe threats that know no boundaries: drugs, terrorism, disease,\npollution -- and above all, the spread of weapons of mass\ndestruction and the means to deliver them. They, too, will yield\nonly to an America that is vigilant, and strong. //\nIn the Nixon Library in Yorba Linda there is a \"World\nLeaders\" room of giants who provided such leadership --\nChurchill, Chou En-Lai, Charles deGaulle. / President Nixon not\nonly knew the greatest statesmen of the 20th Century -- he became\none of them -- like them, judged both by disasters averted and\ndreams achieved. / Crucial to the New World Order is preventing\ncrises before they happen -- as President Nixon did, for\n6\ninstance, in 1970 in Jordan. Another part is stopping already\nbad crises from turning worse -- as RN did in 1973, airlifting\narms to Israel in the Yom Kippur War. //\nFormer aide William Safire tells of how once President Nixon\nasked about a foreign policy speech. Safire shook his head.\n\"Frankly,\" he said, \"it's not going to set the world on fire. \"\nPresident Nixon shook his head. \"That's the whole object of\nour foreign policy,\" he said almost to himself, \"not to set the\nworld on fire. \"\nYes, carrying out a leadership role in determining the\ncourse of the emerging world will cost money. But like any\ninsurance policy, the premium is modest compared to the potential\ncost of living in a warring and hostile world. //\nThose who would have us do less, ignore the potential for\noverseas developments to affect life here at home. If we had not\nresisted aggression in the Gulf a year ago -- if we had not\nliberated Kuwait and defeated Iraq's invading army -- we would\nnow be facing the economic consequences not of a mild recession,\nbut of depression brought on by Saddam Hussein's control over the\nmajority of the world's oil. It is a pipedream to believe that\nwe can somehow insulate our society or our economy or our lives\nfrom the world beyond our borders. //\nThis is not meant to suggest that we should not do more here\nat home. Of course we should. But foreign policy must not be\nmade the scapegoat for what ails America. //\n7\nIsolationism is not the only temptation we need to avoid.\nProtectionism is another. It too will be difficult to resist.\nThere are many examples of unfair trade practices where U.S.\nfirms get shut out of foreign markets owing to trade barriers of\none sort or another or owing to government subsidies. / But the\nway to bring down barriers abroad is not to raise them at home.\nIn trade wars there are no winners, only losers. It is not hard\nto see why. Prices go up. Quality and choice go down. Our goal\nshould be to increase -- not restrict -- trade. Export growth is\na proven engine for economic growth. Every billion dollars in\nour exports creates 20,000 jobs for Americans. And we should\nhave no doubts about the ability of our workers and farmers to\nthrive in a competitive world. //\nWe all have thoughts on how best to cope with the challenges\nof the emerging world. What matters most is that we understand\nthe nature of the challenges and commit ourselves to engaging\nthem. Opting out, be it under the banner of protection or\nisolation, is nothing more than a recipe for weakness, and\nultimately, disaster. //\nIf I can choose a theme for you to take away from what I\nhave to say tonight, it is this: there is no distinction between\nhow we fare abroad and how we live at home. Foreign and domestic\npolicy are but two sides of the same coin. True, we will not be\nable to lead abroad if we are not united and strong at home, but\nit is no less true that we will be unable to build the society we\n8\nseek here at home in a world where military and economic warfare\nis the norm. //\nLadies and Gentlemen, the responsibility for supporting an\nactive foreign policy is one for every American. But this task\nfalls especially upon those in this room tonight. Many of you\nhelped form the consensus that served us so well over the past\nhalf-century. Now we face a challenge no less daunting. // If I\nmay cite your conference chairman Jim Schlesinger, \"The Cold War,\ndespite its menace, had an elegant simplicity.\" I quote this not\nout of any regret over the Cold War's passing, but to point out\nthe risks we face in its wake. / We are entering a world that\npromises to be more rather than less complicated, more rather\nthan less difficult to lead. And again you have a special\nresponsibility to help show the way. //\nMr. President, there have been literally millions of words\nwritten about you. / As President Reagan said, some even have\nbeen true. / But let me close with words that you used 33 years\nago, in the kitchen in Moscow, with former Premier Khrushchev. //\nYou describe the scene memorably in your latest book, Seize\nthe Moment. When Khrushchev bragged that, \"Your grandchildren\nwill live under communism\" -- you responded that his grand-\nchildren would live in freedom. / He was wrong, but at the time\nyou were not sure you were right. Today, we know you were --\njust as you were right in helping build a safer, more peaceful\nworld. /\n9\nAs we look toward the future, the only thing that is certain\nis that it will bring a new world. Our task -- our opportunity -\n- is to make it orderly, to build a new world order of peace,\ndemocracy and prosperity. Let us dedicate ourselves to making\nthe most of this precious opportunity, of this privilege. Thank\nyou. And may God bless the United States of America.\n# # # #\nORART 6\nMar\n'92\n945\nRs\nam\n(Smith/Aarhus/Chia)\nMarch 10 1992\nDraft Four\nA:3692RNIX\nPRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: NIXON LIBRARY\nFOUR SEASONS HOTEL\nWASHINGTON, D.C.\nWEDNESDAY, MARCH 11, 1992\nMr. President. Secretary Kissinger, Ambassador Annenberg.\nJulie and David Eisenhower, Tricia Cox, distinguished guests,\nladies and gentlemen. / It is indeed a pleasure to be among good\nfriends, and to renew old ties. //\n( (Let me say how impressed I am by this audience. / I'm\nespecially glad to see Henry Kissinger. / I didn't always\nunderstand Henry, but I've now spent enough time around Arnold\nSchwarzenegger that I understand him perfectly.)\n)\n//\norFord? or With Ford ?\nRichard,\nA writer once said of Henry's boss, \"His life was somehow\ncentral to the experience of being an American in the second half\nof this century.\" / I am proud tonight to salute a President who\nmade a difference -- not because he wished it, but because he\nwilled it. //\nRichard Nixon was born in the house his father built. Like\nDwight Eisenhower, he had the \"great and priceless privilege of\nbeing raised in a small town.\" H Later as 37th President, he\nfounded the Environmental Protection Agency + placed crime and\ndrugs on the national agenda + created a pioneering cancer\ninitiative and ended the draft. More people voted for him as\nPresident than any other man in history\n+1\nYet as I said when his Library opened, Richard Nixon will be\nremembered for another reason: Dedicating his life to the\n2\nnoblest cause offered any President -- the cause of peace among\nnations / a cause told in his books -- now, nine of them -- each\nwritten out long-hand on his famous yellow legal pads. /\nSo, I could not be more pleased than to be here this evening\nto speak before this gathering devoted to exploring \"America's\nRole in the Emerging World.\" The subject could not be more\ntimely. And the auspices could not be more appropriate. / The\nRichard Nixon Library stands as a monument to a President and to\nan administration devoted to an active, thoughtful and above all,\nrealistic approach to the world. //\nThe challenge faced by President Nixon could hardly have\nbeen more daunting: How to maintain domestic support for a\nforeign policy mandated by a growing Soviet threat at a time an\nover-burdened America was fighting an unpopular war in Vietnam.\nWhat emerged -- the policies of detente and the doctrine that\nbears the name of the 37th President -- provided a balance\nbetween confrontation and cooperation. 11\nPresident Nixon managed this and more, extricating us from a\nwar / negotiating the first comprehensive U.S.-Soviet arms\ncontrol agreements / opening up relations with China, mediating\ndisengagement pacts in the Middle East / all while preserving a\nconsensus at home favoring continued engagement in world affairs.\nTo be sure, today's challenge is fundamentally different.\nYet it does bear some resemblance. Once again we must find a way\nto square the responsibilities of world leadership with the\nrequirements of domestic renewal. / What we must do is find a\n3\nway to maintain popular support for an active foreign policy and\na strong defense in the absence of an overriding external threat\nto our nation's security. In this post-Cold War world, ours is\nthe wonderful yet no less real or difficult challenge of coping\nwith success. //\nThis challenge is by no means unprecedented. Think back to\nthe era after World War I or the years in the immediate wake of\nWorld War II. In both instances, the American people were\nanxious to bring their victorious troops home, to focus their\nenergies on making the American dream a reality. //\nPerhaps more instructive, though, are the differences\nbetween our reactions following this century's two great wars.\nAfter World War I, the United States retreated behind its oceans.\nWe refused to support the League of Nations. We allowed our\nmilitary forces to shrink and grow obsolete. We helped\ninternational trade plummet, the victim of beggar-thy-neighbor\nprotectionism. And we stood by and watched as Germany's\nstruggling democracy, the Weimar Republic, failed under the\nweight of reparations, protectionism and depression, and gave way\nto the horror of the Third Reich.\n# Likewise, our initial reaction to victory in World War II showed\ninsert\nlittle learning. // But, galvanized by an emerging Communist\nthreat spearheaded by an imperialist Soviet Union, the United\nStates acted. NATO, the IMF, the World Bank, the Marshall Plan -\n- these and other institutions prove that Americans grasped the\nnature of the challenge and the need to respond. / Our military\nwas modernized, free trade nourished, U.S. support for former\nadversaries Germany and Japan made generous. It was fitting that\nDean Acheson titled his memoirs \"Present at the Creation\", for\nthese years were truly creative. 11\nThe result, as they say, is history. We kept the peace. We\nonthemarch.\nwon the Cold War. Democracy is today more the rule than\nexception. Now, for the third time this century, we have emerged\n4\non the winning side of a war -- the Cold War-- involving the\ngreat powers. The question before us is the same: We have won\nthe war. But are we prepared to secure the peace?\nThat is the challenge we must face. Yet already, there are\nvoices across the political spectrum calling -- in some cases,\nshouting -- for America to \"Come Home. If 11 \"Gut defense,' they\nsay. \"Spend the peace dividend.\" \"Shut out foreign goods.\"\n\"Slash foreign aid. \" 11\nYou all know the slogans. You all know the so-called\nsolutions: Protectionism. Isolationism. America First.\nBut now we have the obligation, the responsibility to our\nchildren, to reject the false answers of isolation and\nprotection, to heed history's lessons. // Turning our back on\nthe world is no answer. To the contrary, the futures of the\nUnited States and the world are inextricably linked. 11\nJust why this is so could not be more clear. Yes, the world\nis a safer place. Yes, the Soviet Union that we feared is no\nlonger. But the successor republics are still struggling to\nestablish themselves as democracies, still struggling to make the\ntransition to Capitalism. We invested so much to win the Cold\nWar. Can we not afford to invest what is necessary to win the\npeace? / If we fail, if we repeat the experience of the Weimar\nand prolound\nRepublic, we will create new problems for our security and that\nof Europe and Asia. We must support reform, not only in Russia,\nbut throughout the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. / /\nther persewed\n5\nAs a former President, Anderson Richard Nixon is a prolific author.\nAs President, he wrote an early chapter of the New World Order. /\nToday like my friend and predecessor, Ronald Reagan, we are\nbuilding on RN's roots planted in Tel Aviv and Cairo and Moscow\nand Bejing. We are building our New World Order not by shutting\nout -- but by including others through the personal diplomacy\n?\nthat must mark America's role in the emerging world. / Look at\nthe lands of the former Soviet Union, reaching out toward Western\nways. / or at the fledgling democracies here in our own\nhemisphere. / Look at Cambodia and its neighbors in Southeast\nAsia, yearning for [peace.] or at the historic peace process in\nall end to decides A adave.\nthe Middle East -- one that holds out hope of reconciling Israel\nLook at aunithar\nand her Arab neighbors, a ^ may be at long last in\na position to fulfill the vision of its founders. / The success\nof each depends on U.S. support and leadership. / Look, too, at\nthe threats that know no boundaries: drugs, terrorism, disease,\npollution -- and above all, the spread of weapons of mass\ndestruction and the means to deliver them. They, too, will yield\nonly to an America that is vigilant, and strong. 11\nIn the Nixon Library in Yorba Linda there is a \"World\nLeaders\" room of giants who provided such leadership --\nChurchill, Chou En-Lai, Charles deGaulle. / President Nixon not\nonly knew the greatest statesmen of the 20th Century -- he became\none of them -- like them, judged both by disasters averted and\ndreams achieved. / Grucial to the New World 1d Order is preventing\ncrises before they happen as President Nixon did, for\nNrxon II.\n6\ninstance, in 1970 in Jordan. Another part is stopping Tready\nbad crises from turning worse as-RN did in 1923, sirlifting\nIsrued in the Your Nippur Nar. 77\nFormer aide William Safire tells of how once told how President Nixon\nHe\nTheaide\nasked about a foreign policy speech. Safire shook his head.\nSTET\n\"Frankly,\" he said, \"it's not going to set the world on fire.\"\nBracket\nPresident Nixon shook his head. \"That's the whole object of\nour foreign policy,\" he said almost to himself, not to set the\nworld on fire.\nYes, carrying out a leadership role in determining the\ncourse of the emerging world will cost money. But like any\ninsurance policy, the premium is modest compared to the potential\ncost of living in a warring and hostile world.\nmany // in Congress are\nA internate intenstation\nThose who would have us do less, ignore the potential for\nship between\nand Those\n1 overseas developments to affect life here at home. If we had not\nresisted aggression in the Gulf a year ago -- if we had not\nliberated Kuwait and defeated Iraq's invading army -- we would\nnow be facing the economic consequences not of a mild recession,\nbut of depression brought on by Saddam Hussein's control over the\nmajority of the world's oil. It is a pipedream to believe that\nwe can somehow insulate our society or our economy or our lives\nfrom the world beyond our borders. //\nThis is not meant to suggest that we should not do more here\nat home. of course we should. But foreign policy must not be\ntoo wa powerful\ndeterminent made the scapegoat for what avis of like America here // at home. in Congress\nare calling for a peace dividend. They would have us slash\ndefense spending far below the reduced levels we have calculated\nwould be prudent. This must be resisted. The United States must\nremain ready and able to keep the peace; a well-trained, well-\nequipped military cannot be created overnight if and when the\nneed arises. Anyone who has ever gone to war knows that peace is\nits own dividend.\n7\nIsolationism is not the only temptation we need to avoid.\nArrea song which\nProtectionism mideed is another It too will be difficult to resist.\nThere are many examples of unfair trade practices where U.S.\nfirms get shut out of foreign markets owing to trade barriers of\none sort or another or owing foreign to government subsidies. / But the\nway to bring down barriers abroad is not to raise them at home.\nIn trade wars there are no winners, only losers. It is not hard\nto must see why. Prices go up. Quality and choice go down. Our goal\nshould (be to increase -- not restrict -- trade. Export growth is\na proven engine for economic growth. Every billion dollars in\nour exports creates 20,000 jobs for Americans. And we should\nhave no doubts about the ability of our workers and farmers to\nthrive in a competitive world. //\nWe all have thoughts on how best to cope with the challenges\nof the emerging world. What matters most is that we understand\nthe nature of the challenges and commit ourselves to engaging\nthem. Opting out, be it under the banner of protection or\nisolation, is nothing more than a recipe for weakness, and\nultimately, disaster.\nwe will have little success at\nIf I can choose a theme for you to take away from what I\nhave to say tonight, it is this: there is no distinction between\nhow we fare abroad and how we live at home. Foreign and domestic\npolicy are but two sides of the same coin. True, we will not be\nable to lead abroad if we are not united and strong at home, but\nit is no less true that we will be unable to build the society we\npersuading others to do more if we choose to do less.\n8\nseek here at home in a world where military and economic warfare\nis the norm. 11\nLadies and Gentlemen, the responsibility for supporting an\nactive foreign policy is one for every American. But this task\nfalls especially upon those in this room tonight. Many of you\nhelped form the consensus that served us so well over the past\nhalf-century. Now we face a challenge no less daunting. 11 If I\nmay cite your conference chairman Jim Schlesinger, \"The Cold War,\ndespite its menace, had an elegant simplicity.\" I quote this not\nout of any regret over the Cold War's passing, but to point out\nthe risks we face in its wake. / We are entering a world that\npromises to be more rather than less complicated, more rather\nthan less difficult to lead. And again you have a special\nresponsibility to help show the way. 11\nMr. President, there have been literally millions of words\nwritten about you. / As President Reagan said, some even have\nbeen true. / But let me close with words that you used 33 years\nago, in the kitchen in Moscow, with former Premier Khrushchev. //\nYou describe the scene memorably in your latest book, Seize\nthe Moment. When Khrushchev bragged that, \"Your grandchildren\nwill live under communism\" -- you responded that his grand-\nchildren would live in freedom. / He was wrong, but at the time\nyou were not sure you were right. Today, we know you were --\njust as you were right in helping build a safer, more peaceful\nworld. /\n9\nAs we look toward the future, the only thing that is certain\nis that it will bring a new world. Our task -- our opportunity -\n- is to make it orderly, to build a new world order of peace,\ndemocracy and prosperity. Let us dedicate ourselves to making\nthe most of this precious opportunity, of this privilege. Thank\nyou. And may God bless the United States of America.\n# # # #\n(Smith/Aarhus/Chia)\nMarch 11, 1992\nDraft Six\nA:NIXONII\nPRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: NIXON LIBRARY\nFOUR SEASONS HOTEL\nWASHINGTON, D.C.\nWEDNESDAY, MARCH 11, 1992\nMr. President; Ambassador Annenberg; Julie and David\nEisenhower; [Tricia and Edward Cox]; George Argyrous; John\nTaylor; distinguished guests; ladies and gentlemen. It is indeed\na pleasure to be among good friends, and to renew old ties. //\nA writer once said of Richard Nixon, his life was \"somehow\ncentral to the experience of being an American in the second half\nof this century.\" / I am proud tonight to salute a President who\nmade a difference -- not because he wished it, but because he\nwilled it. //\nAs our 37th President, he placed crime and drugs on the\nnational agenda / created a pioneering cancer initiative / ended\nthe draft / and created the EPA -- [[and we've been fighting over\nthe spotted owl ever since. ]]\nYet as I said when his Library opened, Richard Nixon will be\nremembered for another reason: Dedicating his life to the\nnoblest cause offered any President -- the cause of peace among\nnations / a cause told in his books -- now, nine of them -- each\nwritten out long-hand on his famous yellow legal pads. /\nSo, I could not be more pleased than to be here this evening\nto speak before this gathering devoted to exploring \"America's\nRole in the Emerging World.\" The subject could not be more\ntimely. And the auspices could not be more appropriate. / The\n2\nRichard Nixon Library stands as a monument to a President and to\nan administration devoted to an active, thoughtful and above all,\nrealistic approach to the world. //\nThe challenge faced by President Nixon could hardly have\nbeen more daunting: How to maintain domestic support for a\nforeign policy mandated by a growing Soviet threat at a time an\nover-burdened America was fighting an unpopular war in Vietnam.\nWhat emerged -- the policies of detente and the doctrine that\nbears the name of the 37th President -- provided a balance\nbetween confrontation and cooperation. //\nPresident Nixon managed this and more, extricating us from a\nwar / negotiating the first comprehensive U.S.-Soviet arms\ncontrol agreements / opening up relations with China, mediating\ndisengagement pacts in the Middle East / all while preserving a\nconsensus at home favoring continued engagement in world affairs.\nTo be sure, today's challenge is fundamentally different.\nYet it does bear some resemblance. Once again we must find a way\nto square the responsibilities of world leadership with the\nrequirements of domestic renewal. / What we must do is find a\nway to maintain popular support for an active foreign policy and\na strong defense in the absence of an overriding external threat\nto our nation's security and in the face of severe budgetary\nproblems. In this post-Cold War world, ours is the wonderful yet\nno less real or difficult challenge of coping with success. //\nThis challenge is by no means unprecedented. Think back to\nthe era after World War I or the years in the immediate wake of\n3\nWorld War II. In both instances, the American people were\nanxious to bring their victorious troops home, to focus their\nenergies on making the American dream a reality. //\nPerhaps more instructive, though, are the differences\nbetween our reactions following this century's two great wars.\nAfter World War I, the United States retreated behind its oceans.\nWe refused to support the League of Nations. We allowed our\nmilitary forces to shrink and grow obsolete. We helped\ninternational trade plummet, the victim of beggar-thy-neighbor\nprotectionism. And we stood by and watched as Germany's\nstruggling democracy, the Weimar Republic, failed under the\nweight of reparations, protectionism and depression, and gave way\nto the horror of the Third Reich.\nLikewise, our initial reaction to victory in World War II\nshowed little learning. // But, galvanized by an emerging\nCommunist threat spearheaded by an imperialist Soviet Union, the\nUnited States acted. NATO, the IMF, the World Bank, the Marshall\nPlan -- these and other institutions prove that Americans grasped\nthe nature of the challenge and the need to respond. / Our\nmilitary was modernized, free trade nourished, U.S. support for\nformer adversaries Germany and Japan made generous. It was\nfitting that Dean Acheson titled his memoirs \"Present at the\nCreation\", for these years were truly creative. //\nThe result, as they say, is history. We kept the peace. We\nwon the Cold War. Democracy is on the March. Now, for the third\ntime this century, we have emerged on the winning side of a war -\n4\n- the Cold War -- involving the great powers. The question\nbefore us is the same: We have won the war. But are we prepared\nto secure the peace?\nThat is the challenge we must face. Yet already, there are\nvoices across the political spectrum calling -- in some cases,\nshouting -- for America to \"Come Home. \" // \"Gut defense, \" they\nsay. \"Spend the peace dividend. II \"Shut out foreign goods.\"\n\"Slash foreign aid. \" //\nYou all know the slogans. You all know the so-called\nsolutions: Protectionism. Isolationism. But now we have the\nobligation, the responsibility to our children, to reject the\nfalse answers of isolation and protection, to heed history's\nlessons. // Turning our back on the world is no answer. To the\ncontrary, the futures of the United States and the world are\ninextricably linked. //\nJust why this is so could not be more clear. Yes, the world\nis a safer place. Yes, the Soviet Union that we feared is no\nlonger. But the successor republics are still struggling to\nestablish themselves as democracies, still struggling to make the\ntransition to Capitalism. We invested so much to win the Cold\nWar. We must invest what is necessary to win the peace? / If we\nfail, if we repeat the experience of the Weimar Republic, we will\ncreate new and profound problems for our security and that of\nEurope and Asia. If we succeed, we strengthen democracy and\nbuild new market economies -- and in the process we create huge\nnew markets for America. We must support reform, not only in\n5\nRussia, but throughout the former Soviet Union and Eastern\nEurope. //\nAs a former President, Richard Nixon is a prolific author.\nAs President, he wrote a chapter that previewed the New World\nOrder. / Today we are building on RN's roots planted in Tel Aviv\nand Cairo and Moscow and Beijing. Look at the lands of the\nformer Soviet Union, reaching out toward Western ways. / Look at\nthe fledgling democracies here in our own hemisphere. / Look at\nCambodia and its neighbors in Southeast Asia, yearning for an end\nto decades of violence. Or at the historic peace process in the\nMiddle East -- one that holds out hope of reconciling Israel and\nher Arab neighbors. Look at a UN that may be at long last in a\nposition to fulfill the vision of its founders. / The success of\neach depends on U.S. support and leadership. / Look, too, at the\nthreats that know no boundaries: drugs, terrorism, disease,\npollution -- and above all, the spread of weapons of mass\ndestruction and the means to deliver them. They, too, will yield\nonly to an America that is vigilant, and strong. / /\nIn the Nixon Library in Yorba Linda there is a \"World\nLeaders\" room of giants who provided such leadership --\nChurchill, Chou En-Lai, Charles deGaulle. / President Nixon not\nonly knew the greatest statesmen of the 20th Century -- he became\none of them -- like them, judged both by disasters averted and\ndreams achieved. /\n6\nA former aide once told of how President Nixon asked about\na foreign policy speech. The aide shook his head. \"Frankly,\" \" he\nsaid, \"it's not going to set the world on fire. \"\nPresident Nixon shook his head. \"That's the whole object of\nour foreign policy, \" he said almost to himself, \"not to set the\nworld on fire.\nYes, carrying out a leadership role in determining the\ncourse of the emerging world will cost money. But like any\ninsurance policy, the premium is modest compared to the potential\ncost of living in a warring and hostile world. // Many in\nCongress are calling for a peace dividend. They would have us\nslash defense spending far below the reduced levels we have\ncalculated would be prudent. This must be resisted. The United\nStates must remain ready and able to keep the peace; a well-\ntrained, well-equipped military cannot be created overnight if\nand when the need arises. Anyone who has ever gone to war knows\nthat peace is its own dividend.\nThose who would have us do less ignore the intimate\ninterrelationship between overseas developments and those here at\nhome. If we had not resisted aggression in the Gulf a year ago -\n- if we had not liberated Kuwait and defeated Iraq's invading\narmy -- we would now be facing the economic consequences not of a\nmild recession, but of depression brought on by Saddam Hussein's\ncontrol over the majority of the world's oil. [I am absolutely\ncertain that is we had not moved against Saddam, he would be in\nSaudi Arabia today.] It is a pipedream to believe that we can\n7\nsomehow insulate our society or our economy or our lives from the\nworld beyond our borders. //\nThis is not meant to suggest that we should not do more here\nat home. of course we should. But foreign policy too is a\npowerful determinant of the quality of life here at home. //\nIsolationism is not the only temptation we need to avoid.\nProtectionism is another siren song which will be difficult to\nresist. There are indeed many examples of unfair trade practices\nwhere U.S. firms get shut out of foreign government markets owing\nto trade barriers of one sort or another or owing to foreign\ngovernment subsidies. / But the way to bring down barriers\nabroad is not to raise them at home. In trade wars there are no\nwinners, only losers. It is not hard to see why. Prices go up.\nQuality and choice go down. Our goal must be to increase -- not\neconomic\nrestrict -- trade. Export growth is a proven engine. for economic\nmanufactured\ngrowth. Every billion dollars in our exports creates 20,000 jobs. .\nfor Americans. And we should have no doubts about the ability of\nour workers and farmers to thrive in a competitive world.\nWe all have thoughts on how best to cope with the challenges\nof the emerging world. What matters most is that we understand\nthe nature of the challenges and commit ourselves to engaging\nthem. Opting out, be it under the banner of protection or\nisolation, is nothing more than a recipe for weakness, and\nultimately, disaster. We will have little success at persuading\nothers to de more if we choose to do less. +1\n8\nIf I can choose a theme for you to take away from what I\nhave to say tonight, it is this: there is no distinction between\nhow we fare abroad and how we live at home. Foreign and domestic\npolicy are but two sides of the same coin. True, we will not be\nable to lead abroad if we are not united and strong at home, but\nit is no less true that we will be unable to build the society we\nseek here at home in a world where military and economic warfare\nis the norm. //\nLadies and Gentlemen, the responsibility for supporting an\nactive foreign policy is one for every American. But this task\nfalls especially upon those in this room tonight. Many of you\nhelped form the consensus that served us so well over the past\nhalf century. Now we face a challenge no less daunting. // If E\nmay cite your conference chairman Jim Schlesinger, \"The Cold War\ndespite its menace, had an elegant simplicity. \" I quote this not\nout of any regret over the Cold War's passing, but to point out\nthe risks we face in its wake. We are entering a world that\npromises to be more rather than less complicated, more rather\nthan less difficult to lead. And again you have a special\nresponsibility to help show the way. //\nMr. President, there have been literally millions of words\nwritten about you. / As President Reagan said, some even have\nbeen true. / But let me close with words that you used 33 years\nago, in the kitchen in Moscow, with former Premier Khrushchev. //\nYou describe the scene memorably in your latest book, Seize\nthe Moment. When Khrushchev bragged that, \"Your grandchildren\n9\nwill live under communism\" -- you responded that his grand-\nchildren would live in freedom. / He was wrong, but at the time\nyou were not sure you were right. Today, we know you were --\njust as you were right in helping build a safer, more peaceful\nworld. /\nAs we look toward the future, the only thing that is certain\nis that it will bring a new world. Our task -- our opportunity -\n- is to make it orderly, to build a new world order of peace,\ndemocracy and prosperity. Let us dedicate ourselves to making\nthe most of this precious opportunity, of this privilege. Thank\nyou. And may God bless the United States of America.\n#\n#\n#\n#\n(Smith/Aarhus/Chia)\nMarch 11, 1992\nDraft Six\nA:NIXONII\nPRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: NIXON LIBRARY\nFOUR SEASONS HOTEL\nWASHINGTON, D.C.\nWEDNESDAY, MARCH 11, 1992\nMr. President; Ambassador Annenberg; Julie and David\nEisenhower; [Tricia and Edward Cox]; George Argyrous; John\nTaylor; distinguished guests; ladies and gentlemen. It is indeed\na pleasure to be among good friends, and to renew old ties. //\nA writer once said of Richard Nixon, his life was \"somehow\ncentral to the experience of being an American in the second half\nof this century.\" / I am proud tonight to salute a President who\nmade a difference -- not because he wished it, but because he\nwilled it. //\nAs our 37th President, he placed crime and drugs on the\nnational agenda / created a pioneering cancer initiative / ended\nthe draft / and created the EPA -- [[and we've been fighting over\nthe spotted owl ever since. ]]\nYet as I said when his Library opened, Richard Nixon will be\nremembered for another reason: Dedicating his life to the\nnoblest cause offered any President -- the cause of peace among\nnations / a cause told in his books -- now, nine of them -- each\nwritten out long-hand on his famous yellow legal pads. /\nSo, I could not be more pleased than to be here this evening\nto speak before this gathering devoted to exploring \"America's\nRole in the Emerging World.\" The subject could not be more\ntimely. And the auspices could not be more appropriate. / The\n2\nRichard Nixon Library stands as a monument to a President and to\nan administration devoted to an active, thoughtful and above all,\nrealistic approach to the world. //\nThe challenge faced by President Nixon could hardly have\nbeen more daunting: How to maintain domestic support for a\nforeign policy mandated by a growing Soviet threat at a time an\nover-burdened America was fighting an unpopular war in Vietnam.\nWhat emerged -- the policies of detente and the doctrine that\nbears the name of the 37th President -- provided a balance\nbetween confrontation and cooperation. //\nPresident Nixon managed this and more, extricating us from a\nwar / negotiating the first comprehensive U.S.-Soviet arms\ncontrol agreements / opening up relations with China, mediating\ndisengagement pacts in the Middle East / all while preserving a\nconsensus at home favoring continued engagement in world affairs.\nTo be sure, today's challenge is fundamentally different.\nYet it does bear some resemblance. Once again we must find a way\nto square the responsibilities of world leadership with the\nrequirements of domestic renewal. / What we must do is find a\nway to maintain popular support for an active foreign policy and\na strong defense in the absence of an overriding external threat\nto our nation's security and in the face of severe budgetary\nproblems. In this post-Cold War world, ours is the wonderful yet\nno less real or difficult challenge of coping with success. / /\nThis challenge is by no means unprecedented. Think back to\nthe era after World War I or the years in the immediate wake of\n3\nWorld War II. In both instances, the American people were\nanxious to bring their victorious troops home, to focus their\nenergies on making the American dream a reality. //\nPerhaps more instructive, though, are the differences\nbetween our reactions following this century's two great wars.\nAfter World War I, the United States retreated behind its oceans.\nWe refused to support the League of Nations. We allowed our\nmilitary forces to shrink and grow obsolete. We helped\ninternational trade plummet, the victim of beggar-thy-neighbor\nprotectionism. And we stood by and watched as Germany's\nstruggling democracy, the Weimar Republic, failed under the\nweight of reparations, protectionism and depression, and gave way\nto the horror of the Third Reich.\nLikewise, our initial reaction to victory in World War II\nshowed little learning. // But, galvanized by an emerging\nCommunist threat spearheaded by an imperialist Soviet Union, the\nUnited States acted. NATO, the IMF, the World Bank, the Marshall\nPlan -- these and other institutions prove that Americans grasped\nthe nature of the challenge and the need to respond. / Our\nmilitary was modernized, free trade nourished, U.S. support for\nformer adversaries Germany and Japan made generous. It was\nfitting that Dean Acheson titled his memoirs \"Present at the\nCreation\", for these years were truly creative. //\nThe result, as they say, is history. We kept the peace. We\nwon the Cold War. Democracy is on the March. Now, for the third\ntime this century, we have emerged on the winning side of a war -\n4\n- the Cold War -- involving the great powers. The question\nbefore us is the same: We have won the war. But are we prepared\nto secure the peace?\nThat is the challenge we must face. Yet already, there are\nvoices across the political spectrum calling -- in some cases,\nshouting -- for America to \"Come Home. \" // \"Gut defense,\" they\nsay. \"Spend the peace dividend.\" \"Shut out foreign goods.\"\n\"Slash foreign aid.\" //\nYou all know the slogans. You all know the so-called\nsolutions: Protectionism. Isolationism. But now we have the\nobligation, the responsibility to our children, to reject the\nfalse answers of isolation and protection, to heed history's\nlessons. // Turning our back on the world is no answer. To the\ncontrary, the futures of the United States and the world are\ninextricably linked. //\nJust why this is so could not be more clear. Yes, the world\nis a safer place. Yes, the Soviet Union that we feared is no\nlonger. But the successor republics are still struggling to\nestablish themselves as democracies, still struggling to make the\ntransition to Capitalism. We invested so much to win the Cold\nWar. We must invest what is necessary to win the peace? / If we\nfail, we will create new and profound problems for our security\nand that of Europe and Asia. If we succeed, we strengthen\ndemocracy and build new market economies -- and in the process we\ncreate huge new markets for America. We must support reform, not\n5\nonly in Russia, but throughout the former Soviet Union and\nEastern Europe. / /\nAs a former President, Richard Nixon is a prolific author.\nAs President, he wrote a chapter that previewed the New World\nOrder. / Today we are building on RN's roots planted in Tel Aviv\nand Cairo and Moscow and Beijing. Look at the lands of the\nformer Soviet Union, reaching out toward Western ways. / Look at\nthe fledgling democracies here in our own hemisphere. / Look at\nCambodia and its neighbors in Southeast Asia, yearning for an end\nto decades of violence. Or at the historic peace process in the\nMiddle East -- one that holds out hope of reconciling Israel and\nher Arab neighbors. Look at a UN that may be at long last in a\nposition to fulfill the vision of its founders. / The success of\neach depends on U.S. support and leadership. / Look, too, at the\nthreats that know no boundaries: drugs, terrorism, disease,\npollution -- and above all, the spread of weapons of mass\ndestruction and the means to deliver them. They, too, will yield\nonly to an America that is vigilant, and strong. //\nIn the Nixon Library in Yorba Linda there is a \"World\nLeaders\" room of giants who provided such leadership ---\nChurchill, Chou En-Lai, Charles deGaulle. / President Nixon not\nonly knew the greatest statesmen of the 20th Century -- he became\none of them -- like them, judged both by disasters averted and\ndreams achieved. /\n6\nA former aide once told of how President Nixon asked about a\nforeign policy speech. The aide shook his head. \"Frankly,\" \" he\nsaid, \"it's not going to set the world on fire.\"\nPresident Nixon shook his head. \"That's the whole object of\nour foreign policy,\" he said almost to himself, \"not to set the\nworld on fire.\"\nYes, carrying out a leadership role in determining the\ncourse of the emerging world will cost money. But like any\ninsurance policy, the premium is modest compared to the potential\ncost of living in a warring and hostile world. // Many in\nCongress are calling for a peace dividend. They would have us\nslash defense spending far below the reduced levels we have\ncalculated would be prudent. This must be resisted. The United\nStates must remain ready and able to keep the peace; a well-\ntrained, well-equipped military cannot be created overnight if\nand when the need arises. Anyone who has ever gone to war knows\nthat peace is its own dividend.\nThose who would have us do less ignore the intimate\ninterrelationship between overseas developments and those here at\nhome. If we had not resisted aggression in the Gulf a year ago -\n- if we had not liberated Kuwait and defeated Iraq's invading\narmy -- we would now be facing the economic consequences not of a\nmild recession, but of depression brought on by Saddam Hussein's\ncontrol over the majority of the world's oil. [I am absolutely\ncertain that is we had not moved against Saddam, he would be in\nSaudi Arabia today.] It is a pipedream to believe that we can\n7\nsomehow insulate our society or our economy or our lives from the\nworld beyond our borders. //\nThis is not meant to suggest that we should not do more here\nat home. Of course we should. But foreign policy too is a\npowerful determinant of the quality of life here at home. //\nIsolationism is not the only temptation we need to avoid.\nProtectionism is another siren song which will be difficult to\nresist. There are indeed many examples of unfair trade practices\nwhere U.S. firms get shut out of foreign government markets owing\nto trade barriers of one sort or another or owing to foreign\ngovernment subsidies. / But the way to bring down barriers\nabroad is not to raise them at home. In trade wars there are no\nwinners, only losers. Export growth is a proven economic engine.\nEvery billion dollars in manufactured exports creates 20,000 jobs\nfor Americans. And we should have no doubts about the ability of\nour workers and farmers to thrive in a competitive world. Our\ngoal must be to increase -- not restrict -- trade. Opting out,\nbe it under the banner of protection or isolation, is nothing\nmore than a recipe for weakness, and ultimately, disaster. //\nIf I can choose a theme for you to take away from what I\nhave to say tonight, it is this: there is no distinction between\nhow we fare abroad and how we live at home. Foreign and domestic\npolicy are but two sides of the same coin. True, we will not be\nable to lead abroad if we are not united and strong at home, but\nit is no less true that we will be unable to build the society we\n8\nseek here at home in a world where military and economic warfare\nis the norm. //\nLadies and Gentlemen, the responsibility for supporting an\nactive foreign policy is one for every American. But this task\nfalls especially upon those in this room tonight. We are\nentering a world that promises to be more rather than less\ncomplicated, more rather than less difficult to lead. And again\nyou have a special responsibility to help show the way. //\nMr. President, there have been literally millions of words\nwritten about you. / As President Reagan said, some even have\nbeen true. / But let me close with words that you used 33 years\nago, in the kitchen in Moscow, with former Premier Khrushchev. //\nYou describe the scene memorably in your latest book, Seize\nthe Moment. When Khrushchev bragged that, \"Your grandchildren\nwill live under communism\" -- you responded that his grand-\nchildren would live in freedom. / He was wrong, but at the time\nyou were not sure you were right. Today, we know you were --\njust as you were right in helping build a safer, more peaceful\nworld. /\nAs we look toward the future, the only thing that is certain\nis that it will bring a new world. Our task -- our opportunity -\n- is to make it orderly, to build a new world order of peace,\ndemocracy and prosperity. Let us dedicate ourselves to making\nthe most of this precious opportunity, of this privilege. Thank\nyou. And may God bless the United States of America.\n(Smith/Aarhus/Chia)\nMarch 11, 1992\nDraft Five\nA:NIXONII\nPRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: NIXON LIBRARY\nFOUR SEASONS HOTEL\nWASHINGTON, D.C.\nWEDNESDAY, MARCH 11, 1992\nMr. President. Secretary Kissinger, Ambassador Annenberg.\nJulie and David Eisenhower, Tricia Cox, distinguished guests,\nladies and gentlemen. / It is indeed a pleasure to be among good\nfriends, and to renew old ties. //\n( (Let me say how impressed I am by this audience. / I'm\nwhen I first met Henry 20 yrs ago\nespecially glad to see Henry Kissinger. / I didn't always\nhim\nunderstand Henry, but I've now spent enough time around Arnold\nSchwarzenegger that I understand him perfectly. )) //\nA writer once said of Henry's boss, Richard Nixon, his life\nwas \"somehow central to the experience of being an American in\nthe second half of this century.\" / I am proud tonight to salute\na President who made a difference -- not because he wished it,\nbut because he willed it. // As our 37th President he placed cime\nanddrugs on the national agenda/created a\npioneevins cancer initiative Tended ano\nYet as I said when his Library opened, Richard Nixon will be Created\nthe EPA-\nremembered for another reason: Dedicating his life to the\n[we've been\nnoblest cause offered any President -- the cause of peace among\nfighting\nover the\nnations / a cause told in his books -- now, nine of them -- each\nspotted\nowl\never\nwritten out long-hand on his famous yellow legal pads. /\nsince\nSo, I could not be more pleased than to be here this evening\nto speak before this gathering devoted to exploring \"America's\nRole in the Emerging World.\" The subject could not be more\ntimely. And the auspices could not be more appropriate. / The\n2\nRichard Nixon Library stands as a monument to a President and to\nan administration devoted to an active, thoughtful and above all,\nrealistic approach to the world. //\nThe challenge faced by President Nixon could hardly have\nbeen more daunting: How to maintain domestic support for a\nforeign policy mandated by a growing Soviet threat at a time an\nover-burdened America was fighting an unpopular war in Vietnam.\nWhat emerged -- the policies of detente and the doctrine that\nbears the name of the 37th President -- provided a balance\nbetween confrontation and cooperation. 11\nPresident Nixon managed this and more, extricating us from a\nwar / negotiating the first comprehensive U.S.-Soviet arms\ncontrol agreements / opening up relations with China, mediating\ndisengagement pacts in the Middle East / all while preserving a\nconsensus at home favoring continued engagement in world affairs.\nTo be sure, today's challenge is fundamentally different.\nYet it does bear some resemblance. Once again we must find a way\nto square the responsibilities of world leadership with the\nrequirements of domestic renewal. / What we must do is find a\nway to maintain popular support for an active foreign policy and\na strong defense in the absence of an overriding external threat\nand inthe face of severe budgetary problems.\nto our nation's security, In this post-Cold War world, ours is\nthe wonderful yet no less real or difficult challenge of coping\nwith success. //\nThis challenge is by no means unprecedented. Think back to\nthe era after World War I or the years in the immediate wake of\n3\nWorld War II. In both instances, the American people were\nanxious to bring their victorious troops home, to focus their\nenergies on making the American dream a reality. //\nPerhaps more instructive, though, are the differences\nbetween our reactions following this century's two great wars.\nAfter World War I, the United States retreated behind its oceans.\nWe refused to support the League of Nations. We allowed our\nmilitary forces to shrink and grow obsolete. We helped\ninternational trade plummet, the victim of beggar-thy-neighbor\nprotectionism. And we stood by and watched as Germany's\nstruggling democracy, the Weimar Republic, failed under the\nweight of reparations, protectionism and depression, and gave way\nto the horror of the Third Reich.\nLikewise, our initial reaction to victory in World War II\nshowed little learning. // But, galvanized by an emerging\nCommunist threat spearheaded by an imperialist Soviet Union, the\nUnited States acted. NATO, the IMF, the World Bank, the Marshall\nPlan -- these and other institutions prove that Americans grasped\nthe nature of the challenge and the need to respond. / Our\nmilitary was modernized, free trade nourished, U.S. support for\nformer adversaries Germany and Japan made generous. It was\nfitting that Dean Acheson titled his memoirs \"Present at the\nCreation\", for these years were truly creative. //\nThe result, as they say, is history. We kept the peace. We\nwon the Cold War. Democracy is on the March. Now, for the third\ntime this century, we have emerged on the winning side of a war -\n4\n- the Cold War -- involving the great powers. The question\nbefore us is the same: We have won the war. But are we prepared\nto secure the peace?\nThat is the challenge we must face. Yet already, there are\nvoices across the political spectrum calling -- in some cases,\nshouting -- for America to \"Come Home.\" // \"Gut defense,' they\nsay. \"Spend the peace dividend.\" \"Shut out foreign goods.\"\n\"Slash foreign aid.\" //\nYou all know the slogans. You all know the so-called\nsolutions: Protectionism. Isolationism. America First.\nBut now we have the obligation, the responsibility to our\nchildren, to reject the false answers of isolation and\nprotection, to heed history's lessons. // Turning our back on\nthe world is no answer. To the contrary, the futures of the\nUnited States and the world are inextricably linked. //\nJust why this is so could not be more clear. Yes, the world\nis a safer place. Yes, the Soviet Union that we feared is no\nlonger. But the successor republics are still struggling to\nestablish themselves as democracies, still struggling to make the\ntransition to Capitalism. We invested so much to win the Cold\nwe must\nWar. Canzwe not afford to invest what is necessary to win the\npeace / If we fail, if we repeat the experience of the Weimar\nbuild new\nRepublic, we will create new and profound problems for our\nIt we succeed we Strengthen democracy and market economies-\nsecurity and that of Europe and Asia. A We must support reform, and in\nnot only in Russia, but throughout the former Soviet Union and\nthe process\nwe create\nEastern Europe. //\nhuge new\nmarkets\nfor\nAmerica.\n5\nAs a former President, Richard Nixon is a prolific author.\nAs President, he wrote a chapter that previewed the New World\nOrder. / Today we are building on RN's roots planted in Tel Aviv\nand Cairo and Moscow and Beijing. We are building our New World\nOrder not by shutting out -- but by including others through the\npersonal diplomacy that must mark America's role in the emerging\nworld. / Look at the lands of the former Soviet Union, reaching\nLook\nout toward Western ways. / or at the fledgling democracies here\nin our own hemisphere. / Look at Cambodia and its neighbors in\nSoutheast Asia, yearning for an end to decades of violence. or\nat the historic peace process in the Middle East -- one that\nholds out hope of reconciling Israel and her Arab neighbors.\nLook at a UN that may be at long last in a position to fulfill\nthe vision of its founders. / The success of each depends on\nU.S. support and leadership. / Look, too, at the threats that\nknow no boundaries: drugs, terrorism, disease, pollution -- and\nabove all, the spread of weapons of mass destruction and the\nmeans to deliver them. They, too, will yield only to an America\nthat is vigilant, and strong. //\nIn the Nixon Library in Yorba Linda there is a \"World\nLeaders\" room of giants who provided such leadership --\nChurchill, Chou En-Lai, Charles deGaulle. / President Nixon not\nonly knew the greatest statesmen of the 20th Century -- he became\none of them -- like them, judged both by disasters averted and\ndreams achieved. /\n6\n[[A former aide once told of how President Nixon asked about\na foreign policy speech. The aide shook his head. \"Frankly,\" he\nsaid, \"it's not going to set the world on fire.\"\nPresident Nixon shook his head. \"That's the whole object of\nour foreign policy,\" he said almost to himself, \"not to set the\nworld on fire. \"]]\nYes, carrying out a leadership role in determining the\ncourse of the emerging world will cost money. But like any\ninsurance policy, the premium is modest compared to the potential\ncost of living in a warring and hostile world. // Many in\nCongress are calling for a peace dividend. They would have us\nslash defense spending far below the reduced levels we have\ncalculated would be prudent. This must be resisted. The United\nStates must remain ready and able to keep the peace; a well-\ntrained, well-equipped military cannot be created overnight if\nand when the need arises. Anyone who has ever gone to war knows\nthat peace is its own dividend.\nThose who would have us do less, ignore the intimate\ninterrelationship between overseas developments and those here at\nhome. If we had not resisted aggression in the Gulf a year ago -\n- if we had not liberated Kuwait and defeated Iraq's invading\narmy -- we would now be facing the economic consequences not of a\nmild recession, but of depression brought on by Saddam Hussein's\ncontrol over the majority of the world's oil. It is a pipedream\nto believe that we can somehow insulate our society or our\neconomy or our lives from the world beyond our borders. //\n(I am absolutely convinced certain that of we\nhad not moved against Saddam he would\nbe in Saudi Arabia today)\n7\nThis is not meant to suggest that we should not do more here\nat home. of course we should. But foreign policy too is a\npowerful determinant of the quality of life here at home. //\nIsolationism is not the only temptation we need to avoid.\nProtectionism is another siren song which will be difficult to\nresist. There are indeed many examples of unfair trade practices\nwhere U.S. firms get shut out of foreign government markets owing\nto trade barriers of one sort or another or owing to foreign\ngovernment subsidies. / But the way to bring down barriers\nabroad is not to raise them at home. In trade wars there are no\nwinners, only losers. It is not hard to see why. Prices go up.\nQuality and choice go down. Our goal must be to increase -- not\nrestrict -- trade. Export growth is a proven engine for economic\ngrowth. Every billion dollars in our exports creates 20,000 jobs\nfor Americans. And we should have no doubts about the ability of\nour workers and farmers to thrive in a competitive world. //\nWe all have thoughts on how best to cope with the challenges\nof the emerging world. What matters most is that we understand\nthe nature of the challenges and commit ourselves to engaging\nthem. Opting out, be it under the banner of protection or\nisolation, is nothing more than a recipe for weakness, and\nultimately, disaster. We will have little success at persuading\nothers to do more if we choose to do less. //\nIf I can choose a theme for you to take away from what I\nhave to say tonight, it is this: there is no distinction between\nhow we fare abroad and how we live at home. Foreign and domestic\n8\npolicy are but two sides of the same coin. True, we will not be\nable to lead abroad if we are not united and strong at home, but\nit is no less true that we will be unable to build the society we\nseek here at home in a world where military and economic warfare\nis the norm. //\nLadies and Gentlemen, the responsibility for supporting an\nactive foreign policy is one for every American. But this task\nfalls especially upon those in this room tonight. Many of you\nhelped form the consensus that served us so well over the past\nhalf-century. Now we face a challenge no less daunting. // If I\nmay cite your conference chairman Jim Schlesinger, \"The Cold War,\ndespite its menace, had an elegant simplicity.\" I quote this not\nout of any regret over the Cold War's passing, but to point out\nthe risks we face in its wake. / We are entering a world that\npromises to be more rather than less complicated, more rather\nthan less difficult to lead. And again you have a special\nresponsibility to help show the way. //\nMr. President, there have been literally millions of words\nwritten about you. / As President Reagan said, some even have\nbeen true. / But let me close with words that you used 33 years\nago, in the kitchen in Moscow, with former Premier Khrushchev. //\nYou describe the scene memorably in your latest book, Seize\nthe Moment. When Khrushchev bragged that, \"Your grandchildren\nwill live under communism\" -- you responded that his grand-\nchildren would live in freedom. / He was wrong, but at the time\nyou were not sure you were right. Today, we know you were --\n9\njust as you were right in helping build a safer, more peaceful\nworld. /\nAs we look toward the future, the only thing that is certain\nis that it will bring a new world. Our task -- our opportunity -\n- is to make it orderly, to build a new world order of peace,\ndemocracy and prosperity. Let us dedicate ourselves to making\nthe most of this precious opportunity, of this privilege. Thank\nyou. And may God bless the United States of America.\n#\n#\n#\n#\n(Smith/Aarhus/Chia)\nMarch 11, 1992\nDraft Five\nA:NIXONII\nPRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: NIXON LIBRARY\nFOUR SEASONS HOTEL\nWASHINGTON, D.C.\nWEDNESDAY, MARCH 11, 1992\nMr. President. Secretary Kissinger, Ambassador Annenberg.\nJulie and David Eisenhower, Tricia Cox, distinguished guests,\nladies and gentlemen. / It is indeed a pleasure to be among good\nfriends, and to renew old ties. //\n((Let me say how impressed I am by this audience. / I'm\nespecially glad to see Henry Kissinger. / I didn't always\nunderstand Henry, but I've now spent enough time around Arnold\nSchwarzenegger that I understand him perfectly. )) //\nA writer once said of Henry's boss, Richard Nixon, his life\nwas \"somehow central to the experience of being an American in\nthe second half of this century.\" / I am proud tonight to salute\na President who made a difference -- not because he wished it,\nbut because he willed it. //\nYet as I said when his Library opened, Richard Nixon will be\nremembered for another reason: Dedicating his life to the\nnoblest cause offered any President -- the cause of peace among\nnations / a cause told in his books -- now, nine of them -- each\nwritten out long-hand on his famous yellow legal pads. /\nSo, I could not be more pleased than to be here this evening\nto speak before this gathering devoted to exploring \"America's\nRole in the Emerging World.\" The subject could not be more\ntimely. And the auspices could not be more appropriate. / The\n2\nRichard Nixon Library stands as a monument to a President and to\nan administration devoted to an active, thoughtful and above all,\nrealistic approach to the world. //\nThe challenge faced by President Nixon could hardly have\nbeen more daunting: How to maintain domestic support for a\nforeign policy mandated by a growing Soviet threat at a time an\nover-burdened America was fighting an unpopular war in Vietnam.\nWhat emerged -- the policies of detente and the doctrine that\nbears the name of the 37th President -- provided a balance\nbetween confrontation and cooperation. - //\nPresident Nixon managed this and more, extricating us from a\nwar / negotiating the first comprehensive U.S.-Soviet arms\ncontrol agreements / opening up relations with China, mediating\ndisengagement pacts in the Middle East / all while preserving a\nconsensus at home favoring continued engagement in world affairs.\nTo be sure, today's challenge is fundamentally different.\nYet it does bear some resemblance. Once again we must find a way\nto square the responsibilities of world leadership with the\nrequirements of domestic renewal. / What we must do is find a\nway to maintain popular support for an active foreign policy and\na strong defense in the absence of an overriding external threat\nto our nation's security. In this post-Cold War world, ours is\nthe wonderful yet no less real or difficult challenge of coping\nwith success. //\nThis challenge is by no means unprecedented. Think back. to\nthe era after World War I or the years in the immediate wake of\n3\nWorld War II. In both instances, the American people were\nanxious to bring their victorious troops home, to focus their\nenergies on making the American dream a reality. //\nPerhaps more instructive, though, are the differences\nbetween our reactions following this century's two great wars.\nAfter World War I, the United States retreated behind its oceans.\nWe refused to support the League of Nations. We allowed our\nmilitary forces to shrink and grow obsolete. We helped\ninternational trade plummet, the victim of beggar-thy-neighbor\nprotectionism. And we stood by and watched as Germany's\nstruggling democracy, the Weimar Republic, failed under the\nweight of reparations, protectionism and depression, and gave way\nto the horror of the Third Reich.\nLikewise, our initial reaction to victory in World War II\nshowed little learning. // But, galvanized by an emerging\nCommunist threat spearheaded by an imperialist Soviet Union, the\nUnited States acted. NATO, the IMF, the World Bank, the Marshall\nPlan -- these and other institutions prove that Americans grasped\nthe nature of the challenge and the need to respond. / Our\nmilitary was modernized, free trade nourished, U.S. support for\nformer adversaries Germany and Japan made generous. It was\nfitting that Dean Acheson titled his memoirs \"Present at the\nCreation\", for these years were truly creative. //\nThe result, as they say, is history. We kept the peace. We\nwon the Cold War. Democracy is on the March. Now, for the third\ntime this century, we have emerged on the winning side of a war -\n4\n- the Cold War -- involving the great powers. The question\nbefore us is the same: We have won the war. But are we prepared\nto secure the peace?\nThat is the challenge we must face. Yet already, there are\nvoices across the political spectrum calling -- in some cases,\nshouting -- for America to \"Come Home. \" // \"Gut defense, \" they\nsay. \"Spend the peace dividend.\" \"Shut out foreign goods.\"\n\"Slash foreign aid.\" //\nYou all know the slogans. You all know the so-called\nsolutions: Protectionism. Isolationism. America First.\nBut now we have the obligation, the responsibility to our\nchildren, to reject the false answers of isolation and\nprotection, to heed history's lessons. // Turning our back on\nthe world is no answer. To the contrary, the futures of the\nUnited States and the world are inextricably linked. //\nJust why this is so could not be more clear. Yes, the world\nis a safer place. Yes, the Soviet Union that we feared is no\nlonger. But the successor republics are still struggling to\nestablish themselves as democracies, still struggling to make the\ntransition to Capitalism. We invested so much to win the Cold\nWar. Can we not afford to invest what is necessary to win the\npeace? / If we fail, if we repeat the experience of the Weimar\nRepublic, we will create new and profound problems for our\nsecurity and that of Europe and Asia. We must support reform,\nnot only in Russia, but throughout the former Soviet Union and\nEastern Europe. //\n5\nAs a former President, Richard Nixon is a prolific author.\nAs President, he wrote a chapter that previewed the New World\nOrder. / Today we are building on RN's roots planted in Tel Aviv\nand Cairo and Moscow and Beijing. We are building our New World\nOrder not by shutting out -- but by including others through the\npersonal diplomacy that must mark America's role in the emerging\nworld. / Look at the lands of the former Soviet Union, reaching\nout toward Western ways. / or at the fledgling democracies here\nin our own hemisphere. / Look at Cambodia and its neighbors in\nSoutheast Asia, yearning for an end to decades of violence. Or\nat the historic peace process in the Middle East -- one that\nholds out hope of reconciling Israel and her Arab neighbors.\nLook at a UN that may be at long last in a position to fulfill\nthe vision of its founders. / The success of each depends on\nU.S. support and leadership. / Look, too, at the threats that\nknow no boundaries: drugs, terrorism, disease, pollution -- and\nabove all, the spread of weapons of mass destruction and the\nmeans to deliver them. They, too, will yield only to an America\nthat is vigilant, and strong. //\nIn the Nixon Library in Yorba Linda there is a \"World\nLeaders\" room of giants who provided such leadership --\nChurchill, Chou En-Lai, Charles deGaulle. / President Nixon not\nonly knew the greatest statesmen of the 20th Century -- he became\none of them -- like them, judged both by disasters averted and\ndreams achieved. /\n6\n[[A former aide once told of how President Nixon asked about\na foreign policy speech. The aide shook his head. \"Frankly,\" he\nsaid, \"it's not going to set the world on fire.\"\nPresident Nixon shook his head. \"That's the whole object of\nour foreign policy,\" he said almost to himself, \"not to set the\nworld on fire. \"]]\nYes, carrying out a leadership role in determining the\ncourse of the emerging world will cost money. But like any\ninsurance policy, the premium is modest compared to the potential\ncost of living in a warring and hostile world. // Many in\nCongress are calling for a peace dividend. They would have us\nslash defense spending far below the reduced levels we have\ncalculated would be prudent. This must be resisted. The United\nStates must remain ready and able to keep the peace; a well-\ntrained, well-equipped military cannot be created overnight if\nand when the need arises. Anyone who has ever gone to war knows\nthat peace is its own dividend.\nThose who would have us do less, ignore the intimate\ninterrelationship between overseas developments and those here at\nhome. If we had not resisted aggression in the Gulf a year ago -\n- if we had not liberated Kuwait and defeated Iraq's invading\narmy --- we would now be facing the economic consequences not of a\nmild recession, but of depression brought on by Saddam Hussein's\ncontrol over the majority of the world's oil. It is a pipedream\nto believe that we can somehow insulate our society or our\neconomy or our lives from the world beyond our borders. //\n7\nThis is not meant to suggest that we should not do more here\nat home. Of course we should. But foreign policy too is a\npowerful determinant of the quality of life here at home. //\nIsolationism is not the only temptation we need to avoid.\nProtectionism is another siren song which will be difficult to\nresist. There are indeed many examples of unfair trade practices\nwhere U.S. firms get shut out of foreign government markets owing\nto trade barriers of one sort or another or owing to foreign\ngovernment subsidies. / But the way to bring down barriers\nabroad is not to raise them at home. In trade wars there are no\nwinners, only losers. It is not hard to see why. Prices go up.\nQuality and choice go down. Our goal must be to increase -- not\nrestrict -- trade. Export growth is a proven engine for economic\ngrowth. Every billion dollars in our exports creates 20,000 jobs\nfor Americans. And we should have no doubts about the ability of\nour workers and farmers to thrive in a competitive world. //\nWe all have thoughts on how best to cope with the challenges\nof the emerging world. What matters most is that we understand\nthe nature of the challenges and commit ourselves to engaging\nthem. Opting out, be it under the banner of protection or\nisolation, is nothing more than a recipe for weakness, and\nultimately, disaster. We will have little success at persuading\nothers to do more if we choose to do less. //\nIf I can choose a theme for you to take away from what I\nhave to say tonight, it is this: there is no distinction between\nhow we fare abroad and how we live at home. Foreign and domestic\n8\npolicy are but two sides of the same coin. True, we will not be\nable to lead abroad if we are not united and strong at home, but\nit is no less true that we will be unable to build the society we\nseek here at home in a world where military and economic warfare\nis the norm. //\nLadies and Gentlemen, the responsibility for supporting an\nactive foreign policy is one for every American. But this task\nfalls especially upon those in this room tonight. Many of you\nhelped form the consensus that served us so well over the past\nhalf-century. Now we face a challenge no less daunting. // If I\nmay cite your conference chairman Jim Schlesinger, \"The Cold War,\ndespite its menace, had an elegant simplicity.\" I quote this not\nout of any regret over the Cold War's passing, but to point out\nthe risks we face in its wake. / We are entering a world that\npromises to be more rather than less complicated, more rather\nthan less difficult to lead. And again you have a special\nresponsibility to help show the way. //\nMr. President, there have been literally millions of words\nwritten about you. / As President Reagan said, some even have\nbeen true. / But let me close with words that you used 33 years\nago, in the kitchen in Moscow, with former Premier Khrushchev. //\nYou describe the scene memorably in your latest book, Seize\nthe Moment. When Khrushchev bragged that, \"Your grandchildren\nwill live under communism\" -- you responded that his grand-\nchildren would live in freedom. / He was wrong, but at the time\nyou were not sure you were right. Today, we know you were --\n9\njust as you were right in helping build a safer, more peaceful\nworld. /\nAs we look toward the future, the only thing that is certain\nis that it will bring a new world. Our task -- our opportunity -\n- is to make it orderly, to build a new world order of peace,\ndemocracy and prosperity. Let us dedicate ourselves to making\nthe most of this precious opportunity, of this privilege. Thank\nyou. And may God bless the United States of America.\n# # # #\nDocument No. 313693ss\nWHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM\n92 MAR 10 P2: 41\nDATE: 3/9/92\nACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 11:00 A.M. 3/10/92\nPRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: NIXON LIBRARY\nSUBJECT:\nFOUR SEASONS HOTEL\nWASHINGTON, DC\nWEDNESDAY, MARCH 11, 1992\nACTION FYI\nACTION FYI\nVICE PRESIDENT\nHORNER\nSKINNER\nMCBRIDE\nSCOWCROFT\nMOORE\nDARMAN\nPETERSMEYER\nBRADY\nI\nPORTER\nBROMLEY\nROGICH\nCALIO\nROLLINS\nDEMAREST\nSMITH\nFITZWATER\nYEUTTER\nGRAY\nFINDLAY\nHOLIDAY\nKAUFMAN\nMCGROARTY\nDELAND\nREMARKS:\nPlease forward your remarks directly to Dan McGroarty Rm 122,\nExt. 2930, NO LATER THAN 11:00 A.M., Tuesday, March 10, with\na copy to this office.\n-\nThank you.\nNo Comment\nRESPONSE:\n-Shemic Rollins\nCalled in at 9:00\nof AM\nPHILLIP D. BRADY\nAssistant to the President\nand Staff Secretary\nExt. 2702\n(Smith/Aarhus/Chia)\nMarch 9, 1992\n92 MAR 9 P4: 21\nDraft Three\nMILHOUS\nPRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: NIXON LIBRARY\nFOUR SEASONS HOTEL\nWASHINGTON, D.C.\nWEDNESDAY, MARCH 11, 1992\nMr. President. Secretary Kissinger, Ambassador Annenberg.\nJulie and David Eisenhower, Tricia Cox, distinguished guests,\nladies and gentlemen. / It is indeed a pleasure to be among good\nfriends, and to renew old ties. //\n((Let me say how impressed I am by this audience. / I'm\nespecially glad to see Henry Kissinger. / I didn't always\nunderstand Henry, but I've now spent enough time around Arnold\nSchwarzenegger that I understand him perfectly. \" //\nA writer once said of Henry's boss, \"His life was somehow\ncentral to the experience of being an America in the second half\nof this century.\" / I am proud tonight to salute a President who\nmade a difference -- not because he wished it, but because he\nwilled it. //\nRichard Nixon was born in the house his father built. Like\nDwight Eisenhower, he had the \"rare and priceless privilege of\ngrowing up in a small town.' // Later, as 37th President, he\nfounded the Environmental Protection Agency / revenue sharing / a\npioneering cancer initiative / and ended the draft. More people\nvoted for him as President than any man in history. //\nYet as I said when his Library opened, Richard Nixon will be\nremembered for another reason: Dedicating his life to the\n2\nnoblest cause offered any President -- the cause of peace among\nnations / a cause told in his books -- now, nine of them -- each\nwritten out long-hand on his famous yellow legal pads. /\nAs Vice President, his Six Crises ranged from Caracas to the\nKremlin. / His Memoirs told of great Leaders. / His goal was\nReal Peace -- Victory Without War -- the triumph of freedom over\ntyranny, plenty over want. / He achieved it by peace through\nstrength -- a just cause which last year led America to the\nPersian Gulf. We went there to halt aggression. We stayed there\nuntil we did. / Ask any of the brave men and women about the\nlegacy of the Gulf. They will tell you: No More Vietnams. //\nFor nearly half-a-century, Richard Nixon has been a man In\nthe Arena -- believing of America what Montaigne said of France:\n\"I love her so tenderly that even her blemishes are dear to me.\" \"\n/ His crusade hasn't changed since as a boy he heard train\nwhistles in the night: To Seize the Moment for the liberty which\nis America's essence, and message. / So let me speak tonight\nabout the foreign policy lessons of his Presidency -- and how we\ncan use his Generation of Peace to help build a New World Order.\nThe first lesson is that a President must heed the lessons\nof history. There is no substitute for a lifetime spent studying\ninternational affairs. / Richard Nixon knew this -- understood\nthe nuances of world politics as perhaps no other President.\nOnce he said, and I agree: \"Even a small mistake in foreign\npolicy can be the difference between life and death, peace and\nwar. \" //\n3\nLook at the Nixon Library in Yorba Linda. You see a \"World\nLeaders\" Room of giants -- Churchill, Ike, Chou En-Lai, Charles\nDeGaulle. / President Nixon not only knew the greatest statesmen\nof the 20th Century -- he became one of them -- like them, judged\nboth by disasters averted and dreams achieved. / Crucial to the\nNew World Order is preventing crises before they happen -- as\nPresident Nixon did, for instance, in 1970 in Jordan. Another\npart is stopping already bad crises from turning worse -- as RN\ndid in 1973, airlifting arms to Israel in the Yom Kippur War. //\nFormer aide William Safire tells of how once President Nixon\nasked about a foreign policy speech. Safire shook his head.\n\"Frankly,\" he said, \"it's not going to set the world on fire.\"\nPresident Nixon shook his head. \"That's the whole object of\nour foreign policy,\" he said almost to himself. \"It's not to set\nthe world on fire.' 11\nThis brings me to a second lesson: Presidents must look\nbeyond tomorrow to the next decade or next millennium. //\nEven as America acknowledges the limitations of its power -\n- our adversaries must respect the power of its will. No Nation\nwill believe another which ignores its commitments. // I will\nnever forget May, 1972. Three weeks before the Soviet Summit,\nPresident Nixon bombed Hanoi and mined Haiphong Harbor to stem a\nNorth Vietnamese invasion of the South. / His advisors told him\nhe was risking both the Summit and his re-election. He replied\nhe would rather lose both than let down a friend. /\n4\nYet President Nixon also knew that while Moscow and\nWashington might not be friends -- we could not afford to be\nenemies. So he signed the first agreement to limit strategic\nnuclear arms. / He knew that nuclear war might especially erupt\nin the Middle East. So he and Dr. Kissinger pioneered a cease\nfire so that ancient foes could talk -- not die -- over\ndifferences. / He knew, too, that the world's most powerful\nnation could not ignore the world's most populous nation. So\ntwenty years ago, he opened America to China / opened China to\nthe world / and began the dialogue which events cannot -- and\nwill not -- sunder. // He did all of this while preserving a\nconsensus at home in favor of continued engagement in world\naffairs. //\nAs a former President, Richard Nixon is a prolific author.\nAs President, he wrote the opening chapter of the New World\nOrder. / Today, we are building on the roots planted in Tel Aviv\nand Cairo and Moscow and Bejing. We are building our New World\nOrder not by shutting out -- but by including others through the\npersonal diplomacy that must mark America's role in the emerging\nworld. / Look at the lands of the former Soviet Union, reaching\nout toward Western ways. / Look at the fledgling democracies\nhere in our own hemisphere. / Look at Cambodia and its neighbors\nin Southeast Asia, yearning for peace. At the historic peace\nprocess in the Middle East -- one that holds out hope of\nreconciling Israel and her Arab neighbors. / The success of each\ndepends on U.S. support and leadership. // Look at the threats\n5\nthat know no boundaries: drugs, terrorism, disease, pollution -\n- and above all, the spread of weapons of mass destruction and\nthe means to deliver them. They, too, will yield only to an\nAmerica that is vigilant, and strong. //\nSome, of course, ignore these truths -- demanding that we\nwithdraw behind a wall -- militarily, and economically. Across\nthe political spectrum they call -- in some cases, shout -- for\nAmerica to \"Come Home. \" / \"Gut defense, they say. \"Spend the\npeace dividend.\" \"Shut out foreign goods.\" \"Slash foreign aid.\" H\n/ You all know the slogans -- the so-called solutions:\nProtectionism. Isolationism. America First. Here is my answer:\nThe real way to put America first is to put isolationism last. //\nRemember: Imperial Communism is now a four-letter word: D-\nE-A-D -- because America was, and will remain, engaged. 11 We\nhave the obligation -- the responsibility to our children -- to\nreject the siren songs of isolationism and protectionism.\nAllowing the world to become a worse place will not make America\na better place. // In his 1968 acceptance speech, RN called for\nan open world, open sky, open hearts, open minds. / He knew that\nthe New World Order does not mean an America which cuts and runs.\nAll this, in turn, means what he said as President:\n\"America is not going to build protectionist walls to shelter us\nfrom fair competition. We are not going to live in our own\ncocoon while the rest of the world passes us by. / The way to\nbring down barriers abroad is not to raise them at home. / In\ntrade wars there are no winners, only losers -- prices go up,\n6\nquality and choice go down. / We did not win the Cold War to\nmake the world safe for trade war. And we don't want a trade war\n-- for America can outwork / outcompete / and outproduce anyone,\nanytime. So we welcome peaceful competition -- and we will win\nit, as we have before, through American ideals which have helped\nchange the world. Ideals which today form the basis of the New\nWorld Order: Liberty, prosperity, and freedom without war. //\nTo achieve this will require perhaps the greatest foreign-\npolicy lesson of the Nixon Administration: A President must have\nthe courage to do right, and achieve good. / During the Gulf\nWar, a true heroine, Margaret Thatcher, said to me, \"Now George,\nthis is no time to go wobbly.\" -- and because we didn't, Desert\nStorm became a triumph for all time. / So it is of tonight's\nguest. Agree with him -- disagree with him: I have never known\na more courageous President than Richard Milhous Nixon. //\nTwenty years ago, I was reading a Nixon campaign brochure.\n\"For the first time,\" it said, \"we are spending more of our\nresources on human needs than military needs.\" / Today, that is\nmore true than ever. We will cut defense spending, but not our\nnational defense. We will turn resources to meeting human needs -\n- but retain an effective nuclear deterrent, forward-deployment,\ncapacity for rapid response, and rebuild our forces. / The Cold\nWar is over -- and America won. / Freedom will win the peace\nonly if America's President commands the respect of the world. /\nThe historian, Theodore White, once wrote how the 37th\nPresident's \"virtuoso personal diplomacy\" rearranged \"the world\n7\nwith exquisite skill.\" No wonder he had a profound effect on\nthose who served him. ((Still, I can't help wondering whatever\nhappened to a former Nixon speechwriter who seemed to have higher\nambitions.) ) / America's President acted for freedom's sake --\nand for what Bulgaria's former president, Todor Zhivkov, told him\nyears later. He asked RN how many grandchildren he had. Told\nthree, Zhivkov said, \"You are a very rich man. Having\ngrandchildren is the greatest wealth a man can have. \" //\nMr. President, there have been literally millions of words\nwritten about you. / As President Reagan said, some even have\nbeen true. / But let me close with words that you used 33 years\nago, in the kitchen in Moscow, with former Premier Khrushchev. //\nYou describe the scene memorably in your latest book, Seize\nthe Moment. When Khrushchev bragged that, \"Your grandchildren\nwill live in Communism\" -- you responded that his grand-children\nwould live in freedom. / He was wrong, but at the time you were\nnot sure you were right. Today, we know you were -- just as you\nwere right in helping build a safer, more peaceful world. /\nAs President, you showed how we must act for our\ngrandchildren and grandchildren all around the world. // Some\npeople talk of the Old or New Nixon. Go to Prague or Paris or\nBudapest or Bombay. The real Nixon has always been good enough\nfor them. / Thank you for inviting me to address this conference.\nGod bless you, and the United States of America.\n#\n#\n#\n#\nTHE WHITE HOUSE\nWASHINGTON\nMarch 10, 1992\nMEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT\nTHROUGH:\nDAVID DEMAREST\n44\nFROM:\nCURT SMITH\nSUBJECT:\nNIXON LIBRARY SPEECH\nOn Wednesday, March 11 at 9:35 p.m., you will address a\nforeign policy forum sponsored by the Richard Nixon Library at\nthe Four Seasons Hotel. Your remarks (17 minutes, teleprompter)\nfocus on President Nixon's achievements in foreign policy; the\nlessons learned from his stewardship; and how those lessons can\nhelp build the New World Order.\n(Smith/Aarhus/Chia)\nMarch 10, 1992\nDraft Four\nA:3692RNIX\nPRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: NIXON LIBRARY\nFOUR SEASONS HOTEL\nWASHINGTON, D.C.\nWEDNESDAY, MARCH 11, 1992\nMr. President. Secretary Kissinger, Ambassador Annenberg.\nJulie and David Eisenhower, Tricia Cox, distinguished guests,\nladies and gentlemen. / It is indeed a pleasure to be among good\nfriends, and to renew old ties. //\n( (Let me say how impressed I am by this audience. / I'm\nespecially glad to see Henry Kissinger. / I didn't always\nunderstand Henry, but I've now spent enough time around Arnold\nSchwarzenegger that I understand him perfectly. )) //\nA writer once said of Henry's boss, \"His life was somehow\ncentral to the experience of being an American in the second half\nof this century.\" / I am proud tonight to salute a President who\nmade a difference -- not because he wished it, but because he\nwilled it. //\nRichard Nixon was born in the house his father built. Like\nDwight Eisenhower, he had the \"great and priceless privilege of\nbeing raised in a small town. \" // Later, as 37th President, he\nfounded the Environmental Protection Agency / placed crime and\ndrugs on the national agenda / created a pioneering cancer\ninitiative / and ended the draft. More people voted for him as\nPresident than any other man in history. //\nYet as I said when his Library opened, Richard Nixon will be\nremembered for another reason: Dedicating his life to the\n2\nnoblest cause offered any President -- the cause of peace among\nnations / a cause told in his books -- now, nine of them -- each\nwritten out long-hand on his famous yellow legal pads. /\nSo, I could not be more pleased than to be here this evening\nto speak before this gathering devoted to exploring \"America's\nRole in the Emerging World.\" The subject could not be more\ntimely. And the auspices could not be more appropriate. / The\nRichard Nixon Library stands as a monument to a President and to\nan administration devoted to an active, thoughtful and above all,\nrealistic approach to the world. //\nThe challenge faced by President Nixon could hardly have\nbeen more daunting: How to maintain domestic support for a\nforeign policy mandated by a growing Soviet threat at a time an\nover-burdened America was fighting an unpopular war in Vietnam.\nWhat emerged -- the policies of detente and the doctrine that\nbears the name of the 37th President -- provided a balance\nbetween confrontation and cooperation. //\nPresident Nixon managed this and more, extricating us from a\nwar / negotiating the first comprehensive U.S.-Soviet arms\ncontrol agreements / opening up relations with China, mediating\ndisengagement pacts in the Middle East / all while preserving a\nconsensus at home favoring continued engagement in world affairs.\nTo be sure, today's challenge is fundamentally different.\nYet it does bear some resemblance. Once again we must find a way\nto square the responsibilities of world leadership with the\nrequirements of domestic renewal. / What we must do is find a\n3\nway to maintain popular support for an active foreign policy and\na strong defense in the absence of an overriding external threat\nto our nation's security. In this post-Cold War world, ours is\nthe wonderful yet no less real or difficult challenge of coping\nwith success. //\nThis challenge is by no means unprecedented. Think back to\nthe era after World War I or the years in the immediate wake of\nWorld War II. In both instances, the American people were\nanxious to bring their victorious troops home, to focus their\nenergies on making the American dream a reality. //\nPerhaps more instructive, though, are the differences\nbetween our reactions following this century's two great wars.\nAfter World War I, the United States retreated behind its oceans.\nLikewise, our initial reaction to victory in World War II showed\nlittle learning. // But, galvanized by an emerging Communist\nthreat spearheaded by an imperialist Soviet Union, the United\nStates acted. NATO, the IMF, the World Bank, the Marshall Plan -\n- these and other institutions prove that Americans grasped the\nnature of the challenge and the need to respond. / Our military\nwas modernized, free trade nourished, U.S. support for former\nadversaries Germany and Japan made generous. It was fitting that\nDean Acheson titled his memoirs \"Present at the Creation\", for\nthese years were truly creative. //\nThe result, as they say, is history. We kept the peace. We\nwon the Cold War. Democracy is today more the rule than\nexception. Now, for the third time this century, we have emerged\n4\non the winning side of a war -- the Cold War-- involving the\ngreat powers. The question before us is the same: We have won\nthe war. But are we prepared to secure the peace?\nThat is the challenge we must face. Yet already, there are\nvoices across the political spectrum calling -- in some cases,\nshouting -- for America to \"Come Home. \" // \"Gut defense, \" they\nsay. \"Spend the peace dividend.\" \"Shut out foreign goods.\"\n\"Slash foreign aid. //\nYou all know the slogans. You all know the so-called\nsolutions: Protectionism. Isolationism. America First.\nBut now we have the obligation, the responsibility to our\nchildren, to reject the false answers of isolation and\nprotection, to heed history's lessons. // Turning our back on\nthe world is no answer. To the contrary, the futures of the\nUnited States and the world are inextricably linked. //\nJust why this is so could not be more clear. Yes, the world\nis a safer place. Yes, the Soviet Union that we feared is no\nlonger. But the successor republics are still struggling to\nestablish themselves as democracies, still struggling to make the\ntransition to Capitalism. We invested so much to win the Cold\nWar. Can we not afford to invest what is necessary to win the\npeace? / If we fail, if we repeat the experience of the Weimar\nRepublic, we will create new problems for our security and that\nof Europe and Asia. We must support reform, not only in Russia,\nbut throughout the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. //\n5\nAs a former President, Richard Nixon is a prolific author.\nAs President, he wrote an early chapter of the New World Order. /\nToday, like my friend and predecessor, Ronald Reagan, we are\nbuilding on RN's roots planted in Tel Aviv and Cairo and Moscow\nand Bejing. We are building our New World Order not by shutting\nout -- but by including others through the personal diplomacy\nthat must mark America's role in the emerging world. / Look at\nthe lands of the former Soviet Union, reaching out toward Western\nways. / Or at the fledgling democracies here in our own\nhemisphere. / Look at Cambodia and its neighbors in Southeast\nAsia, yearning for peace. or at the historic peace process in\nthe Middle East -- one that holds out hope of reconciling Israel\nand her Arab neighbors and where the U.N. may be at long last in\na position to fulfill the vision of its founders. / The success\nof each depends on U.S. support and leadership. / Look, too, at\nthe threats that know no boundaries: drugs, terrorism, disease,\npollution -- and above all, the spread of weapons of mass\ndestruction and the means to deliver them. They, too, will yield\nonly to an America that is vigilant, and strong. //\nIn the Nixon Library in Yorba Linda there is a \"World\nLeaders\" room of giants who provided such leadership --\nChurchill, Chou En-Lai, Charles deGaulle. / President Nixon not\nonly knew the greatest statesmen of the 20th Century -- he became\none of them -- like them, judged both by disasters averted and\ndreams achieved. / Crucial to the New World Order is preventing\ncrises before they happen -- as President Nixon did, for\n6\ninstance, in 1970 in Jordan. Another part is stopping already\nbad crises from turning worse -- as RN did in 1973, airlifting\narms to Israel in the Yom Kippur War. //\nFormer aide William Safire tells of how once President Nixon\nasked about a foreign policy speech. Safire shook his head.\n\"Frankly,\" he said, \"it's not going to set the world on fire.'\nPresident Nixon shook his head. \"That's the whole object of\nour foreign policy,\" he said almost to himself, \"not to set the\nworld on fire.\"\nYes, carrying out a leadership role in determining the\ncourse of the emerging world will cost money. But like any\ninsurance policy, the premium is modest compared to the potential\ncost of living in a warring and hostile world. //\nThose who would have us do less, ignore the potential for\noverseas developments to affect life here at home. If we had not\nresisted aggression in the Gulf a year ago -- if we had not\nliberated Kuwait and defeated Iraq's invading army -- we would\nnow be facing the economic consequences not of a mild recession,\nbut of depression brought on by Saddam Hussein's control over the\nmajority of the world's oil. It is a pipedream to believe that\nwe can somehow insulate our society or our economy or our lives\nfrom the world beyond our borders. //\nThis is not meant to suggest that we should not do more here\nat home. Of course we should. But foreign policy must not be\nmade the scapegoat for what ails America. //\n7\nIsolationism is not the only temptation we need to avoid.\nProtectionism is another. It too will be difficult to resist.\nThere are many examples of unfair trade practices where U.S.\nfirms get shut out of foreign markets owing to trade barriers of\none sort or another or owing to government subsidies. / But the\nway to bring down barriers abroad is not to raise them at home.\nIn trade wars there are no winners, only losers. It is not hard\nto see why. Prices go up. Quality and choice go down. Our goal\nshould be to increase -- not restrict -- trade. Export growth is\na proven engine for economic growth. Every billion dollars in\nour exports creates 20,000 jobs for Americans. And we should\nhave no doubts about the ability of our workers and farmers to\nthrive in a competitive world. //\nWe all have thoughts on how best to cope with the challenges\nof the emerging world. What matters most is that we understand\nthe nature of the challenges and commit ourselves to engaging\nthem. Opting out, be it under the banner of protection or\nisolation, is nothing more than a recipe for weakness, and\nultimately, disaster. //\nIf I can choose a theme for you to take away from what I\nhave to say tonight, it is this: there is no distinction between\nhow we fare abroad and how we live at home. Foreign and domestic\npolicy are but two sides of the same coin. True, we will not be\nable to lead abroad if we are not united and strong at home, but\nit is no less true that we will be unable to build the society we\n8\nseek here at home in a world where military and economic warfare\nis the norm. //\nLadies and Gentlemen, the responsibility for supporting an\nactive foreign policy is one for every American. But this task\nfalls especially upon those in this room tonight. Many of you\nhelped form the consensus that served us so well over the past\nhalf-century. Now we face a challenge no less daunting. // If I\nmay cite your conference chairman Jim Schlesinger, \"The Cold War,\ndespite its menace, had an elegant simplicity.\" I quote this not\nout of any regret over the Cold War's passing, but to point out\nthe risks we face in its wake. / We are entering a world that\npromises to be more rather than less complicated, more rather\nthan less difficult to lead. And again you have a special\nresponsibility to help show the way. //\nMr. President, there have been literally millions of words\nwritten about you. / As President Reagan said, some even have\nbeen true. / But let me close with words that you used 33 years\nago, in the kitchen in Moscow, with former Premier Khrushchev. //\nYou describe the scene memorably in your latest book, Seize\nthe Moment. When Khrushchev bragged that, \"Your grandchildren\nwill live under communism\" -- you responded that his grand-\nchildren would live in freedom. / He was wrong, but at the time\nyou were not sure you were right. Today, we know you were --\njust as you were right in helping build a safer, more peaceful\nworld. /\n9\nAs we look toward the future, the only thing that is certain\nis that it will bring a new world. Our task -- our opportunity -\n- is to make it orderly, to build a new world order of peace,\ndemocracy and prosperity. Let us dedicate ourselves to making\nthe most of this precious opportunity, of this privilege. Thank\nyou. And may God bless the United States of America.\n# # # #\nTHE WHITE HOUSE\nWASHINGTON\nMarch 10, 1992\nMEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT\nTHROUGH:\nDAVID DEMAREST\n44\nFROM:\nCURT SMITH\nSUBJECT:\nNIXON LIBRARY SPEECH\nOn Wednesday, March 11 at 9:35 p.m., you will address a\nforeign policy forum sponsored by the Richard Nixon Library at\nthe Four Seasons Hotel. Your remarks (17 minutes, teleprompter)\nfocus on President Nixon's achievements in foreign policy; the\nlessons learned from his stewardship; and how those lessons can\nhelp build the New World Order.\n(Smith/Aarhus/Chia)\nMarch 10, 1992\nDraft Four\nA:3692RNIX\nPRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: NIXON LIBRARY\nFOUR SEASONS HOTEL\nWASHINGTON, D.C.\nWEDNESDAY, MARCH 11, 1992\nMr. President. Secretary Kissinger, Ambassador Annenberg.\nJulie and David Eisenhower, Tricia Cox, distinguished guests,\nladies and gentlemen. / It is indeed a pleasure to be among good\nfriends, and to renew old ties. //\n( (Let me say how impressed I am by this audience. / I'm\nespecially glad to see Henry Kissinger. / I didn't always\nunderstand Henry, but I've now spent enough time around Arnold\nSchwarzenegger that I understand him perfectly. \" //\nA writer once said of Henry's boss, \"His life was somehow\ncentral to the experience of being an American in the second half\nof this century.' / I am proud tonight to salute a President who\nmade a difference -- not because he wished it, but because he\nwilled it. //\nRichard Nixon was born in the house his father built. Like\nDwight Eisenhower, he had the \"great and priceless privilege of\nbeing raised in a small town.\" // Later, as 37th President, he\nfounded the Environmental Protection Agency / placed crime and\ndrugs on the national agenda / created a pioneering cancer\ninitiative / and ended the draft. More people voted for him as\nPresident than any other man in history. //\nYet as I said when his Library opened, Richard Nixon will be\nremembered for another reason: Dedicating his life to the\n2\nnoblest cause offered any President -- the cause of peace among\nnations / a cause told in his books --- now, nine of them -- each\nwritten out long-hand on his famous yellow legal pads. /\nSo, I could not be more pleased than to be here this evening\nto speak before this gathering devoted to exploring \"America's\nRole in the Emerging World.\" The subject could not be more\ntimely. And the auspices could not be more appropriate. / The\nRichard Nixon Library stands as a monument to a President and to\nan administration devoted to an active, thoughtful and above all,\nrealistic approach to the world. //\nThe challenge faced by President Nixon could hardly have\nbeen more daunting: How to maintain domestic support for a\nforeign policy mandated by a growing Soviet threat at a time an\nover-burdened America was fighting an unpopular war in Vietnam.\nWhat emerged -- the policies of detente and the doctrine that\nbears the name of the 37th President -- provided a balance\nbetween confrontation and cooperation. //\nPresident Nixon managed this and more, extricating us from a\nwar / negotiating the first comprehensive U.S.-Soviet arms\ncontrol agreements / opening up relations with China, mediating\ndisengagement pacts in the Middle East / all while preserving a\nconsensus at home favoring continued engagement in world affairs.\nTo be sure, today's challenge is fundamentally different.\nYet it does bear some resemblance. Once again we must find a way\nto square the responsibilities of world leadership with the\nrequirements of domestic renewal. / What we must do is find a\n3\nway to maintain popular support for an active foreign policy and\na strong defense in the absence of an overriding external threat\nto our nation's security. In this post-Cold War world, ours is\nthe wonderful yet no less real or difficult challenge of coping\nwith success. //\nThis challenge is by no means unprecedented. Think back to\nthe era after World War I or the years in the immediate wake of\nWorld War II. In both instances, the American people were\nanxious to bring their victorious troops home, to focus their\nenergies on making the American dream a reality. //\nPerhaps more instructive, though, are the differences\nbetween our reactions following this century's two great wars.\nAfter World War I, the United States retreated behind its oceans.\nLikewise, our initial reaction to victory in World War II showed\nlittle learning. // But, galvanized by an emerging Communist\nthreat spearheaded by an imperialist Soviet Union, the United\nStates acted. NATO, the IMF, the World Bank, the Marshall Plan -\n- these and other institutions prove that Americans grasped the\nnature of the challenge and the need to respond. / Our military\nwas modernized, free trade nourished, U.S. support for former\nadversaries Germany and Japan made generous. It was fitting that\nDean Acheson titled his memoirs \"Present at the Creation\", for\nthese years were truly creative. //\nThe result, as they say, is history. We kept the peace. We\nwon the Cold War. Democracy is today more the rule than\nexception. Now, for the third time this century, we have emerged\n4\non the winning side of a war -- the Cold War-- involving the\ngreat powers. The question before us is the same: We have won\nthe war. But are we prepared to secure the peace?\nThat is the challenge we must face. Yet already, there are\nvoices across the political spectrum calling -- in some cases,\nshouting -- for America to \"Come Home. \" // \"Gut defense, \" they\nsay. \"Spend the peace dividend.\" \"Shut out foreign goods.\" \"\n\"Slash foreign aid.\" 11\nYou all know the slogans. You all know the so-called\nsolutions: Protectionism. Isolationism. America First.\nBut now we have the obligation, the responsibility to our\nchildren, to reject the false answers of isolation and\nprotection, to heed history's lessons. // Turning our back on\nthe world is no answer. To the contrary, the futures of the\nUnited States and the world are inextricably linked. //\nJust why this is so could not be more clear. Yes, the world\nis a safer place. Yes, the Soviet Union that we feared is no\nlonger. But the successor republics are still struggling to\nestablish themselves as democracies, still struggling to make the\ntransition to Capitalism. We invested so much to win the Cold\nWar. Can we not afford to invest what is necessary to win the\npeace? / If we fail, if we repeat the experience of the Weimar\nRepublic, we will create new problems for our security and that\nof Europe and Asia. We must support reform, not only in Russia,\nbut throughout the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. //\n5\nAs a former President, Richard Nixon is a prolific author.\nAs President, he wrote an early chapter of the New World Order. /\nToday, like my friend and predecessor, Ronald Reagan, we are\nbuilding on RN's roots planted in Tel Aviv and Cairo and Moscow\nand Bejing. We are building our New World Order not by shutting\nout -- but by including others through the personal diplomacy\nthat must mark America's role in the emerging world. / Look at\nthe lands of the former Soviet Union, reaching out toward Western\nways. / Or at the fledgling democracies here in our own\nhemisphere. / Look at Cambodia and its neighbors in Southeast\nAsia, yearning for peace. or at the historic peace process in\nthe Middle East -- one that holds out hope of reconciling Israel\nand her Arab neighbors and where the U.N. may be at long last in\na position to fulfill the vision of its founders. / The success\nof each depends on U.S. support and leadership. / Look, too, at\nthe threats that know no boundaries: drugs, terrorism, disease,\npollution -- and above all, the spread of weapons of mass\ndestruction and the means to deliver them. They, too, will yield\nonly to an America that is vigilant, and strong. //\nIn the Nixon Library in Yorba Linda there is a \"World\nLeaders\" room of giants who provided such leadership --\nChurchill, Chou En-Lai, Charles deGaulle. / President Nixon not\nonly knew the greatest statesmen of the 20th Century -- he became\none of them -- like them, judged both by disasters averted and\ndreams achieved. / Crucial to the New World Order is preventing\ncrises before they happen -- as President Nixon did, for\n6\ninstance, in 1970 in Jordan. Another part is stopping already\nbad crises from turning worse -- as RN did in 1973, airlifting\narms to Israel in the Yom Kippur War. //\nFormer aide William Safire tells of how once President Nixon\nasked about a foreign policy speech. Safire shook his head.\n\"Frankly,\" he said, \"it's not going to set the world on fire.'\nPresident Nixon shook his head. \"That's the whole object of\nour foreign policy,\" he said almost to himself, \"not to set the\nworld on fire.\"\nYes, carrying out a leadership role in determining the\ncourse of the emerging world will cost money. But like any\ninsurance policy, the premium is modest compared to the potential\ncost of living in a warring and hostile world. //\nThose who would have us do less, ignore the potential for\noverseas developments to affect life here at home. If we had not\nresisted aggression in the Gulf a year ago -- if we had not\nliberated Kuwait and defeated Iraq's invading army -- we would\nnow be facing the economic consequences not of a mild recession,\nbut of depression brought on by Saddam Hussein's control over the\nmajority of the world's oil. It is a pipedream to believe that\nwe can somehow insulate our society or our economy or our lives\nfrom the world beyond our borders. //\nThis is not meant to suggest that we should not do more here\nat home. of course we should. But foreign policy must not be\nmade the scapegoat for what ails America. //\n7\nIsolationism is not the only temptation we need to avoid.\nProtectionism is another. It too will be difficult to resist.\nThere are many examples of unfair trade practices where U.S.\nfirms get shut out of foreign markets owing to trade barriers of\none sort or another or owing to government subsidies. / But the\nway to bring down barriers abroad is not to raise them at home.\nIn trade wars there are no winners, only losers. It is not hard\nto see why. Prices go up. Quality and choice go down. Our goal\nshould be to increase -- not restrict --- trade. Export growth is\na proven engine for economic growth. Every billion dollars in\nour exports creates 20,000 jobs for Americans. And we should\nhave no doubts about the ability of our workers and farmers to\nthrive in a competitive world. //\nWe all have thoughts on how best to cope with the challenges\nof the emerging world. What matters most is that we understand\nthe nature of the challenges and commit ourselves to engaging\nthem. Opting out, be it under the banner of protection or\nisolation, is nothing more than a recipe for weakness, and\nultimately, disaster. //\nIf I can choose a theme for you to take away from what I\nhave to say tonight, it is this: there is no distinction between\nhow we fare abroad and how we live at home. Foreign and domestic\npolicy are but two sides of the same coin. True, we will not be\nable to lead abroad if we are not united and strong at home, but\nit is no less true that we will be unable to build the society we\n8\nseek here at home in a world where military and economic warfare\nis the norm. //\nLadies and Gentlemen, the responsibility for supporting an\nactive foreign policy is one for every American. But this task\nfalls especially upon those in this room tonight. Many of you\nhelped form the consensus that served us so well over the past\nhalf-century. Now we face a challenge no less daunting. // If I\nmay cite your conference chairman Jim Schlesinger, \"The Cold War,\ndespite its menace, had an elegant simplicity.\" I quote this not\nout of any regret over the Cold War's passing, but to point out\nthe risks we face in its wake. / We are entering a world that\npromises to be more rather than less complicated, more rather\nthan less difficult to lead. And again you have a special\nresponsibility to help show the way. //\nMr. President, there have been literally millions of words\nwritten about you. / As President Reagan said, some even have\nbeen true. / But let me close with words that you used 33 years\nago, in the kitchen in Moscow, with former Premier Khrushchev. //\nYou describe the scene memorably in your latest book, Seize\nthe Moment. When Khrushchev bragged that, \"Your grandchildren\nwill live under communism\" -- you responded that his grand-\nchildren would live in freedom. / He was wrong, but at the time\nyou were not sure you were right. Today, we know you were --\njust as you were right in helping build a safer, more peaceful\nworld. /\n9\nAs we look toward the future, the only thing that is certain\nis that it will bring a new world. Our task -- our opportunity -\n- is to make it orderly, to build a new world order of peace,\ndemocracy and prosperity. Let us dedicate ourselves to making\nthe most of this precious opportunity, of this privilege. Thank\nyou. And may God bless the United States of America.\n# # # #\nDocument No. 313693ss\nWHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM\n92 MAR 10 P2: 40\nDATE: 3/9/92\nACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 11:00 A.M. 3/10/92\nPRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: NIXON LIBRARY\nSUBJECT:\nFOUR SEASONS HOTEL\nWASHINGTON, DC\nWEDNESDAY, MARCH 11, 1992\nACTION FYI\nACTION FYI\nVICE PRESIDENT\nHORNER\nSKINNER\nMCBRIDE\nSCOWCROFT\nMOORE\nDARMAN\nPETERSMEYER\nBRADY\n)\nPORTER\nBROMLEY\nROGICH\nCALIO\nROLLINS\nDEMAREST\nSMITH\nYEUTTER\nFITZWATER\nGRAY\nFINDLAY\nHOLIDAY\nKAUFMAN\nMCGROARTY\nDELAND\nREMARKS:\nPlease forward your remarks directly to Dan McGroarty Rm 122,\nExt. 2930, NO LATER THAN 11:00 A.M., Tuesday, March 10, with\na copy to this office.\n-\nThank you.\nRESPONSE:\nTo\nA suggestions couple of\nPHILLIP D. BRADY\nAssistant to the President\nand Staff Secretary\nExt. 2702\n(Smith/Aarhus/Chia)\nMarch 9, 1992\n92 MAR 9 P4: 21\nDraft Three\nMILHOUS\nPRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: NIXON LIBRARY\nFOUR SEASONS HOTEL\nWASHINGTON, D.C.\nWEDNESDAY, MARCH 11, 1992\nMr. President. Secretary Kissinger, Ambassador Annenberg.\nJulie and David Eisenhower, Tricia Cox, distinguished guests,\nladies and gentlemen. / It is indeed a pleasure to be among good\nfriends, and to renew old ties. //\n( (Let me say how impressed I am by this audience. / I'm\nespecially glad to see Henry Kissinger. / I didn't always\nunderstand Henry, but I've now spent enough time around Arnold\nSchwarzenegger that I understand him perfectly. )) //\nA writer once said of Henry's boss, \"His life was somehow\ncentral to the experience of being an America in the second half\nof this century.\" / I am proud tonight to salute a President who\nmade a difference -- not because he wished it, but because he\nwilled it. //\nRichard Nixon was born in the house his father built. Like\nDwight Eisenhower, he had the \"rare and priceless privilege of\ngrowing up in a small town.\" 11 Later, as 37th President, he\nworth\nfounded the Environmental Protection Agency / revenue sharing /\na\nhighlig\npioneering cancer initiative / and ended the draft. More people\nvoted for him as President than any man in history. //\nYet as I said when his Library opened, Richard Nixon will be\nremembered for another reason: Dedicating his life to the\n2\nnoblest cause offered any President -- the cause of peace among\nnations / a cause told in his books -- now, nine of them -- each\nwritten out long-hand on his famous yellow legal pads. /\nAs Vice President, his Six Crises ranged from Caracas to the\nKremlin. / His Memoirs told of great Leaders. / His goal was\nReal Peace -- Victory Without War -- the triumph of freedom over\ntyranny, plenty over want. / He achieved it by peace through\nstrength -- a just cause which last year led America to the\nPersian Gulf. We went there to halt aggression. We stayed there\nuntil we did. / Ask any of the brave men and women about the\nlegacy of the Gulf. They will tell you: No More Vietnams. //\nFor nearly half-a-century, Richard Nixon has been a man In\nthe Arena -- believing of America what Montaigne said of France:\n\"I love her so tenderly that even her blemishes are dear to me.\"\n/ His crusade hasn't changed since as a boy he heard train\nwhistles in the night: To Seize the Moment for the liberty which\nis America's essence, and message. / So let me speak tonight\nabout the foreign policy lessons of his Presidency -- and how we\ncan use his Generation of Peace to help build a New World Order.\nThe first lesson is that a President must heed the lessons\nof history. There is no substitute for a lifetime spent studying\ninternational affairs. / Richard Nixon knew this -- understood\nthe nuances of world politics as perhaps no other President.\nOnce he said, and I agree: \"Even a small mistake in foreign\npolicy can be the difference between life and death, peace and\nwar. \" //\n3\nLook at the Nixon Library in Yorba Linda. You see a \"World\nLeaders\" Room of giants -- Churchill, Ike, Chou En-Lai, Charles\nDeGaulle. / President Nixon not only knew the greatest statesmen\nof the 20th Century -- he became one of them -- like them, judged\nboth by disasters averted and dreams achieved. / Crucial to the\nNew World Order is preventing crises before they happen -- as.\nPresident Nixon did, for instance, in 1970 in Jordan. Another\npart is stopping already bad crises from turning worse -- as RN\ndid in 1973, airlifting arms to Israel in the Yom Kippur War. //\nFormer aide William Safire tells of how once President Nixon\nasked about a foreign policy speech. Safire shook his head.\n\"Frankly,\" he said, \"it's not going to set the world on fire.\nPresident Nixon shook his head. \"That's the whole object of\nour foreign policy,\" he said almost to himself. \"It's not to set\nthe world on fire. //\nThis brings me to a second lesson: Presidents must look\nbeyond tomorrow to the next decade or next millennium. //\nEven as America acknowledges the limitations of its power -\n- our adversaries must respect the power of its will. No Nation\nwill believe another which ignores its commitments. // I will\nnever forget May, 1972. Three weeks before the Soviet Summit,\nPresident Nixon bombed Hanoi and mined Haiphong Harbor to stem a\nNorth Vietnamese invasion of the South. / His advisors told him\nhe was risking both the Summit and his re-election. He replied\nhe would rather lose both than let down a friend. /\n4\nYet President Nixon also knew that while Moscow and\nWashington might not be friends -- we could not afford to be\nenemies. So he signed the first agreement to limit strategic\nnuclear arms. / He knew that nuclear war might especially erupt\nin the Middle East. So he and Dr. Kissinger pioneered a cease\nfire so that ancient foes could talk -- not die -- over\ndifferences. / He knew, too, that the world's most powerful\nnation could not ignore the world's most populous nation. So\ntwenty years ago, he opened America to China / opened China to\nthe world / and began the dialogue which events cannot -- and\nwill not -- sunder. // He did all of this while preserving a\nconsensus at home in favor of continued engagement in world\naffairs. //\nAs a former President, Richard Nixon is a prolific author.\nAs President, he wrote the opening chapter of the New World\nOrder. / Today, we are building on the roots planted in Tel Aviv\nand Cairo and Moscow and Bejing. We are building our New World\nOrder not by shutting out -- but by including others through the\npersonal diplomacy that must mark America's role in the emerging\nworld. / Look at the lands of the former Soviet Union, reaching\nout toward Western ways. / Look at the fledgling democracies\nhere in our own hemisphere. / Look at Cambodia and its neighbors\nin Southeast Asia, yearning for peace. At the historic peace\nprocess in the Middle East -- one that holds out hope of\nreconciling Israel and her Arab neighbors. / The success of each\ndepends on U.S. support and leadership. // Look at the threats\n5\nthat know no boundaries: drugs, terrorism, disease, pollution -\n- and above all, the spread of weapons of mass destruction and\nthe means to deliver them. They, too, will yield only to an\nAmerica that is vigilant, and strong. //\nSome, of course, ignore these truths -- demanding that we\nwithdraw behind a wall -- militarily, and economically. Across\nthe political spectrum they call -- in some cases, shout -- for\nAmerica to \"Come Home. \" / \"Gut defense,\" they say. \"Spend the\npeace dividend.\" \"Shut out foreign goods.\" \"Slash foreign aid.\"\n/ You all know the slogans -- the so-called solutions:\nProtectionism. Isolationism. America First. Here is my answer:\nThe real way to put America first is to put isolationism last. //\nRemember: Imperial Communism is now a four-letter word: D-\nE-A-D -- because America was, and will remain, engaged. // We\nhave the obligation -- the responsibility to our children -- to\nreject the siren songs of isolationism and protectionism.\nAllowing the world to become a worse place will not make America\na better place. // In his 1968 acceptance speech, RN called for\nan open world, open sky, open hearts, open minds. / He knew that\nthe New World Order does not mean an America which cuts and runs.\nAll this, in turn, means what he said as President:\n\"America is not going to build protectionist walls to shelter us\nfrom fair competition. We are not going to live in our own\ncocoon while the rest of the world passes us by. \" / The way to\nbring down barriers abroad is not to raise them at home. / In\ntrade wars there are no winners, only losers -- prices go up,\n6\nquality and choice go down. / We did not win the Cold War to\nmake the world safe for trade war. And we don't want a trade war\n-- for America can outwork / outcompete / and outproduce anyone,\nanytime. So we welcome peaceful competition -- and we will win\nit, as we have before, through American ideals which have helped\nchange the world. Ideals which today form the basis of the New\nWorld Order: Liberty, prosperity, and freedom without war. //\nTo achieve this will require perhaps the greatest foreign-\npolicy lesson of the Nixon Administration: A President must have\npartags\nthe courage to do right, and achieve good. /\nDuring the Gulf\nWar, a true heroine, Margaret Thatcher, said to me, \"Now George,\nhad\nas\nthis is no time to go wobbly.\" -- and because we didn t, Desert courage\nwated\nStorm became a triumph for all time. / So it is of tonight's\nguest. Agree with him -- disagree with him: I have never known\nMatcher\nMrs.\nup\na more courageous President than Richard Milhous Nixon. //\nTwenty years ago, I was reading a Nixon campaign brochure.\n\"For the first time,\" it said, \"we are spending more of our\nresources on human needs than military needs.\" / Today, that is\nmore true than ever. We will cut defense spending, but not our\nnational defense. We will turn resources to meeting human needs -\n- but retain an effective nuclear deterrent, forward-deployment,\ncapacity for rapid response, and rebuild our forces. / The Cold\nWar is over -- and America won. / Freedom will win the peace\nonly if America's President commands the respect of the world. /\nThe historian, Theodore White, once wrote how the 37th\nPresident's \"virtuoso personal diplomacy\" rearranged \"the world\n7\nwith exquisite skill.' No wonder he had a profound effect on\nthose who served him. ((Still, I can't help wondering whatever\nhappened to a former Nixon speechwriter who seemed to have higher\nambitions.) ) / America's President acted for freedom's sake --\nand for what Bulgaria's former president, Todor Zhivkov, told him\nyears later. He asked RN how many grandchildren he had. Told\nthree, Zhivkov said, \"You are a very rich man. Having\ngrandchildren is the greatest wealth a man can have. \" //\nMr. President, there have been literally millions of words\nwritten about you. / As President Reagan said, some even have\nbeen true. / But let me close with words that you used 33 years\nago, in the kitchen in Moscow, with former Premier Khrushchev. //\nYou describe the scene memorably in your latest book, Seize\nthe Moment. When Khrushchev bragged that, \"Your grandchildren\nwill live in Communism\" -- you responded that his grand-children\nwould live in freedom. / He was wrong, but at the time you were\nnot sure you were right. Today, we know you were -- just as you\nwere right in helping build a safer, more peaceful world. /\nAs President, you showed how we must act for our\ngrandchildren and grandchildren all around the world. // Some\npeople talk of the Old or New Nixon. Go to Prague or Paris or\nBudapest or Bombay. The real Nixon has always been good enough\nfor them. / Thank you for inviting me to address this conference.\nGod bless you, and the United States of America.\n#\n#\n#\n#"
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