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Document No. 348733ss
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 929SEP 98 P12: I ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: MON. 9/7 10:00 a.m.
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: B'NAI B'RITH
SUBJECT:
SEPTEMBER 8 - - 11:00 a.m.
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCBRIDE
BAKER
MOORE
SCOWCROFT
MULLINS
DARMAN
PETERSMEYER
BATES
PORTER
BRADY
PROVOST
BROMLEY
ROSS
CALIO
SMITH
DEMAREST
TUTWILER
FITZWATER
ZOELLICK
GRAY
KAUFMAN
HOLIDAY
MCGROARTY
HORNER
REMARKS:
Please forward your comments directly to Dan McGroarty, Rm. 122, x2930,
no later than 10:00 a.m., MONDAY, SEPT. 7, with a copy to this office.
Thank you.
RESPONSE:
PHILLIP D. BRADY
OBE
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
rec'd 9/8@ 7:20 a.m
Ext. 2702
Draft 3
September 4, 1992
9:00 p
02 SEP 4 PIO : 21
[BNAI]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: B'NAI B'RITH
WASHINGTON, D.C.
SEPTEMBER 8, 1992
11:00 A.M.
It is a great honor to be here with you today.
[Acknowledgements.]
We've witnessed a world of change. Across Europe, across
continents, from Panama City to Prague, millions of men and women
now celebrate a new birth of freedom -- a new world of hope.
With change comes new challenges. For America, the end of
the Cold War means the beginning of a new era -- a new era of
economic competition that America simply must and will win. We
must recognize the new reality about domestic, economic and
foreign policies. In our world today, these three topics have
become one issue. In order to prevail, the United States must be
not only a military superpower, but an economic superpower -- an
export superpower as well. //
Yet you and I both know that America is about more than the
GNP. Our strength as a people cannot only be measured by per
capita income. The state of our American union reflects not
simply the productivity of our economy but the character of our
society: How well we care for one another, in the wake of
natural tragedies like Hurricane Andrew -- in the face of all-
too-human tragedies of hate and unreason and violence. This is
2
what defines us. This is the true measure of what America means,
to ourselves -- to the world.
This willingness to reach out, to help those in need -- to
recognize across all the divides of color and culture and creed
our shared human spirit -- this is what B'Nai B'rith is all
about. For 150 years, the members of this organization have
served as the nation's conscience. And part of America's
conscience must always be to fight anti-semitism wherever and
whenever it appears.
I wish that I could stand before you today and say that
anti-semitism is history, but it is not. Not when there are hate
crimes here and brown shirts abroad. And let's call the thing by
its right name -- not neo-Nazis, but Nazis. That's a sorry
commentary on human nature.
And let's all be clear: Neither Jew nor Gentiles is safe so
long as anti-semitism fosters.
But we're not helpless. And we're doing something about it.
// In this country, we will aggressively employ the Hate Crimes
Act to bring to justice those who traffic in the gutter. And I
give you this pledge: I will continue to do my utmost, here and
abroad, so that this prejudice is finally / finally, finally,
banished from the human heart. !
But we're not helpless. And we're doing something about it.
// In this country, we will aggressively employ the Hate
Crimes Act to bring to justice those who traffic in the gutter.
And I give you this pledge: I will continue to do my utmost,
3
here and abroad, so that this prejudice is finally, finally,
finally, banished from the human heart!
In the end, anti-semitism and prejudice mock and threaten
the basic principle upon which the United States is founded.
They mock our belief in individual rights and in the human being,
created as the Bible tells us, in the image of God. And because
of that powerful belief in basic humanity, nothing is more sacred
to Americans than the principle of religious liberty.
In the words of George Washington, whose letter we
rededicate today:
"
the government of the United States
gives to bigotry no sanction, to persecution, no assistance
While everyone shall sit in safety under his own vine and
figtree, and there shall be none to make him afraid. " And here's
the difference, the vital difference between this American creed
and others. Because for us that freedom of religion is no gift
of government -- no privilege to be granted or withheld -- it is
a fundamental human right. //
Let's take heart that this American creed is spreading, that
people in our time are demanding and getting those rights they
have been denied so long. And changes in our world have come SO
fast that I say they are nothing short of Biblical -- and by that
I mean just plain old fashioned miraculous.
Just think about it. Just a few years ago, who would have
thought we would no longer live under the threat of nuclear
conflagration? Who would have thought the scarring symbol of an
era -- the Berlin Wall -- would be found only in museums and
4
chipped into paperweights? Above all, who would have predicted
the Soviet Union would be found only in the pages of history?
And know this: the miracles aren't only confined to Europe.
Even in the Middle East, events have defied all the predictions.
For today, direct, bilateral talks are taking place between
Israel and her neighbors.
You may recall we were told we couldn't succeed -- we
couldn't bring the parties together. But we did.
I want to dwell for a moment on this breakthrough, because I
know it matters deeply to everyone in this hall. Let me take you
back nearly a year ago to another hall, in Madrid. There,
gathered around the table were representatives of Lebanon,
Jordan, Syria, Egypt, Palestinians -- and Israel. For nearly
half a century they had not met outside the battlefield. But for
the first time they came together not to fight -- but to talk.
Then, as now, the goal is not just a ceasefire or a truce,
but peace, real peace. Not simply the end of war -- but genuine
reconciliation. A peace both broad and deep, a peace codified by
treaties, and given life by trade and tourism, by open borders -
- the fabric of peace knit together even more tightly by the
simple human contact of peoples who've known each other far too
long as enemies. A comprehensive peace, rooted in Security
Council Resolutions 242 and 338. A peace that at long last will
allow the peoples of the Middle East to turn their energies,
5
their resources, their lives to creation rather than destruction
-- to great works rather than great wars.
Today, as we speak, the parties that met first at Madrid are
mid-way through the sixth round of bilateral negotiations. There
has been progress. Delegations are exchanging not only
handshakes, but for the first time -- written proposals. Public
posturing has decreased -- and meaningful private dialogue has
increased.
Of course, major hurdles remain. It will take time and
effort and courage and trust. But there is clearly a way -- and
increasingly, a will.
The evidence is mounting: The many positive steps taken by
Israel's new government that improve day-to-day life for
Palestinians and signal its seriousness about peace -- Egypt's
invitation that made it possible for Prime Minister Rabin to make
his first trip outside Israel to an Arab country -- Syria's
relaxation of travel restrictions affecting its Jewish citizens.
Further gestures, such as an end to the Arab boycott, can only
help in bringing about an environment conducive for negotiation
and reconciliation.
I am proud of the role we've played in breaking the long-
standing taboo against direct talks between Israel and her
neighbors. Israel sought direct talks for 43 years -- and it was
right to do so. If you do not talk -- you can have no hope of
making peace. Now, there is such a hope.
6
I'm also proud of what we have done to end Israel's
diplomatic isolation internationally. Thanks to our efforts, we
succeeded -- after 17 years -- in getting the UN General Assembly
to repeal what should never have been enacted in the first place.
Zionism is not racism -- not before / not now / not ever. //
And thanks to our efforts, China and India and Turkey and
many other nations -- countries representing 2 billion people --
now have full diplomatic relations with Israel. Already this has
created not only greater contact for Israel worldwide, but new
economic opportunities.
And I know this audience knows of our efforts to open the
gates in the former Soviet Union and rescue Ethiopian Jews. Now
hundreds of thousands of Jewish men, women and children who only
a few years ago lived in fear or neglect in the Soviet Union or
Ethiopia now live in Israel, free to live, work and worship as
their heart tells them they must.
Persuading parties to talk peace / ending Israel's
international isolation / assisting in the in-gathering of Jews
into Israel: These are the three great aims that have guided
Israel from its founding. And we didn't just talk about helping
Israel in these areas -- we delivered. That's a fact of whch
every American can be proud.
And here's another fact. When the chips were down, when
Israel and many other countries were threatened by the most
brutal aggression, America was there. We stopped Saddam Hussein.
7
And that terrible time when the world feared that the Cold
War would be replaced by a new age of Saddam -- that's over, too.
Let's recall some simple facts. Saddam Hussein's rise to power
and aggression were not caused by the United States.
We were not the reason Saddam Hussein was on the verge of
acquiring nuclear weapons. We were not the reason Saddam Hussein
had 5000 tanks -- or 5000 pieces of artillery -- or the 4th
largest army in the world. This was his own doing.
And whatever differences I had with my critics -- and with
some would-be revisionists who want to rewrite history -- cannot
obscure this fact: After August 2, while my critics stood by and
second guessed -- I acted to take care of that threat.
Ask yourself where the Middle East would be today -- where
Israel's security would be today -- if we had followed the
counsel of my critics. Ask yourself where we would be if we had
someone in the Oval Office who would have mattered -- who would
have wavered and wanted to have it both ways. Where would we be?
I'll tell you: We'd be facing a nuclear-armed Iraq, with a
choke-hold on the world's oil supplies -- and threatening
Israel's very existence. Israel's very survival would be at
stake -- and we'd be talking about whether there was any chance
to avoid nuclear Armageddon in the Middle East.
Well, Desert Storm swept away that nightmare and because of
America's courage today, we see the dawn of peace.
There is still work to be done. The Middle East -- indeed,
the world -- is still a dangerous place. Terrorists continue to
8
target the innocent. The proliferation of conventional arms as
well as weapons of mass destruction casts a cloud over the
region's future; Iraq's Saddam Hussein, however much weaker and
defeated, still brutalizes his own people and resists the will of
the international community. The need for Israel to remain
strong is beyond question, and it clearly includes having a
defensive capability against missile attack. The importance of
that was demonstrated by the Gulf War. And that's the reason
that I've proposed to Israel that it participate in our
development of a global protection system! So, the need for US-
Israeli strategic partnership and cooperation remains stronger
than ever.
And we're also going to see that partnership at work this
week. Because I am happy to tell you that I am sending to the
Congress legislation requesting up to $10 billion in loan
guarantees to aid Israel's government in the absorption of these
newcomers. And I know I can count on the support of every one in
this room to make sure that this proposal becomes law.
I am glad that Prime Minister Rabin and I were able to reach
an understanding on loan guarantees when we met in Kennebunkport
last month. He outlined for me the new Israeli government's new
priorities, committed to investing in Israel itself, and
determined to avoid steps that could hamper progress toward
peace. I share that commitment. And, as a result, we will be
able to promote peace and welcome new immigrants at one and the
same time. Both are humanitarian undertakings; both deserve our
9
full support. It was important not to choose between them, and I
am glad that we are now in a position to promote both objectives.
As for the future, I am confident that on most issues, on
most occasions, we and Israel will find ourselves in agreement.
I, for one, am committed to revitalizing the tradition of full
consultations between the United States and Israel on the entire
range of issues affecting stability in the Middle East. I know
the Prime Minister shares this commitment. And let me emphasize
this point: There will be no surprises.
I pledge to you that we will work hard to keep any divide to
a minimum. Our support for Israel and its security is not simply
a policy. It is a principle. As I said after Prime Minister
Rabin and I met in Maine, this is a relationship based on a
shared commitment to democracy and common values, as well as a
shared commitment to Israel's security, including its qualitative
military edge. This is a special relationship, one specially
built to endure.
No doubt there will be times when we disagree. Even friends
disagree. Even democratic governments like Israel and the United
States disagree. But here's the point: These are disagreements
between friends and I emphasize that word, friends.
There may even be issues where you and I will take opposing
sides. And things may get hot and words, hurtful words, may be
exchanged. // In the past, some remarks of mine were
misinterpreted. I have gone on the record expressing my sorrow
for any pain this may have caused and I'll go on the record again
10
-- right here and now again. But let me also express the hope
that some of the critics who've been a little quick to use words
like "anti-semitism" will also rethink what they've said.
Let's be clear about this: I support, I endorse, and I
deeply believe in the God-given right of every American to
promote what they believe. It is your right as an individual.
It's more than a right. It's a duty as an American citizen. //
But let me also say that it is important that we learn how
to disagree. How a debate is conducted in a democracy is not
careless, it's a mark of civility and freedom. I hardly need to
tell anyone in this room just what anti-semitism is. As my
friend Abe Foxman pointed out, to accuse those who may come to
different conclusions on one or another public issue of harboring
anti-semitism is to cheapen the term. That is dangerous. That
is deeply wrong. And when those words, without justice, have
been aimed at me -- I can tell you: They cut to the heart. //
But let's put all of this aside now and look to the future.
I've talked to you here about my optimism for that future. We
come of at a blessed time. The Cold War is over. And Israeli
peace talks have begun.
There is another reason to be optimistic. The American
people will soon exercise their unbroken two hundred year
democratic right to elect a President. And I'm optimistic too
about the identity of that new President -- so there I go again
in the Harry Truman mode. But, let me leave you with this.
However it turns out, commitment to freedom and democracy, to
11
tolerance and opportunity in America and around the world will
not change.
You are members of a community that has long and great
tradition of political participation. B'nai B'rith stands for
opportunity, for tolerance, for opposing anti-semitism and the
ugly face of hate in all its forms. You stand too for stalwart
support for America's close friend and ally, Israel.
And, let me simply say that aon all these issues, I am proud
to stand with you.
Thank you -- and may God bless the United States of America.
# # #
Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
9/8/92
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: B'NAI B'RITH
WASHINGTON, DC
SUBJECT:
SEPTEMBER 8, 1992
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCBRIDE
BAKER
MOORE
SCOWCROFT
MULLINS
DARMAN
PETERSMEYER
BATES
PORTER
BRADY
PROVOST
BROMLEY
ROSS
CALIO
SMITH
DEMAREST
TUTWILER
FITZWATER
ZOELLICK
KAUFMAN
GRAY
MCGROARTY
HOLIDAY
HORNER
REMARKS:
The attached has been forwareded to the President.
(NOTE: POTUS reviewed draft 4 aboard aircraft
9/7/92)
RESPONSE:
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
McGroarty/Nix
September 7, 1992
11:00 p.m.
A7:46
Draft 5
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: B'NAI B'RITH
WASHINGTON, D.C.
SEPTEMBER 8, 1992
11:00 A.M.
It is a great honor to be here with you today.
[Acknowledgements. And let me express my concerns for my good
friend Max Fisher, who was to be with us today....]
We've witnessed a world of change, and with change comes new
challenges. For America, the end of the Cold War means the
beginning of a new era -- a new era of economic competition that
America simply must and will win. In the new world, foreign
policy, economic policy and domestic policy have become one
issue. In order to prevail, the United States must be not only a
military superpower, but an economic superpower -- an export
superpower as well. //
Yet we know that America is measured by more than the
strength of our economy, but also by the content of our character
-- how we serve others.
This willingness to reach out, to help those in need -- to
recognize across all the divides of color and culture and creed
our shared human spirit -- this is what B'Nai B'rith is all
about. For 150 years, the members of this organization, have
joined a hanful of other organizations serving as the nation's
conscience. And part of America's conscience must always be to
2
fight anti-semitism and other forms of prejudice wherever and
whenever they appear.
I wish that I could stand before you today and say that
anti-semitism is history, but it is not. Not when there are hate
crimes here at home and brown shirts abroad. That's a sorry
commentary on human nature.
Let's all be clear: A world willing to allow Jews to be
persecuted is a world certain to allow other tyrannies to emerge.
But we're not helpless. And we're doing something about it.
// In this country, we are aggressively employing the Hate
Crimes Act to bring to justice those who traffic in the gutter.
/ Anti-semitism is an evil idea with an ugly history. / I will
continue to do my utmost, here and abroad, so that prejudice is
finally / finally / finally, banished from the human heart. //
In the end, anti-semitism and prejudice mock and threaten
the basic principles upon which the United States is founded.
In a letter to the Hebrew congregation of Rhode Island,
George Washington wrote " the government of the United
States
gives to bigotry no sanction, to persecution no
assistance
While everyone shall sit in safety under his own
vine and figtree, and there shall be none to make him afraid. "
And here's the difference, the vital difference that sets apart
our American creed. For us, freedom of religion is no gift of
government -- no privilege to be granted or withheld -- it is a
fundamental human right. //
3
Let's take heart that this American creed is spreading, that
people in our time are demanding and getting those rights they
have been denied so long. And changes in our world have come so
fast that I say they are nothing short of Biblical -- and by that
I mean just plain old-fashioned miraculous.
Just think about it. Just a few years ago, who would have
thought we would no longer live under the threat of nuclear
conflagration? Who would have thought the scarring symbol of an
era -- the Berlin Wall -- would be found only in museums and
chipped into paperweights? Above all, who would have predicted
the Soviet Union would be found only in the pages of history?
And know this: the miracles aren't only confined to Europe.
In the Middle East, events have defied all the predictions.
Today, direct, bilateral talks are taking place between Israel
and her neighbors.
You may recall we were told we couldn't succeed -- we
couldn't bring the parties together. But we did.
I want to dwell for a moment on this breakthrough, because I
know it matters deeply to everyone in this hall. Let me take you
back nearly a year ago to another hall, in Madrid. There,
gathered around the table were representatives of Lebanon,
Jordan, Syria, Egypt, Palestinians -- and Israel. For nearly
half a century they had not met, all together, outside the
battlefield. But for the first time they came together not to
fight -- but to talk.
4
Then, as now, the goal is not just a ceasefire or a truce,
but peace, real peace. Not simply the end of war -- but genuine
reconciliation. A peace both broad and deep, a peace codified by
treaties, and given life by trade and tourism, by open borders -
- the fabric of peace knit together even more tightly by the
simple human contact of peoples who've known each other far too
long as enemies. A comprehensive peace, rooted in Security
Council Resolutions 242 and 338. A peace that at long last will
allow the peoples of the Middle East to turn their energies,
their resources, their lives to creation rather than destruction
-- to great works rather than great wars.
Today, as we speak, parties that met first at Madrid are
mid-way through the sixth round of bilateral negotiations. There
has been progress. Delegations are exchanging not only
handshakes, but for the first time -- written proposals. Public
posturing has decreased -- and meaningful private dialogue has
increased.
Of course, major hurdles remain. It will take time and
effort and courage and trust. But there is clearly a way -- and
increasingly, a will.
The evidence is mounting: The many positive steps taken by
Israel's new government that improve day-to-day life for
Palestinians and signal its seriousness about peace -- Egypt's
invitation that made it possible for Prime Minister Rabin to make
his first trip outside Israel to an Arab country -- Syria's
relaxation of travel restrictions affecting its Jewish citizens.
5
Further gestures, such as an end to the Arab boycott of Israel,
can only help in bringing about an environment conducive for
negotiation and reconciliation. I think it's high time to see
that boycott ended. //
I am proud of the role we've played in breaking the long-
standing taboo against direct talks between Israel and her
neighbors. Israel sought direct talks for 43 years -- and it was
right to do so. If you do not talk -- you can have no hope of
making peace. Now, there is such a hope.
I'm also proud of what we have done to end Israel's
diplomatic isolation internationally. Thanks to our efforts, we
succeeded -- after 16 years -- in getting the UN General Assembly
to repeal what should never have been enacted in the first place.
Zionism is not racism -- not before / not now / not ever. //
And thanks to our efforts, China and India and Turkey and
many other nations -- countries representing more than 2 billion
people -- now have full diplomatic relations with Israel.
Already this has created not only greater contact for Israel
worldwide, but new economic opportunities.
And I know this audience knows of our efforts to open the
gates to Jews in the former Soviet Union and also to rescue
Ethiopian Jews.
You know, four years ago when I spoke to you in Baltimore, I
noticed a banner hung on the wall that read: Where do Soviet
Jews apply for glasnost?
6
As I prepared to come here today, I thought of that banner.
I thought of the hopes we had then -- and I thought of a pledge I
made: That in every single meeting with Soviet officials, I
would raise the issue of Soviet Jews. //
My friends, I could not forget that banner -- I did not
forget that pledge -- and today, together, we celebrate this
miracle: Nearly half a million Jews have come out of the Soviet
Union -- to freedom. To America. To Israel. //
Persuading parties to talk peace / ending Israel's
international isolation / assisting in the in-gathering of Jews
into Israel: These are the three great aims that have guided
Israel from its founding. And we didn't just talk about helping
Israel in these areas -- we delivered. That's a fact of which
every American can be proud.
And here's another fact. When the chips were down, when
many countries, including Israel, were threatened by the most
brutal aggression, America was there. We stopped Saddam Hussein.
And that terrible time when the world feared that the Cold
War would be replaced by a new age of Saddam -- that's over, too.
I knew when I took the oath of office, that every President
faces difficult decisions -- and there is no decision more
difficult than sending this country's young men and women in
harm's way. In the end, it comes down to this: You cannot make
that kind of decision -- unless you are certain you understand
what is at stake.
I knew what was at stake.
7
And because of the bravery of America's sons and daughters
in Desert Storm -- America today is safer. Israel today is
safer. //
Ask yourself where the Middle East would be today -- where
Israel's security would be today -- if we had followed the
counsel of my critics.
Ask yourself where we would be if we had someone in the Oval
Office who would have waffled -- who would have wavered and
wanted to have it both ways.
Where would we be? I'll tell you: We'd be facing a
nuclear-armed Iraq, dominant in the Middle East, with a choke-
hold on the world's oil supplies -- and threatening Israel's very
existence. Israel's very survival would be at stake -- and we'd
be talking about whether there was any chance to avoid nuclear
Armageddon in the Middle East.
Well, Desert Storm swept away that nightmare and because of
America's courage today, we now have the chance to see the dawn
of peace in the Middle East.
There is still work to be done. The Middle East -- indeed,
the world -- is still a dangerous place. Terrorists continue to
target the innocent. The proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction casts a cloud over the region's future. Iraq's
Saddam Hussein, however much weaker, defeated, and locked in the
prison of his own country -- still brutalizes his own people and
resists the will of the international community. The need for
Israel to remain strong is beyond question, and it clearly
8
includes having a defensive capability against missile attack.
Scud attacks on Israel should have made that clear to everyone.
For that reason, I've proposed to Israel that it participate in
our development of a global protection system. //
And let me say to you: You ought to take a good, close look
at anyone who claims to be a friend of Israel -- at anyone who
claims to be serious about Israel's security -- but opposes
development of the defenses like GPALS that may be the only
effective way for Israel to defend itself against missile attack?
//
The point is: The need for US-Israeli strategic partnership
and cooperation remains as strong as ever.
And we're also going to see that partnership at work this
week. Because I am happy to tell you that I am sending to the
Congress legislation requesting up to $10 billion in loan
guarantees to aid Israel's government in welcoming its
immigrants. And I know I can count on the support of every one
in this room to make sure that this proposal becomes law. / And
don't let any Member of Congress tell you we can't afford to do
this. We can -- and we must. //
And today, I ask you: Take that message to Capitol Hill.
And believe me, I know that you will. //
I am glad that Prime Minister Rabin and I were able to reach
an understanding on loan guarantees when we met in Kennebunkport
last month. He outlined for me the new Israeli government's new
priorities, committed to investing in Israel itself, and stood
9
determined to avoid steps that could hamper progress toward
peace. I share that commitment. And, as a result, we will be
able to promote peace and welcome new immigrants at one and the
same time. Both are humanitarian undertakings; both deserve our
full support. It was important not to choose between them, and I
am glad that we are now in a position to promote both objectives.
As for the future, I am confident that on most issues, on
most occasions, we and Israel will find ourselves in agreement.
I, for one, am committed to revitalizing the tradition of full
consultations between the United States and Israel on the entire
range of issues affecting stability in the Middle East. I know
Prime Minister Rabin shares this commitment. And let me
emphasize this point: There will be no surprises.
Our support for Israel and its security is not simply a
policy. It is a principle. As I said after Prime Minister Rabin
and I met in Maine, this is a relationship based on a shared
commitment to democracy and common values, as well as a solid
commitment to Israel's security, including its qualitative
military edge. This is a special relationship, one specially
built to endure.
This relationship is important -- especially now, as we
enter a new era of uncertainty. Old empires are dying and new
nations being born. This is a time when a nation needs to know
who it can count on. Israel has a stability of purpose -- a
strength of spirit that has seen it through dark days. We know:
10
Israel will be there for us. Just as we will always be there for
Israel. //
No doubt there will be times when we disagree. Even friends
disagree. America will have disagreements with Israel -- just as
we sometimes disagree with Canada and France and Germany and
Britain. Those differences are signs of the durability of our
relationship -- of the democratic bonds we share. The point is
this: These are disagreements between friends and I emphasize
that word, friends.
(There may even be issues where you and I will take opposing
sides. And things may get hot and words, hurtful words, may be
exchanged. // In the past, some remarks of mine -- remarks made
at a press conference -- were misinterpreted. I have gone on the
record expressing my regret for any pain this may have caused.
Again I make it clear, I support, I endorse, and I deeply believe
in the God-given right of every American to promote what they
believe. It is your right as an individual. It's more than a
right. It's your duty as an American citizen.) //
But let me also say that it is important that we learn how
to disagree. The way democracies engage in debate is not without
consequence -- it is a mark of civility and freedom. I hardly
need to tell anyone in this room just what anti-semitism is. As
my friend Abe Foxman of the Anti-Defamation League has pointed
out, to accuse those who may come to different conclusions on one
or another public issue of harboring anti-semitism is to cheapen
the term. That is dangerous. That is deeply wrong. And when
11
those words, without justice, have been aimed at me -- I can tell
you: They cut to the heart. //
But let's put all of this aside now and look to the future.
I've talked to you here about my optimism for that future. We
come together at a blessed time. The Cold War is over. And
Arab-Israeli peace talks have begun.
There is another reason to be optimistic. The American
people will soon exercise their unbroken two hundred year
democratic right to elect a President. And I'm optimistic too
about the identity of that new President -- there I go again
sounding like Harry Truman. / But, let me leave you with this.
However it turns out, commitment to freedom and democracy, to
tolerance and opportunity in America and around the world will
not change.
You are members of a community that has a long and great
tradition of political participation. B'nai B'rith stands for
opportunity, for tolerance, for opposition to anti-semitism and
the ugly face of hate in all its forms. You stand too for
stalwart support for America's close friend and ally, Israel.
And, let me simply say that on all these issues, I am proud
to stand with you. //
Thank you. May God bless the state of Israel -- and may God
bless the United States of America.
# # #
Document No. 348733ss
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
9/4/92
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: MON. 9/7 10:00 a.m.
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: B'NAI B'RITH
SUBJECT:
SEPTEMBER 8 - 11:00 a.m.
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCBRIDE
BAKER
X MOORE
SCOWCROFT
MULLINS
DARMAN
PETERSMEYER
BATES
PORTER
BRADY
X
PROVOST
BROMLEY
X ROSS
CALIO N/C
SMITH
DEMAREST Kramer
TUTWILER
FITZWATER
x
ZOELLICK
GRAY
KAUFMAN
HOLIDAY Lisalled
MCGROARTY
HORNER
REMARKS:
Please forward your comments directly to Dan McGroarty, Rm. 122, x2930,
no later than 10:00 a.m., MONDAY, SEPT. 7, with a copy to this office.
Thank you.
RESPONSE:
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
Draft 3
September 4, 1992
9:00 p
22 SEP 4 PIO : 21
[BNAI]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: B'NAI B'RITH
WASHINGTON, D.C.
SEPTEMBER 8, 1992
11:00 A.M.
It is a great honor to be here with you today.
[Acknowledgements.]
We've witnessed a world of change. Across Europe, across
continents, from Panama City to Prague, millions of men and women
now celebrate a new birth of freedom -- a new world of hope.
With change comes new challenges. For America, the end of
the Cold War means the beginning of a new era -- a new era of
economic competition that America simply must and will win. We
must recognize the new reality about domestic, economic and
foreign policies. In our world today, these three topics have
become one issue. In order to prevail, the United States must be
not only a military superpower, but an economic superpower -- an
export superpower as well. //
Yet you and I both know that America is about more than the
GNP. Our strength as a people cannot only be measured by per
capita income. The state of our American union reflects not
simply the productivity of our economy but the character of our
society: How well we care for one another, in the wake of
natural tragedies like Hurricane Andrew -- in the face of all-
too-human tragedies of hate and unreason and violence. This is
2
what defines us. This is the true measure of what America means,
to ourselves -- to the world.
This willingness to reach out, to help those in need -- to
recognize across all the divides of color and culture and creed
our shared human spirit -- this is what B'Nai B'rith is all
about. For 150 years, the members of this organization have
served as the nation's conscience. And part of America's
conscience must always be to fight anti-semitism wherever and
whenever it appears.
I wish that I could stand before you today and say that
anti-semitism is history, but it is not. Not when there are hate
crimes here and brown shirts abroad. And let's call the thing by
its right name -- not neo-Nazis, but Nazis. That's a sorry
commentary on human nature.
And let's all be clear: wc? Neither Jew nor Gentiles I is safe so
Holiday
long as anti-semitism fosters.
But we're not helpless. And we're doing something about it.
// In this country, we will aggressively employ the Hate Crimes
Same
Act to bring to justice those who traffic in the gutter. And I
It twice
give you this pledge: I will continue to do my utmost, here and
Delete
abroad, so that this prejudice is finally / finally, finally,
one.
banished from the human heart.!
(Kaufman)
But we're not helpless. And we're doing something about it.
// In this country, we will aggressively employ the Hate
Crimes Act to bring to justice those who traffic in the gutter.
And I give you this pledge: I will continue to do my utmost,
3
here and abroad, so that this prejudice is finally, finally,
finally, banished from the human heart!
In the end, anti-semitism and prejudice mock and threaten
the basic principle upon which the United States is founded.
They mock our belief in individual rights and in the human being,
created as the Bible tells us, in the image of God. And because
of that powerful belief in basic humanity, nothing is more sacred
to Americans than the principle of religious liberty.
In the words of George Washington, whose letter we
rededicate today:
"
the government of the United States
gives to bigotry no sanction, to persecution, no assistance
While everyone shall sit in safety under his own vine and
figtree, and there shall be none to make him afraid. = And here's
the difference, the vital difference between this American creed
and others. Because for us that freedom of religion is no gift
of government -- no privilege to be granted or withheld -- it is
a fundamental human right. //
Let's take heart that this American creed is spreading, that
people in our time are demanding and getting those rights they
have been denied so long. And changes in our world have come so
fast that I say they are nothing short of Biblical -- and by that
I mean just plain old fashioned miraculous.
Just think about it. Just a few years ago, who would have
thought we would no longer live under the threat of nuclear
conflagration? Who would have thought the scarring symbol of an
era -- the Berlin Wall -- would be found only in museums and
4
chipped into paperweights? Above all, who would have predicted
the Soviet Union would be found only in the pages of history?
And know this: the miracles aren't only confined to Europe.
Even in the Middle East, events have defied all the predictions.
For today, direct, bilateral talks are taking place between
Israel and her neighbors.
You may recall we were told we couldn't succeed -- we
couldn't bring the parties together. But we did.
I want to dwell for a moment on this breakthrough, because I
know it matters deeply to everyone in this hall. Let me take you
back nearly a year ago to another hall, in Madrid. There,
gathered around the table were representatives of Lebanon,
Jordan, Syria, Egypt, Palestinians -- and Israel. For nearly
face to face all together, across a table
half a century they had not met A outside the battlefield. But for (Camp
at once (Kaufman)
David, 1948
the first time they came together not to fight -- but to talk.
1
note-
as written
Then, as now, the goal is not just a ceasefire or a truce,
the
statement
but peace, real peace. Not simply the end of war -- but genuine isn't
factual
reconciliation. A peace both broad and deep, a peace codified by (Kaufman)
treaties, and given life by trade and tourism, by open borders -
- the fabric of peace knit together even more tightly by the
simple human contact of peoples who've known each other far too
long as enemies. A comprehensive peace, rooted in Security
Council Resolutions 242 and 338. A peace that at long last will
allow the peoples of the Middle East to turn their energies,
5
their resources, their lives to creation rather than destruction
-- to great works rather than great wars.
Today, as we speak, the parties that met first at Madrid are
mid-way through the sixth round of bilateral negotiations. There
has been progress. Delegations are exchanging not only
handshakes, but for the first time -- written proposals. Public
posturing has decreased -- and meaningful private dialogue has
increased.
Of course, major hurdles remain. It will take time and
effort and courage and trust. But there is clearly a way -- and
increasingly, a will.
The evidence is mounting: The many positive steps taken by
Israel's new government that improve day-to-day life for
Palestinians and signal its seriousness about peace -- Egypt's
invitation that made it possible for Prime Minister Rabin to make
his first trip outside Israel to an Arab country -- Syria's
relaxation of travel restrictions affecting its Jewish citizens.
Further gestures, such as an end to the Arab boycott, can only
help in bringing about an environment conducive for negotiation
and reconciliation.
I am proud of the role we've played in breaking the long-
standing taboo against direct talks between Israel and her
neighbors. Israel sought direct talks for 43 years -- and it was
right to do so. If you do not talk -- you can have no hope of
making peace. Now, there is such a hope.
6
I'm also proud of what we have done to end Israel's
diplomatic isolation internationally. Thanks to our efforts, we
succeeded -- after 17 years -- in getting the UN General Assembly
to repeal what should never have been enacted in the first place.
Zionism is not racism -- not before / not now / not ever. //
And thanks to our efforts, China and India and Turkey and
many other nations -- countries representing 2 billion people --
now have full diplomatic relations with Israel. Already this has
created not only greater contact for Israel worldwide, but new
economic opportunities.
And I know this audience knows of our efforts to open the
gates in the former Soviet Union and rescue Ethiopian Jews. Now
hundreds of thousands of Jewish men, women and children who only
a few years ago lived in fear or neglect in the Soviet Union or
Ethiopia now live in Israel, free to live, work and worship as
their heart tells them they must.
Persuading parties to talk peace / ending Israel's
international isolation / assisting in the in-gathering of Jews
into Israel: These are the three great aims that have guided
Israel from its founding. And we didn't just talk about helping
Israel in these areas -- we delivered. That's a fact of whch
every American can be proud.
And here's another fact. When the chips were down, when
Israel and many other countries were threatened by the most
brutal aggression, America was there. We stopped Saddam Hussein.
7
And that terrible time when the world feared that the Cold
War would be replaced by a new age of Saddam -- that's over, too.
Let's recall some simple facts. Saddam Hussein's rise to power
and aggression were not caused by the United States.
We were not the reason Saddam Hussein was on the verge of
acquiring nuclear weapons. We were not the reason Saddam Hussein
had 5000 tanks -- or 5000 pieces of artillery -- or the 4th
largest army in the world. This was his own doing.
And whatever differences I had with my critics -- and with
some would-be revisionists who want to rewrite history -- cannot
obscure this fact: After August 2, while my critics stood by and
second guessed -- I acted to take care of that threat.
Ask yourself where the Middle East would be today -- where
Israel's security would be today -- if we had followed the
counsel of my critics. Ask yourself where we would be if we had
someone in the Oval Office who would have mattered -- who would
have wavered and wanted to have it both ways. Where would we be?
I'll tell you: We'd be facing a nuclear-armed Iraq, with a
choke-hold on the world's oil supplies -- and threatening
Israel's very existence. Israel's very survival would be at
stake -- and we'd be talking about whether there was any chance
to avoid nuclear Armageddon in the Middle East.
Well, Desert Storm swept away that nightmare and because of
America's courage today, we see the dawn of peace.
There is still work to be done. The Middle East -- indeed,
the world -- is still a dangerous place. Terrorists continue to
8
target the innocent. The proliferation of conventional arms as
well as weapons of mass destruction casts a cloud over the
region's future; Iraq's Saddam Hussein, however much weaker and
defeated, still brutalizes his own people and resists the will of
the international community. The need for Israel to remain
strong is beyond question, and it clearly includes having a
defensive capability against missile attack. The importance of
that was demonstrated by the Gulf War. And that's the reason
that I've proposed to Israel that it participate in our
development of a global protection system! So, the need for US-
Israeli strategic partnership and cooperation remains stronger
than ever.
And we're also going to see that partnership at work this
week. Because I am happy to tell you that I am sending to the
Congress legislation requesting up to $10 billion in loan
guarantees to aid Israel's government in the absorption of these
Thisis
newcomers. And I know I can count on the support of every one in a sore
spot
this room to make sure that this proposal becomes law.
for some
because of
I am glad that Prime Minister Rabin and I were able to reach
special
interest
an understanding on loan guarantees when we met in Kennebunkport
lobby.
last month. He outlined for me the new Israeli government's new
(Kaufman)
priorities, committed to investing in Israel itself, and
determined to avoid steps that could hamper progress toward
peace. I share that commitment. And, as a result, we will be
able to promote peace and welcome new immigrants at one and the
same time. Both are humanitarian undertakings; both deserve our
9
full support. It was important not to choose between them, and I
am glad that we are now in a position to promote both objectives.
As for the future, I am confident that on most issues, on
most occasions, we and Israel will find ourselves in agreement.
I, for one, am committed to revitalizing the tradition of full
consultations between the United States and Israel on the entire
range of issues affecting stability in the Middle East. I know
the Prime Minister shares this commitment. And let me emphasize
this point: There will be no surprises.
I pledge to you that we will work hard to keep any divide to
a minimum. Our support for Israel and its security is not simply
a policy. It is a principle. As I said after Prime Minister
Rabin and I met in Maine, this is a relationship based on a
shared commitment to democracy and common values, as well as a
shared commitment to Israel's security, including its qualitative
military edge. This is a special relationship, one specially
built to endure.
No doubt there will be times when we disagree. Even friends
disagree. Even democratic governments like Israel and the United
States disagree. But here's the point: These are disagreements
between friends and I emphasize that word, friends.
There may even be issues where you and I will take opposing
sides. And things may get hot and words, hurtful words, may be
exchanged. // In the past, some remarks of mine were
misinterpreted. I have gone on the record expressing my sorrow
for any pain this may have caused and I'll go on the record again
10
-- right here and now again. But let me also express the hope
that some of the critics who've been a little quick to use words
like "anti-semitism" will also rethink what they've said.
Let's be clear about this: I support, I endorse, and I
deeply believe in the God-given right of every American to
promote what they believe. It is your right as an individual.
It's more than a right. It's a duty as an American citizen. //
But let me also say that it is important that we learn how
to disagree. How a debate is conducted in a democracy is not
careless, it's a mark of civility and freedom. I hardly need to
tell anyone in this room just what anti-semitism is. As my
friend Abe Foxman pointed out, to accuse those who may come to
different conclusions on one or another public issue of harboring
anti-semitism is to cheapen the term. That is dangerous. That
is deeply wrong. And when those words, without justice, have
been aimed at me -- I can tell you: They cut to the heart. //
But let's put all of this aside now and look to the future.
I've talked to you here about my optimism for that future. We
come of at a blessed time. The Cold War is over. And Israeli
peace talks have begun.
There is another reason to be optimistic. The American
people will soon exercise their unbroken two hundred year
democratic right to elect a President. And I'm optimistic too
about the identity of that new President -- so there I go again
in the Harry Truman mode. But, let me leave you with this.
However it turns out, commitment to freedom and democracy, to
11
tolerance and opportunity in America and around the world will
not change.
You are members of a community that has long and great
tradition of political participation. B'nai B'rith stands for
opportunity, for tolerance, for opposing anti-semitism and the
ugly face of hate in all its forms. You stand too for stalwart
support for America's close friend and ally, Israel.
And, let me simply say that aon all these issues, I am proud
to stand with you.
Thank you -- and may God bless the United States of America.
# # #
10: 5' 22
URGENT
NATIONAL SECURI
CO
TIME STAMP
EXECUTIVE SECRETARIAT STAFFING DOCUMENT
SYSTEM LOG NUMBER: 6727
ACTION OFFICER:
HAASS
DUE: 8AM MONDAY
Prepare Memo For Scowcroft/Howe
Appropriate Action 75EP 7
Prepare Memo For Brady
SCOWCROFT
Prepare Memo For Sittmann
Prepare Memo
to McGroarly ccBrddy
CONCURRENCES/COMMENTS*
PHONE* to action officer at ext.
6900
Concur
FYI
Concur
FYI
Concur FYI
Andricos
Jones
Patterson
Barth
Kansteiner
Pavitt
Beers
Keith
Poneman
Burns
Koch
Primosch
Canas
Lampley
Pryce
Chellis
Leary
Rademaker
Davis
Linhares
Riedel
Dyke
Lowenkron
Rostow
Fry
McNamara
Stettner
Gompert
McShane
Tilley
Gordon
Melby
Tobey
Haass
Menan
Van Eron
Hahn
Morley
Waguespack
Hewett
Needles
Wayne
Holl
O'Leary
Whitley
Hull
Ordway
Hutchings
1
INFORMATION
9/7/92
Sittmann
Scowcroft (adva
Dan:
COMMENTS
Scowcroft's changes. I'm
on 395-3950 if you need
to discuss. Can we get
revised version later today?
Logged By
VEA
Edward Hull
379 UEUB
6721
Document No. 348733ss
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
9/4/92
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: MON. 9/7 10:00 a.m.
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: B'NAI B'RITH
SUBJECT:
SEPTEMBER 8 - - 11:00 a.m.
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCBRIDE
BAKER
MOORE
SCOWCROFT
DARMAN
1
MULLINS
PETERSMEYER
BATES
PORTER
BRADY
PROVOST
BROMLEY
ROSS
CALIO
SMITH
DEMAREST
>
TUTWILER
FITZWATER
ZOELLICK
GRAY
KAUFMAN
HOLIDAY
MCGROARTY
HORNER
REMARKS:
Please forward your comments directly to Dan McGroarty, Rm. 122, x2930,
no later than 10:00 a.m., MONDAY, SEPT. 7, with a copy to this office.
Thank you.
RESPONSE:
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
Draft 3
September 4, 1992
9:00 p
02 SEP 4 PIO : 21
[BNAI]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: B'NAI B'RITH
WASHINGTON, D.C.
SEPTEMBER 8, 1992
11:00 A.M.
It is a great honor to be here with you today.
[Acknowledgements.]
We've witnessed a world of change. Across Europe, across
continents, from Panama City to Prague, millions of men and women
now celebrate a new birth of freedom -- a new world of hope.
With change comes new challenges. For America, the end of
the Cold War means the beginning of a new era -- a new era of
economic competition that America simply must and will win. We
must recognize the new reality about domestic, economic and
foreign policies. In our world today, these three topics have
become one issue. In order to prevail, the United States must be
not only a military superpower, but an economic superpower -- an
export superpower as well. //
Yet you and I both know that America is about more than the
GNP. Our strength as a people cannot only be measured by per
capita income. The state of our American union reflects not
simply the productivity of our economy but the character of our
society: How well we care for one another, in the wake of
natural tragedies like Hurricane Andrew -- in the face of all-
too-human tragedies of hate and unreason and violence. This is
2
what defines us. This is the true measure of what America means,
to ourselves -- to the world.
This willingness to reach out, to help those in need -- to
recognize across all the divides of color and culture and creed
our shared human spirit -- this is what B'Nai B'rith is all
about. For 150 years, the members of this organization have
served as the nation's conscience. And part of America's
Isest Too this
and other forms of
nanor
conscience must always be to fight anti-semitism wherever prejudice and
whenever it appears.
whether Prejudice based
on religion, color, reces
I wish that I could stand before you today and say that
anti-semitism is history, but it is not. Not when there are hate
crimes here and home brown shirts abroad. And let's call the thing by not
of
coherent
its right name -- not neo-Nazis, but Nazis That's a sorry
sentence
commentary on human nature. what desties wear?
That it caritle changed?
And let's all be clear: Neither Jew nor Gentiles is safe so
long as anti-semitism fosters. e A world willing to allow
Jews to be persecuted a world sure to allow other tyrannies to
But we're not helpless. And we're doing something about it.
// In this country, we will aggressively employ the Hate Crimes
Act to bring to justice those who traffic in the gutter. And I
give you this pledge: I will continue to do my utmost, here and
abroad, so that this prejudice is finally / finally, finally,
public life.t
banished from the human heart
But we're not helpless. And we're doing something about it.
// In this country, we will aggressively employ the Hate
Redundant Crimes Act to bring to justice those who traffic in the gutter.
And I give you this pledge: I will continue to do my utmost,
3
here and abroad, so that this prejudice is finally, finally,
finally, banished from the human heart!
In the end, anti-semitism and prejudice mock and threaten
the basic principle upon which the United States is founded.
They mock our belief in individual rights and in the human being,
created as the Bible tells us, in the image of God. And because
of that powerful belief in basic humanity, nothing is more sacred
to Americans than the principle of religious liberty.
In the words of George Washington, whose letter we
rededicate today:
"
the government of the United States
gives to bigotry no sanction, to persecution, no assistance
While everyone shall sit in safety under his own vine and
figtree, and there shall be none to make him afraid.' And here's
the difference, the vital difference between this American creed.
that sets apart our
Other american creeds?
??
and others Because for us that freedom of religion is no gift
of government -- no privilege to be granted or withheld -- it is
a fundamental human right. //
Let's take heart that this American creed is spreading, that
people in our time are demanding and getting those rights they
and
have been denied so long. And changes in our world have come so
out
fast that I say they are nothing short of Biblical -- and by that
I mean just plain old fashioned miraculous.
Thank
any
tion.
Just think about it. Just a few years ago, who would have
thought we would no longer live under the threat of nuclear
that the people of the former Soviet Union and eastern Europe would live in freedom and that ll
conflagration? Who would have thought the scarring symbol of an
era -- the Berlin Wall -- would be found only in museums and
4
chipped into paperweights? Above all, who would have predicted
the Soviet Union would be found only in the pages of history?
And know this: the miracles aren't only confined to Europe.
Even in the Middle East, events have defied all the predictions.
For today, direct, bilateral talks are taking place between
Israel and her neighbors.
You may recall we were told we couldn't succeed -- we
couldn't bring the parties together. But we did.
I want to dwell for a moment on this breakthrough, because I
know it matters deeply to everyone in this hall. Let me take you
back nearly a year ago to another hall, in Madrid. There,
gathered around the table were representatives of Lebanon,
Jordan, Syria, Egypt, Palestinians -- and Israel. For nearly
half a century they had not met outside the battlefield. But for
the first time they came together not to fight -- but to talk.
Then, as now, the goal is not just a ceasefire or a truce,
but peace, real peace. Not simply the end of war -- but genuine
reconciliation. A peace both broad and deep, a peace codified by
treaties, and given life by trade and tourism, by open borders -
- the fabric of peace knit together even more tightly by the
simple human contact of peoples who've known each other far too
long as enemies. A comprehensive peace, rooted in Security
Council Resolutions 242 and 338. A peace that at long last will
allow the peoples of the Middle East to turn their energies,
5
their resources, their lives to creation rather than destruction
-- to great works rather than great wars.
Today, as we speak, the parties that met first at Madrid are
mid-way through the sixth round of bilateral negotiations. There
has been progress. Delegations are exchanging not only
handshakes, but for the first time -- written proposals. Public
posturing has decreased -- and meaningful private dialogue has
increased.
Of course, major hurdles remain. It will take time and
effort and courage and trust. But there is clearly a way -- and
increasingly, a will.
The evidence is mounting: The many positive steps taken by
Israel's new government that improve day-to-day life for
Palestinians and signal its seriousness about peace -- Egypt's
invitation that made it possible for Prime Minister Rabin to make
his first trip outside Israel to an Arab country -- Syria's
relaxation of travel restrictions affecting its Jewish citizens.
Further gestures, such as an end to the Arab boycott, can only
help in bringing about an environment conducive for negotiation
and reconciliation.
I am proud of the role we've played in breaking the long-
standing taboo against direct talks between Israel and her
neighbors. Israel sought direct talks for 43 years -- and it was
right to do so. If you do not talk -- you can have no hope of
making peace. Now, there is such a hope.
6
I'm also proud of what we have done to end Israel's
diplomatic isolation internationally. Thanks to our efforts, we
succeeded -- after 17 years -- in getting the UN General Assembly
to repeal what should never have been enacted in the first place.
Zionism is not racism -- not before / not now / not ever. //
And thanks to our efforts, China and India and Turkey and
many other nations -- countries representing 2 billion people --
now have full diplomatic relations with Israel. Already this has
created not only greater contact for Israel worldwide, but new
economic opportunities.
And I know this audience knows of our efforts to open the
gates in the former Soviet Union and rescue Ethiopian Jews. Now
hundreds of thousands of Jewish men, women and children who only
a few years ago lived in fear or neglect in the Soviet Union or
Ethiopia now live in Israel, free to live, work and worship as
their heart tells them they must.
Persuading parties to talk peace / ending Israel's
international isolation / assisting in the in-gathering of Jews
into Israel: These are the three great aims that have guided
Israel from its founding. And we didn't just talk about helping
Israel in these areas -- we delivered. That's a fact of whch
every American can be proud.
And here's another fact. When the chips were
Wany countries,
including Israel ) and many other countries were threatened by the most
brutal aggression, America was there. We stopped Saddam Hussein.
wanto sny this Po it must
This isa very purchased
be said lets do it unose
7
gracefully, This is not
And that terrible time when the world feared that the Cold
anally
War would be replaced by a new age of Saddam -- that's over, too.
Let's recall some simple facts. Saddam Hussein's rise to power
and aggression were not caused by the United States.
We did not arm him nor assist in his drive for nuclear weapons, and
We were not the reason Saddam Hussein was on the verge of
acquiring nuclear weapons. We were not the reason Saddam Hussein
more then
had 5000 tanks [or 5000 pieces of artillery -- or the 4th
largest army in the world. This was his own doing
And whatever differences I had with my critics -- and with
some would-be revisionists who want to rewrite history -- cannot
some
obscure this fact:
After
August
2,
while
my
critics
stood
by
and
we
reverse aggression and dramatically reduce the
second guessed -- R acted to take care of that threat. Iragi threat.
Ask yourself where the Middle East would be today -- where
the
Israel's security would be today -- if we had followed the
counsel of my critics.
Ask yourself where we would be if we had
politics will
Vbe
someone in the Oval Office who would have mattered who would
country
have wavered and wanted to have it both ways
Where would we be?
producti producti
I'll tell you: We'd be facing a nuclear-armed Iraq, with a
choke-hold on the world's oil supplies -- and threatening
Israel's very existence. Israel's very survival would be at
stake -- and we'd be talking about whether there was any chance
to avoid nuclear Armageddon in the Middle East.
Well, Desert Storm swept away that nightmare and because of
America's courage today, we see the dawn of peace.
There is still work to be done. The Middle East -- indeed,
the world -- is still a dangerous place. Terrorists continue to
A
8
delite)
target the innocent. The proliferation of conventional arms as
well as weapons of mass destruction casts a cloud over the
region's future; Iraq's Saddam Hussein, however much weaker and
defeated, still brutalizes his own people and resists the will of
the international community. The need for Israel to remain
strong is beyond question, and it clearly includes having a
defensive capability against missile attack. The importance of
that was demonstrated by the Gulf War. And that's the reason
that I've proposed to Israel that it participate in our
development of a global protection system! So, the need for US-
(ster
Israeli strategic partnership and cooperation remains stronger
as ever.
than ever
And we're also going to see that partnership at work this
week. Because I am happy to tell you that I am sending to the
Congress legislation requesting up to $10 billion in loan
guarantees to aid Israel's government in the absorption of these
newcomers. And I know I can count on the support of every one in
this room to make sure that this proposal becomes law.
I am glad that Prime Minister Rabin and I were able to reach
an understanding on loan guarantees when we met in Kennebunkport
last month. He outlined for me the new Israeli government's new
priorities, committed to investing in Israel itself, and
determined to avoid steps that could hamper progress toward
peace. I share that commitment. And, as a result, we will be
able to promote peace and welcome new immigrants at one and the
same time. Both are humanitarian undertakings; both deserve our
9
full support. It was important not to choose between them, and I
am glad that we are now in a position to promote both objectives.
As for the future, I am confident that on most issues, on
most occasions, we and Israel will find ourselves in agreement.
I, for one, am committed to revitalizing the tradition of full
consultations between the United States and Israel on the entire
range of issues affecting stability in the Middle East. I know
the Prime Minister shares this commitment. And let me emphasize
this point: There will be no surprises.
Pathet A net
I pledge to you that we will work hard to keep any divide to
in net
parager
a
minimum. Our support for Israel and its security is not simply
a policy. It is a principle. As I said after Prime Minister
Rabin and I met in Maine, this is a relationship based on a
shared commitment to democracy and common values, as well as a
shared commitment to Israel's security, including its qualitative
military edge. This is a special relationship, one specially
built to endure.
No doubt there will be times when we disagree. Even friends
disagree. Even democratic governments like Israel and the United
States disagree. But here's the point: These are disagreements
between friends and I emphasize that word, friends.
There may even be issues where you and I will take opposing
sides. And things may get hot and words, hurtful words, may be
the
exchanged. // In the past, some remarks of mine were
A
misinterpreted. I have gone on the record expressing my sorrow
for any pain this may have caused and I'll go on the record again
Phrased letter in
It dropt. and it
is stated better
in the
10
para
below
-- right here and now again.
But let me also express the hope
that some of the critics who've been a little quick to use words
like "anti semitism" will also rethink what they've said.
Let's be clear about this: I support, I endorse, and I
deeply believe in the God-given right of every American to
promote what they believe. It is your right as an individual.
It's more than a right. It's a duty as an American citizen.
//
But let me also say that it is important that we learn how
to disagree. How a debate is conducted in a democracy is not
irrelevant
careless, it's a mark of civility and freedom. I hardly need to
tell anyone in this room just what anti-semitism is. As my
friend Abe Foxman pointed out, to accuse those who may come to
different conclusions on one or another public issue of harboring
anti-semitism is to cheapen the term. That is dangerous. That
Befter
is deeply wrong. And when those words, without justice, have
been aimed at me -- I can tell you: They cut to the heart.
//
dropt,
But let's put all of this aside now and look to the future.
I+ve talked to you here about my optimism for that future. We are
here
Arab-
come of at a blessed time. The Cold War is over. And Israeli
peace talks have begun.
There is another reason to be optimistic. The American
people will soon exercise their unbroken two hundred year
democratic right to elect a President. And I'm optimistic too
Bad
about the identity of that new President -- so there I go again
idea
in the Harry Truman mode. But, let me leave you with this.
our
However it turns out, commitment to freedom and democracy, to
11
tolerance and opportunity in America and around the world, will
not change.
You are members of a community that has long and great
tradition of political participation. B'nai B'rith stands for
opportunity, for tolerance, for coppesition to opposing anti-semitism and the
ugly face of hate in all its forms. You stand too for stalwart
support for America's close friend and ally, Israel.
And, let me simply say that aon all these issues, I am proud
to stand with you.
Thank you -- and may God bless the United States of America.
# # #
scripture and
Document No. 348733ss
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
9/4/92
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: MON. 9/7 10:00 a.m.
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: B'NAI B'RITH
SUBJECT:
SEPTEMBER 8 - - 11:00 a.m.
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCBRIDE
BAKER
MOORE
SCOWCROFT
MULLINS
DARMAN
PETERSMEYER
BATES
PORTER
BRADY
PROVOST
BROMLEY
ROSS
CALIO
SMITH
DEMARES
TUTWILER
FITZWATER
ZOELLICK
GRAY
KAUFMAN
HOLIDAY
MCGROARTY
HORNER
REMARKS:
Please forward your comments directly to Dan McGroarty, Rm. 122, x2930,
no later than 10:00 a.m., MONDAY, SEPT. 7, with a copy to this office.
Thank you.
RESPONSE:
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
All of the following
Suggestions have
been made in
Draft 3
September 4, 1992
coordination with
9:00 p
my coun terports
[BNAI]
at campaign
B'RITH
NGTON, D.C.
MBER 8, 1992
A.M.
be here with you today.
J
-
We've witnessed a world of change. Across Europe, across
continents, from Panama City to Prague, millions of men and women
now celebrate a new birth of freedom -- a new world of hope.
With change comes new challenges. For America, the end of
the Cold War means the beginning of a new era -- a new era of
economic competition that America simply must and will win. We
must recognize the new reality about domestic, economic and
foreign policies. In our world today, these three topics have
become one issue. In order to prevail, the United States must be
not only a military superpower, but an economic superpower -- an
export superpower as well. //
Yet you and I both know that America is about more than the
GNP. Our strength as a people cannot only be measured by per
capita income. The state of our American union reflects not
simply the productivity of our economy but the character of our
society: How well we care for one another, in the wake of
natural tragedies like Hurricane Andrew -- in the face of all-
too-human tragedies of hate and unreason and violence. This is
2
what defines us. This is the true measure of what America means,
to ourselves -- to the world.
This willingness to reach out, to help those in need -- to
recognize across all the divides of color and culture and creed
our shared human spirit -- this is what B'Nai B'rith is all
about. For 150 years, the members of this organization have
served as the nation's conscience. And part of America's
conscience must always be to fight anti-semitism wherever and
whenever it appears.
I wish that I could stand before you today and say that
anti-semitism is history, but it is not. Not when there are hate
crimes here and brown shirts abroad. And let's call the thing by
its right name -- not neo-Nazis, but Nazis. That's a sorry
commentary on human nature.
And let's all be clear: Neither Jew nor Gentiles is safe so
long as anti-semitism fosters.
But we're not helpless. And we're doing something about it.
// In this country, we will aggressively employ the Hate Crimes
Act to bring to justice those who traffic in the gutter. And I
give you this pledge: I will continue to do my utmost, here and
abroad, so that this prejudice is finally / finally, finally,
banished from the human heart.!
I
But we're not helpless. And we're
// In this country, we will aggressiv
Crimes Act to bring to justice those who
And I give you this pledge: I will cont
duplicate
3
here and abroad, so that this prejudice is finally, finally,
finally, banished from the human heart!
In the end, anti-semitism and prejudice mock and threaten
the basic principle upon which the United States is founded.
They mock our belief in individual rights and in the human being,
created as the Bible tells us, in the image of God. And because
of that powerful belief in basic humanity, nothing is more sacred
to Americans than the principle of religious liberty.
In the words of George Washington, whose
to
the
rededicate today:
"
the government of th
Hebrew congrega-
gives to bigotry no sanction, to persecutio tion of Rhode
While everyone shall sit in safety under hi Island
figtree, and there shall be none to make hi
the difference, the vital difference betwee
and others. Because for us that freedom of religion is no gift
of government -- no privilege to be granted or withheld -- it is
a fundamental human right.
//
should add an addition-
Let's take heart that this al line on separation that
people in our time are demandin
of church and state
y
VERY important
have been denied so long. And
so
to counter Buchcanan
fast that I say they are nothin
remarks
hat
I mean just plain old fashioned
something like:let
Just think about it. Just
there be no misunderstand
ing about where I stand
e
thought we would no longer live
on separation of church
conflagration? Who would have t
and state. The stvength
of our nation is its
an
era -- the Berlin Wall -- would 1
diversity tolerance
and respect for
one anothers
beliefs
4
chipped into paperweights? Above all, who would have predicted
the Soviet Union would be found only in the pages of history?
And know this: the miracles aren't only confined to Europe.
Even in the Middle East, events have defied all the predictions.
For today, direct, bilateral talks are taking place between
Israel and her neighbors.
You may recall we were told we couldn't succeed -- we
couldn't bring the parties together. But we did.
I want to dwell for a moment on this breakthrough, because I
know it matters deeply to everyone in this hall. Let me take you
back nearly a year ago to another hall, in Madrid. There,
gathered around the table were representatives of Lebanon,
Jordan, Syria, Egypt, Palestinians -- and Israel. For nearly
half a century they had not met outside the battlefield. But for
the first time they came together not to fight -- but to talk.
Then, as now, the goal is not just a ceasefire or a truce,
but peace, real peace. Not simply the end of war -- but genuine
reconciliation. A peace both broad and deep, a peace codified by
treaties, and given life by trade and tourism, by open borders -
- the fabric of peace knit together even more tightly by the
simple human contact of peoples who've known each other far too
long as enemies. A comprehensive peace, rooted in Security
Council Resolutions 242 and 338. A peace that at long last will
allow the peoples of the Middle East to turn their energies,
5
their resources, their lives to creation rather than destruction
-- to great works rather than great wars.
Today, as we speak, the parties that met first at Madrid are
mid-way through the sixth round of bilateral negotiations. There
has been progress. Delegations are exchanging not only
handshakes, but for the first time -- written proposals. Public
posturing has decreased -- and meaningful private dialogue has
increased.
Of course, major hurdles remain. It will take time and
effort and courage and trust. But there is clearly a way -- and
increasingly, a will.
The evidence is mounting: The many positive steps taken by
Israel's new government that improve day-to-day life for
Palestinians and signal its seriousness about peace -- Egypt's
invitation that made it possible for Prime Minister Rabin to make
his first trip outside Israel to an Arab country -- Syria's
relaxation of travel restrictions affecting its Jewish citizens.
Further gestures, such as an end to the Arab boycott, can only
help in bringing about an environment conducive for negotiation
and reconciliation.
I am proud of the role we've played in breaking the long-
standing taboo against direct talks between Israel and her
neighbors. Israel sought direct talks for 43 years -- and it was
right to do so. If you do not talk -- you can have no hope of
making peace. Now, there is such a hope.
6
I'm also proud of what we have done to end Israel's
diplomatic isolation internationally. Thanks to our efforts, we
succeeded -- after 17 years -- in getting the UN General Assembly
to repeal what should never have been enacted in the first place.
Zionism is not racism -- not before / not now / not ever. //
And thanks to our efforts, China and India and Turkey and
many other nations -- countries representing 2 billion people --
now have full diplomatic relations with Israel. Already this has
created not only greater contact for Israel worldwide, but new
economic opportunities.
And I know this audience knows of
Four years ago when
gates in the former Soviet Union and re
I addressed you
hundreds of thousands of Jewish men, WO
in Baltimore 104
a few years ago lived in fear or neglec
those of you who
marched with me on
Ethiopia now live in Israel, free to li
a cold november
their heart tells them they must.
day in 1987 remember
when I called out
Persuading parties to talk peace /
to Gov bachev_
international isolation / assisting in
lets not see a
into Israel: These are the three great
doz but Amusanda
Israel from its founding. And we didn'
- all of those who want
Israel in these areas -- we delivered.
to Leave and together
we would make this
every American can be proud.
dream a reality.
And here's another fact. When
the
This is what mean
Israel and many other countries were th
by trust - and as
brutal aggression, America was there.
I
long as I am President
\ promise to press
for free an gration
where ever it is
denied.
7
And that terrible time when the world feared that the Cold
War would be replaced by a new age of Saddam -- that's over, too.
Let's recall some simple facts. Saddam Hussein's rise to power
and aggression were not caused by the United States.
We were not the reason Saddam Hussein was on the verge of
acquiring nuclear weapons. We were not the reason Saddam Hussein
had 5000 tanks -- or 5000 pieces of artillery -- or the 4th
largest army in the world. This was his own doing.
And whatever differences I had with my critics -- and with
some would-be revisionists who want to rewrite history -- cannot
obscure this fact: After August 2, while my critics stood by and
second guessed -- I acted to take care of that threat.
Ask yourself where the Middle East would be today -- where
Israel's security would be today -- if we had followed the
counsel of my critics. Ask yourself where we would be if we had
someone in the Oval Office who would have mattered -- who would
have wavered and wanted to have it both ways. Where would we be?
I'll tell you: We'd be facing a nuclear-armed Iraq, with a
choke-hold on the world's oil supplies -- and threatening
Israel's very existence. Israel's very survival would be at
stake -- and we'd be talking about whether there was any chance
to avoid nuclear Armageddon in the Middle East.
Well, Desert Storm swept away that nightmare and because of
America's courage today, we see the dawn of peace.
There is still work to be done. The Middle East -- indeed,
the world -- is still a dangerous place. Terrorists continue to
8
target the innocent. The proliferation of conventional arms as
well as weapons of mass destruction casts a cloud over the
region's future; Iraq's Saddam Hussein, however much weaker and
defeated, still brutalizes his own people and resists the will of
the international community. The need for Israel to remain
strong is beyond question, and it clearly includes having a
defensive capability against missile attack. The importance of
that was demonstrated by the Gulf War. And that's the reason
that I've proposed to Israel that it participate in our
development of a global protection system! So, the need for US-
Israeli strategic partnership and cooperation remains stronger
than ever.
And we're also going to see that partnership at work this
week. Because I am happy to tell you that I am sending to the
Congress legislation requesting up to $10 billion in loan
guarantees to aid Israel's government in the absorption of these
newcomers. And I know I can count on the support of every one in
this room to make sure that this proposal becomes law.
I am glad that Prime Minister Rabin and I were able to reach
an understanding on loan guarantees when we met in Kennebunkport
last month. He outlined for me the new Israeli government's new
priorities, committed to investing in Israel itself, and
determined to avoid steps that could hamper progress toward
peace. I share that commitment. And, as a result, we will be
able to promote peace and welcome new immigrants at one and the
same time. Both are humanitarian undertakings; both deserve our
9
full support. It was important not to choose between them, and I
am glad that we are now in a position to promote both objectives.
As for the future, I am confident that on most issues, on
most occasions, we and Israel will find ourselves in agreement.
I, for one, am committed to revitalizing the tradition of full
consultations between the United States and Israel on the entire
range of issues affecting stability in the Middle East. I know
the Prime Minister shares this commitment. And let me emphasize
this point: There will be no surprises.
I pledge to you that we will work hard to keep any divide to
a minimum. Our support for Israel and its security is not simply
a policy. It is a principle. As I said after Prime Minister
Rabin and I met in Maine, this is a relationship based on a
) democracy and common values, as well as a
Israel's security, including its qualitative
is a special relationship, one specially
delete
will be times when we disagree. Even friends
something
cratic governments like Israel and the United
softer
t here's the point: These are disagreements
I emphasize that word, friends.
be issues where you and I will take opposing
sides.
And things may get hot and words, hurtful words, may be
exchanged.
// In the past, some remarks of mine were
misinterpreted. I have gone on the record expressing my sorrow
for any pain this may have caused and I'll go on the record again
10
right here and now again. But let me also express the hope
that some of the critics who've been a little quick to use words
like "anti-semitism" will also rethink what they've said.
Let's be clear about this: I support, I endorse, and I
deeply believe in the God-given right of every American to
promote what they believe. It is your right as an individual.
It's more than a right. It's a duty as an American citizen. //
But let me also say that it is important that we learn how
to disagree. How a debate is conducted in a democracy is not
careless, it's a mark of civility and freedom. I hardly need to
tell anyone in this room just what anti-semitism is. As my
friend Abe Foxman pointed out, to accuse those who may come to
different conclusions on one or another public issue of harboring
anti-semitism is to cheapen the term. That is dangerous. That
is deeply wrong. And when those words, without justice, have
been aimed at me -- I can tell you: They cut to the heart. //
But let's put all of this aside now and look to the future.
I've talked to you here about my optimism for that future. We
come of at a blessed time. The Cold War is over. And Israeli
peace talks have begun.
There is another reason to be optimistic. The American
people will soon exercise their unbroken two hundred year
democratic right to elect a President. And I'm optimistic too
about the identity of that new President -- so there I go again
in the Harry Truman mode. But, let me leave you with this.
However it turns out, commitment to freedom and democracy, to
11
tolerance and opportunity in America and around the world will
not change.
You are members of a community that has long and great
tradition of political participation. B'nai B'rith stands for
opportunity, for tolerance, for opposing anti-semitism and the
ugly face of hate in all its forms. You stand too for stalwart
support for America's close friend and ally, Israel.
And, let me simply say that aon all these issues, I am proud
to stand with you.
Thank you -- and may God bless the United States of America.
Lost line:
Thank you
#
and may God bless our
friend and ally - the
State of Israel
and may God bless
the us A
if POTUS says that
we can use as
radio actuality for
Evangelicals
(apparently - Dobson
has asked Potus
to say something
like this)
Document No. 348733ss
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
9/4/92
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: MON. 9/7 10:00 a.m
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: B'NAI B'RITH
SUBJECT:
SEPTEMBER 8 - - 11:00 a.m.
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCBRIDE
BAKER
MOORE
SCOWCROFT
MULLINS
DARMAN
PETERSMEYER
BATES
PORTER
BRADY
PROVOST
BROMLEY
ROSS
CALIO
SMITH
DEMAREST
TUTWILER
FITZWATER
ZOELLICK
GRAY
KAUFMAN
HOLIDAY
MCGROARTY
HORNER
REMARKS:
Please forward your comments directly to Dan McGroarty, Rm. 122, x2930,
no later than 10:00 a.m., MONDAY, SEPT. 7, with a copy to this office.
Thank you.
RESPONSE:
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
Draft 3
September 4, 1992
9:00 p
02 SEP 4 PIO: 21
[BNAI]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: B'NAI B'RITH
WASHINGTON, D.C.
SEPTEMBER 8, 1992
11:00 A.M.
It is a great honor to be here with you today.
[Acknowledgements.]
We've witnessed a world of change. Across Europe, across
continents, from Panama City to Prague, millions of men and women
now celebrate a new birth of freedom -- a new world of hope.
With change comes new challenges. For America, the end of
the Cold War means the beginning of a new era -- a new era of
economic competition that America simply must and will win. We
must recognize the new reality about domestic, economic and
foreign policies. In our world today, these three topics have
become one issue. In order to prevail, the United States must be
not only a military superpower, but an economic superpower -- an
export superpower as well. //
Yet you and I both know that America is about more than the
PRODUCING GOODS AND SERVICES.
GNP. Our strength as a people cannot only be measured MERELY by per
15 NOT
capita income. The state of our American union reflects not
simply the productivity of our economy but the character of our
society: How well we care for one another, in the wake of
natural tragedies like Hurricane Andrew -- in the face of all-
OUR CHARACTER
too-human tragedies of hate and unreason and violence.
This is
NOTE: IT is NOT CLEAR
WHAT "THIS" REFERS TO.
2
what defines us. This is the true measure of what America means,
to ourselves -- to the world.
This willingness to reach out, to help those in need -- to
recognize across all the divides of color and culture and creed
our shared human spirit -- this is what B'Nai B'rith is all
about. For 150 years, the members of this organization have
served as the nation's conscience. And part of America's
conscience must always be to fight anti-semitism wherever and
whenever it appears.
I wish that I could stand before you today and say that
anti-semitism is history; but it is not. Not when there are hate
crimes here and brown shirts abroad. And let's call the thing by
?
its right name not neo Nazis, but Nazis. That's a sorry
commentary on human nature.
And let's all be clear: Neither Jew nor Gentiles is safe so
PERSISTS
long as anti-semitism fosters.
HERE AT HOME WE ARE HARD AT WORK.
But we re not helpless. And we re doing something about it.
ARE
ING
// In this country, we will aggressively employ/ the Hate Crimes
Act to bring to justice those who traffic in the gutter. And I
TO
give you this pledge; E will continue to do my utmost, here and
abroad, so that this prejudice is finally / finally, finally,
banished from the human heart. !
But we're not helpless. And we're doing something about it.
REPEAT $
It
In this country, we will aggressively employ the Hate
Crimes Act to bring to justice those who traffic in the gutter.
And I give you this pledge: I will continue to do my utmost,
3
here and abroad, so that this prejudice is finally, finally,
finally, banished from the human heart!
In the end, anti-semitism and prejudice mock and threaten
the basic principle upon which the United States is founded.
4
They mock our belief in individual rights and in the human being
created as the Bible tells us, in the image of God. And because
of that powerful belief in basic humanity nothing is more sacred
to Americans than the principle of religious liberty.
In the words of George Washington, whose letter we
rededicate today:
"
the government of the United States
gives to bigotry no sanction, to persecution, no assistance
While everyone shall sit in safety under his own vine and
figtree, and there shall be none to make him afraid. " And here's
the difference, the vital difference between this American creed
and others. Because for us that freedom of religion is no gift
of government -- no privilege to be granted or withheld -- it is
a fundamental human right. //
Let's take heart that this American creed is spreading, that
people in our time are demanding and getting those rights they
have been denied so long. And changes in our world have come so
fast that I say they are nothing short of Biblical -- and by that
I mean just plain old fashioned miraculous.
Just think about it. Just a few years ago, who would have
thought we would no longer live under the threat of nuclear
WAR
conflagration? Who would have thought the scarring symbol of an
era -- the Berlin Wall -- would be found only in museums and
4
chipped into paperweights? Above all, who would have predicted
the Soviet Union would be found only in the pages of history?
And know this: the miracles aren't only confined to Europe.
Even in the Middle East, events have defied all the predictions.
For today, direct, bilateral talks are taking place between
Israel and her neighbors.
SOME SUGGESTED
You may recall we were told we couldn't succeed -- we
couldn't bring the parties together. But we did.
I want to dwell for a moment on this breakthrough, because I
know it matters deeply to everyone in this hall. Let me take you
back nearly a year ago to another hall, in Madrid. There,
gathered around the table were representatives of Lebanon,
Jordan, Syria, Egypt, Palestinians -- and Israel. For nearly
half a century they had not met outside the battlefield. But for
the first time they came together not to fight -- but to talk.
Then, as now, the goal is not just a ceasefire or a truce,
but peace, real peace. Not simply the end of war -- but genuine
reconciliation. A peace both broad and deep, a peace codified by
treaties, and given life by trade and tourism, by open borders -
- the fabric of peace knit together even more tightly by the
simple human contact of peoples who've known each other far too
long as enemies. A comprehensive peace, rooted in Security
Council Resolutions 242 and 338. A peace that at long last will
allow the peoples of the Middle East to turn their energies,
5
their resources, their lives to creation rather than destruction
-- to great works rather than great wars.
Today, as we speak, the parties that met first at Madrid are
mid-way through the sixth round of bilateral negotiations. There
has been progress. Delegations are exchanging not only
handshakes, but for the first time -- written proposals. Public
posturing has decreased -- and meaningful private dialogue has
increased.
of course, major hurdles remain. It will take time and
effort and courage and trust. But there is clearly a way -- and
increasingly, a will.
The evidence is mounting: The many positive steps taken by
Israel's new government that improve day-to-day life for
Palestinians and signal its seriousness about peace -- Egypt's
invitation that made it possible for Prime Minister Rabin to make
his first trip outside Israel to an Arab country -- Syria's
relaxation of travel restrictions affecting its Jewish citizens.
Further gestures, such as an end to the Arab boycott, can only
help in bringing about an environment conducive for negotiation
and reconciliation.
I am proud of the role we've played in breaking the long-
standing taboo against direct talks between Israel and her
neighbors. Israel sought direct talks for 43 years -- and it was
right to do so. If you do not talk -- you can have no hope of
making peace. Now, there is such a hope.
6
I'm also proud of what we have done to end Israel's
diplomatic isolation internationally. Thanks to our efforts, we
succeeded -- after 17 years -- in getting the UN General Assembly
to repeal what should never have been enacted in the first place.
Zionism is not racism -- not before / not now / not ever. //
And thanks to our efforts, China and India and Turkey and
many other nations -- countries representing 2 billion people --
now have full diplomatic relations with Israel. Already this has
created not only greater contact for Israel worldwide, but new
economic opportunities.
And I know this audience knows of our efforts to open the
gates in the former Soviet Union and rescue Ethiopian Jews. Now
hundreds of thousands of Jewish men, women and children who only
a few years ago lived in fear or neglect in the Soviet Union or
Ethiopia now live in Israel, free to live, work and worship as
ACCORDING TO THE DICTATES of THEIR CONSCIENCE.
their heart tells them they must.
Persuading parties to talk peace / ending Israel's
international isolation / assisting in the in gathering of Jews
TO
into Israel: These are the three great aims that have guided
Israel from its founding. And we didn't just talk about helping
Israel in these areas -- we delivered. That's a fact of whch
every American can be proud.
I AM PROUD THAT
And here's another fact. When the chips were down, when
Israel and many other countries were threatened by the most
brutal aggression, America was there. We stopped Saddam Hussein.
7
And that terrible time when the world feared that the Cold
War would be replaced by a new age of Saddam 15 that over too.
Let's recall some simple facts. Saddam Hussein's rise to power
and aggression were not caused by the United States.
We were not the reason Saddam Hussein was on the verge of
acquiring nuclear weapons. We were not the reason Saddam Hussein
had 5000 tanks -- or 5000 pieces of artillery -- or the 4th
largest army in the world. This was his own doing.
And whatever differences I had with my critics -- and with
DEVERE
{
some would-be revisionists who want to rewrite history -- cannot
obscure this fact: After August 2, while my critics stood by and
second guessed -- I acted to take care of that threat.
Ask yourself where the Middle East would be today -- where
Israel's security would be today -- if we had followed the
counsel of my critics. Ask yourself where we would be if we had
someone in the Oval Office who would have mattered -- who would
have wavered and wanted to have it both ways. Where would we be?
I'll tell you: We'd be facing a nuclear-armed Iraq, with a
choke-hold on the world's oil supplies -- and threatening
Israel's very existence. Israel's very survival would be at
stake -- and we'd be talking about whether there was any chance
to avoid nuclear Armageddon in the Middle East.
Well Desert Storm swept away that nightmare and because of
America's courage today, we see the dawn of peace.
There is still work to be done. The Middle East -- indeed,
the world -- is still a dangerous place. Terrorists continue to
8
target the innocent. The proliferation of conventional arms as
well as weapons of mass destruction casts a cloud over the
region's future; Iraq's Saddam Hussein, however much weaker and
defeated, still brutalizes his own people and resists the will of
the international community. The need for Israel to remain
strong is beyond question, and it clearly includes having a
defensive capability against missile attack. The importance of
that was demonstrated by the Gulf War. And that's the reason
that I've proposed to Israel that it participate in our
development of a global protection system! So, the need for US-
Israeli strategic partnership and cooperation remains stronger
than ever.
And we're also going to see that partnership at work this
week. Because I am happy to tell you that I am sending to the
Congress legislation requesting up to $10 billion in loan
guarantees to aid Israel's government in the absorption of these
newcomers. And I know I can count on the support of every one in
this room to make sure that this proposal becomes law.
I am glad that Prime Minister Rabin and I were able to reach
an understanding on loan guarantees when we met in Kennebunkport
last month. He outlined for me the new Israeli government's new
priorities, committed to investing in Israel itself, and
determined to avoid steps that could hamper progress toward
peace. I share that commitment. And, as a result, we will be
able to promote peace and welcome new immigrants at one and the
same time. Both are humanitarian undertakings; both deserve our
9
full support. It was important not to choose between them, and I
am glad that we are now in a position to promote both objectives.
As for the future, I am confident that on most issues, on
most occasions, we and Israel will find ourselves in agreement.
I, for one, am committed to revitalizing the tradition of full
consultations between the United States and Israel on the entire
range of issues affecting stability in the Middle East. I know
RABIN
the Prime Minister shares this commitment. And let me emphasize
this point: There will be no surprises.
DIFFERENCES
I pledge to you that we will work hard to keep any divide to
a minimum. Our support for Israel and its security is not simply
a policy. It is a principle. As I said after Prime Minister
Rabin and I met in Maine, this is a relationship based on a
shared commitment to democracy and common values, as well as a
shared commitment to Israel's security, including its qualitative
military edge. This is a special relationship, one specially
built to endure.
No doubt there will be times when we disagree. Even friends
disagree. Even democratic governments like Israel and the United
States disagree. But here's the point: These are disagreements
between friends and I emphasize that word, friends.
There may even be issues where you and I will take opposing
sides. And things may get hot and words, hurtful words, may be
exchanged. // In the past, some remarks of mine were
misinterpreted. I have gone PUBLICLY on the record expressing ed my sorrow
for any pain this may have caused, and I'll go on the record again.
10
right here and now again. But let me also express the hope
that some of the critics who've been a little quick to use words
like "anti-semitism" will also rethink what they've said.
Let's be clear about this: I support, I endorse, and I
deeply believe in the God-given right of every American to
promote what they believe. It is your right as an individual.
It's more than a right. It's a duty as an American citizen.
//
But let me also say that it is important that we learn how
to disagree. How a debate is conducted in a democracy is not
careless, it's a mark of civility and freedom. I hardly need to
tell anyone in this room just what anti-semitism is. As my
friend Abe Foxman pointed out, to accuse those who may come to
different conclusions on one or another public issue of harboring
anti-semitism is to cheapen the term. That is dangerous. That
is deeply wrong. And when those words, without justice, have No
been aimed at me I can tell you: They cut to the heart. //
But let's put all of this aside now and look to the future.
I've talked to you here about my optimism for that future. We
come of at a blessed time. The Cold War is over. And Israeli
peace talks have begun.
There is another reason to be optimistic. The American
people will soon exercise their unbroken two hundred year
democratic right to elect a President. And I'm optimistic too
about the identity of that new President E- so there I go again
?
in the Harry Truman mode.] But, let me leave you with this.
However it turns out, commitment to freedom and democracy, to
11
tolerance and opportunity in America and around the world will
not change.
You are members of a community that has long and great
tradition of political participation. B'nai B'rith stands for
opportunity, for tolerance, for opposing anti-semitism and the
ugly face of hate in all its forms. You stand too for stalwart
support for America's close friend and ally, Israel.
And, let me simply say that aon all these issues, I am proud
to stand with you.
Thank you -- and may God bless the United States of America.
# # #
Document No. 348733ss
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
9/4/92
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: MON. 9/7 10:00 a.m.
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: B'NAI B'RITH
SUBJECT:
SEPTEMBER 8 - - 11:00 a.m.
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCBRIDE
BAKER
MOORE
SCOWCROFT
MULLINS
DARMAN
PETERSMEYER
BATES
PORTER
BRADY
PROVOST
BROMLEY
ROSS
CALIO
SMITH
DEMAREST
TUTWILER
FITZWATER
ZOELLICK
GRAY
KAUFMAN
HOLIDAY
MCGROARTY
HORNER
REMARKS:
Please forward your comments directly to Dan McGroarty, Rm. 122, x2930,
no later than 10:00 a.m., MONDAY, SEPT. 7, with a copy to this office.
Thank you.
RESPONSE:
All comment
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
Draft 3
September 4, 1992
9:00 p
02 SEP 4 PIO : 21
[BNAI]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: B'NAI B'RITH
WASHINGTON, D.C.
SEPTEMBER 8, 1992
11:00 A.M.
It is a great honor to be here with you today.
[Acknowledgements.)
We've witnessed a world of change. Across Europe, across
continents, from Panama City to Prague, millions of men and women
now celebrate a new birth of freedom -- a new world of hope.
With change comes new challenges. For America, the end of
the Cold War means the beginning of a new era -- a new era of
economic competition that America simply must and will win. We
must recognize the new reality about domestic, economic and
foreign policies. In our world today, these three topics have
become one issue. In order to prevail, the United States must be
not only a military superpower, but an economic superpower -- an
export superpower as well. / /
Yet you and I both know that America is about more than the
GNP. Our strength as a people cannot only be measured by per
capita income. The state of our American union reflects not
simply the productivity of our economy but the character of our
society: How well we care for one another, in the wake of
natural tragedies like Hurricane Andrew -- in the face of all-
too-human tragedies of hate and unreason and violence. This is
2
what defines us. This is the true measure of what America means,
to ourselves -- to the world.
This willingness to reach out, to help those in need -- to
recognize across all the divides of color and culture and creed
our shared human spirit -- this is what B'Nai B'rith is all
about. For 150 years, the members of this organization have
served as the nation's conscience. And part of America's
conscience must always be to fight anti-semitism wherever and
whenever it appears.
I wish that I could stand before you today and say that
anti-semitism is history, but it is not. Not when there are hate
crimes here and brown shirts abroad. And let's call the thing by
its right name -- not neo-Nazis, but Nazis. That's a sorry
commentary on human nature.
And let's all be clear: Neither Jew nor Gentiles is safe so
long as anti-semitism fosters.
But we're not helpless. And we're doing something about it.
// In this country, we will aggressively employ the Hate Crimes
Same
Act to bring to justice those who traffic in the gutter. And I
give you this pledge: I will continue to do my utmost, here and
abroad, so that this prejudice is finally / finally, finally,
banished from the human heart. !
delice
But we're not helpless. And we're doing something about it.
one
// In this country, we will aggressively employ the Hate
Crimes Act to bring to justice those who traffic in the gutter.
And I give you this pledge: I will continue to do my utmost,
3
here and abroad, so that this prejudice is finally, finally,
finally, banished from the human heart!
In the end, anti-semitism and prejudice mock and threaten
the basic principle upon which the United States is founded.
They mock our belief in individual rights and in the human being,
created as the Bible tells us, in the image of God. And because
of that powerful belief in basic humanity, nothing is more sacred
to Americans than the principle of religious liberty.
In the words of George Washington, whose letter we
rededicate today:
"
the government of the United States
gives to bigotry no sanction, to persecution, no assistance
While everyone shall sit in safety under his own vine and
figtree, and there shall be none to make him afraid. " And here's
the difference, the vital difference between this American creed
and others. Because for us that freedom of religion is no gift
of government -- no privilege to be granted or withheld -- it is
a fundamental human right. //
Let's take heart that this American creed is spreading, that
people in our time are demanding and getting those rights they
have been denied so long. And changes in our world have come so
fast that I say they are nothing short of Biblical -- and by that
I mean just plain old fashioned miraculous.
Just think about it. Just a few years ago, who would have
thought we would no longer live under the threat of nuclear
conflagration? Who would have thought the scarring symbol of an
era -- the Berlin Wall -- would be found only in museums and
4
chipped into paperweights? Above all, who would have predicted
the Soviet Union would be found only in the pages of history?
And know this: the miracles aren't only confined to Europe.
Even in the Middle East, events have defied all the predictions.
For today, direct, bilateral talks are taking place between
Israel and her neighbors.
You may recall we were told we couldn't succeed -- we
couldn't bring the parties together. But we did.
I want to dwell for a moment on this breakthrough, because I
know it matters deeply to everyone in this hall. Let me take you
back nearly a year ago to another hall, in Madrid. There,
gathered around the table were representatives of Lebanon,
Jordan, Syria, Egypt, Palestinians -- and Israel. For nearly
half a century they had not met /outside the battlefield. But for table
face to face all together, across a
at once
the first time they came together Anot to fight -- but to talk.
(camp Davis
1948)
Then, as now, the goal is not just a ceasefire or a truce,
note as written wr
the statements
but peace, real peace. Not simply the end of war -- but genuine
wen't factual
reconciliation. A peace both broad and deep, a peace codified by
treaties, and given life by trade and tourism, by open borders -
- the fabric of peace knit together even more tightly by the
simple human contact of peoples who've known each other far too
long as enemies. A comprehensive peace, rooted in Security
Council Resolutions 242 and 338. A peace that at long last will
allow the peoples of the Middle East to turn their energies,
5
their resources, their lives to creation rather than destruction
-- to great works rather than great wars.
Today, as we speak, the parties that met first at Madrid are
mid-way through the sixth round of bilateral negotiations. There
has been progress. Delegations are exchanging not only
handshakes, but for the first time -- written proposals. Public
posturing has decreased -- and meaningful private dialogue has
increased.
Of course, major hurdles remain. It will take time and
effort and courage and trust. But there is clearly a way -- and
increasingly, a will.
The evidence is mounting: The many positive steps taken by
Israel's new government that improve day-to-day life for
Palestinians and signal its seriousness about peace -- Egypt's
invitation that made it possible for Prime Minister Rabin to make
his first trip outside Israel to an Arab country -- Syria's
relaxation of travel restrictions affecting its Jewish citizens.
Further gestures, such as an end to the Arab boycott, can only
help in bringing about an environment conducive for negotiation
and reconciliation.
I am proud of the role we've played in breaking the long-
standing taboo against direct talks between Israel and her
neighbors. Israel sought direct talks for 43 years -- and it was
right to do so. If you do not talk -- you can have no hope of
making peace. Now, there is such a hope.
6
I'm also proud of what we have done to end Israel's
diplomatic isolation internationally. Thanks to our efforts, we
succeeded -- after 17 years -- in getting the UN General Assembly
to repeal what should never have been enacted in the first place.
Zionism is not racism -- not before / not now / not ever. //
And thanks to our efforts, China and India and Turkey and
many other nations -- countries representing 2 billion people --
now have full diplomatic relations with Israel. Already this has
created not only greater contact for Israel worldwide, but new
economic opportunities.
And I know this audience knows of our efforts to open the
gates in the former Soviet Union and rescue Ethiopian Jews. Now
hundreds of thousands of Jewish men, women and children who only
a few years ago lived in fear or neglect in the Soviet Union or
Ethiopia now live in Israel, free to live, work and worship as
their heart tells them they must.
Persuading parties to talk peace / ending Israel's
international isolation / assisting in the in-gathering of Jews
into Israel: These are the three great aims that have guided
Israel from its founding. And we didn't just talk about helping
Israel in these areas -- we delivered. That's a fact of whch
every American can be proud.
And here's another fact. When the chips were down, when
Israel and many other countries were threatened by the most
brutal aggression, America was there. We stopped Saddam Hussein.
7
And that terrible time when the world feared that the Cold
War would be replaced by a new age of Saddam -- that's over, too.
Let's recall some simple facts. Saddam Hussein's rise to power
this
and aggression were not caused by the United States.
S'
We were not the reason Saddam Hussein was on the verge of
acquiring nuclear weapons
We were not the reason Saddam Hussein
had 5000 tanks -- or 5000 pieces of artillery -- or the 4th
largest army in the world. This was his own doing.
And whatever differences I had with my critics -- and with
some would-be revisionists who want to rewrite history -- cannot
obscure this fact: After August 2, while my critics stood by and
second guessed -- I acted to take care of that threat.
Ask yourself where the Middle East would be today -- where
Israel's security would be today -- if we had followed the
counsel of my critics. Ask yourself where we would be if we had
someone in the Oval Office who would have mattered -- who would
have wavered and wanted to have it both ways. Where would we be?
I'll tell you: We'd be facing a nuclear-armed Iraq, with a
choke-hold on the world's oil supplies -- and threatening
Israel's very existence. Israel's very survival would be at
stake -- and we'd be talking about whether there was any chance
to avoid nuclear Armageddon in the Middle East.
Well, Desert Storm swept away that nightmare and because of
America's courage today, we see the dawn of peace.
There is still work to be done. The Middle East -- indeed,
the world -- is still a dangerous place. Terrorists continue to
8
target the innocent. The proliferation of conventional arms as
well as weapons of mass destruction casts a cloud over the
region's future; Iraq's Saddam Hussein, however much weaker and
defeated, still brutalizes his own people and resists the will of
the international community. The need for Israel to remain
strong is beyond question, and it clearly includes having a
defensive capability against missile attack. The importance of
that was demonstrated by the Gulf War. And that's the reason
that I've proposed to Israel that it participate in our
development of a global protection system! So, the need for US-
Israeli strategic partnership and cooperation remains stronger
than ever.
And we're also going to see that partnership at work this
week. Because I am happy to tell you that I am sending to the
Congress legislation requesting up to $10 billion in loan
guarantees to aid Israel's government in the absorption of these
This a some
newcomers. And I know I can count on the support of every one in
spot for
this room to make sure that this proposal becomes law.
some
b/caspicial interest
I am glad that Prime Minister Rabin and I were able to reach lobby
an understanding on loan guarantees when we met in Kennebunkport
last month. He outlined for me the new Israeli government's new
priorities, committed to investing in Israel itself, and
determined to avoid steps that could hamper progress toward
peace. I share that commitment. And, as a result, we will be
able to promote peace and welcome new immigrants at one and the
same time. Both are humanitarian undertakings; both deserve our
9
full support. It was important not to choose between them, and I
am glad that we are now in a position to promote both objectives.
As for the future, I am confident that on most issues, on
most occasions, we and Israel will find ourselves in agreement.
I, for one, am committed to revitalizing the tradition of full
consultations between the United States and Israel on the entire
range of issues affecting stability in the Middle East. I know
the Prime Minister shares this commitment. And let me emphasize
this point: There will be no surprises.
I pledge to you that we will work hard to keep any divide to
a minimum. Our support for Israel and its security is not simply
a policy. It is a principle. As I said after Prime Minister
Rabin and I met in Maine, this is a relationship based on a
shared commitment to democracy and common values, as well as a
shared commitment to Israel's security, including its qualitative
military edge. This is a special relationship, one specially
built to endure.
No doubt there will be times when we disagree. Even friends
disagree. Even democratic governments like Israel and the United
States disagree. But here's the point: These are disagreements
between friends and I emphasize that word, friends.
There may even be issues where you and I will take opposing
sides. And things may get hot and words, hurtful words, may be
exchanged. // In the past, some remarks of mine were
misinterpreted. I have gone on the record expressing my sorrow
for any pain this may have caused and I'll go on the record again
10
-- right here and now again. But let me also express the hope
that some of the critics who've been a little quick to use words
like "anti-semitism" will also rethink what they've said.
Let's be clear about this: I support, I endorse, and I
deeply believe in the God-given right of every American to
promote what they believe. It is your right as an individual.
It's more than a right. It's a duty as an American citizen.
//
But let me also say that it is important that we learn how
to disagree. How a debate is conducted in a democracy is not
careless, it's a mark of civility and freedom. I hardly need to
tell anyone in this room just what anti-semitism is. As my
friend Abe Foxman pointed out, to accuse those who may come to
different conclusions on one or another public issue of harboring
anti-semitism is to cheapen the term. That is dangerous. That
is deeply wrong. And when those words, without justice, have
been aimed at me -- I can tell you: They cut to the heart.
11
But let's put all of this aside now and look to the future.
I've talked to you here about my optimism for that future. We
come of at a blessed time. The Cold War is over. And Israeli
peace talks have begun.
There is another reason to be optimistic. The American
people will soon exercise their unbroken two hundred year
democratic right to elect a President. And I'm optimistic too
about the identity of that new President -- so there I go again
in the Harry Truman mode. But, let me leave you with this.
However it turns out, commitment to freedom and democracy, to
11
tolerance and opportunity in America and around the world will
not change.
You are members of a community that has long and great
tradition of political participation. B'nai B'rith stands for
opportunity, for tolerance, for opposing anti-semitism and the
ugly face of hate in all its forms. You stand too for stalwart
support for America's close friend and ally, Israel.
And, let me simply say that aon all these issues, I am proud
to stand with you.
Thank you -- and may God bless the United States of America.
# # #