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Bush/Quayle Fundraiser - Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 5/11/92 [OA 6102] [1]
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Bush/Quayle Fundraiser - Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 5/11/92 [OA 6102] [1]
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George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
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Folder Title:
Bush/Quayle Fundraiser-Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 5/11/92 [OA 6102] [1]
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26
18
2
2
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
¥-
May 7, 1992
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
A
THOUGH:
DAVE DEMAREST
FROM:
ANDREW FERGUSON at
Dave Let totally thems male positive sitive what-ve For
SUBJECT:
PHILADELPHIA BUSH-QUAYLE FUNDRAISER
He
need mention Spects
On Monday, May 11th, at approximately 7:15 p.m., you will
deliver remarks (12 minutes/teleprompted) to a dinner audience of
700 contributors at the Hotel Atop the Bellevue in Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania.
Your remarks focus on the legacies we wish to leave our
children: good jobs, strong families, and a world at peace. The
speech focuses on specific reforms that will help us achieve
these goals.
We just will parter appealed have readyhy out to
seem
bi- on the
on
Lets citus howner Fn
art, corgess
Photocopy-GB Handwriting
Photocopy-C.3 handwritin
(Ferguson/Grossman)
May 7, 1992
Draft Two
PHILLY
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: PHILADELPHIA FUNDRAISER
MONDAY, MAY 11, 1992
7:15 PM
[Acknowledgments]
((I want to thank Charles Kopp for all his successful fund-
raising efforts, and most amazing of all -- he didn't even have
to ask Millie for a single dime.))
((If there's one thing Millie hates, it's being called a
"fat cat."))
I'm delighted to be here tonight, with the men and women who
are going to change America. I know there's been a lot of talk
about change this election year. And most of it has been just
that -- talk. But the time for talk is over.
America needs men and women of purpose, of experience,
people who know how to get things done. We need people who
aren't afraid to rattle the business-as-usual crowd. We need
people who will stand up to the status quo -- who'll tell them
the old ways of doing things just aren't good enough anymore.
What we need, ladies and gentlemen, is a Republican
president and a Republican Congress. That's what we're moving
toward tonight, with your generous help. And that's how we will
build a better America -- an America that preserves peace in the
world, that sustains strong families, that provides rewarding
jobs for all.
Over the past three years, I've spoken often of the need for
reform. I've made specific and far-reaching proposals to change
Photocopy-GB Handwriting
2
our education system, and our health care system. I've made
proposals to reform our legal system and our election campaigns.
Right down the line, on issue after issue, the Republican
party has proposed fundamental changes to solve the problems that
burden our country.
And against heavy odds, we've had our successes. But you
know as well as I that we've come up against some obstacles in
the past three years. We know who they are, and believe me, so
do the American people.
let's
The obstacles to genuine reform in America are the special
not
interests -- small, entrenched constituencies who put their
be
narrow wants before the common good. They block change because
aqainst
change threatens the status quo, and their power is out of all
proportion to their size.
let's
Yes, the special interests are well-organized. Yes, they're
be
well-connected. And heaven knows they're well-financed -- after
"fon"
all, they were able to buy their very own political party. But
there's another thing about the special interests: On one issue
after another, they're wrong.
And they're about to learn a painful lesson this election
year:
The American people have had enough of the way they do
business.
Let me give you a few examples.
It used to be that a doctor's first worry was about the care
of the patient -- not the threat of a malpractice suit. Every
American knows what I'm talking about: lawsuit madness. Doctors
3
not delivering babies -- parents not coaching Little League --
volunteers not helping the elderly -- all from fear of nuisance
lawsuits.
That's just plain wrong. That is not the kind of America we
want. People should spend more time helping each other and less
time suing each other.
We've been trying to do something about that. Shortly after
should
I took office, we joined with Senator Kasten to support his bill
to reform product liability laws. That was in 1989. But the
we
liberal Democrats, coached by the special interests, refused to
budge. So we introduced it again in '91. And guess what --
Senate Democrats refuse to bring it up for a vote. Over in the
House our reform is bottled up in two committees.
Make no mistake: We will ensure that every American's rights
an
are protected. But we will reform our legal system to get rid of
these frivolous lawsuits -- and no lobby of trial lawyers will
stand in the way.
Here's another example. It used to be that when we sent our
kids to school, we knew they were going to get a first-class
education. They'd learn how to read and write and multiply and
divide, and they'd learn something about the world. And we knew
the values we taught them at home would be reinforced in the
classroom -- like knowing the difference between right and wrong.
But now we consider ourselves lucky if we can send our kids
to schools where they don't find a gun in someone's locker, or
r
DWC they I leaved from visit to
LA were got to do kettn in column
then 90 to Ame. 2000 efc etc
4
catch some punk dealing drugs on the playground. And in the
classroom, our educational performance is sliding every year.
That's wrong. That's got to change. We must reinvent
American education, top-to-bottom -- for our kids, and for our
Yes
teachers, who too often have to double as social workers,
counselors, even surrogate parents. God bless America's teachers
for the work they do.
We know how to help them. Our America 2000 reforms are
gaining steam, community by community. We're encouraging break-
the-mold schools, world-class standards and voluntary testing;
we're fighting to give teachers and communities maximum
flexibility. We've got to rid our schools of drugs and violence.
And whether it's among public schools, private or religious,
parents must have the freedom to choose their children's schools.
This is a revolution long-overdue. And the entrenched
special interests, the business-as-usual-crowd, the liberal
Democrats had all best understand: This revolution is going to
happen, with or without the permission of the education lobby and
its friends in Congress.
Another example: It used to be that going to the hospital
didn't conjure up visions of financial ruin. American health
care is still the best in the world, but too many Americans can't
qualify for health insurance or can't afford it. The cost of
even minor surgery has gone through the roof.
This too has got to change. And we know how to change it.
Our health care reform is comprehensive; it preserves what works,
5
changes what doesn't. It makes health insurance accessible and
affordable -- without throwing out the highest-quality care in
the world.
of course, the other side doesn't like our reform. For
For
them, freedom of choice -- whether in medical care, education or
child care -- will always take a back seat to some bureaucratic
mandate. They've got other ideas -- very expensive ones, as
always. They can call it "national health insurance," "pay-or-
play," whatever they'd like. But any way you cut it, it means
higher taxes and limits on health care. Nationalized health care
would be a national disaster. We are not going to let government
dictate the American people's health care.
You see, no matter what the problem, the special interests
and their clients who control Congress want a program -- some
No!
vast, unaccountable bureaucracy they can manipulate for their own
purposes. You'll remember our friends on the Left used to talk
about "getting on the right side of history." Well, they were
wrong about which side history was on.
It wasn't theirs. It was ours. A movement sweeps the world
today: a movement away from bureaucratic mandates and central
planning and towards the freely made decisions of individual men
and women. And there's a reason freedom is on the march from
Managua to Moscow. Think back to the 1980s, to the climax of the
Cold War. Liberal Democrats called for gutting the defense
NO
budget, then for a nuclear freeze, then for an end to weapons
modernization. But the Republican party was there to say: No!
6
We stood squarely with the American people for a strong defense.
And because we stood firm, imperial communism today is a four-
letter word: D-E-A-D.
The Republican party has always sensed the inevitability of
freedom's march. It is woven into everything we are as a party.
Recall the first Republican president. Government's highest
calling, Lincoln said, was "to lift artificial weights from all
shoulders, to clear the paths of laudable pursuit for all."
[[The failures of the past were brought home to us with
tragic intensity in recent days. As you know, I visited Los
Angeles last week to listen to the citizens there. The stories
they told -- of simple acts of courage, and of spiritless despair
-- renewed my belief that the old ways have failed us; that the
solutions of government planners and social engineers breed
dependency rather than dignity, hopelessness instead of pride.
We have tried for years to bring to the wrenching problems
of the inner-city a new approach -- an approach rooted in
personal responsibility, community control, and individual
opportunity. But our efforts to encourage investment and jobs
through enterprise zones -- to instill the pride of homeownership
and a sense of community through the program we call HOPE -- to
give greater autonomy to parents and local authorities -- far too
many of these have been frustrated by those committed, whether in
good faith or ill, to the hidebound ways of yesterday.
Here, perhaps, is the silver lining to the storm clouds that
threatened a great city for 48 hours of terror. From these
7
tragic events we can take renewed courage to cast aside the
dogmas of the past, and to do as Lincoln did: "to think anew and
act anew."]]
That is our mission today, and we will see it through, as a
party and a nation -- the greatest, freest nation on earth.
Thank you. God bless you and the United States of America.
#
#
#
#
2et nel shay with you
not necessarity political
really have to make things better
leave out govt reform
these are the kinds of changes were
Taking about.
836
May 11 / Administration of George Bush, 1992
Administration of Ge.
The President. I think you obviously al-
got a great Republican delegation from
the stories that you'll
ready are. But I'm most impressed with the
Pennsylvania, I might add, in the United
But believe me, they
community spirit, because what they're say-
States Congress.
us the power of simpl
ing is, "How can we help some more?"
I was delighted to see Barbara Hafer ear-
What it tells me is
Mr. Baylson. Right.
lier on. And, of course, Governor Mike Cas-
to set the old, worn-
The President. Thank you very much,
tle, an old friend who's done a great job in
time has come, in the
very much.
a neighboring State with us tonight. And I'd
coln, "to think anew
be remiss if I didn't single out Elsie Hillman,
Note: The exchange began at 5:10 p.m. in
we start with the pr
heading the campaign effort here in the Key-
the gymnasium at St. Boniface Church. In
this great Republica:
stone State, and thank Dexter and then, of
his remarks, the President referred to Peter
tell us something vei
course, our team of Bobby Holt, Wally
Ueberroth, chairman of the Rebuild L.A.
that we ought to ke
Ganzi. And then again, I'll single out Dexter,
Committee.
the people, that we've
who gets the star seat. He gets to sit next
lies. I'll never forget
to Elsie, and that means he sold more tickets
Mayor of Los Angel-
than anybody else. So that's terrific. And, of
see me, large-city ma
course, Charlie, Charlie Kopp, he is a fund-
Remarks at a Bush-Quayle
Republicans, Demo
raising czar. He is our finance chairman, a
servatives joined, the
Fundraising Dinner in Philadelphia
great friend, and a loyal, loyal supporter. And
Cities. And they cam
May 11, 1992
he is very successful-so successful that he
thing that united the
didn't have to go to our dog Millie for a single
Thank you all. And Peter, thank you very
agreed on was that tl
dime. [Laughter] You may have seen our in-
that the decline of
much for that wonderfully warm introduction
come tax returns, and you can tell who earns
and for making me feel so welcome. I loved
causing in the citie
the money in the family. Millie is not a "fat
walking out through that crowd because it
much of the unrest,
cat," but nevertheless has done a great job
whatever, comes froi
gave me a chance to see so many people who
as our dog. [Laughter]
have been so supportive over the years, and
American family.
I am pleased to be here. And I want to
And we think we
I am very, very grateful to you. Barbara and
share with you just some observations. This
I count our blessings, even in complicated
strengthen that, inst
is a year where you're hearing a lot of talk
times, and I am very privileged to serve as
in our young people;
about change. And I would be the first to
President of the United States. Believe me,
entrepreneurship, 0
concede that we must make significant
vestment, and create
I'll never forget how I got there. It was good,
change in this country. I hear a lot of talk
strong, loyal friends out in the precincts and
have got to form the
about it coming out of the political arena,
at dinners like this over the years, and I am
economic opportunit
but we've been trying to effect constructive
very grateful to all of you.
erally restore hope,
change.
May I thank Reverend Gambet for his in-
overnight but restore
I came back from a very moving visit to
vocation; it was a unique invocation, and I
And they define what
Los Angeles; we got back Friday evening.
kind of went along with the last part and
First, and let's be
And let me just give you a short report of
could learn from the first part, but-[laugh-
we have got to prese
what I saw and what I heard. Each one of
ter]-and Malcolm Evans for the national an-
keep the peace becau
us saw the images of hate and horror. That
them. I missed the Pledge of Allegiance
children can't live, ai
was all around you, images that we won't
a climate of fear. AL
crowd. I hear they were absolutely fantastic,
soon forget. But what I saw during my time
I saw the commissio
and some of them are back there, but thank
in Los Angeles, even in the hardest hit parts
you very much for a unique joint Pledge of
of south central L.A., should give us some
great-I see Governo
Allegiance. And I want to thank Peter and
our drug effort, here
cause for hope. Everywhere, the people I
David here for making this dinner happen.
talked with told about acts of individual hero-
together with the S
I told the commissio
Of course, Senator Specter, I'm just very
ism, about the extraordinary courage of just
pleased to have been with him today in what
out here, "We supp
plain ordinary people. And some braved the
for, I think, both of us was a very moving
put themselves in ha
gang of looters to form these bucket brigades
us. And we must sta
tour through some of the less privileged,
to put out fires when the firetrucks couldn't
some of the impacted parts of this great city.
for order and keeping
get through. And then some stood up in the
Larry Coughlin is with us, who is our Bush-
face of angry mobs and reached across the
Now, those though.
mind from the first
Quayle cochairman; Congressmen Weldon
barrier of color to save lives of their fellow
and Ridge and Ritter, all good people. We've
Los Angeles. A civili
men and women. And many of these aren't
not tackle any of the
'e Bush, 1992
Administration of George Bush, 1992 / May 11
837
gation from
the stories that you'll see on the nightly news.
in the midst of chaos. It's just that simple.
the United
But believe me, they are the stories that tell
Violence and brutality destroy order. They
us the power of simple human decency.
destroy the rule of law. They must never be
ra Hafer ear-
What it tells me is that the time has come
rationalized. And it must be condemned. Vio-
or Mike Cas-
to set the old, worn-out ideas aside. And the
lence, whenever you find it, we must con-
great job in
time has come, in the words of Abraham Lin-
demn it as a society.
night. And I'd
coln, "to think anew and to act anew." And
When I was out in Los Angeles, I called
Clsie Hillman,
we start with the principles at the heart of
a woman that had been a member of our
re in the Key-
this great Republican Party, principles that
little church in Houston, Texas, St. Martin's
and then, of
tell us something very obvious, and that is
Parish. I'd got a message to call her. I called
Holt, Wally
that we ought to keep the power close to
her, and she told me a tragic story of her
le out Dexter,
the people, that we've got to strengthen fami-
brother and her son. They had gotten a call
:ts to sit next
lies. I'll never forget when Tom Bradley, the
from a neighbor, a minority, a member of
1 more tickets
Mayor of Los Angeles, and others came to
a minority group, and they'd climbed on their
rific. And, of
see me, large-city mayors, small-city mayors,
motorcycle and driven down to see this per-
he is a fund-
Republicans, Democrats, liberals and con-
son. On the way, their motorcycle was sur-
chairman, a
servatives joined, their National League of
rounded by a gang. The motorcycle was
upporter. And
Cities. And they came and they said the one
upended. Her son was beaten. Somebody put
essful that he
thing that united them in terms that they all
a gun up to this kid's head, pulled the trigger,
lie for a single
agreed on was that the fundamental problem
and it didn't go off. Her brother, not so lucky.
e seen our in-
that the decline of the American family is
He was beaten, and they put a gun up to
tell who earns
causing in the cities. The prime cause of
his head, and he was killed right on the spot.
e is not a "fat
much of the unrest, the problems of crime,
This didn't have anything to do with Rodney
ne a great job
whatever, comes from the dissolution of the
King. This didn't have anything to do with
American family.
anything other than wanton violence. We
And I want to
And we think we've got to find ways to
simply cannot be asked to condone that in
ervations. This
strengthen that, instill character and values
our society. And so we're going to stand
g a lot of talk
in our young people; that we must encourage
for-[applause]
be the first to
entrepreneurship, ownership, increase in-
In Los Angeles, I announced an addition
ke significant
vestment, and create jobs. Now, these aims
to a program that's already at work here in
ar a lot of talk
have got to form the heart of our agenda for
Philadelphia, an exciting program that we
political arena,
economic opportunity, an agenda that can lit-
saw today, an initiative that I call "Weed and
ct constructive
erally restore hope, can't solve the problem
Seed." The idea is to weed out the gang lead-
overnight but restore hope to our inner cities.
ers and drug dealers and career criminals and
moving visit to
And they define what we must do.
then seed the community with expanded em-
Friday evening.
First, and let's be very clear on this one,
ployment, educational, and social services. So
short report of
we have got to preserve order. We've got to
we're going to push for that. I'm going to
-d. Each one of
keep the peace because families can't thrive,
push and try to see that we can do more
ad horror. That
children can't live, and jobs can't flourish in
for the American people with this innovative
that we won't
a climate of fear. And I support the police.
new program.
during my time
I saw the commissioner here today, had a
Secondly, we must spark an economic re-
ardest hit parts
great-I see Governor Martinez, the head of
vival in urban America. The best answer to
d give us some
our drug effort, here with him. He and I were
poverty is a job with dignity in the private
,, the people I
together with the Senator and others. And
sector, and that means establishing what we
individual hero-
I told the commissioner and told the people
call enterprise zones in our inner cities. It
courage of just
out here, "We support your efforts." They
means reforming our welfare system, putting
ome braved the
put themselves in harm's way to save all of
an end to the pervasive disincentives that en-
bucket brigades
us. And we must start by standing strongly
courage welfare and discourage work. So, en-
etrucks couldn't
for order and keeping the peace.
terprise zones and reform of welfare.
stood up in the
Now, those thoughts were foremost in my
Thirdly, we've got to revolutionize Amer-
ched across the
mind from the first hours of the violence in
ican education. I might add, parenthetically,
S of their fellow
Los Angeles. A civilized society simply can-
that I wish Barbara was here to see what
y of these aren't
not tackle any of the really tough problems
you're doing with this show of support for
838
May 11 / Administration of George Bush, 1992
Adm
literacy. Mr. Notebaert, wherever he may be,
the answer, "It's true." That's right. But now
time
I would like to make this contribution. I'm
it is time to act on these proposals because
chan
not trying to sell this. [Laughter] This is
this time they know we are right. We are
we W
"Millie's Book," and we want to donate this
right, and we want to get it passed through
No
here as a contribution from the breadwinner
the Congress. Tomorrow I'll be meeting with
open
in the Bush family. So please, we want the
the leaders to try to get it done. It's no longer
all A.
record to show we brought a book in.
good enough to try the old ones. Let's try
this i
Now, we have a good education program.
these new ideas and see if they can't help
going
It burns me up when I hear some of the
some of the kids that we saw today here in
of fin
old thinkers, the pass-the-mandated-Fed-
Philadelphia.
minor
eral-program thinkers criticize. We have a
My first order of business is, then, to build
roof. 1
program called America 2000. It's an innova-
a bipartisan effort in support of immediate
no hea
tive strategy, and it has things in it like
action on this agenda. We won't settle for
We
choice. You can choose your colleges; why
business as usual, measuring what we achieve
ter tha
not choose your schools and thus make them
by the size of the bureaucracy we build or
that W
more competitive?
the number of mandated programs we can
We ha
Competition, community action, all of
send down to these communities who are
plan tl
these things are a part of it. Children in our
crying out for flexibility. This time, we've got
care. I
di
inner cities deserve the same opportunities
to put our principles to work and take the
still pc
that kids in the suburbs have, and that's what
case for change directly to the American peo-
cialized
or
a lot of that program is about. That means
ple.
best q'
of
we've got to break the power of the establish-
What's going on in urban America is just
So we
scl
ment, the education establishment. And
one part, though, of a larger issue because
that m.
Bu
whether it's public or private or religious,
the need for reform doesn't end simply with
same ti
bai
parents, not the government, should be free
our inner cities. It starts with the revolution
Cont
Bu
to choose their children's schools. I am going
in American education that I mentioned.
say, we
to fight for that concept.
America 2000, we call it. It starts with that.
ment ir
Then another ingredient of our urban pol-
When you get down to what we've got to
If you
is
icy, and one I've been trying to get through
do really to be competitive in the future, to
the dep
SOC
for a long time, is homeownership. And I've
offer kids an opportunity, it is education. And
need to
M
never understood how anyone could be con-
it includes our aggressive action, also, to
gram. L
a
tent with the present system, to take pride
break down barriers to free trade. Opening
my view
reb
in the warehousing of the poor. The aim be-
markets to American goods the world over
disaster,
knd
hind our HOPE initiative is to give poor fam-
has got to be a part of it. In each case, we've
pen. We
hav
ilies a stake, give them a stake in their com-
taken aim at the status quo, and we've set
reform t
E
munities, to give them something of value
our sights on change. That's why I'm fighting
poor and
in S
they can pass along to their kids, by turning
hard for a GATT agreement. That's why we
That's W.
start
public housing tenants into homeowners.
have proposed and are working with Mexico's
lieve we'
o
And we are going to fight for that principle.
able President, Carlos Salinas, to try to get
case to th
irei
At every turn during my time in L.A., I
a North American free trade agreement. It
So far,
ou
heard people talking about the principles that
will mean more jobs for the United States,
Governm
expe
guide these initiatives. And these weren't big
more jobs for Mexico, and a Mexico much
speaking
T
shots; these were community leaders. These
better able to do what it must do with its
do. Becau
Davi
were people that were out there on the front
environment and do what it must do in con-
cultivate
tant
line trying to help the kids. Personal respon-
trolling its own borders.
something
ur
sibility, that was one; opportunity; ownership;
America needs legal reform to put an end
we can't m.
ran
independence; and then, of course, with
to these outrageous court awards that sap our
I'm talking
at
Mi
great pride, dignity. And you know the sound
economy and strain our civility. We've gotten
us all. In
of those words. We all do. It really adds up
to a point where doctors won't deliver babies,
to get it tc
he
to the American dream.
where fathers are afraid to coach Little
knowing r
alse
And we all know what the critics will say,
League, all because of the fear of some frivo-
what's righ
"
ca
and you've heard it. They'll say, "Well, you've
lous lawsuit. That won't change until people
You go 1
proposed all this before, Mr. President." And
spend less time suing each other and more
Time and
George Bush, 1992
Administration of George Bush, 1992 / May 11
839
t's right. But now
time helping each other. And we've got to
put their finger on one root cause for the
roposals because
change the laws in Washington. We must and
turmoil we see, and that, of course, back to
re right. We are
we will reform the legal system.
the point, the dissolution of the family. And
it passed through
Now, we need health care reform and to
they're right. They're absolutely right. And
I be meeting with
open up access to affordable health care for
ask yourself: What's the determining fact
one. It's no longer
all Americans. I was talking to Charlie about
right now for whether a child has hope, stays
'd ones. Let's try
this a little earlier here. It used to be that
in school, stays away from drugs? It is not
f they can't help
going to the hospital didn't conjure up visions
Government spending. It's not the number
aw today here in
of financial suicide. Today, the cost of even
of SBA loans or HUD grants. It's whether
minor surgery has gone right out through the
a child lives in a loving home with a mother
is, then, to build
roof. More than 30 million Americans have
and a father.
ort of immediate
no health care coverage at all.
Barbara Bush was absolutely right when
won't settle for
We can change that. And we can do it bet-
she said, "What happens in the White House
what we achieve
ter than some of these nationalized programs
doesn't matter half as much as what happens
cracy we build or
that we're hearing about from the opposition.
in your house." We have tried, both of us,
programs we can
We have a comprehensive health care reform
augmented by tons of grandchildren, et
nunities who are
plan that will help us keep the quality health
cetera, to put the emphasis on American
is time, we've got
care. Make no mistake about it, people are
family, put that emphasis first.
ork and take the
still pouring into the United States for spe-
That's why I keep coming back to the
ne American peo-
cialized care because they know we have the
Good Samaritans that we have called and will
best quality health care in the entire world.
continue to call Points of Light: Everybody
n America is just
So we want to keep the quality health care
here devoting some time to helping someone
ger issue because
that makes us first in the world and at the
else in the community. The people who help
end simply with
same time open up access to all Americans.
the poor, the elderly, kids in trouble, and
ith the revolution
Contrary to what the big Government folks
never ask a nickel in return. Government
at I mentioned.
say, we can do it without putting the Govern-
alone simply cannot create the scale and the
starts with that.
ment in charge of everybody's health care.
energy needed to transform the lives of peo-
hat we've got to
If you want to stand in line, you can go to
ple in need. Let the cynics scoff about it,
in the future, to
the department of motor vehicles. You don't
but we know these volunteers are the life-
is education. And
need to go for a nationalized health care pro-
blood of the American spirit.
action, also, to
gram. Let's face it, national health care, in
And I wish you could have been with me
e trade. Opening
my view, literally would be a costly national
today because you heard it: Community ac-
S the world over
disaster, and I am not going to let that hap-
tion. People overburdened with financial
each case, we've
pen. We are going to fight for our plan of
problems but finding time to help the guy
o, and we've set
reform that gives access to insurance to the
next door. It was a wonderful thing we saw
why I'm fighting
poor and the middle-income people alike.
right here in some of the most impoverished
nt. That's why we
That's what we need, and that's what I be-
areas of Philadelphia. It was a community
king with Mexico's
lieve we'll be able to get when we take this
spirit. Government has a role, but it never
nas, to try to get
case to the American people.
can supplant the propensity of one American
de agreement. It
So far, I've spoken a little bit about what
to help another. So we've got to find ways
ne United States,
Government can do. So let me conclude by
to help in that concept and help encourage
a Mexico much
speaking about what society absolutely must
it.
must do with its
do. Because there's something society must
I believe there is a great future in store
must do in con-
cultivate that Government cannot provide,
because I believe that all of these principles
something we can't legislate, something that
will be coming into focus now. I believe we're
rm to put an end
we can't make happen by Government order.
right about family. I think we're right about
vards that sap our
I'm talking about the moral sense that guides
freedom and free enterprise, and I think
lity. We've gotten
us all. In the simplest of terms-you want
we're right about faith. Most of all, I think
n't deliver babies,
to get it to fundamentals-I'm talking about
we are right about America's future.
to coach Little
knowing right from wrong and then doing
You know, we've been through a very
ear of some frivo-
what's right.
tough time. There's been a sluggish economy
ange until people
You go back to Los Angeles for a minute.
with recession in many parts of the country.
1 other and more
Time and again the people I met with there
I have a feeling this thing is beginning to
840
May 11 / Administration of George Bush, 1992
Administra
move a little bit, and it's long overdue. I hope
Executive Order 12805-Integrity
(b) The
like heck I'm right this time, but I really do
and Efficiency in Federal Programs
following I
feel that it's beginning to move. And with
May 11, 1992
(1) The
that there will be a return of this innate feel-
of the
ing of American optimism. And when it hap-
By the authority vested in me as President
et, W
pens, let's all vow that we will save time to
by the Constitution and the laws of the Unit-
Coun-
help the other guy, to do what we can to
ed States of America, and in order to coordi-
(2) All ci
be Points of Light.
nate and enhance governmental efforts to
not re
We've got the strength. We've got the spir-
promote integrity and efficiency and to de-
(3) The
it in our Government. We've got it. You can
tect and prevent fraud, waste, and abuse in
sense it even in the ravaged communities of
Federal programs, the establishment of two
(4) The (
Finan-
Los Angeles. We've got it in ourselves to
Councils of Federal Inspectors General and
transform America into the Nation we've
appropriate Federal officials is hereby or-
(5) The
dered as follows:
vestiga
dreamed of for generations. So don't listen
Section 1. Establishment of the President's
vestiga
to those doomsayers. Don't listen to those
Council on Integrity and Efficiency.
(6) The I
top 20 seconds that tell you everything that's
(a) There is established as an interagency
ment F
wrong with the United States of America. We
committee the President's Council on Integ-
(7) The
are the freest and the fairest and the best
rity and Efficiency (PCIE).
Specia
country on the face of the Earth. And we
(b) The PCIE shall be composed of the
and
are going to get the job done.
following members:
(8) The i
We have nothing to be apologetic for.
(1) The Deputy Director for Management
Person
We've got big problems. But the message,
of the Office of Management and Budg-
design.
I think, is if we can try this new approach,
et, who shall be Chairperson of the
(c) If any
I believe we can solve them and offer hope
Council;
as a Preside
to those little kids we saw with their eyes
(2) All civilian Presidentially appointed In-
eral and as
bulging as we came by there today into these
spectors General whose offices were es-
represented
little community centers.
tablished in the Inspector General Act
may send a
Thank you all very much for your support.
of 1978 and subsequent amendments;
(d) The
Save a little energy for the campaign in the
(3) The Vice Chairperson of the Executive
time, invite
fall. I'm going to need you. But I believe
Council on Integrity and Efficiency;
meetings of
we're going to win this election. Thank you
(4) The Controller of the Office of Federal
(e) The (
very, very much.
Financial Management;
sence, the C
(5) The Associate Deputy Director for In-
Financial M
Note:. The President spoke at 7:40 p.m. in
vestigations of the Federal Bureau of In-
possible, CO
the Grand Ballroom at the Hotel Atop the
vestigation;
monthly.
(6) The Director of the Office of Govern-
Bellevue. In his remarks, he referred to Peter
Sec. 3. I
ment Ethics;
Terpeluk, Jr., and David Girard-diCarlo,
ECIE.
(7) The Special Counsel of the Office of
dinner cochairmen; Representative Lawrence
(a) The C
Special Counsel; and
Coughlin, Bush-Quayle Pennsylvania co-
review, and
(8) The Deputy Director of the Office of
chairman; Barbara Hafer, Pennsylvania
vulnerability
Personnel Management.
ations to fra
auditor-general; Elsie Hillman, Bush-Quayle
(c) The Chairperson may, from time to
Pennsylvania chairman; Dexter Baker, Bush-
develop plan
time, invite other officials to participate in
wide activitie
Quayle regional cochairman; Bobby Holt and
meetings of the PCIE.
Wally Ganzi, Bush-Quayle national finance
and promote
(d) The Chairperson shall, to the extent
cochairmen; Charlie Kopp, Bush-Quayle
eral program
possible, convene meetings of the PCIE
ties will inclu
Pennsylvania finance chairman; Willie Wil-
monthly.
audit and invo
liams, Philadelphia police commissioner; Bob
Sec. 2. Establishment of the Executive
to deal efficie
Martinez, Director of the Office of National
Council on Integrity and Efficiency.
problems COI
Drug Control Policy; and Edmond
(a) There is established as an inter-entity
exceed the ca
Notebaert, president and chief executive offi-
committee the Executive Council on Integ-
dividual agen
cer, Children's Hospital of Philadelphia.
rity and Efficiency (ECIE).
recognize the
BUSH-QUAYLE FUNDRAISER \ PHILADELPHIA, PA
MONDAY, MAY 11, 1992 \ 7:15 P.M.
PETER TERPELUK (TER PAH LEK), THANK YOU FOR THAT
INTRODUCTION. THANKS so MUCH TO YOU AND DAVID
GIRARD-DICARLO FOR MAKING THIS DINNER HAPPEN. SENATOR
SPECTER. GOVERNOR MIKE CASTLE'S WITH US FROM
NEIGHBORING DELAWARE. NATIONAL CAMPAIGN FINANCE
CHAIRMAN BoBBy HOLT. WALLY GANZI, NATIONAL FINANCE Co-
CHAIR. ELSIE HILLMAN -- HEADING THE CAMPAIGN EFFORT
HERE IN THE KEYSTONE STATE; AND CONGRESSMAN LARRY
COUGHLIN, OUR CO-CHAIR, THANK YOU FOR ALL YOUR WORK.
- 2 -
AND OF COURSE: PENNSYLVANIA BUSH-QUAYLE FINANCE CHAIR,
CHARLIE KOPP. (CHARLIE'S SOMETHING OF A FUNDRAISING
CZAR -- HE'S so SUCCESSFUL, HE DIDN'T EVEN HAVE TO ASK
MILLIE FOR A SINGLE DIME.))
((IF THERE'S ONE THING MILLIE HATES, IT'S BEING
CALLED A "FAT caT."))
I'M DELIGHTED TO BE HERE TONIGHT, WITH THE MEN AND
WOMEN WHO HAVE HELPED US CHANGE THE WORLD -- so WE CAN
NOW CHANGE AMERICA.
- 3 -
I KNOW THERE'S BEEN A LOT OF TALK ABOUT CHANGE THIS
ELECTION YEAR. BUT THE TIME FOR TALK IS OVER -- AND
THE NEED FOR CHANGE IS MORE URGENT THAN EVER.
As YOU KNOW, I JUST CAME BACK FRIDAY FROM Los
ANGELES. I WANT TO BEGIN TONIGHT BY GIVING YOU A SHORT
REPORT ON WHAT I SAW, AND WHAT I HEARD.
EACH ONE OF US SAW THE IMAGES OF HATE AND HORROR
-- IMAGES WE WON'T SOON FORGET.
- 4 -
BUT WHAT I SAW DURING MY TIME IN Los ANGELES -- EVEN IN
THE HARDEST-HIT PARTS OF SOUTH CENTRAL L.A. -- SHOULD
GIVE US ALL CAUSE FOR HOPE.
EVERYWHERE, THE PEOPLE I TALKED WITH TOLD ME ABOUT
THE ACTS OF INDIVIDUAL HEROISM -- ABOUT THE
EXTRAORDINARY COURAGE OF ORDINARY PEOPLE. SOME BRAVED
THE GANGS OF LOOTERS, TO FORM "BUCKET BRIGADES" TO PUT
OUT FIRES WHEN THE FIRETRUCKS COULDN'T GET THROUGH.
SOME STOOD AGAINST THE ANGRY MOBS -- REACHED ACROSS THE
BARRIER OF COLOR -- TO SAVE LIVES.
/
- 5 -
MANY OF THESE AREN'T THE STORIES YOU'LL SEE ON THE
NIGHTLY NEWS -- BUT THEY ARE STORIES THAT TELL US THE
POWER OF SIMPLE HUMAN DECENCY.
WHAT IT TELLS ME IS THAT THE TIME HAS COME TO SET
THE OLD, WORN IDEAS ASIDE. THE TIME HAS COME -- IN THE
WORDS OF LINCOLN -- "To THINK ANEW AND ACT ANEW."
WE START WITH THE PRINCIPLES AT THE HEART OF THIS
GREAT REPUBLICAN PARTY. PRINCIPLES THAT TELL US WE
MUST KEEP POWER CLOSE TO THE PEOPLE.
- 6 -
THAT WE MUST STRENGTHEN FAMILIES -- INSTILL CHARACTER
AND VALUES IN OUR YOUNG PEOPLE. THAT WE MUST ENCOURAGE
ENTREPRENEURSHIP, INCREASE INVESTMENT, AND CREATE JOBS.
THESE AIMS MUST FORM THE HEART OF MY AGENDA FOR
ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY -- AN AGENDA THAT CAN RESTORE HOPE
TO OUR INNER CITIES. THEY DEFINE WHAT WE MUST DO:
FIRST, WE'VE GOT TO PRESERVE ORDER, KEEP THE PEACE:
BECAUSE FAMILIES CAN'T THRIVE, CHILDREN CAN'T LEARN,
JOBS CAN'T FLOURISH IN A CLIMATE OF FEAR.
- 7 -
THOSE THOUGHTS WERE FOREMOST IN MY MIND FROM THE
FIRST HOURS OF THE VIOLENCE IN Los ANGELES. A
CIVILIZED SOCIETY CANNOT TACKLE ANY OF THE REALLY TOUGH
PROBLEMS IN THE MIDST OF CHAOS. IT'S JUST THAT SIMPLE.
VIOLENCE AND BRUTALITY DESTROY ORDER -- DESTROY THE
RULE OF LAW. VIOLENCE MUST NEVER BE RATIONALIZED. IT
MUST BE CONDEMNED. //
- 8 -
IN L.A., I ANNOUNCED A PROGRAM THAT'S ALREADY AT
WORK HERE IN PHILADELPHIA -- AN INITIATIVE I CALL "WEED
AND SEED." THE IDEA IS TO "WEED OUT" THE GANG LEADERS,
DRUG DEALERS AND CAREER CRIMINALS -- AND THEN "SEED"
THE COMMUNITY WITH EXPANDED EMPLOYMENT, EDUCATIONAL AND
SOCIAL SERVICES.
SECOND, WE MUST SPARK AN ECONOMIC REVIVAL IN URBAN
AMERICA.
- 9 -
THAT MEANS ESTABLISHING ENTERPRISE ZONES IN OUR INNER
CITIES -- IT MEANS REFORMING OUR WELFARE SYSTEM --
PUTTING AN END TO THE PERVERSE DIS-INCENTIVES THAT
ENCOURAGE WELFARE AND DISCOURAGE WORK.
THIRD, WE MUST REVOLUTIONIZE AMERICAN EDUCATION.
THAT'S WHY WE'VE BUILT OUR AMERICA 2000 STRATEGY AROUND
INNOVATIONS LIKE CHOICE, COMPETITION AND COMMUNITY
ACTION. CHILDREN IN OUR INNER CITIES DESERVE THE SAME
OPPORTUNITIES THAT KIDS IN OUR SUBURBS HAVE.
- 10 -
THAT MEANS WE'VE GOT TO BREAK THE MONOPOLY POWER OF THE
EDUCATION ESTABLISHMENT. WHETHER IT'S PUBLIC OR
PRIVATE OR RELIGIOUS, PARENTS -- NOT THE GOVERNMENT --
SHOULD BE FREE TO CHOOSE THEIR CHILDREN'S SCHOOLS. //
FOUR, WE MUST PROMOTE NEW HOPE THROUGH HOME
OWNERSHIP.
I'VE NEVER UNDERSTOOD HOW ANYONE COULD BE CONTENT WITH
THE PRESENT SYSTEM -- TO TAKE PRIDE IN WAREHOUSING THE
POOR.
- 11 -
THE AIM BEHIND MY HOPE INITIATIVE IS TO GIVE POOR
FAMILIES A STAKE IN THEIR COMMUNITIES -- TO GIVE THEM
SOMETHING OF VALUE THEY CAN PASS ALONG TO THEIR KIDS,
BY TURNING PUBLIC HOUSING TENANTS INTO HOMEOWNERS.
AT EVERY TURN DURING MY TIME IN L.A., I HEARD
PEOPLE TALKING ABOUT THE PRINCIPLES THAT GUIDE THESE
INITIATIVES: PERSONAL RESPONSIBILITY. OPPORTUNITY.
OWNERSHIP. INDEPENDENCE. DIGNITY.
- 12 -
You KNOW THE SOUND OF THOSE WORDS. WE ALL DO:
THAT'S THE AMERICAN DREAM.
WE ALL KNOW WHAT THE CRITICS WILL SAY. THEY'LL
SAY: "YOU'VE PROPOSED ALL THIS BEFORE." THAT'S TRUE
-- THEY'RE RIGHT. BUT NOW IT'S TIME TO ACT ON THESE
PROPOSALS -- BECAUSE THIS TIME, THEY KNOW -- WE ARE
RIGHT.
MY FIRST ORDER OF BUSINESS IS TO BUILD A BIPARTISAN
EFFORT IN SUPPORT OF IMMEDIATE ACTION ON THIS AGENDA.
- 13 -
WE WON'T SETTLE FOR BUSINESS-AS-USUAL -- MEASURING WHAT
WE ACHIEVE BY THE SIZE OF THE BUREAUCRACY WE BUILD.
THIS TIME, WE MUST PUT OUR PRINCIPLES TO WORK -- AND
WE'LL TAKE THE CASE FOR CHANGE DIRECTLY TO THE AMERICAN
PEOPLE.
BUT WHAT'S GOING ON IN URBAN AMERICA IS JUST ONE
PART OF A LARGER ISSUE -- BECAUSE THE NEED FOR REFORM
DOESN'T END WITH OUR INNER CITIES. //
- 14 -
IT STARTS WITH THE REVOLUTION IN AMERICAN EDUCATION
I MENTIONED A MOMENT AGO. IT INCLUDES OUR AGGRESSIVE
ACTION TO BREAK DOWN BARRIERS TO FREE TRADE -- TO OPEN
NEW MARKETS TO AMERICAN GOODS THE WORLD OVER. IN EACH
CASE, WE'VE TAKEN AIM AT THE STATUS QUO -- AND SET OUR
SIGHTS ON CHANGE.
AMERICA NEEDS LEGAL REFORM -- TO PUT AN END TO
THESE OUTRAGEOUS COURT AWARDS THAT SAP OUR ECONOMY AND
STRAIN OUR CIVILITY.
- 15 -
WE'VE GOTTEN TO A POINT WHERE DOCTORS WON'T DELIVER
BABIES -- WHERE FATHERS ARE AFRAID TO COACH LITTLE
EAGUE -- ALL BECAUSE OF THE FEAR OF SOME FRIVOLOUS
AWSUIT. BUT THAT WON'T CHANGE UNTIL PEOPLE SPEND LESS
IME SUING EACH OTHER AND MORE TIME HELPING EACH OTHER.
WE MUST AND WE WILL REFORM OUR LEGAL SYSTEM -- AND
LOBBY OF TRIAL LAWYERS WILL STAND IN THE WAY. //
- 16 -
WE NEED HEALTH CARE REFORM -- TO OPEN UP ACCESS TO
AFFORDABLE HEALTH CARE FOR ALL AMERICANS. IT USED TO
BE THAT GOING TO THE HOSPITAL DIDN'T CONJURE UP VISIONS
OF FINANCIAL SUICIDE. TODAY, THE COST OF EVEN MINOR
SURGERY HAS GONE THROUGH THE ROOF. AND MORE THAN 30
MILLION AMERICANS HAVE NO HEALTH CARE COVERAGE AT ALL.
WE CAN CHANGE THAT. MY COMPREHENSIVE HEALTH CARE
REFORM PLAN WILL HELP US KEEP THE QUALITY HEALTH CARE
THAT MAKES AMERICA FIRST IN THE WORLD -- AT THE SAME
TIME WE OPEN UP ACCESS TO ALL AMERICANS.
- 17 -
AND CONTRARY TO WHAT THE BIG GOVERNMENT FOLKS SAY -- WE
CAN DO IT WITHOUT PUTTING THE GOVERNMENT IN CHARGE.
ANYONE WHO'S EVER SPENT A DAY IN LINE AT THE DEPARTMENT
OF MOTOR VEHICLES KNOWS THE LAST THING WE NEED IS A
NATIONAL HEALTH CARE BUREAUCRACY -- WHERE THE
GOVERNMENT CALLS ALL THE SHOTS. LET'S FACE IT:
NATIONAL HEALTH CARE WOULD BE A NATIONAL DISASTER --
AND I WILL NOT LET THAT HAPPEN.
- 18 -
So FAR TONIGHT, I'VE SPOKEN ABOUT WHAT GOVERNMENT
CAN DO. Now, I WANT To SPEAK ABOUT WHAT SOCIETY MUST
DO. BECAUSE THERE'S SOMETHING SOCIETY MUST CULTIVATE
THAT GOVERNMENT CANNOT PROVIDE. SOMETHING WE CAN'T
LEGISLATE -- OR ESTABLISH BY GOVERNMENT ORDER. I'M
TALKING ABOUT THE MORAL SENSE THAT MUST GUIDE US ALL.
IN THE SIMPLEST TERMS -- I'M TALKING ABOUT KNOWING
RIGHT FROM WRONG -- AND DOING WHAT'S RIGHT.
- 19 -
Go BACK TO Los ANGELES FOR A MINUTE. TIME AND
AGAIN THE PEOPLE I MET THERE PUT THEIR FINGER ON ONE
ROOT CAUSE FOR THE TURMOIL WE SEE: THE DISSOLUTION OF
THE FAMILY. THEY'RE RIGHT. Ask YOURSELF: WHAT'S THE
DETERMINING FACT RIGHT NOW FOR WHETHER A CHILD HAS HOPE
-- STAYS IN SCHOOL, STAYS AWAY FROM DRUGS? IT'S NOT
GOVERNMENT SPENDING. It's NOT THE NUMBER OF SBA LOANS
OR HUD GRANTS. IT'S WHETHER A CHILD LIVES IN A LOVING
HOME WITH A MOTHER AND A FATHER.
- 20 -
BARBARA BUSH WAS RIGHT: WHAT HAPPENS IN THE WHITE
HOUSE DOESN'T MATTER HALF AS MUCH AS WHAT HAPPENS IN
YOUR HOUSE.
THAT'S WHY I'VE MADE IT MY MISSION AS PRESIDENT TO
PUT THE AMERICAN FAMILY FIRST. / THAT'S WHY I KEEP
COMING BACK TO THE GOOD SAMARITANS I CALL POINTS OF
LIGHT: THE PEOPLE WHO HELP THE POOR, THE ELDERLY, KIDS
IN TROUBLE -- AND NEVER ASK A NICKEL IN RETURN.
- 21 -
GOVERNMENT ALONE CANNOT CREATE THE SCALE AND ENERGY
NEEDED TO TRANSFORM THE LIVES OF PEOPLE IN NEED. LET
THE CYNICS SCOFF: WE KNOW THESE VOLUNTEERS ARE THE
LIFEBLOOD OF THE AMERICAN SPIRIT.
I BELIEVE THERE IS A GREAT FUTURE IN STORE FOR THIS
PARTY -- BECAUSE I BELIEVE IN THE PRINCIPLES THAT MADE
US GREAT.
I BELIEVE WE ARE RIGHT ABOUT FAMILY. WE ARE RIGHT
ABOUT FREEDOM AND FREE ENTERPRISE. WE ARE RIGHT ABOUT
FAITH.
- 22 -
AND MOST OF ALL, WE ARE RIGHT ABOUT AMERICA'S FUTURE.
WE HAVE THE STRENGTH AND SPIRIT IN OUR GOVERNMENT, IN
OUR COMMUNITIES, AND IN OURSELVES TO TRANSFORM AMERICA
INTO THE NATION WE HAVE DREAMED OF FOR GENERATIONS.
THANK YOU FOR YOUR SUPPORT -- AND MAY GOD BLESS THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
# # #
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
May 11, 1992
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
DAN MC GROARTY Dmcr
SUBJECT:
PHILADELPHIA FUNDRAISER
The attached draft has been revised to incorporate your
reflections on the Los Angeles trip, per your instructions to
David Demarest.
Ferguson/Grossman
May 10, 1992
8:00 pm
Draft Three
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: BUSH-QUAYLE FUNDRAISER
PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA
MONDAY, MAY 11, 1992
7:15 PM
[Acknowledgements.]
((I want to thank Charles Kopp for all his successful
fundraising efforts, and most of all -- he didn't even have to
ask Millie for a single dime.) )
((If there's one thing Millie hates, it's being called a
"fat cat. ") )
I'm delighted to be here tonight, with the men and women who
have helped us change the world -- so we can now change America.
I know there's been a lot of talk about change this election year
-- and most of that has been just that: talk. But the time for
talk is over -- and the need for change is more urgent than ever.
As you know, I just came back Friday from Los Angeles. I
want to begin tonight by giving you a short report on what I saw,
and what I heard.
Each one of us saw the images of hate and horror -- images
we won't soon forget. But what I saw during my time in Los
Angeles -- even in the hardest-hit parts of South Central L.A. -
- should give us all cause for hope.
Everywhere, the people I talked with told me about the acts
of individual heroism -- about the extraordinary courage of
2
ordinary people. Some braved the gangs of looters, to form
"bucket brigades" to put out fires when the firetrucks couldn't
get through. Some stood against the angry mobs -- reached across
the barrier of color -- to save lives. / Many of these aren't
the stories you'll see on the nightly news -- but they are
stories that tell us the power of simple human decency.
What it tells me is that the time has come to set the old,
worn ideas aside. The time has come -- in the words of Lincoln -
- "to think and act anew."
We start with the principles at the heart of this great
Republican Party. Principles that tell us we must keep power
close to the people. That we must strengthen families -- instill
character and values in our young people. That we must encourage
entrepreneurship, increase investment, and create jobs. These
aims must form the heart of my agenda for economic opportunity -
- an agenda that can restore hope to our inner cities. They
define what we must do:
First, we've got to preserve order, keep the peace: because
families can't thrive, children can't learn, jobs can't flourish
in a climate of fear.
Those thoughts were foremost in my mind from the first hours
of the violence in Los Angeles. A civilized society cannot
tackle any of the really tough problems in the midst of chaos.
It's just that simple. Violence and brutality destroy order --
destroy the rule of law. Violence must never be rationalized.
It must be condemned. //
3
In L.A., I announced a program that's already at work here
in Philadelphia -- an initiative I call "Weed and Seed." The
idea is to "weed out" the gang leaders, drug dealers and career
criminals -- and then "seed" the community with expanded
employment, educational and social services.
Second, we must spark an economic revival in urban America.
That means establishing Enterprise Zones in our inner cities --
It means reforming our welfare system -- putting an end to the
perverse disincentives that encourage welfare and discourage
work.
Third, we must revolutionize American education.
That's why we've built our America 2000 strategy around
innovations like choice, competition and community action.
Children in our inner cities deserve the same opportunities that
kids in our suburbs have. That means we've got to break the
monopoly power of the education establishment. Whether it's
public or private or religious, parents -- not the government --
should be free to choose their children's schools. //
Four, we must promote new hope through home ownership.
I've never understood how anyone could be content with the
present system -- to take pride in warehousing the poor. The aim
behind my HOPE initiative is to give poor families a stake in
their communities -- to give them something of value they can
pass along to their kids, by turning public housing tenants into
homeowners.
At every turn during my time in L.A., I heard people talking
about the principles that guide these initiatives: Personal
4
responsibility. Opportunity. Ownership. Independence.
Dignity.
You know the sound of those words. We all do: That's the
American dream.
We all know what the critics will say. They'll say:
"you've proposed all this before." That's true -- they're right.
But now it's time to act on these proposals -- because this time,
they know -- we are right.
My first order of business is to build a bipartisan effort
in support of immediate action on this agenda. We won't settle
for business-as-usual -- measuring what we achieve by the size of
the bureaucracy we build. This time, we must put our principles
to work -- and we'll take the case for change directly to the
American people.
But what's going on in urban America is just one part of a
larger issue -- because the need for reform doesn't end with our
inner cities. //
It starts with the revolution in American education I
mentioned a moment ago. It includes our aggressive action to
break down barriers to free trade -- to open new markets to
American goods the world over. In each case, we've taken aim at
the status quo -- and set our sights on change.
America needs legal reform -- to put an end to these
outrageous court awards that sap our economy and strain our
civility. We've gotten to a point where doctors won't deliver
babies -- where fathers are afraid to coach little league -- all
5
because of the fear of some frivolous lawsuit. But that won't
happen until people spend less time suing each other and more
time helping each other. //
We will reform our legal system -- and no lobby of trial
lawyers will stand in the way. //
We need health care reform -- to open up access to
affordable health care for all Americans. It used to be that
going to the hospital didn't conjure up visions of financial
suicide. Today, the cost of even minor surgery has gone through
the roof. And more than 30 million Americans have no health care
coverage at all.
We can change that. My comprehensive health care reform
plan will help us keep the quality health care that makes America
first in the world -- at the same time we open up access to all
Americans. And contrary to what the big government folks say --
we can do it without putting the government in charge. Anyone
who's ever spent a day in line at the Department of Motor
Vehicles knows the last thing we need is a national health care
bureaucracy. Let's face it: National health care would be a
national disaster -- and this President won't let that happen.
So far tonight, I've spoken about what government can do.
Now, I want to speak about what society must do. Because there's
something society must cultivate that government cannot provide.
Something we can't legislate -- or establish by government order.
I'm talking about the moral sense that must guide us all. In the
6
simplest terms -- I'm talking about knowing right from wrong --
and doing what's right.
Go back to Los Angeles for a minute. Time and again the
people I met there put their finger on one root cause for the
turmoil we see: the dissolution of the family. They're right.
Ask yourself: What's the determining fact right now for whether
a child has hope -- stays in school, stays away from drugs? It's
not government spending. It's not the number of SBA loans or HUD
grants. It's whether a child lives in a loving home with a
mother and a father.
Barbara Bush was right: what happens in the White House
doesn't matter half as much as what happens in your house.
That's why I've made it my mission as President to put the
American family first. / That's why I keep coming back to the
good Samaritans I call Points of Light: The people who help the
poor, the elderly, kids in trouble --and never ask a nickel in
return. Government alone cannot create the scale and energy
needed to transform the lives of people in need. Let the cynics
scoff: We know these volunteers are the lifeblood of the
American spirit.
I believe there is a great future in store for this party -
- because I believe in the principles that made us great.
I believe we are right about family. We are right about
freedom and free enterprise. We are right about faith. And most
of all, we are right about America's future. We have the
strength and spirit in our government, in our communities, and in
7
ourselves to transform America into the nation we have dreamed of
for generations.
Thank you for your support -- and may God bless the United
States of America.
# # #
THE PRESIDENT HAS SEEN
5/11/92
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
May 11, 1992
02 MAY 11 A10: 17
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
DAN MC GROARTY Dmcr
SUBJECT:
PHILADELPHIA FUNDRAISER
The attached draft has been revised to incorporate your
reflections on the Los Angeles trip, per your instructions to
David Demarest.
Per the President
do not put
on teleprompter
(1209, 5/11)
Ferguson/Grossman
May 10, 1992
8:00 pm
Draft Three
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: BUSH-QUAYLE FUNDRAISER
PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA
MONDAY, MAY 11, 1992
7:15 PM
[Acknowledgements. ]
((I want to thank Charles Kopp for all his successful
fundraising efforts, and most of all -- he didn't even have to
ask Millie for a single dime.) )
((If there's one thing Millie hates, it's being called a
"fat cat. "))
I'm delighted to be here tonight, with the men and women who
have helped us change the world -- so we can now change America.
I know there's been a lot of talk about change this election year
-- and most of that has been just that: talk But the time for
talk is over -- and the need for change is more urgent than ever.
As you know, I just came back Friday from Los Angeles. I
want to begin tonight by giving you a short report on what I saw,
and what I heard.
Each one of us saw the images of hate and horror -- images
we won't soon forget. But what I saw during my time in Los
Angeles -- even in the hardest-hit parts of South Central L.A. -
- should give us all cause for hope.
Everywhere, the people I talked with told me about the acts
of individual heroism -- about the extraordinary courage of
2
ordinary people. Some braved the gangs of looters, to form
"bucket brigades" to put out fires when the firetrucks couldn't
get through. Some stood against the angry mobs -- reached across
the barrier of color -- to save lives. / Many of these aren't
the stories you'll see on the nightly news -- but they are
stories that tell us the power of simple human decency.
What it tells me is that the time has come to set the old,
worn ideas aside. The time has come -- in the words of Lincoln -
- "to think and act anew."
We start with the principles at the heart of this great
Republican Party. Principles that tell us we must keep power
close to the people. That we must strengthen families -- instill
character and values in our young people. That we must encourage
entrepreneurship, increase investment, and create jobs. These
aims must form the heart of my agenda for economic opportunity -
- an agenda that can restore hope to our inner cities. They
define what we must do:
First, we've got to preserve order, keep the peace: because
families can't thrive, children can't learn, jobs can't flourish
in a climate of fear.
Those thoughts were foremost in my mind from the first hours
of the violence in Los Angeles. A civilized society cannot
tackle any of the really tough problems in the midst of chaos.
It's just that simple. Violence and brutality destroy order --
destroy the rule of law. Violence must never be rationalized.
It must be condemned. //
??
3
In L.A., I announced a program that's already at work here
in Philadelphia -- an initiative I call "Weed and Seed." The
idea is to "weed out" the gang leaders, drug dealers and career
criminals -- and then "seed" the community with expanded
employment, educational and social services.
Second, we must spark an economic revival in urban America.
That means establishing Enterprise Zones in our inner cities --
It means reforming our welfare system -- putting an end to the
perverse disincentives that encourage welfare and discourage
work.
Third, we must revolutionize American education.
That's why we've built our America 2000 strategy around
innovations like choice, competition and community action.
Children in our inner cities deserve the same opportunities that
kids in our suburbs have. That means we've got to break the
monopoly power of the education establishment. Whether it's
public or private or religious, parents -- not the government --
should be free to choose their children's schools. //
Four, we must promote new hope through home ownership.
I've never understood how anyone could be content with the
present system -- to take pride in warehousing the poor. The aim
behind my HOPE initiative is to give poor families a stake in
their communities -- to give them something of value they can
pass along to their kids, by turning public housing tenants into
homeowners.
At every turn during my time in L.A., I heard people talking
about the principles that guide these initiatives: Personal
4
responsibility. Opportunity. Ownership. Independence.
Dignity.
You know the sound of those words. We all do: That's the
American dream.
We all know what the critics will say. They'll say:
"you've proposed all this before." That's true -- they're right.
But now it's time to act on these proposals -- because this time,
they know -- we are right.
My first order of business is to build a bipartisan effort
in support of immediate action on this agenda. We won't settle
for business-as-usual -- measuring what we achieve by the size of
the bureaucracy we build. This time, we must put our principles
to work -- and we'll take the case for change directly to the
American people.
But what's going on in urban America is just one part of a
larger issue -- because the need for reform doesn't end with our
inner cities. //
It starts with the revolution in American education I
mentioned a moment ago. It includes our aggressive action to
break down barriers to free trade -- to open new markets to
American goods the world over. In each case, we've taken aim at
the status quo -- and set our sights on change.
America needs legal reform -- to put an end to these
outrageous court awards that sap our economy and strain our
civility. We've gotten to a point where doctors won't deliver
babies -- where fathers are afraid to coach little league -- all
5
because of the fear of some frivolous lawsuit. But that won't
happen until people spend less time suing each other and more
time helping each other. //
must we will
We will reform our legal system -- and no lobby of trial
lawyers will stand in the way. //
We need health care reform -- to open up access to
affordable health care for all Americans. It used to be that
going to the hospital didn't conjure up visions of financial
suicide. Today, the cost of even minor surgery has gone through
the roof. And more than 30 million Americans have no health care
coverage at all.
We can change that. My comprehensive health care reform
plan will help us keep the quality health care that makes America
first in the world -- at the same time we open up access to all
Americans. And contrary to what the big government folks say --
we can do it without putting the government in charge. Anyone
who's ever spent a day in line at the Department of Motor
Vehicles knows the last thing we need is a national health care
when the gommunt callo all the
bureaucracy. Let's face it: National health care, would be a shoto
I will not
national disaster -- and this President worlt let that happen.
So far tonight, I've spoken about what government can do.
Now, I want to speak about what society must do. Because there's
something society must cultivate that government cannot provide.
Something we can't legislate -- or establish by government order.
I'm talking about the moral sense that must guide us all. In the
6
simplest terms -- I'm talking about knowing right from wrong --
and doing what's right.
Go back to Los Angeles for a minute. Time and again the
people I met there put their finger on one root cause for the
turmoil we see: the dissolution of the family. They're right.
Ask yourself: What's the determining fact right now for whether
a child has hope -- stays in school, stays away from drugs? It's
not government spending. It's not the number of SBA loans or HUD
grants. It's whether a child lives in a loving home with a
mother and a father.
Barbara Bush was right: what happens in the White House
doesn't matter half as much as what happens in your house.
That's why I've made it my mission as President to put the
American family first. / That's why I keep coming back to the
good Samaritans I call Points of Light: The people who help the
poor, the elderly, kids in trouble --and never ask a nickel in
return. Government alone cannot create the scale and energy
needed to transform the lives of people in need. Let the cynics
scoff: We know these volunteers are the lifeblood of the
American spirit.
I believe there is a great future in store for this party -
- because I believe in the principles that made us great.
I believe we are right about family. We are right about
freedom and free enterprise. We are right about faith. And most
of all, we are right about America's future. We have the
strength and spirit in our government, in our communities, and in
7
ourselves to transform America into the nation we have dreamed of
for generations.
Thank you for your support -- and may God bless the United
States of America.
# # #
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
May 7, 1992
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
S
THOUGH:
DAVE DEMAREST
FROM:
ANDREW FERGUSON at
SUBJECT:
PHILADELPHIA BUSH-QUAYLE FUNDRAISER
On Monday, May 11th, at approximately 7:15 p.m., you will
deliver remarks (12 minutes/teleprompted) to a dinner audience of
700 contributors at the Hotel Atop the Bellevue in Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania.
Your remarks focus on the legacies we wish to leave our
children: good jobs, strong families, and a world at peace. The
speech focuses on specific reforms that will help us achieve
these goals.
(Ferguson/Grossman)
May 7, 1992
Draft Two
PHILLY
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: PHILADELPHIA FUNDRAISER
MONDAY, MAY 11, 1992
7:15 PM
[Acknowledgments]
((I want to thank Charles Kopp for all his successful fund-
raising efforts, and most amazing of all -- he didn't even have
to ask Millie for a single dime.) )
((If there's one thing Millie hates, it's being called a
"fat cat."))
I'm delighted to be here tonight, with the men and women who
are going to change America. I know there's been a lot of talk
about change this election year. And most of it has been just
that --- talk. But the time for talk is over.
America needs men and women of purpose, of experience,
people who know how to get things done. We need people who
aren't afraid to rattle the business-as-usual crowd. We need
people who will stand up to the status quo -- who'll tell them
the old ways of doing things just aren't good enough anymore.
What we need, ladies and gentlemen, is a Republican
president and a Republican Congress. That's what we're moving
toward tonight, with your generous help. And that's how we will
build a better America -- an America that preserves peace in the
world, that sustains strong families, that provides rewarding
jobs for all.
Over the past three years, I've spoken often of the need for
reform. I've made specific and far-reaching proposals to change
2
our education system, and our health care system. I've made
proposals to reform our legal system and our election campaigns.
Right down the line, on issue after issue, the Republican
party has proposed fundamental changes to solve the problems that
burden our country.
And against heavy odds, we've had our successes. But you
know as well as I that we've come up against some obstacles in
the past three years. We know who they are, and believe me, so
do the American people.
The obstacles to genuine reform in America are the special
interests -- small, entrenched constituencies who put their
narrow wants before the common good. They block change because
change threatens the status quo, and their power is out of all
proportion to their size.
Yes, the special interests are well-organized. Yes, they're
well-connected. And heaven knows they're well-financed -- after
all, they were able to buy their very own political party. But
there's another thing about the special interests: On one issue
after another, they're wrong.
And they're about to learn a painful lesson this election
year: The American people have had enough of the way they do
business.
Let me give you a few examples.
It used to be that a doctor's first worry was about the care
of the patient -- not the threat of a malpractice suit. Every
American knows what I'm talking about: lawsuit madness. Doctors
3
not delivering babies -- parents not coaching Little League --
volunteers not helping the elderly -- all from fear of nuisance
lawsuits.
That's just plain wrong. That is not the kind of America we
want. People should spend more time helping each other and less
time suing each other.
We've been trying to do something about that. Shortly after
I took office, we joined with Senator Kasten to support his bill
to reform product liability laws. That was in 1989. But the
liberal Democrats, coached by the special interests, refused to
budge. So we introduced it again in '91. And guess what --
Senate Democrats refuse to bring it up for a vote. Over in the
House our reform is bottled up in two committees.
Make no mistake: We will ensure that every American's rights
are protected. But we will reform our legal system to get rid of
these frivolous lawsuits -- and no lobby of trial lawyers will
stand in the way.
Here's another example. It used to be that when we sent our
kids to school, we knew they were going to get a first-class
education. They'd learn how to read and write and multiply and
divide, and they'd learn something about the world. And we knew
the values we taught them at home would be reinforced in the
classroom -- like knowing the difference between right and wrong.
But now we consider ourselves lucky if we can send our kids
to schools where they don't find a gun in someone's locker, or
4
catch some punk dealing drugs on the playground. And in the
classroom, our educational performance is sliding every year.
That's wrong. That's got to change. We must reinvent
American education, top-to-bottom -- for our kids, and for our
teachers, who too often have to double as social workers,
counselors, even surrogate parents. God bless America's teachers
for the work they do.
We know how to help them. Our America 2000 reforms are
gaining steam, community by community. We're encouraging break-
the-mold schools, world-class standards and voluntary testing;
we're fighting to give teachers and communities maximum
flexibility. We've got to rid our schools of drugs and violence.
And whether it's among public schools, private or religious,
parents must have the freedom to choose their children's schools.
This is a revolution long-overdue. And the entrenched
special interests, the business-as-usual-crowd, the liberal
Democrats had all best understand: This revolution is going to
happen, with or without the permission of the education lobby and
its friends in Congress.
Another example: It used to be that going to the hospital
didn't conjure up visions of financial ruin. American health
care is still the best in the world, but too many Americans can't
qualify for health insurance or can't afford it. The cost of
even minor surgery has gone through the roof.
This too has got to change. And we know how to change it.
Our health care reform is comprehensive; it preserves what works,
5
changes what doesn't. It makes health insurance accessible and
affordable -- without throwing out the highest-quality care in
the world.
of course, the other side doesn't like our reform. For
them, freedom of choice -- whether in medical care, education or
child care -- will always take a back seat to some bureaucratic
mandate. They've got other ideas -- very expensive ones, as
always. They can call it "national health insurance," "pay-or-
play,' whatever they'd like. But any way you cut it, it means
higher taxes and limits on health care. Nationalized health care
would be a national disaster. We are not going to let government
dictate the American people's health care.
You see, no matter what the problem, the special interests
and their clients who control Congress want a program -- some
vast, unaccountable bureaucracy they can manipulate for their own
purposes. You'll remember our friends on the Left used to talk
about "getting on the right side of history." Well, they were
wrong about which side history was on.
It wasn't theirs. It was ours. A movement sweeps the world
today: a movement away from bureaucratic mandates and central
planning and towards the freely made decisions of individual men
and women. And there's a reason freedom is on the march from
Managua to Moscow. Think back to the 1980s, to the climax of the
Cold War. Liberal Democrats called for gutting the defense
budget, then for a nuclear freeze, then for an end to weapons
modernization. But the Republican party was there to say: No!
6
We stood squarely with the American people for a strong defense.
And because we stood firm, imperial communism today is a four-
letter word: D-E-A-D.
The Republican party has always sensed the inevitability of
freedom's march. It is woven into everything we are as a party.
Recall the first Republican president. Government's highest
calling, Lincoln said, was "to lift artificial weights from all
shoulders, to clear the paths of laudable pursuit for all."
[[The failures of the past were brought home to us with
tragic intensity in recent days. As you know, I visited Los
Angeles last week to listen to the citizens there. The stories
they told -- of simple acts of courage, and of spiritless despair
-- renewed my belief that the old ways have failed us; that the
solutions of government planners and social engineers breed
dependency rather than dignity, hopelessness instead of pride.
We have tried for years to bring to the wrenching problems
of the inner-city a new approach -- an approach rooted in
personal responsibility, community control, and individual
opportunity. But our efforts to encourage investment and jobs
through enterprise zones -- to instill the pride of homeownership
and a sense of community through the program we call HOPE -- to
give greater autonomy to parents and local authorities -- far too
many of these have been frustrated by those committed, whether in
good faith or ill, to the hidebound ways of yesterday.
Here, perhaps, is the silver lining to the storm clouds that
threatened a great city for 48 hours of terror. From these
7
tragic events we can take renewed courage to cast aside the
dogmas of the past, and to do as Lincoln did: "to think anew and
act anew."]]
That is our mission today, and we will see it through, as a
party and a nation -- the greatest, freest nation on earth.
Thank you. God bless you and the United States of America.
# # # #
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
May 7, 1992
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
St
THOUGH:
DAVE DEMAREST
FROM:
ANDREW FERGUSON at
SUBJECT:
PHILADELPHIA BUSH-QUAYLE FUNDRAISER
On Monday, May 11th, at approximately 7:15 p.m., you will
deliver remarks (12 minutes/teleprompted) to a dinner audience of
700 contributors at the Hotel Atop the Bellevue in Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania.
Your remarks focus on the legacies we wish to leave our
children: good jobs, strong families, and a world at peace. The
speech focuses on specific reforms that will help us achieve
these goals.
(Ferguson/Grossman)
May 7, 1992
Draft Two
PHILLY
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: PHILADELPHIA FUNDRAISER
MONDAY, MAY 11, 1992
7:15 PM
[Acknowledgments]
((I want to thank Charles Kopp for all his successful fund-
raising efforts, and most amazing of all -- he didn't even have
to ask Millie for a single dime.) )
((If there's one thing Millie hates, it's being called a
"fat cat."))
I'm delighted to be here tonight, with the men and women who
are going to change America. I know there's been a lot of talk
about change this election year. And most of it has been just
that -- talk. But the time for talk is over.
America needs men and women of purpose, of experience,
people who know how to get things done. We need people who
aren't afraid to rattle the business-as-usual crowd. We need
people who will stand up to the status quo -- who'll tell them
the old ways of doing things just aren't good enough anymore.
What we need, ladies and gentlemen, is a Republican
president and a Republican Congress. That's what we're moving
toward tonight, with your generous help. And that's how we will
build a better America -- an America that preserves peace in the
world, that sustains strong families, that provides rewarding
jobs for all.
Over the past three years, I've spoken often of the need for
reform. I've made specific and far-reaching proposals to change
2
our education system, and our health care system. I've made
proposals to reform our legal system and our election campaigns.
Right down the line, on issue after issue, the Republican
party has proposed fundamental changes to solve the problems that
burden our country.
And against heavy odds, we've had our successes. But you
know as well as I that we've come up against some obstacles in
the past three years. We know who they are, and believe me, so
do the American people.
The obstacles to genuine reform in America are the special
interests -- small, entrenched constituencies who put their
narrow wants before the common good. They block change because
change threatens the status quo, and their power is out of all
proportion to their size.
Yes, the special interests are well-organized. Yes, they're
well-connected. And heaven knows they're well-financed -- after
all, they were able to buy their very own political party. But
there's another thing about the special interests: On one issue
after another, they're wrong.
And they're about to learn a painful lesson this election
year: The American people have had enough of the way they do
business.
Let me give you a few examples.
It used to be that a doctor's first worry was about the care
of the patient -- not the threat of a malpractice suit. Every
American knows what I'm talking about: lawsuit madness. Doctors
3
not delivering babies -- parents not coaching Little League --
volunteers not helping the elderly -- all from fear of nuisance
lawsuits.
That's just plain wrong. That is not the kind of America we
want. People should spend more time helping each other and less
time suing each other.
We've been trying to do something about that. Shortly after
I took office, we joined with Senator Kasten to support his bill
to reform product liability laws. That was in 1989. But the
liberal Democrats, coached by the special interests, refused to
budge. So we introduced it again in '91. And guess what --
Senate Democrats refuse to bring it up for a vote. Over in the
House our reform is bottled up in two committees.
Make no mistake: We will ensure that every American's rights
are protected. But we will reform our legal system to get rid of
these frivolous lawsuits -- and no lobby of trial lawyers will
stand in the way.
Here's another example. It used to be that when we sent our
kids to school, we knew they were going to get a first-class
education. They'd learn how to read and write and multiply and
divide, and they'd learn something about the world. And we knew
the values we taught them at home would be reinforced in the
classroom -- like knowing the difference between right and wrong.
But now we consider ourselves lucky if we can send our kids
to schools where they don't find a gun in someone's locker, or
4
catch some punk dealing drugs on the playground. And in the
classroom, our educational performance is sliding every year.
That's wrong. That's got to change. We must reinvent
American education, top-to-bottom -- for our kids, and for our
teachers, who too often have to double as social workers,
counselors, even surrogate parents. God bless America's teachers
for the work they do.
We know how to help them. Our America 2000 reforms are
gaining steam, community by community. We're encouraging break-
the-mold schools, world-class standards and voluntary testing;
we're fighting to give teachers and communities maximum
flexibility. We've got to rid our schools of drugs and violence.
And whether it's among public schools, private or religious,
parents must have the freedom to choose their children's schools.
This is a revolution long-overdue. And the entrenched
special interests, the business-as-usual-crowd, the liberal
Democrats had all best understand: This revolution is going to
happen, with or without the permission of the education lobby and
its friends in Congress.
Another example: It used to be that going to the hospital
didn't conjure up visions of financial ruin. American health
care is still the best in the world, but too many Americans can't
qualify for health insurance or can't afford it. The cost of
even minor surgery has gone through the roof.
This too has got to change. And we know how to change it.
Our health care reform is comprehensive; it preserves what works,
5
changes what doesn't. It makes health insurance accessible and
affordable -- without throwing out the highest-quality care in
the world.
Of course, the other side doesn't like our reform. For
them, freedom of choice -- whether in medical care, education or
child care -- will always take a back seat to some bureaucratic
mandate. They've got other ideas -- very expensive ones, as
always. They can call it "national health insurance," "pay-or-
play," whatever they'd like. But any way you cut it, it means
higher taxes and limits on health care. Nationalized health care
would be a national disaster. We are not going to let government
dictate the American people's health care.
You see, no matter what the problem, the special interests
and their clients who control Congress want a program -- some
vast, unaccountable bureaucracy they can manipulate for their own
purposes. You'll remember our friends on the Left used to talk
about "getting on the right side of history." Well, they were
wrong about which side history was on.
It wasn't theirs. It was ours. A movement sweeps the world
today: a movement away from bureaucratic mandates and central
planning and towards the freely made decisions of individual men
and women. And there's a reason freedom is on the march from
Managua to Moscow. Think back to the 1980s, to the climax of the
Cold War. Liberal Democrats called for gutting the defense
budget, then for a nuclear freeze, then for an end to weapons
modernization. But the Republican party was there to say: No!
6
We stood squarely with the American people for a strong defense.
And because we stood firm, imperial communism today is a four-
letter word: D-E-A-D.
The Republican party has always sensed the inevitability of
freedom's march. It is woven into everything we are as a party.
Recall the first Republican president. Government's highest
calling, Lincoln said, was "to lift artificial weights from all
shoulders, to clear the paths of laudable pursuit for all."
[[The failures of the past were brought home to us with
tragic intensity in recent days. As you know, I visited Los
Angeles last week to listen to the citizens there. The stories
they told -- of simple acts of courage, and of spiritless despair
-- renewed my belief that the old ways have failed us; that the
solutions of government planners and social engineers breed
dependency rather than dignity, hopelessness instead of pride.
We have tried for years to bring to the wrenching problems
of the inner-city a new approach -- an approach rooted in
personal responsibility, community control, and individual
opportunity. But our efforts to encourage investment and jobs
through enterprise zones -- to instill the pride of homeownership
and a sense of community through the program we call HOPE -- to
give greater autonomy to parents and local authorities -- far too
many of these have been frustrated by those committed, whether in
good faith or ill, to the hidebound ways of yesterday.
Here, perhaps, is the silver lining to the storm clouds that
threatened a great city for 48 hours of terror. From these
7
tragic events we can take renewed courage to cast aside the
dogmas of the past, and to do as Lincoln did: "to think anew and
act anew."]]
That is our mission today, and we will see it through, as a
party and a nation -- the greatest, freest nation on earth.
Thank you. God bless you and the United States of America.
#
#
#
#
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
May 7, 1992
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THOUGH:
DAVE DEMAREST
FROM:
ANDREW FERGUSON at
SUBJECT:
PHILADELPHIA BUSH-QUAYLE FUNDRAISER
On Monday, May 11th, at approximately 7:15 p.m., you will
deliver remarks (12 minutes/teleprompted) to a dinner audience of
700 contributors at the Hotel Atop the Bellevue in Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania.
Your remarks focus on the legacies we wish to leave our
children: good jobs, strong families, and a world at peace. The
speech focuses on specific reforms that will help us achieve
these goals.
(Ferguson/Grossman)
May 7, 1992
Draft Two
PHILLY
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: PHILADELPHIA FUNDRAISER
MONDAY, MAY 11, 1992
7:15 PM
[Acknowledgments]
((I want to thank Charles Kopp for all his successful fund-
raising efforts, and most amazing of all -- he didn't even have
to ask Millie for a single dime.))
((If there's one thing Millie hates, it's being called a
"fat cat. ") )
I'm delighted to be here tonight, with the men and women who
are going to change America. I know there's been a lot of talk
about change this election year. And most of it has been just
that -- talk. But the time for talk is over.
America needs men and women of purpose, of experience,
people who know how to get things done. We need people who
aren't afraid to rattle the business-as-usual crowd. We need
people who will stand up to the status quo -- who'll tell them
the old ways of doing things just aren't good enough anymore.
What we need, ladies and gentlemen, is a Republican
president and a Republican Congress. That's what we're moving
toward tonight, with your generous help. And that's how we will
build a better America -- an America that preserves peace in the
world, that sustains strong families, that provides rewarding
jobs for all.
Over the past three years, I've spoken often of the need for
reform. I've made specific and far-reaching proposals to change
2
our education system, and our health care system. I've made
proposals to reform our legal system and our election campaigns.
Right down the line, on issue after issue, the Republican
party has proposed fundamental changes to solve the problems that
burden our country.
And against heavy odds, we've had our successes. But you
know as well as I that we've come up against some obstacles in
the past three years. We know who they are, and believe me, so
do the American people.
The obstacles to genuine reform in America are the special
interests -- small, entrenched constituencies who put their
narrow wants before the common good. They block change because
change threatens the status quo, and their power is out of all
proportion to their size.
Yes, the special interests are well-organized. Yes, they're
well-connected. And heaven knows they're well-financed -- after
all, they were able to buy their very own political party. But
there's another thing about the special interests: On one issue
after another, they're wrong.
And they're about to learn a painful lesson this election
year: The American people have had enough of the way they do
business.
Let me give you a few examples.
It used to be that a doctor's first worry was about the care
of the patient -- not the threat of a malpractice suit. Every
American knows what I'm talking about: lawsuit madness. Doctors
3
not delivering babies -- parents not coaching Little League --
volunteers not helping the elderly -- all from fear of nuisance
lawsuits.
That's just plain wrong. That is not the kind of America we
want. People should spend more time helping each other and less
time suing each other.
We've been trying to do something about that. Shortly after
I took office, we joined with Senator Kasten to support his bill
to reform product liability laws. That was in 1989. But the
liberal Democrats, coached by the special interests, refused to
budge. So we introduced it again in '91. And guess what --
Senate Democrats refuse to bring it up for a vote. Over in the
House our reform is bottled up in two committees.
Make no mistake: We will ensure that every American's rights
are protected. But we will reform our legal system to get rid of
these frivolous lawsuits -- and no lobby of trial lawyers will
stand in the way.
Here's another example. It used to be that when we sent our
kids to school, we knew they were going to get a first-class
education. They'd learn how to read and write and multiply and
divide, and they'd learn something about the world. And we knew
the values we taught them at home would be reinforced in the
classroom -- like knowing the difference between right and wrong.
But now we consider ourselves lucky if we can send our kids
to schools where they don't find a gun in someone's locker, or
4
catch some punk dealing drugs on the playground. And in the
classroom, our educational performance is sliding every year.
That's wrong. That's got to change. We must reinvent
American education, top-to-bottom -- for our kids, and for our
teachers, who too often have to double as social workers,
counselors, even surrogate parents. God bless America's teachers
for the work they do.
We know how to help them. Our America 2000 reforms are
gaining steam, community by community. We're encouraging break-
the-mold schools, world-class standards and voluntary testing;
we're fighting to give teachers and communities maximum
flexibility. We've got to rid our schools of drugs and violence.
And whether it's among public schools, private or religious,
parents must have the freedom to choose their children's schools.
This is a revolution long-overdue. And the entrenched
special interests, the business-as-usual-crowd, the liberal
Democrats had all best understand: This revolution is going to
happen, with or without the permission of the education lobby and
its friends in Congress.
Another example: It used to be that going to the hospital
didn't conjure up visions of financial ruin. American health
care is still the best in the world, but too many Americans can't
qualify for health insurance or can't afford it. The cost of
even minor surgery has gone through the roof.
This too has got to change. And we know how to change it.
Our health care reform is comprehensive; it preserves what works,
5
changes what doesn't. It makes health insurance accessible and
affordable -- without throwing out the highest-quality care in
the world.
of course, the other side doesn't like our reform. For
them, freedom of choice -- whether in medical care, education or
child care -- will always take a back seat to some bureaucratic
mandate. They've got other ideas -- very expensive ones, as
always. They can call it "national health insurance," "pay-or-
play, whatever they'd like. But any way you cut it, it means
higher taxes and limits on health care. Nationalized health care
would be a national disaster. We are not going to let government
dictate the American people's health care.
You see, no matter what the problem, the special interests
and their clients who control Congress want a program -- some
vast, unaccountable bureaucracy they can manipulate for their own
purposes. You'll remember our friends on the Left used to talk
about "getting on the right side of history." Well, they were
wrong about which side history was on.
It wasn't theirs. It was ours. A movement sweeps the world
today: a movement away from bureaucratic mandates and central
planning and towards the freely made decisions of individual men
and women. And there's a reason freedom is on the march from
Managua to Moscow. Think back to the 1980s, to the climax of the
Cold War. Liberal Democrats called for gutting the defense
budget, then for a nuclear freeze, then for an end to weapons
modernization. But the Republican party was there to say: No!
6
We stood squarely with the American people for a strong defense.
And because we stood firm, imperial communism today is a four-
letter word: D-E-A-D.
The Republican party has always sensed the inevitability of
freedom's march. It is woven into everything we are as a party.
Recall the first Republican president. Government's highest
calling, Lincoln said, was "to lift artificial weights from all
shoulders, to clear the paths of laudable pursuit for all."
[[The failures of the past were brought home to us with
tragic intensity in recent days. As you know, I visited Los
Angeles last week to listen to the citizens there. The stories
they told -- of simple acts of courage, and of spiritless despair
-- renewed my belief that the old ways have failed us; that the
solutions of government planners and social engineers breed
dependency rather than dignity, hopelessness instead of pride.
We have tried for years to bring to the wrenching problems
of the inner-city a new approach -- an approach rooted in
personal responsibility, community control, and individual
opportunity. But our efforts to encourage investment and jobs
through enterprise zones -- to instill the pride of homeownership
and a sense of community through the program we call HOPE -- to
give greater autonomy to parents and local authorities -- far too
many of these have been frustrated by those committed, whether in
good faith or ill, to the hidebound ways of yesterday.
Here, perhaps, is the silver lining to the storm clouds that
threatened a great city for 48 hours of terror. From these
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tragic events we can take renewed courage to cast aside the
dogmas of the past, and to do as Lincoln did: "to think anew and
act anew."]]
That is our mission today, and we will see it through, as a
party and a nation -- the greatest, freest nation on earth.
Thank you. God bless you and the United States of America.
# # # #
REVISED
Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
5/11/92
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
- - -
DATE:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: BUSH-QUAYLE FUNDRAISER
SUBJECT:
PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA
MONDAY, MAY 11, 1992
7:15 P.M.
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
HORNER
SKINNER
MCBRIDE
SCOWCROFT
MOORE
DARMAN
PETERSMEYER
BRADY
PORTER
BROMLEY
ROGICH
CALIO
ROLLINS
DEMAREST
SMITH
YEUTTER
FITZWATER
FINDLAY
GRAY
KAUFMAN
HOLIDAY
MCGROARTY
REMARKS:
The attached, REVISED VERSION, has been forwarded to the
President.
Thank you.
RESPONSE:
REVISED
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
May 11,
19922 MAY II i A10:17
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
DAN MC GROARTY Dmcr
SUBJECT: PHILADELPHIA FUNDRAISER
The attached draft has been revised to incorporate your
reflections on the Los Angeles trip, per your instructions to
David Demarest.
Ferguson/Grossman
May 10, 1992
8:00 pm
Draft Three
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: BUSH-QUAYLE FUNDRAISER
PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA
MONDAY, MAY 11, 1992
7:15 PM
[Acknowledgements.]
((I want to thank Charles Kopp for all his successful
fundraising efforts, and most of all -- he didn't even have to
ask Millie for a single dime.) )
((If there's one thing Millie hates, it's being called a
"fat cat. ") )
I'm delighted to be here tonight, with the men and women who
have helped us change the world -- so we can now change America.
I know there's been a lot of talk about change this election year
-- and most of that has been just that: talk. But the time for
talk is over -- and the need for change is more urgent than ever.
As you know, I just came back Friday from Los Angeles. I
want to begin tonight by giving you a short report on what I saw,
and what I heard.
Each one of us saw the images of hate and horror -- images
we won't soon forget. But what I saw during my time in Los
Angeles -- even in the hardest-hit parts of South Central L.A. -
- should give us all cause for hope.
Everywhere, the people I talked with told me about the acts
of individual heroism -- about the extraordinary courage of
2
ordinary people. Some braved the gangs of looters, to form
"bucket brigades" to put out fires when the firetrucks couldn't
get through. Some stood against the angry mobs -- reached across
the barrier of color -- to save lives. / Many of these aren't
the stories you'll see on the nightly news -- but they are
stories that tell us the power of simple human decency.
What it tells me is that the time has come to set the old,
worn ideas aside. The time has come -- in the words of Lincoln -
- "to think and act anew."
We start with the principles at the heart of this great
Republican Party. Principles that tell us we must keep power
close to the people. That we must strengthen families -- instill
character and values in our young people. That we must encourage
entrepreneurship, increase investment, and create jobs. These
aims must form the heart of my agenda for economic opportunity -
- an agenda that can restore hope to our inner cities. They
define what we must do:
First, we've got to preserve order, keep the peace: because
families can't thrive, children can't learn, jobs can't flourish
in a climate of fear.
Those thoughts were foremost in my mind from the first hours
of the violence in Los Angeles. A civilized society cannot
tackle any of the really tough problems in the midst of chaos.
It's just that simple. Violence and brutality destroy order --
destroy the rule of law. Violence must never be rationalized.
It must be condemned. //
3
In L.A., I announced a program that's already at work here
in Philadelphia -- an initiative I call "Weed and Seed.' H The
idea is to "weed out" the gang leaders, drug dealers and career
criminals -- and then "seed" the community with expanded
employment, educational and social services.
Second, we must spark an economic revival in urban America.
That means establishing Enterprise Zones in our inner cities --
It means reforming our welfare system -- putting an end to the
perverse disincentives that encourage welfare and discourage
work.
Third, we must revolutionize American education.
That's why we've built our America 2000 strategy around
innovations like choice, competition and community action.
Children in our inner cities deserve the same opportunities that
kids in our suburbs have. That means we've got to break the
monopoly power of the education establishment. Whether it's
public or private or religious, parents -- not the government --
should be free to choose their children's schools. //
Four, we must promote new hope through home ownership.
I've never understood how anyone could be content with the
present system -- to take pride in warehousing the poor. The aim
behind my HOPE initiative is to give poor families a stake in
their communities -- to give them something of value they can
pass along to their kids, by turning public housing tenants into
homeowners.
At every turn during my time in L.A., I heard people talking
about the principles that guide these initiatives: Personal
4
responsibility. Opportunity. Ownership. Independence.
Dignity.
You know the sound of those words. We all do: That's the
American dream.
We all know what the critics will say. They'll say:
"you've proposed all this before." That's true -- they're right.
But now it's time to act on these proposals -- because this time,
they know -- we are right.
My first order of business is to build a bipartisan effort
in support of immediate action on this agenda. We won't settle
for business-as-usual -- measuring what we achieve by the size of
the bureaucracy we build. This time, we must put our principles
to work -- and we'll take the case for change directly to the
American people.
But what's going on in urban America is just one part of a
larger issue -- because the need for reform doesn't end with our
inner cities. //
It starts with the revolution in American education I
mentioned a moment ago. It includes our aggressive action to
break down barriers to free trade -- to open new markets to
American goods the world over. In each case, we've taken aim at
the status quo -- and set our sights on change.
America needs legal reform -- to put an end to these
outrageous court awards that sap our economy and strain our
civility. We've gotten to a point where doctors won't deliver
babies -- where fathers are afraid to coach little league -- all
5
because of the fear of some frivolous lawsuit. But that won't
happen until people spend less time suing each other and more
time helping each other. //
We will reform our legal system -- and no lobby of trial
lawyers will stand in the way. //
We need health care reform -- to open up access to
affordable health care for all Americans. It used to be that
going to the hospital didn't conjure up visions of financial
suicide. Today, the cost of even minor surgery has gone through
the roof. And more than 30 million Americans have no health care
coverage at all.
We can change that. My comprehensive health care reform
plan will help us keep the quality health care that makes America
first in the world -- at the same time we open up access to all
Americans. And contrary to what the big government folks say --
we can do it without putting the government in charge. Anyone
who's ever spent a day in line at the Department of Motor
Vehicles knows the last thing we need is a national health care
bureaucracy. Let's face it: National health care would be a
national disaster -- and this President won't let that happen.
So far tonight, I've spoken about what government can do.
Now, I want to speak about what society must do. Because there's
something society must cultivate that government cannot provide.
Something we can't legislate -- or establish by government order.
I'm talking about the moral sense that must guide us all. In the
6
simplest terms -- I'm talking about knowing right from wrong --
and doing what's right.
Go back to Los Angeles for a minute. Time and again the
people I met there put their finger on one root cause for the
turmoil we see: the dissolution of the family. They're right.
Ask yourself: What's the determining fact right now for whether
a child has hope -- stays in school, stays away from drugs? It's
not government spending. It's not the number of SBA loans or HUD
grants. It's whether a child lives in a loving home with a
mother and a father.
Barbara Bush was right: what happens in the White House
doesn't matter half as much as what happens in your house.
That's why I've made it my mission as President to put the
American family first. / That's why I keep coming back to the
good Samaritans I call Points of Light: The people who help the
poor, the elderly, kids in trouble --and never ask a nickel in
return. Government alone cannot create the scale and energy
needed to transform the lives of people in need. Let the cynics
scoff: We know these volunteers are the lifeblood of the
American spirit.
I believe there is a great future in store for this party -
- because I believe in the principles that made us great.
I believe we are right about family. We are right about
freedom and free enterprise. We are right about faith. And most
of all, we are right about America's future. We have the
strength and spirit in our government, in our communities, and in
7
ourselves to transform America into the nation we have dreamed of
for generations.
Thank you for your support -- and may God bless the United
States of America.
# # #