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26
18
6
1
CLOSE HOLD
Document No. 367275
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
12/14/92
----
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
SUBJECT: PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: TEXAS A & M, 12/15/92
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
<
MCBRIDE
BAKER
MOORE
SCOWCROFT
MULLINS
DARMAN
PETERSMEYER
BATES
PORTER
BRADY
SMITH
BROMLEY
TUTWILER
CALIO
ZOELLICK
DEMAREST
MCGROARTY
FITZWATER
GRAY
HOLIDAY
HORNER
REMARKS:
The attached has been forwarded to the President.
RESPONSE:
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
CLOSE HOLD
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
DRAFT: December 14, 1992,
7:00 p.m.
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: TEXAS A & M
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1992
07
COLLEGE STATION, TEXAS
Good afternoon, everyone. Dr. Bill Mobley, thank you for that
kind introduction. Congressman Joe Barton. Commissioner Rick
Perry. Representative Steve Ogden. Fred McClure. Ross
Margraves. Members of the Board of Regents. Members of the
Library committee. Thanks to my hosts, the Memorial Student
Center Political Forum. And my heartiest thanks to the Corps of
Cadets and the Fightin' Texas Aggies band.
In 36 days, I will hand over the stewardship of this great
nation, capping a career in public service that began 50 years
ago in the wartime skies over the Pacific. Our country won that
great contest but entered an uneasy peace: the fires of World
War II cooled into a longer Cold War, one that froze the world
into two opposing camps: on the one side, America and its allies
-- the forces of freedom against an alien ideology that cast its
shadow over every American.
Three years ago, when I addressed the graduating class of Texas
A & M, I spoke of the need to move "beyond containment." And I
said, "We seek the integration of the Soviet Union into the
community of nations
Ultimately, our objective is to welcome
the Soviet Union back into the world order." Was this aim too
ambitious? Not for the American people.
Today, by the grit of our people and the grace of God, the Cold
War is over. Freedom has carried the day. I leave the White
2
House grateful for what we have achieved together, and
exhilarated by the promise of what can come to pass.
This afternoon I would like to share some of my thoughts on the
past few years and on America's purpose in the world. My thesis
is a simple one. Amid the triumph and the tumult of the recent
past, one truth rings out more clearly than ever. America
remains today what Lincoln said it was more than a century ago:
the last best hope of man on earth.
This is a fact -- a truth made indelible by the struggles and
agonies of the 20th century -- and in the sacrifice symbolized by
each towering oak on Simpson Drill Field here at Texas A & M.
The leadership, the power, and yes, the conscience of the United
States of America -- all are essential for a peaceful, prosperous
international order, just as such an order is essential for us.
History's lesson is clear: When a war-weary America withdrew
from the international stage following World War I, the world
spawned militarism, fascism, and aggression unchecked, plunging
mankind into another devastating conflict. But in answering the
call to lead after World War II, we built from the principles of
democracy and the rule of law a new community of free nations --
a community whose strength, perseverance, patience, and unity of
purpose contained Soviet totalitarianism and kept the peace.
In the end, Soviet communism proved no match for free enterprise
beyond its borders or the yearning for liberty within them. And
the American leadership that undermined the confidence and
3
capacity of the communist regimes became a beacon for all the
peoples of the world.
Steadfast and sure, generations of Americans stood in the path of
the Soviet advance, while our adversary probed for weaknesses
that were never found. Presidents from both parties led an
Atlantic Alliance held together by bonds of principle and love of
liberty -- facing a. Warsaw Pact lashed together by occupation
troops, quisling governments, and, when all else failed, the use
of tanks against people.
By the 1980's, Kremlin leaders found that our Alliance would not
crack when they threatened America's allies with the infamous
SS-20 nuclear missile. Nor did the Alliance shrink from the
deployment of countervailing missiles to defend against this
menace.
In the Pacific, too, we built a new alliance with Japan, defended
Korea, and called hundreds of thousands of Americans to sacrifice
in the jungles of Southeast Asia.
The American people demonstrated that they would shoulder
whatever defense burden, make whatever sacrifice was needed to
assure our freedom and protect our allies and interests. We made
use of the superb technology our free enterprise system has
produced. Having learned that they could not divide our
Alliance, the Soviets eventually were forced to realize that
their command economy simply could not compete. As the Soviet
4
system stalled and crumbled, so too did the ability of its rulers
to deny their people the truth -- about us, and about them.
In the end Soviet communism was destroyed by its own internal
contradictions. New leaders with new vision faced the hard
truths their predecessors had long denied. Glasnost and
perestroika may have been Russian words -- but the concepts at
their core were universal.
The Soviet Union did not simply lose the Cold War; the Western
democracies won it. I say this not to gloat but to make a point.
The qualities that enabled us to triumph in that struggle --
faith, strength, unity, and above all American leadership -- are
those we must call upon now to win the peace.
In recent years, with the Soviet empire in its death throes, the
potential for crisis and conflict was never greater, the demand
for American leadership never more compelling:
--
As the peoples of Eastern Europe made their bold move for
freedom, we urged them along a peaceful path to liberation.
They turned to America -- and we did not turn away.
When our German friends took their hammers to tear down that
wall, we encouraged a united Germany safely within the NATO
Alliance. They looked to America -- and we did not look
away.
5
When the people of Russia blocked the tanks that tried to
roll back the tide of history, America did not walk away.
[[I can remember speaking to Boris Yeltsin at that terrible
moment of crisis. At times the static on the telephone made it
almost impossible to hear him. But there was no mistaking what
he wanted to know. He asked where the United States of America
stood. And America answered, for all the world to hear, "We
stand with you
President Yeltsin hasn't forgotten. On his visit to the White
House this June, he said -- and I quote -- the United States "was
the first
to understand the true scope and meaning of the
victory of the Russian people on August 19, 1991."]]
The free peoples of the world watched in awe as the Soviet Union
collapsed, but they held their breath at what might take its
place -- wondering who might control its tens of thousands of
nuclear weapons. Only America could manage that danger. We
acted decisively to help the new leaders reduce their arsenals -
- and gain firm control of those that remained.
Here, then, is the remarkable fact that history will record: the
end of a titanic clash of political systems, the collapse of the
most heavily armed empire in history, took place without a shot
being fired. That should be a source of pride for every
American.
6
From the days after World War II, when fragile European
democracies were threatened by Stalin's expansionism, to the last
days of the Cold War, as our foes became fragile democracies
themselves, American leadership has been indispensable. No one
person deserves credit for this; America does. It has been
achieved because of what we as a people stand for -- and what we
are made of.
Yes, we answered the call and we triumphed, but today we are
summoned again. This time we are called not to wage a war, hot
or cold, but to win the democratic peace -- not for half a world,
as before, but for people the world over. The end of the Cold
War has placed in our hands a unique opportunity to see the
principles for which America has stood for two centuries --
democracy, free enterprise, and the rule of law -- spread more
widely than ever before in human history.
For the first time, turning this global vision into a new and
better world is a realistic possibility. It is a hope that
embodies our country's tradition of idealism, which has made us
unique among nations, and uniquely successful. And our vision is
not mere Utopianism: the advance of democratic ideals reflects a
hard-nosed sense of American self-interest. For certain truths
have now become evident: Governments responsive to the will of
the people are not likely to commit aggression -- to sponsor
terrorism -- or to threaten humanity with weapons of mass
destruction. Likewise, the global spread of free markets, by
encouraging trade, investment, and growth, will sustain the
7
expansion of American prosperity. In short, by helping others,
we help ourselves.
Some will dismiss this vision as no more than a dream. I ask
them to consider the last four years, when a dozen dreams were
made real. The Berlin Wall demolished and Germany united; the
captive nations set free; Russia democratic; whole classes of
nuclear weapons eliminated, the rest vastly reduced; many nations
united in our historic UN coalition to turn back a tyrant in the
Persian Gulf; Israel and its Arab neighbors talking peace -- face
to face -- in a region that has known so much war.
Each of these once seemed a dream. Today they are concrete
realities, brought about by a common cause: the patient and
judicious application of American leadership, American power, and
American moral force. Without doubt, there will be serious
obstacles and set-backs ahead. We face some already. Violence,
poverty, ethnic and religious hatreds will be powerful
adversaries. Overcoming them will take time and tenacity,
courage and commitment; but they can be overcome.
Look to Europe -- where nations, after centuries of war,
transformed themselves into a peaceful, progressive community.
No society, no continent, should be disqualified from sharing the
ideals of human liberty. The community of democratic nations is
more robust than ever. And it will gain strength as it grows.
By working with our allies, by invigorating our international
institutions, America does not have stand alone.
8
Yet from some quarters we hear voices sounding the retreat. We
have carried the burden too long, they say, and the disappearance
of the Soviet challenge means America can withdraw from
international responsibilities. Others assert that domestic
needs preclude an active foreign policy, that we have done our
part and now it is someone else's turn. We are warned against
entangling ourselves in the troubles that abound in today's
world. To name only a few: clan warfare and mass starvation in
Somalia; savage violence in Bosnia; instability in the former
Soviet Union; the alarming growth of virulent nationalism
throughout Europe.
And it is true: These problems -- some frozen by the Cold War,
others held in check by communist repression -- seem to have
ignited all at once, taxing the world's ability to respond. But
let us be clear: The alternative to American leadership is not
more security for our citizens but less; not the flourishing of
American principles but their isolation in a world actively
hostile to them.
"Destiny," it has been said, "is not a matter of chance, it is a
matter of choice; it is not a thing to be waited for, it is a
thing to be achieved." We can never safely assume that our
future will be an improvement over the past. Our choice as a
people is simple: We can either shape our times, or we can let
the times shape us. And shape us they will, at a price
frightening to contemplate -- morally, economically, and
strategically.
9
Morally, a failure to respond to massive human catastrophes like
that in Somalia would scar our national soul. There can be no
single or simple set of guidelines for foreign policy -- but we
should consider using military force in those situations where
the stakes warrant, and where force is likely to be effective.
Economically, a world of escalating instability and hostile
nationalism will disrupt global markets, ignite trade wars and
set us on a path of economic decline. American jobs would be
lost, our chance to compete would be blocked, and our very well-
being would be undermined.
Strategically, abandonment of the world-wide democratic
revolution could be disastrous for American security. In Russia,
in Eastern Europe, in Central Asia, the alternative to democracy
is authoritarianism: repressive regimes that can be xenophobic,
aggressive, and violent. And in a world where weapons of mass
destruction are spreading, the collapse of the democratic
revolution could pose a direct threat to the safety of every
American.
The new world could, in time, be as menacing as the old. Let me
be blunt: a retreat from American leadership -- from American
involvement -- would be a mistake for which future generations,
indeed our own children, would pay dearly.
But we can influence the future. We can rededicate ourselves to
the hard work of freedom. This does not mean running off on
reckless, expensive crusades. It does not mean bearing the
10
world's burdens alone. But it does mean leadership -- economic,
political, and, yes, military -- when our interests and values
are at risk and where we can make a difference. When we place
our young men and women of the military in harm's way, we must be
able to assure them -- and their families -- that their mission
is defined, and that its success can be achieved.
It seems like ages ago that the people of Germany tore down that
Wall. But it has been only three years -- and just over a year
since the August coup was defeated by brave Russian democrats.
In this brief time, we have embarked on a new course, through
uncharted waters. The United States and its friends -- old and
new -- have begun to define the post-Cold War reality. We are
already transforming the old network of alliances, institutions,
and regimes to face the future. Those challenges must be met
with collective action, led by the United States, to protect and
promote our political, economic, and security values.
Our foundation must be the democratic community that won the Cold
War. We have begun to adapt America's political, economic, and
defense relationships with Europe and Japan to ensure their
vitality and strength in this new era. For these will be our
primary partners in addressing the next generation of problems
and opportunities.
For example, we have begun to transform the Atlantic Alliance,
that bulwark against the Soviet threat, into a partnership with a
more united Europe -- a partnership primed to meet new security
challenges in this age of uncertainty. And a new feature of our
11
Alliance, the North Atlantic Cooperation Council, enables NATO to
reach out to our former adversaries in the Warsaw Pact.
In the Pacific, we have affirmed the importance of the U.S.-
Japan security ties to stability in Asia. But we are also
exploring ways to work together as global partners to address
common interests -- in economics, development, and regional
problems.
Then we have committed ourselves to expanding the democratic
community by supporting political and economic freedom in nascent
democracies and market economies. And we are sharing this burden
with the very nations America helped after World War II.
In Central and Eastern Europe, our Enterprise Funds and other
programs have helped develop a new political, economic, and civic
infrastructure for nations long oppressed by Stalin's legacy.
Now the Freedom Support Act will provide crucial help for reform
in the lands of our former enemies.
In Latin America, the day of the dictator has given way to the
dawn of democracy. This very day, Vice President Quayle is
taking part in a ceremony in El Salvador that caps the long
effort to end the killing and give the people there the
opportunity to live in peace. Throughout the region, economic
initiatives are helping a new generation of leaders reform their
societies. The Brady Plan and our Enterprise for the Americas
Initiative have opened up extraordinary possibilities for a new
relationship with our hemispheric neighbors. Investment, free
12
trade, debt relief, and environmental protection will nurture the
home-grown reforms throughout Latin America.
We are strengthening the ability of the democratic community to
deal with the political landmines that the Cold War has exposed
-- aggressive nationalism, ethnic conflict, civil war, and
humanitarian crises. The United States has led the world in
supporting a United Nations more capable of dealing with these
crises.
All over the world -- Nicaragua, Namibia, Angola, Cambodia -- we
have promoted elections not only as a goal, but as a tool, a
device for resolving conflicts and establishing political
legitimacy.
In the area of security and arms control, we've stepped up patrol
against the spread of weapons of mass destruction. The new
Chemical Weapons Convention will ban chemical weapons from the
arsenals of all participating states. We've strengthened
multilateral export controls on nuclear, chemical, biological,
and missile-related technologies. In a mission without
precedent, a UN inspection team is demolishing Iraq's
unconventional weapons capability. Once implemented, the
agreements we've negotiated will ban new nuclear states on the
territory of the former Soviet Union. Above all, we have sought
to erase nuclear nightmares from the sleep of future generations.
And we underscored one key security principle with a line in the
sand: naked aggression against our vital interests will be
13
answered decisively by American resolve, leadership, and might.
Our victory in the Persian Gulf War was more than a blow for
justice -- it was a reminder to other would-be aggressors that
they will pay a price for their outlaw acts.
We have been committed to building the basis for sustained
international economic growth -- for ourselves and for those
nations of what were once the so-called second and third worlds.
The heart of our efforts has been the creation of a stronger and
freer international trading market.
Our recent breakthrough with the European Community clears the
way for an early conclusion to the Uruguay Round of GATT and a
major boost to world economic recovery. This week, Mexico,
Canada, and the United States will sign a landmark agreement
establishing the largest free trade zone the world has ever seen.
And our efforts to forge a new mechanism for Asia Pacific
Economic Cooperation confirm America's commitment to remain an
economic and security power in Asia.
I believe we have taken important steps toward a world in which
democracy is the norm, in which private enterprise, free trade,
and prosperity enrich every region -- a world in which the rule
of law prevails, and in which ethnic hatred has been buried for
good.
We must not stumble as we travel toward a world without the
brutal violence of Bosnia, the deadly anarchy of Somalia, or the
squalor that still haunts much of the Southern Hemisphere. We
14
cannot rest while a handful of renegade regimes aspire to obtain
weapons of mass destruction with which to threaten their
neighbors, or even America. There is much to be done before we
are within reach of the democratic peace. But these first steps
have taken us in the right direction.
The challenge ahead is as great as the one we faced at the end of
the last great war. But the opportunity is vastly greater.
Success will require American vision and resolve -- an America
secure in its military, moral and economic strength. Success
will require unity of purpose: a commitment on the part of all
our people to the proposition that our Nation's destiny lies in
the hope of a better world -- a new world made better, with our
friends and allies, by American leadership.
History is summoning us once again to lead. Proud of its past,
America must once again look forward. We must live up to the
greatness of our forefathers' ideals, and in doing so secure our
grandchildren's futures.
That is the cause that much of my public life has been dedicated
to serving. That is the cause that you and I must now support
our new President in pursuing.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of
America.
#
#
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
$2 DEC12 A12: 24
December 11, 1992
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
DAN MC GROARTY
FROM:
ANDREW FERGUSON at
SUBJECT:
PROPOSED REMARKS AT TEXAS A & M
I. SUMMARY
On Tuesday, December 15th at noon you will deliver remarks
to an audience of 7,500 students and faculty in the G. Rollie
White Coliseum on the campus of Texas A & M.
II. DISCUSSION
Your remarks (approximately 25 minutes / teleprompter) focus
on your foreign policy accomplishments and America's role in the
post-Cold War world.
11, 1992
THE PRESIDENT
92
Tie in to A&M History
When A&M's most decorated hero name)
f this great
of WWI finsihed his active service, a war
weary america withdrew etc.
an 50 years
Country won that
great contest but entered an uneasy peace: the fires of World
War II cooled into a longer Cold War, one that froze the world
into two opposing camps -- the forces of freedom against an alien
ideology that cast its shadow over every American. Now, by the
grit of our people and the grace of our God, the Cold War is
over. Freedom has carried the day. I leave the White House
grateful for what together we have achieved, and exhilirated by
come to
the promise of what we can yes be pass.
This afternoon I would like to share some of my thoughts on the
past few years and on America's purpose in the world. My thesis
is a simple one. Amid the triumph and the tumult of the recent
past, one truth rings out more clearly than ever. America
remains today what Lincoln said it was more than a century ago:
on ?)
the last best hope of earth.
This is a fact: a truth made indelible by the struggles and
agonies of the 20th century. The leadership, the power, and yes,
the conscience of the United States of America -- all are
essential for a peaceful, prosperous international order, just as
such an order is essential for us. History's lesson is clear:
When America, victorious but weary, withdrew from the
DRAFT: December 11, 1992
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: TEXAS A & M
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1992
COLLEGE STATION, TEXAS
(Acknowledgments)
In XX days, I will hand over the stewardship of this great
nation, capping a career in public service that began 50 years
ago in the wartime skies over the Pacific. Our country won that
great contest but entered an uneasy peace: the fires of World
War II cooled into a longer Cold War, one that froze the world
into two opposing camps -- the forces of freedom against an alien
ideology that cast its shadow over every American. Now, by the
grit of our people and the grace of our God, the Cold War is
over. Freedom has carried the day. I leave the White House
grateful for what together we have achieved, and exhilirated by
come
the promise of what we can yet br pass.
This afternoon I would like to share some of my thoughts on the
past few years and on America's purpose in the world. My thesis
is a simple one. Amid the triumph and the tumult of the recent
past, one truth rings out more clearly than ever. America
remains today what Lincoln said it was more than a century ago:
on 3
the last best hope of earth.
X
This is a fact: a truth made indelible by the struggles and
agonies of the 20th century. The leadership, the power, and yes,
the conscience of the United States of America -- all are
essential for a peaceful, prosperous international order, just as
such an order is essential for us. History's lesson is clear:
When America, victorious but weary, withdrew from the
international stage following World War I, the world spawned
2
militarism, fascism, and aggression unchecked, plunging mankind
into another devastating conflict. But in answering the call to
lead after World War II, we built from the principles of
democracy and the rule of law a new community of free nations --
a community whose moral resolve and economic strength contained
Soviet totalitarianism and kept the peace.
In the end, Soviet communism proved no match for free enterprise
beyond its borders or the yearning for liberty within them. And
the American leadership that undermined the confidence and
capacity of the communist regimes became a light for all the
peoples of the world.
Steadfast and sure, generations of Americans stood in the path of
the Soviet advance, while our adversary probed for weaknesses
that were never found. Presidents from both parties led an
Atlantic Alliance held together by enduring bonds among true
friends, facing a Warsaw Pact forced together by occupation
troops, quisling governments, and, when all else failed, the use
of tanks against people.
By the 1980's, Kremlin leaders found that our Alliance would not
crack when they threatened America's allies with the infamous
would the Alliance
V
SS-20 nuclear missile. Nor would we bend under pressure once we
decided to deploy to Europe missiles to protect our Allies from
this menace.
The American people showed that they would shoulder whatever
defense burden was needed to assure our freedom and protect our
3
allies and interests. We made use of the splendid technology our
free enterprise system has produced. We showed that free people
are capable of both sacrifice and strength. Having learned that
they could not divide our Alliance, the Soviets eventually were
forced to doubt that their command economy could keep them in the
race. As the Soviet system stalled and crumbled, so too did the
ability of its rulers to deny their people the truth -- about us,
and about them.
the
True, in the end Soviet communism was destroyed by its own
dysfunctional dialectic. But the Soviet Union did not simply
"Okleador in
lose the Cold War; the Western democracies won it. I say this
not to gloat but to make a point. The qualities that enabled us
to triumph in that struggle -- faith, strength, unity, and above
all American leadership -- are those we must call upon now to win
care within glazur puid. mm
the peace.
With Soviet communism in its death throes in recent years, the
potential for cataclysm was never greater, the demand for
7
American leadership was never more compelling:
As the peoples of Eastern Europe made their bold but
peaceful move for freedom, they turned to America. And we
did not turn away.
When our German friends took their hammers to tear down that
wall, they looked to America for solidarity. And we did not
look away.
4
When the people of Russia blocked the tanks that tried to
roll back the tide of history, Boris Yeltsin asked where we
stood. America did not walk away. America answered, for
the world to hear, "We stand with you." and To this day
the B.Y. c redot 14 for buy the frest clean sex story VOICE
to 59 we stude netr you
The free peoples of the world watched in awe as the Soviet Union
collapsed, but they held their breath at what might take its
place -- at whoever might control its tens of thousands of
nuclear weapons. Only America could manage that danger. We
acted decisively to help the new leaders reduce their arsenals.
Here, then, is the remarkable fact that history will record: the
end of a titantic clash of political systems, the collapse of the
most heavily armed empire in history, took place without a shot
being fired. That should be a source of pride for every
American.
From the days after World War II, when fragile European
democracies were threatened by Stalin's expansionism, to the last
days of the Cold War, as our foes became fragile democracies
themselves, American leadership has been indispensable. No one
person deserves credit for this; America does. It has been
achieved because of what we as a people stand for -- and are made
of.
Yes, we answered the call and we triumphed, but today we are
summoned again. This time we are called not to wage a war, hot
or cold, but to create a democratic peace -- not for half a
world, as before, but for people the world over. The end of the
5
Cold War has placed in our hands the chance to change history:
to see the principles of democracy, free enterprise, and the rule
of law -- American principles -- embraced and enjoyed by the
entire human race.
This global vision can energize America as we approach the
millennium. It embodies our country's tradition of idealism,
which has made us unique among nations, and uniquely successful.
But more than that: the advance of democratic ideals reflects a
hard-nosed sense of American self-interest. For if the long
struggle now concluded has taught us anything, it is this:
Democracies do not commit aggression. Democracies do not sponsor
terrorism. Democracies do not threaten humanity with weapons of
mass destruction. Likewise, the global spread of free markets,
through trade, investment, and growth, will sustain the expansion
of American prosperity. By helping others, in short, we help
ourselves.
re-und
Some will dismiss this vision as no more than a dream. I ask
them to consider the last four years, when a dozen dreams were
made real. The Berlin Wall demolished; the captive nations set
free; Russia democratic; whole classes of nuclear weapons
eliminated, the rest vastly reduced; the United May Nations turning
unticl
in
historise coalition
back a tyrant in the Persian Gulf; Israel and each of its Arab
neighbors talking peace in a region that has known so much war.
Each of these was once a dream. Today they are concrete
XS.Avaly
realities, brought about by a common cause: the patient and
judicious application of American leadership, American power, and
6
American moral force. There were obstacles and set-backs; they
were overcome.
And surely serious obstacles and set-backs will confront us
again. We face some already. Violence, poverty, and tribal and
religious hatreds will be powerful adversaries. Overcoming them
will take time and tenacity, courage and resolve; but they will
be overcome. For no society, no continent, should be
disqualified from our ideals. The community of democratic
nations is more robust than ever. And it will gain strength as
it grows. By working with our allies, by strengthening our
international institutions, America does not have to go it alone.
Yet from some quarters we hear voices sounding the retreat. The
disappearance of the Soviet challenge, they say, means America
can withdraw from international responsibilities. Others assert
that domestic needs preclude an active foreign policy, that we
have done our part and now it is someone else's turn. We are
warned against stepping up to the troubles that abound in today's
world: clan warfare and mass starvation in Somalia; savage
violence in Bosnia; instability in Russia; the alarming growth of
virulent nationalism throughout Europe. to have but a few
And it is true: These problems -- some frozen by the Cold War,
kept mare by n Mascow's Apressive 3425m
others held in check by communist repression -- seem to have
ignited all at once, taxing the world's ability to respond. But
let us be clear: The alternative to American leadership is not
more security for our citizens but less; not the flourishing of
7
American principles but their isolation in a world actively
hostile to them. "Destiny," it has been said, "is not a matter
of chance, it is a matter of choice; it is not a thing to be
waited for, it is a thing to be achieved." Our choice as a
people is simple: We can either shape our times, or we can let
the times shape us. And shape us they will, at a price
frightening to contemplate -- morally, economically, and
strategically.
Morally, a failure to respond to massive human catastrophes like
that in Somalia, where we can make the difference, will scar our
National soul for a generation. When it is in our power to do
something that is right and yet we fail to do it, we become less
than what we are. America loses the moral authority that has
made it special in history. This does not men we can
mglit my wrong evizutive ii the would It does near
(defam it!) (defam it
Economically, a world of escalating instability and hostile
nationalism will disrupt global markets, touch off trade wars and
set us on a path of economic decline. American jobs would be
lost, our chance to compete would be blocked, and our very well-
being would be undermined.
Strategically, abandonment of the world-wide democratic
revolution could be disastrous for American security. What was
once Yugoslavia offers a view of the future -- if we let our
values die in that third of the world that has just been
liberated from communism.
8
In Russia, in Eastern Europe, in Central Asia, the alternative to
democracy is authoritarianism: aggressive, xenophobic, and
violent. And in a world where weapons of mass destruction are
spreading, the collapse of the democratic revolution could pose a
direct threat to the safety of every American.
The new world could, in time, be as menacing as the old. Let me
-ammen invol rent -
be blunt: a retreat from American leadership, would be a mistake
for which future generations, indeed our own children, would not
forgive us.
But we need not face such a future. Instead, we can recommit
ourselves to the hard work of freedom. This does not mean
running off on reckless, expensive crusades. It does not mean
fey
w
It destaily does not mean putting
on
haves
I
bearing the world's burdens alone., But it does mean leadership - way
wisso
- economic, political, and, yes, military -- when our interests
ill-d a etc
and values are at risk and where we can make a difference.
on on a
mission whore
It seems like forever ago that the people of Germany tore down
sucestal covelous cannot
his
that Wall. But it has been only three years -- and just over a
guarant
year since the August coup was defeated by brave Russian
democrats. In this brief time, we have embarked on a new course,
through uncharted waters. It has been up to America to tend the
rudder.
We have begun to define the post-Cold War reality. The old
network of alliances, institutions, and regimes is being
transformed to meet new challenges -- challenges that must be met
9
with collective action, led by the United States, to protect and
promote our political, economic, and security values.
Our foundation must be the core of the democratic community that
won the Cold War. We have begun to adapt America's political,
economic, and defense relationships with Europe and Japan to
ensure their vitality and strength in this new era. For these
will be our primary partners in addressing the next generation of
problems and opportunities.
For example, we have begun to transform the Atlantic Alliance,
that bulwark against the Soviet threat, into a partnership with a
more united Europe -- a partnership ready to meet new security
challenges in this age of uncertainty. And a new feature of our
Alliance, the North Atlantic Cooperation Council, enables NATO to
reach out to our former adversaries in the Warsaw Pact.
In the Pacific, we have affirmed the importance of the U.S.-
Japan security ties to stability in Asia, but also explored ways
to work together as global partners to address common interests
-- in economics, development, and regional problems.
Then we have committed ourselves to expanding the democratic
community by supporting political and economic freedom in nascent
democracies and market economies. And we are sharing this burden
with the very nations America helped after World War II.
In Central and Eastern Europe, our Enterprise Funds and other
programs have helped develop a new political, economic, and civic
10
infrastructure for nations crushed for years by Stalin's legacy.
Now the Freedom Support Act will provide crucial help for reform
in the lands of our former enemies.
multing dectatorships dround in demoveries wave,
In Latin America our Enterprise for the Americas Initiative has
opened up extraordinary possibilities for a new relationship with
our hemispheric neighbors. Debt relief, investment, free trade,
and environmental protection will water the home-grown efforts
throughout Latin America to open up their economies and transform
their societies.
We are strengthening the ability of the democratic community to
deal with the political landmines the Cold War left over --
aggressive nationalism, ethnic conflict, civil war, and
humanitarian crises. We have pledged our support for a more
capable UN.
All over the world -- Nicaragua, Namibia, Angola, Cambodia -- we
envisioned elections not only as a goal, but as a tool, a device
for resolving conflicts and establishing political legitimacy.
In the area of security and arms control, we've stepped up patrol
against the spread of weapons of mass destruction. The new
Chemical Weapons Convention will ban chemical weapons from the
arsenals of all participating states. We've strengthened
multilateral export controls on nuclear, chemical, biological,
and missile-related technologies. In an act without precedent, a
ability to possess
UN inspection team is demolishing Iraq' weapons of mass
destruction. Once implemented, the START Treaty will ban new
11
nuclear states on the territory of the former Soviet Union.
Above all, we have seeked to ban nuclear nightmares from the
sleep of future generations.
And we underscored one key security principle with a line in the
sand: naked aggression against our vital interests will be
answered decisively by American resolve, leadership, and might.
Our victory in the Persian Gulf War was more than a blow for
justice -- it was a needed reminder to other would-be tyrants:
aggiszion will not starch
If you're going to threaten the freedom of others -- you're going
to lose some of your own.
We have been committed to building the basis for sustained
international economic growth -- for ourselves and for those
nations of what were once the so-called second and third worlds.
In particular, we have taken important steps toward the creation
of a stronger and freer international trading market.
Our recent breakthrough with the European Community clears the
way for an early conclusion to the Uruguay Round of GATT and a
major boost to world economic recovery. This week, Mexico,
Canada, and the United States will sign a landmark agreement
establishing the largest free trade zone the world has ever seen.
And our efforts to forge a new mechanism for Asia Pacific
Economic Cooperation confirm America's commitment to continue to
be an economic as well as a security power in Asia.
I believe we have taken the first steps toward a world in which
democracy is commonplace, in which private enterprise, free trade
12
and prosperity reach every region. A world in which the rule of
law prevails, and in which ethnic hatred has been buried for
good.
We must not stumble as we travel toward a world without the
brutal violence of Bosnia, the deadly anarchy of Somalia, or the
squalor that still haunts much of the Southern Hemisphere. We
cannot rest while a handful of renegade regimes aspire to obtain
weapons of mass destruction with which to threaten their
neighbors, or even our own Nation. There is a difficult distance
to go before we are within reach of the democratic peace. But
these first steps have determined an important direction.
The challenge ahead is as great as the one we faced at the end of
the last great war. But the opportunity is vastly greater.
Success will require American vision and resolve. It will
require unity of purpose: a commitment on the part of all our
people to the proposition that our Nation's destiny lies in the
hope of a better world -- a world made better by American
leadership.
History is summoning us once again to lead. We must live up to
the greatness of our forefathers' ideals, and in so doing secure
our grandchildren's futures.
mch of
That is the cause that my entire life as a public servant has
A
been dedicated to fulfilling. That is the cause that you and I
must now support our new President in pursuing.
14 December 1992
MEMORANDUM FOR DAN MC GROARTY
ANDY FERGUSON
FROM:
J.
BUNTON
SUBJECT:
TEXAS A&M WAR HEROES/ETC.
INFO PER MARY JO POWELL AT TA&M:
WW2
GEN. EARL RUDDER [DECEASED]
FORMER PRES. TEXAS A&M
LEADER BATTLE OF NORMANDY [SECOND BATTALION]
RUDDER TOWER [OFFICE BLDG. ] ACROSS FROM SPEECH SITE
WIFE MARGARET WILL BE IN AUDIENCE
WWI
JESSE L. EASTWOOD -- 1917 ENLISTED IN NAVAL AIR SERVICE --
TRAINED AT PENSACOLA, 1918 SERVED WITH BRITISH ROYAL FLYING CORPS
AND COMPLETED 16 RAIDS BEHIND GERMAN LINES. WORE MEDAL SHOWING
SERVICE IN THREE FORIEGN COUNTRIES -- KILLED IN AEROPLANE
ACCIDENT IN PANAMA CANAL ZONE. POSTUMOUSLY AWARDED NAVY CROSS.
ALS000000
"SIMPSON DRILL FIELD" ON CAMPUS OF TEXAS A& M, SITE OF FIELD
PARADES IS LINED WITH OAK TREES, ONE PLANTED IN HONOR EACH AGGIE
WHO DIED IN WW I.
THE FIGHTIN' TEXAS AGGIE BAND WILL PLAY FOR POTUS, SOME OF THE
CORPS OF CADETS WILL BE IN AUDIENCE, ALSO STUDENTS ARE TAKING
THEIR FINAL EXAMS
the sacrifice sym offized by
each
Towarns oalif of Simpson
Drill Field. - Texas ArM's
contration to daty, honor, country.
12/14/92
15:24
001
TO:
Dan M.
FROM:
Richard H.
RE:
A&M speech
insert in place of para beginning morally on page 7:
Morally, a failure to respond to massive catastrophes like that
in Somalia would scar our national soul. There can be no single
or simple set of guidelines for foreign policy, but we should
consider using military force in those situations where the
stakes warrant and where force is likely to be effective.
Document No. 367275
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 12/12/92
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 10:00 am / MON. / 12-14
PROPOSED PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: TEXAS A & M
COLLEGE STATION, TEXAS
SUBJECT:
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1992
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCBRIDE
BAKER
MOORE
In
SCOWCROFT
MULLINS
DARMAN
PETERSMEYER
BATES
PORTER
n
BRADY
SMITH
BROMLEY
TUTWILER
CALIO
X ZOELLICK
DEMAREST
MCGROARTY
FITZWATER
GAUGHAN
GRAY
BOSKIN
HOLIDAY
HORNER
REMARKS:
Please provide your comments on the attached directly to
Dan McGroarty, Rm 122, x2930, with a copy to this office
NO LATER THAN 10:00 a.m., MONDAY, DECEMBER 14. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
called @ 8:30
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
12:24
December 11, 1992
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
DAN MC GROARTY
FROM:
ANDREW FERGUSON at
SUBJECT:
PROPOSED REMARKS AT TEXAS A & M
I. SUMMARY
On Tuesday, December 15th at noon you will deliver remarks
to an audience of 7,500 students and faculty in the G. Rollie
White Coliseum on the campus of Texas A & M.
II. DISCUSSION
Your remarks (approximately 25 minutes / teleprompter) focus
on your foreign policy accomplishments and America's role in the
post-Cold War world.
DRAFT: December 11, 1992
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: TEXAS A & M
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1992
COLLEGE STATION, TEXAS
(Acknowledgments)
In XX days, I will hand over the stewardship of this great
nation, capping a career in public service that began 50 years
ago in the wartime skies over the Pacific. Our country won that
great contest but entered an uneasy peace: the fires of World
War II cooled into a longer Cold War, one that froze the world
into two opposing camps -- the forces of freedom against an alien
ideology that cast its shadow over every American. Now, by the
grit of our people and the grace of our God, the Cold War is
over. Freedom has carried the day. I leave the White House
grateful for what together we have achieved, and exhilirated by
the promise of what we can yet bring to pass.
This afternoon I would like to share some of my thoughts on the
past few years and on America's purpose in the world. My thesis
is a simple one. Amid the triumph and the tumult of the recent
past, one truth rings out more clearly than ever. America
remains today what Lincoln said it was more than a century ago:
the last best hope of earth.
This is a fact: a truth made indelible by the struggles and
agonies of the 20th century. The leadership, the power, and yes,
the conscience of the United States of America -- all are
essential for a peaceful, prosperous international order, just as
such an order is essential for us. History's lesson is clear:
When America, victorious but weary, withdrew from the
2
militarism, fascism, and aggression unchecked, plunging mankind
into another devastating conflict. But in answering the call to
lead after World War II, we built from the principles of
democracy and the rule of law a new community of free nations --
a community whose moral resolve and economic strength contained
Soviet totalitarianism and kept the peace.
In the end, Soviet communism proved no match for free enterprise
beyond its borders or the yearning for liberty within them. And
the American leadership that undermined the confidence and
capacity of the communist regimes became a light for all the
peoples of the world.
Steadfast and sure, generations of Americans stood in the path of
the Soviet advance, while our adversary probed for weaknesses
that were never found. Presidents from both parties led an
Atlantic Alliance held together by enduring bonds among true
friends, facing a Warsaw Pact forced together by occupation
troops, quisling governments, and, when all else failed, the use
of tanks against people.
By the 1980's, Kremlin leaders found that our Alliance would not
crack when they threatened America's allies with the infamous
SS-20 nuclear missile. Nor would we bend under pressure once we
decided to deploy to Europe missiles to protect our Allies from
this menace.
The American people showed that they would shoulder whatever
defense burden was needed to assure our freedom and protect our
3
allies and interests. We made use of the splendid technology our
free enterprise system has produced. We showed that free people
are capable of both sacrifice and strength. Having learned that
they could not divide our Alliance, the Soviets eventually were
forced to doubt that their command economy could keep them in the
race. As the Soviet system stalled and crumbled, so too did the
ability of its rulers to deny their people the truth -- about us,
and about them.
True, in the end Soviet communism was destroyed by its own
dysfunctional dialectic. But the Soviet Union did not simply
lose the Cold War; the Western democracies won it. I say this
not to gloat but to make a point. The qualities that enabled us
to triumph in that struggle -- faith, strength, unity, and above
all American leadership -- are those we must call upon now to win
the peace.
With Soviet communism in its death throes in recent years, the
potential for cataclysm was never greater, the demand for
American leadership was never more compelling:
-- As the peoples of Eastern Europe made their bold but
peaceful move for freedom, they turned to America. And we
did not turn away.
-- When our German friends took their hammers to tear down that
wall, they looked to America for solidarity. And we did not
look away.
4
-- When the people of Russia blocked the tanks that tried to
roll back the tide of history, Boris Yeltsin asked where we
stood. America did not walk away. America answered, for
the world to hear, "We stand with you. "
The free peoples of the world watched in awe as the Soviet Union
collapsed, but they held their breath at what might take its
place -- at whoever might control its tens of thousands of
nuclear weapons. Only America could manage that danger. We
acted decisively to help the new leaders reduce their arsenals.
Here, then, is the remarkable fact that history will record: the
end of a titantic clash of political systems, the collapse of the
most heavily armed empire in history, took place without a shot
being fired. That should be a source of pride for every
American.
From the days after World War II, when fragile European
democracies were threatened by Stalin's expansionism, to the last
days of the Cold War, as our foes became fragile democracies
themselves, American leadership has been indispensable. No one
person deserves credit for this; America does. It has been
achieved because of what we as a people stand for -- and are made
of.
Yes, we answered the call and we triumphed, but today we are
summoned again. This time we are called not to wage a war, hot
or cold, but to create a democratic peace -- not for half a
world, as before, but for people the world over. The end of the
5
Cold War has placed in our hands the chance to change history:
to see the principles of democracy, free enterprise, and the rule
of law -- American principles -- embraced and enjoyed by the
entire human race.
This global vision can energize America as we approach the
millennium. It embodies our country's tradition of idealism,
which has made us unique among nations, and uniquely successful.
But more than that: the advance of democratic ideals reflects a
hard-nosed sense of American self-interest. For if the long
struggle now concluded has taught us anything, it is this:
Democracies do not commit aggression. Democracies do not sponsor
terrorism. Democracies do not threaten humanity with weapons of
mass destruction. Likewise, the global spread of free markets,
through trade, investment, and growth, will sustain the expansion
of American prosperity. By helping others, in short, we help
ourselves.
Some will dismiss this vision as no more than a dream. I ask
them to consider the last four years, when a dozen dreams were
made real. The Berlin Wall demolished; the captive nations set
free; Russia democratic; whole classes of nuclear weapons
eliminated, the rest vastly reduced; the United Nations turning
back a tyrant in the Persian Gulf; Israel and each of its Arab
neighbors talking peace in a region that has known so much war.
Each of these was once a dream. Today they are concrete
realities, brought about by a common cause: the patient and
judicious application of American leadership, American power, and
6
American moral force. There were obstacles and set-backs; they
were overcome.
And surely serious obstacles and set-backs will confront us
again. We face some already. Violence, poverty, and tribal and
religious hatreds will be powerful adversaries. Overcoming them
will take time and tenacity, courage and resolve; but they will
be overcome. For no society, no continent, should be
disqualified from our ideals. The community of democratic
nations is more robust than ever. And it will gain strength as
it grows. By working with our allies, by strengthening our
international institutions, America does not have to go it alone.
Yet from some quarters we hear voices sounding the retreat. The
disappearance of the Soviet challenge, they say, means America
can withdraw from international responsibilities. Others assert
that domestic needs preclude an active foreign policy, that we
have done our part and now it is someone else's turn. We are
warned against stepping up to the troubles that abound in today's
world: clan warfare and mass starvation in Somalia; savage
violence in Bosnia; instability in Russia; the alarming growth of
virulent nationalism throughout Europe.
And it is true: These problems -- some frozen by the Cold War,
others held in check by communist repression -- seem to have
ignited all at once, taxing the world's ability to respond. But
let us be clear: The alternative to American leadership is not
more security for our citizens but less; not the flourishing of
7
American principles but their isolation in a world actively
hostile to them. "Destiny," it has been said, "is not a matter
of chance, it is a matter of choice; it is not a thing to be
waited for, it is a thing to be achieved." Our choice as a
people is simple: We can either shape our times, or we can let
the times shape us. And shape us they will, at a price
frightening to contemplate -- morally, economically, and
strategically.
Morally, a failure to respond to massive human catastrophes like
that in Somalia, where we can make the difference, will scar our
National soul for a generation. When it is in our power to do
something that is right and yet we fail to do it, we become less
than what we are. America loses the moral authority that has
made it special in history.
Economically, a world of escalating instability and hostile
nationalism will disrupt global markets, touch off trade wars and
set us on a path of economic decline. American jobs would be
lost, our chance to compete would be blocked, and our very well-
being would be undermined.
Strategically, abandonment of the world-wide democratic
revolution could be disastrous for American security. What was
once Yugoslavia offers a view of the future -- if we let our
values die in that third of the world that has just been
liberated from communism.
8
In Russia, in Eastern Europe, in Central Asia, the alternative to
democracy is authoritarianism: aggressive, xenophobic, and
violent. And in a world where weapons of mass destruction are
spreading, the collapse of the democratic revolution could pose a
direct threat to the safety of every American.
The new world could, in time, be as menacing as the old. Let me
be blunt: a retreat from American leadership would be a mistake
for which future generations, indeed our own children, would not
forgive us.
But we need not face such a future. Instead, we can recommit
ourselves to the hard work of freedom. This does not mean
running off on reckless, expensive crusades. It does not mean
bearing the world's burdens alone. But it does mean leadership -
- economic, political, and, yes, military -- when our interests
and values are at risk and where we can make a difference.
It seems like forever ago that the people of Germany tore down
that Wall. But it has been only three years -- and just over a
year since the August coup was defeated by brave Russian
democrats. In this brief time, we have embarked on a new course,
through uncharted waters. It has been up to America to tend the
rudder.
We have begun to define the post-Cold War reality. The old
network of alliances, institutions, and regimes is being
transformed to meet new challenges -- challenges that must be met
9
with collective action, led by the United States, to protect and
promote our political, economic, and security values.
Our foundation must be the core of the democratic community that
won the Cold War. We have begun to adapt America's political,
economic, and defense relationships with Europe and Japan to
ensure their vitality and strength in this new era. For these
will be our primary partners in addressing the next generation of
problems and opportunities.
For example, we have begun to transform the Atlantic Alliance,
that bulwark against the Soviet threat, into a partnership with a
more united Europe -- a partnership ready to meet new security
challenges in this age of uncertainty. And a new feature of our
Alliance, the North Atlantic Cooperation Council, enables NATO to
reach out to our former adversaries in the Warsaw Pact.
In the Pacific, we have affirmed the importance of the U.S.-
Japan security ties to stability in Asia, but also explored ways
to work together as global partners to address common interests
-- in economics, development, and regional problems.
Then we have committed ourselves to expanding the democratic
community by supporting political and economic freedom in nascent
democracies and market economies. And we are sharing this burden
with the very nations America helped after World War II.
In Central and Eastern Europe, our Enterprise Funds and other
programs have helped develop a new political, economic, and civic
10
infrastructure for nations crushed for years by Stalin's legacy.
Now the Freedom Support Act will provide crucial help for reform
in the lands of our former enemies.
In Latin America, our Enterprise for the Americas Initiative has
opened up extraordinary possibilities for a new relationship with
our hemispheric neighbors. Debt relief, investment, free trade,
and environmental protection will water the home-grown efforts
throughout Latin America to open up their economies and transform
their societies.
We are strengthening the ability of the democratic community to
deal with the political landmines the Cold War left over --
aggressive nationalism, ethnic conflict, civil war, and
humanitarian crises. We have pledged our support for a more
capable UN.
All over the world -- Nicaragua, Namibia, Angola, Cambodia -- we
envisioned elections not only as a goal, but as a tool, a device
for resolving conflicts and establishing political legitimacy.
In the area of security and arms control, we've stepped up patrol
against the spread of weapons of mass destruction. The new
Chemical Weapons Convention will ban chemical weapons from the
arsenals of all participating states. We've strengthened
multilateral export controls on nuclear, chemical, biological,
and missile-related technologies. In an act without precedent, a
UN inspection team is demolishing Iraq's weapons of mass
destruction. Once implemented, the START Treaty will ban new
11
nuclear states on the territory of the former Soviet Union.
Above all, we have seeked to ban nuclear nightmares from the
sleep of future generations.
And we underscored one key security principle with a line in the
sand: naked aggression against our vital interests will be
answered decisively by American resolve, leadership, and might.
Our victory in the Persian Gulf War was more than a blow for
justice -- it was a needed reminder to other would-be tyrants:
If you're going to threaten the freedom of others -- you're going
to lose some of your own.
We have been committed to building the basis for sustained
international economic growth -- for ourselves and for those
nations of what were once the so-called second and third worlds.
In particular, we have taken important steps toward the creation
of a stronger and freer international trading market.
Our recent breakthrough with the European Community clears the
way for an early conclusion to the Uruguay Round of GATT and a
major boost to world economic recovery. This week, Mexico,
Canada, and the United States will sign a landmark agreement
establishing the largest free trade zone the world has ever seen.
And our efforts to forge a new mechanism for Asia Pacific
Economic Cooperation confirm America's commitment to continue to
be an economic as well as a security power in Asia.
I believe we have taken the first steps toward a world in which
democracy is commonplace, in which private enterprise, free trade
12
and prosperity reach every region. A world in which the rule of
law prevails, and in which ethnic hatred has been buried for
good.
We must not stumble as we travel toward a world without the
brutal violence of Bosnia, the deadly anarchy of Somalia, or the
squalor that still haunts much of the Southern Hemisphere. We
cannot rest while a handful of renegade regimes aspire to obtain
weapons of mass destruction with which to threaten their
neighbors, or even our own Nation. There is a difficult distance
to go before we are within reach of the democratic peace. But
these first steps have determined an important direction.
The challenge ahead is as great as the one we faced at the end of
the last great war. But the opportunity is vastly greater.
Success will require American vision and resolve. It will
require unity of purpose: a commitment on the part of all our
people to the proposition that our Nation's destiny lies in the
hope of a better world -- a world made better by American
leadership.
History is summoning us once again to lead. We must live up to
the greatness of our forefathers' ideals, and in SO doing secure
our grandchildren's futures.
That is the cause that my entire life as a public servant has
been dedicated to fulfilling. That is the cause that you and I
must now support our new President in pursuing.
13
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of
America.
DRAFT: December 14, 1992,
7:00 p.m.
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: TEXAS A & M
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1992
COLLEGE STATION, TEXAS
Good afternoon, everyone. Dr. Bill Mobley, thank you for that
kind introduction. Congressman Joe Barton. Commissioner Rick
Perry. Representative Steve Ogden. Fred McClure. Ross
Margraves. Members of the Board of Regents. Members of the
Library committee. Thanks to my hosts, the Memorial Student
Center Political Forum. And my heartiest thanks to the Corps of
Cadets and the Fightin' Texas Aggies band.
In 36 days, I will hand over the stewardship of this great
nation, capping a career in public service that began 50 years
ago in the wartime skies over the Pacific. Our country won that
great contest but entered an uneasy peace: the fires of World
War II cooled into a longer Cold War, one that froze the world
into two opposing camps: on the one side, America and its allies
-- the forces of freedom against an alien ideology that cast its
shadow over every American.
Three years ago, when I addressed the graduating class of Texas
A & M, I spoke of the need to move "beyond containment." And I
said, "We seek the integration of the Soviet Union into the
community of nations
Ultimately, our objective is to welcome
the Soviet Union back into the world order." Was this aim too
ambitious? Not for the American people.
Today, by the grit of our people and the grace of God, the Cold
War is over. Freedom has carried the day. I leave the White
2
House grateful for what we have achieved together, and
exhilarated by the promise of what can come to pass.
This afternoon I would like to share some of my thoughts on the
past few years and on America's purpose in the world. My thesis
is a simple one. Amid the triumph and the tumult of the recent
past, one truth rings out more clearly than ever. America
remains today what Lincoln said it was more than a century ago:
the last best hope of man on earth.
This is a fact -- a truth made indelible by the struggles and
agonies of the 20th century -- and in the sacrifice symbolized by
each towering oak on Simpson Drill Field here at Texas A & M.
The leadership, the power, and yes, the conscience of the United
States of America -- all are essential for a peaceful, prosperous
international order, just as such an order is essential for us.
History's lesson is clear: When a war-weary America withdrew
from the international stage following World War I, the world
spawned militarism, fascism, and aggression unchecked, plunging
mankind into another devastating conflict. But in answering the
call to lead after World War II, we built from the principles of
democracy and the rule of law a new community of free nations --
a community whose strength, perseverance, patience, and unity of
purpose contained Soviet totalitarianism and kept the peace.
In the end, Soviet communism proved no match for free enterprise
beyond its borders or the yearning for liberty within them. And
the American leadership that undermined the confidence and
3
capacity of the communist regimes became a beacon for all the
peoples of the world.
Steadfast and sure, generations of Americans stood in the path of
the Soviet advance, while our adversary probed for weaknesses
that were never found. Presidents from both parties led an
Atlantic Alliance held together by bonds of principle and love of
liberty -- facing a Warsaw Pact lashed together by occupation
troops, quisling governments, and, when all else failed, the use
of tanks against people.
By the 1980's, Kremlin leaders found that our Alliance would not
crack when they threatened America's allies with the infamous
SS-20 nuclear missile. Nor did the Alliance shrink from the
deployment of countervailing missiles to defend against this
menace.
In the Pacific, too, we built a new alliance with Japan, defended
Korea, and called hundreds of thousands of Americans to sacrifice
in the jungles of Southeast Asia.
The American people demonstrated that they would shoulder
whatever defense burden, make whatever sacrifice was needed to
assure our freedom and protect our allies and interests. We made
use of the superb technology our free enterprise system has
produced. Having learned that they could not divide our
Alliance, the Soviets eventually were forced to realize that
their command economy simply could not compete. As the Soviet
4
system stalled and crumbled, so too did the ability of its rulers
to deny their people the truth -- about us, and about them.
In the end Soviet communism was destroyed by its own internal
contradictions. New leaders with new vision faced the hard
truths their predecessors had long denied. Glasnost and
perestroika may have been Russian words -- but the concepts at
their core were universal.
The Soviet Union did not simply lose the Cold War; the Western
democracies won it. I say this not to gloat but to make a point.
The qualities that enabled us to triumph in that struggle --
faith, strength, unity, and above all American leadership -- are
those we must call upon now to win the peace.
In recent years, with the Soviet empire in its death throes, the
potential for crisis and conflict was never greater, the demand
for American leadership never more compelling:
:
As the peoples of Eastern Europe made their bold move for
freedom, we urged them along a peaceful path to liberation.
They turned to America -- and we did not turn away.
When our German friends took their hammers to tear down that
wall, we encouraged a united Germany safely within the NATO
Alliance. They looked to America -- and we did not look
away.
5
--
When the people of Russia blocked the tanks that tried to
roll back the tide of history, America did not walk away.
[[I can remember speaking to Boris Yeltsin at that terrible
moment of crisis. At times the static on the telephone made it
almost impossible to hear him. But there was no mistaking what
he wanted to know. He asked where the United States of America
stood. And America answered, for all the world to hear, "We
stand with you.
President Yeltsin hasn't forgotten. On his visit to the White
House this June, he said -- and I quote -- the United States "was
the first
to understand the true scope and meaning of the
victory of the Russian people on August 19, 1991."]]
The free peoples of the world watched in awe as the Soviet Union
collapsed, but they held their breath at what might take its
place -- wondering who might control its tens of thousands of
nuclear weapons. Only America could manage that danger. We
acted decisively to help the new leaders reduce their arsenals -
- and gain firm control of those that remained.
Here, then, is the remarkable fact that history will record: the
end of a titanic clash of political systems, the collapse of the
most heavily armed empire in history, took place without a shot
being fired. That should be a source of pride for every
American.
6
From the days after World War II, when fragile European
democracies were threatened by Stalin's expansionism, to the last
days of the Cold War, as our foes became fragile democracies
themselves, American leadership has been indispensable. No one
person deserves credit for this; America does. It has been
achieved because of what we as a people stand for -- and what we
are made of.
Yes, we answered the call and we triumphed, but today we are
summoned again. This time we are called not to wage a war, hot
or cold, but to win the democratic peace -- not for half a world,
as before, but for people the world over. The end of the Cold
War has placed in our hands a unique opportunity to see the
principles for which America has stood for two centuries --
democracy, free enterprise, and the rule of law -- spread more
widely than ever before in human history.
For the first time, turning this global vision into a new and
better world is a realistic possibility. It is a hope that
embodies our country's tradition of idealism, which has made us
unique among nations, and uniquely successful. And our vision is
not mere Utopianism: the advance of democratic ideals reflects a
hard-nosed sense of American self-interest. For certain truths
have now become evident: Governments responsive to the will of
the people are not likely to commit aggression -- to sponsor
terrorism -- or to threaten humanity- with weapons of mass
destruction. Likewise, the global spread of free markets, by
encouraging trade, investment, and growth, will sustain the
7
expansion of American prosperity. In short, by helping others,
we help ourselves.
Some will dismiss this vision as no more than a dream. I ask
them to consider the last four years, when a dozen dreams were
made real. The Berlin Wall demolished and Germany united; the
captive nations set free; Russia democratic; whole classes of
nuclear weapons eliminated, the rest vastly reduced; many nations
united in our historic UN coalition to turn back a tyrant in the
Persian Gulf; Israel and its Arab neighbors talking peace -- face
to face -- in a region that has known so much war.
Each of these once seemed a dream. Today they are concrete
realities, brought about by a common cause: the patient and
judicious application of American leadership, American power, and
American moral force. Without doubt, there will be serious
obstacles and set-backs ahead. We face some already. Violence,
poverty, ethnic and religious hatreds will be powerful
adversaries. Overcoming them will take time and tenacity,
courage and commitment; but they can be overcome.
Look to Europe -- where nations, after centuries of war,
transformed themselves into a peaceful, progressive community.
No society, no continent, should be disqualified from sharing the
ideals of human liberty. The community of democratic nations is
more robust than ever. And it will gain strength as it grows.
By working with our allies, by invigorating our international
institutions, America does not have stand alone.
8
Yet from some quarters we hear voices sounding the retreat. We
have carried the burden too long, they say, and the disappearance
of the Soviet challenge means America can withdraw from
international responsibilities. Others assert that domestic
needs preclude an active foreign policy, that we have done our
part and now it is someone else's turn. We are warned against
entangling ourselves in the troubles that abound in today's
world. To name only a few: clan warfare and mass starvation in
Somalia; savage violence in Bosnia; instability in the former
Soviet Union; the alarming growth of virulent nationalism
throughout Europe.
And it is true: These problems -- some frozen by the Cold War,
others held in check by communist repression -- seem to have
ignited all at once, taxing the world's ability to respond. But
let us be clear: The alternative to American leadership is not
more security for our citizens but less; not the flourishing of
American principles but their isolation in a world actively
hostile to them.
"Destiny," it has been said, "is not a matter of chance, it is a
matter of choice; it is not a thing to be waited for, it is a
thing to be achieved." We can never safely assume that our
future will be an improvement over the past. Our choice as a
people is simple: We can either shape our times, or we can let
the times shape us. And shape us they will, at a price
frightening to contemplate -- morally, economically, and
strategically.
9
Morally, a failure to respond to massive human catastrophes like
that in Somalia would scar our national soul. There can be no
single or simple set of guidelines for foreign policy -- but we
should consider using military force in those situations where
the stakes warrant, and where force is likely to be effective.
Economically, a world of escalating instability and hostile
nationalism will disrupt global markets, ignite trade wars and
set us on a path of economic decline. American jobs would be
lost, our chance to compete would be blocked, and our very well-
being would be undermined.
Strategically, abandonment of the world-wide democratic
revolution could be disastrous for American security. In Russia,
in Eastern Europe, in Central Asia, the alternative to democracy
is authoritarianism: repressive regimes that can be xenophobic,
aggressive, and violent. And in a world where weapons of mass
destruction are spreading, the collapse of the democratic
revolution could pose a direct threat to the safety of every
American.
The new world could, in time, be as menacing as the old. Let me
be blunt: a retreat from American leadership -- from American
involvement -- would be a mistake for which future generations,
indeed our own children, would pay dearly.
But we can influence the future. We can rededicate ourselves to
the hard work of freedom. This does not mean running off on
reckless, expensive crusades. It does not mean bearing the
10
world's burdens alone. But it does mean leadership -- economic,
political, and, yes, military -- when our interests and values
are at risk and where we can make a difference. When we place
our young men and women of the military in harm's way, we must be
able to assure them -- and their families -- that their mission
is defined, and that its success can be achieved.
It seems like ages ago that the people of Germany tore down that
Wall. But it has been only three years -- and just over a year
since the August coup was defeated by brave Russian democrats.
In this brief time, we have embarked on a new course, through
uncharted waters. The United States and its friends -- old and
new -- have begun to define the post-Cold War reality. We are
already transforming the old network of alliances, institutions,
and regimes to face the future. Those challenges must be met
with collective action, led by the United States, to protect and
promote our political, economic, and security values.
Our foundation must be the democratic community that won the Cold
War. We have begun to adapt America's political, economic, and
defense relationships with Europe and Japan to ensure their
vitality and strength in this new era. For these will be our
primary partners in addressing the next generation of problems
and opportunities.
For example, we have begun to transform the Atlantic Alliance,
that bulwark against the Soviet threat, into a partnership with a
more united Europe -- a partnership primed to meet new security
challenges in this age of uncertainty. And a new feature of our
11
Alliance, the North Atlantic Cooperation Council, enables NATO to
reach out to our former adversaries in the Warsaw Pact.
In the Pacific, we have affirmed the importance of the U.S.-
Japan security ties to stability in Asia. But we are also
exploring ways to work together as global partners to address
common interests -- in economics, development, and regional
problems.
Then we have committed ourselves to expanding the democratic
community by supporting political and economic freedom in nascent
democracies and market economies. And we are sharing this burden
with the very nations America helped after World War II.
In Central and Eastern Europe, our Enterprise Funds and other
programs have helped develop a new political, economic, and civic
infrastructure for nations long oppressed by Stalin's legacy.
Now the Freedom Support Act will provide crucial help for reform
in the lands of our former enemies.
In Latin America, the day of the dictator has given way to the
dawn of democracy. This very day, Vice President Quayle is
taking part in a ceremony in El Salvador that caps the long
effort to end the killing and give the people there the
opportunity to live in peace. Throughout the region, economic
initiatives are helping a new generation of leaders reform their
societies. The Brady Plan and our Enterprise for the Americas
Initiative have opened up extraordinary possibilities for a new
relationship with our hemispheric neighbors. Investment, free
12
trade, debt relief, and environmental protection will nurture the
home-grown reforms throughout Latin America.
We are strengthening the ability of the democratic community to
deal with the political landmines that the Cold War has exposed
-- aggressive nationalism, ethnic conflict, civil war, and
humanitarian crises. The United States has led the world in
supporting a United Nations more capable of dealing with these
crises.
All over the world -- Nicaragua, Namibia, Angola, Cambodia -- we
have promoted elections not only as a goal, but as a tool, a
device for resolving conflicts and establishing political
legitimacy.
In the area of security and arms control, we've stepped up patrol
against the spread of weapons of mass destruction. The new
Chemical Weapons Convention will ban chemical weapons from the
arsenals of all participating states. We've strengthened
multilateral export controls on nuclear, chemical, biological,
and missile-related technologies. In a mission without
precedent, a UN inspection team is demolishing Iraq's
unconventional weapons capability. Once implemented, the
agreements we've negotiated will ban new nuclear states on the
territory of the former Soviet Union. Above all, we have sought
to erase nuclear nightmares from the sleep of future generations.
And we underscored one key security principle with a line in the
sand: naked aggression against our vital interests will be
13
answered decisively by American resolve, leadership, and might.
Our victory in the Persian Gulf War was more than a blow for
justice -- it was a reminder to other would-be aggressors that
they will pay a price for their outlaw acts.
We have been committed to building the basis for sustained
international economic growth -- for ourselves and for those
nations of what were once the so-called second and third worlds.
The heart of our efforts has been the creation of a stronger and
freer international trading market.
Our recent breakthrough with the European Community clears the
way for an early conclusion to the Uruguay Round of GATT and a
major boost to world economic recovery. This week, Mexico,
Canada, and the United States will sign a landmark agreement
establishing the largest free trade zone the world has ever seen.
And our efforts to forge a new mechanism for Asia Pacific
Economic Cooperation confirm America's commitment to remain an
economic and security power in Asia.
I believe we have taken important steps toward a world in which
democracy is the norm, in which private enterprise, free trade,
and prosperity enrich every region -- a world in which the rule
of law prevails, and in which ethnic hatred has been buried for
good.
We must not stumble as we travel toward a world without the
brutal violence of Bosnia, the deadly anarchy of Somalia, or the
squalor that still haunts much of the Southern Hemisphere. We
14
cannot rest while a handful of renegade regimes aspire to obtain
weapons of mass destruction with which to threaten their
neighbors, or even America. There is much to be done before we
are within reach of the democratic peace. But these first steps
have taken us in the right direction.
The challenge ahead is as great as the one we faced at the end of
the last great war. But the opportunity is vastly greater.
Success will require American vision and resolve -- an America
secure in its military, moral and economic strength. Success
will require unity of purpose: a commitment on the part of all
our people to the proposition that our Nation's destiny lies in
the hope of a better world -- a new world made better, with our
friends and allies, by American leadership.
History is summoning us once again to lead. Proud of its past,
America must once again look forward. We must live up to the
greatness of our forefathers' ideals, and in doing so secure our
grandchildren's futures.
That is the cause that much of my public life has been dedicated
to serving. That is the cause that you and I must now support
our new President in pursuing.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of
America.
# # #
Document No. 367275
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 12/12/92
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 10:00 am / MON. / 12-14
PROPOSED PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: TEXAS A & M
COLLEGE STATION, TEXAS
SUBJECT:
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1992
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCBRIDE
BAKER
MOORE
SCOWCROFT
<
MULLINS
DARMAN
PETERSMEYER
BATES
PORTER
R
BRADY
SMITH
BROMLEY
TUTWILER
CALIO
ZOELLICK
DEMAREST
MCGROARTY
FITZWATER
GAUGHAN
GRAY
BOSKIN
HOLIDAY
HORNER
REMARKS:
Please provide your comments on the attached directly to
Dan McGroarty, Rm 122, x2930, with a copy to this office
NO LATER THAN 10:00 a.m., MONDAY, DECEMBER 14. Thank you.
RESPONSE: no comment
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
2:24
December 11, 1992
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
DAN MC GROARTY
FROM:
ANDREW FERGUSON at
SUBJECT:
PROPOSED REMARKS AT TEXAS A & M
I. SUMMARY
On Tuesday, December 15th at noon you will deliver remarks
to an audience of 7,500 students and faculty in the G. Rollie
White Coliseum on the campus of Texas A & M.
II. DISCUSSION
Your remarks (approximately 25 minutes / teleprompter) focus
on your foreign policy accomplishments and America's role in the
post-Cold War world.
DRAFT: December 11, 1992
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: TEXAS A & M
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1992
COLLEGE STATION, TEXAS
(Acknowledgments)
In XX days, I will hand over the stewardship of this great
nation, capping a career in public service that began 50 years
ago in the wartime skies over the Pacific. Our country won that
great contest but entered an uneasy peace: the fires of World
War II cooled into a longer Cold War, one that froze the world
into two opposing camps -- the forces of freedom against an alien
ideology that cast its shadow over every American. Now, by the
grit of our people and the grace of our God, the Cold War is
over. Freedom has carried the day. I leave the White House
grateful for what together we have achieved, and exhilirated by
the promise of what we can yet bring to pass.
This afternoon I would like to share some of my thoughts on the
past few years and on America's purpose in the world. My thesis
is a simple one. Amid the triumph and the tumult of the recent
past, one truth rings out more clearly than ever. America
remains today what Lincoln said it was more than a century ago:
the last best hope of earth.
This is a fact: a truth made indelible by the struggles and
agonies of the 20th century. The leadership, the power, and yes,
the conscience of the United States of America -- all are
essential for a peaceful, prosperous international order, just as
such an order is essential for us. History's lesson is clear:
When America, victorious but weary, withdrew from the
international stage following World War T. the world
2
militarism, fascism, and aggression unchecked, plunging mankind
into another devastating conflict. But in answering the call to
lead after World War II, we built from the principles of
democracy and the rule of law a new community of free nations --
a community whose moral resolve and economic strength contained
Soviet totalitarianism and kept the peace.
In the end, Soviet communism proved no match for free enterprise
beyond its borders or the yearning for liberty within them. And
the American leadership that undermined the confidence and
capacity of the communist regimes became a light for all the
peoples of the world.
Steadfast and sure, generations of Americans stood in the path of
the Soviet advance, while our adversary probed for weaknesses
that were never found. Presidents from both parties led an
Atlantic Alliance held together by enduring bonds among true
friends, facing a Warsaw Pact forced together by occupation
troops, quisling governments, and, when all else failed, the use
of tanks against people.
By the 1980's, Kremlin leaders found that our Alliance would not
crack when they threatened America's allies with the infamous
SS-20 nuclear missile. Nor would we bend under pressure once we
decided to deploy to Europe missiles to protect our Allies from
this menace.
The American people showed that they would shoulder whatever
defense burden was needed to assure our freedom and protect our
3
allies and interests. We made use of the splendid technology our
free enterprise system has produced. We showed that free people
are capable of both sacrifice and strength. Having learned that
they could not divide our Alliance, the Soviets eventually were
forced to doubt that their command economy could keep them in the
race. As the Soviet system stalled and crumbled, so too did the
ability of its rulers to deny their people the truth -- about us,
and about them.
True, in the end Soviet communism was destroyed by its own
dysfunctional dialectic. But the Soviet Union did not simply
lose the Cold War; the Western democracies won it. I say this
not to gloat but to make a point. The qualities that enabled us
to triumph in that struggle -- faith, strength, unity, and above
all American leadership -- are those we must call upon now to win
the peace.
With Soviet communism in its death throes in recent years, the
potential for cataclysm was never greater, the demand for
American leadership was never more compelling:
-- As the peoples of Eastern Europe made their bold but
peaceful move for freedom, they turned to America. And we
did not turn away.
When our German friends took their hammers to tear down that
wall, they looked to America for solidarity. And we did not
look away.
4
-- When the people of Russia blocked the tanks that tried to
roll back the tide of history, Boris Yeltsin asked where we
stood. America did not walk away. America answered, for
the world to hear, "We stand with you. "
The free peoples of the world watched in awe as the Soviet Union
collapsed, but they held their breath at what might take its
place -- at whoever might control its tens of thousands of
nuclear weapons. Only America could manage that danger. We
acted decisively to help the new leaders reduce their arsenals.
Here, then, is the remarkable fact that history will record: the
end of a titantic clash of political systems, the collapse of the
most heavily armed empire in history, took place without a shot
being fired. That should be a source of pride for every
American.
From the days after World War II, when fragile European
democracies were threatened by Stalin's expansionism, to the last
days of the Cold War, as our foes became fragile democracies
themselves, American leadership has been indispensable. No one
person deserves credit for this; America does. It has been
achieved because of what we as a people stand for -- and are made
of.
Yes, we answered the call and we triumphed, but today we are
summoned again. This time we are called not to wage a war, hot
or cold, but to create a democratic peace -- not for half a
world, as before, but for people the world over. The end of the
5
Cold War has placed in our hands the chance to change history:
to see the principles of democracy, free enterprise, and the rule
of law -- American principles -- embraced and enjoyed by the
entire human race.
This global vision can energize America as we approach the
millennium. It embodies our country's tradition of idealism,
which has made us unique among nations, and uniquely successful.
But more than that: the advance of democratic ideals reflects a
hard-nosed sense of American self-interest. For if the long
struggle now concluded has taught us anything, it is this:
Democracies do not commit aggression. Democracies do not sponsor
terrorism. Democracies do not threaten humanity with weapons of
mass destruction. Likewise, the global spread of free markets,
through trade, investment, and growth, will sustain the expansion
of American prosperity. By helping others, in short, we help
ourselves.
Some will dismiss this vision as no more than a dream. I ask
them to consider the last four years, when a dozen dreams were
made real. The Berlin Wall demolished; the captive nations set
free; Russia democratic; whole classes of nuclear weapons
eliminated, the rest vastly reduced; the United Nations turning
back a tyrant in the Persian Gulf; Israel and each of its Arab
neighbors talking peace in a region that has known so much war.
Each of these was once a dream. Today they are concrete
realities, brought about by a common cause: the patient and
judicious application of American leadership, American power, and
6
American moral force. There were obstacles and set-backs; they
were overcome.
And surely serious obstacles and set-backs will confront us
again. We face some already. Violence, poverty, and tribal and
religious hatreds will be powerful adversaries. Overcoming them
will take time and tenacity, courage and resolve; but they will
be overcome. For no society, no continent, should be
disqualified from our ideals. The community of democratic
nations is more robust than ever. And it will gain strength as
it grows. By working with our allies, by strengthening our
international institutions, America does not have to go it alone.
Yet from some quarters we hear voices sounding the retreat. The
disappearance of the Soviet challenge, they say, means America
can withdraw from international responsibilities. Others assert
that domestic needs preclude an active foreign policy, that we
have done our part and now it is someone else's turn. We are
warned against stepping up to the troubles that abound in today's
world: clan warfare and mass starvation in Somalia; savage
violence in Bosnia; instability in Russia; the alarming growth of
virulent nationalism throughout Europe.
And it is true: These problems -- some frozen by the Cold War,
others held in check by communist repression -- seem to have
ignited all at once, taxing the world's ability to respond. But
let us be clear: The alternative to American leadership is not
more security for our citizens but less; not the flourishing of
7
American principles but their isolation in a world actively
hostile to them. "Destiny," it has been said, "is not a matter
of chance, it is a matter of choice; it is not a thing to be
waited for, it is a thing to be achieved." Our choice as a
people is simple: We can either shape our times, or we can let
the times shape us. And shape us they will, at a price
frightening to contemplate -- morally, economically, and
strategically.
Morally, a failure to respond to massive human catastrophes like
that in Somalia, where we can make the difference, will scar our
National soul for a generation. When it is in our power to do
something that is right and yet we fail to do it, we become less
than what we are. America loses the moral authority that has
made it special in history.
Economically, a world of escalating instability and hostile
nationalism will disrupt global markets, touch off trade wars and
set us on a path of economic decline. American jobs would be
lost, our chance to compete would be blocked, and our very well-
being would be undermined.
Strategically, abandonment of the world-wide democratic
revolution could be disastrous for American security. What was
once Yugoslavia offers a view of the future -- if we let our
values die in that third of the world that has just been
liberated from communism.
8
In Russia, in Eastern Europe, in Central Asia, the alternative to
democracy is authoritarianism: aggressive, xenophobic, and
violent. And in a world where weapons of mass destruction are
spreading, the collapse of the democratic revolution could pose a
direct threat to the safety of every American.
The new world could, in time, be as menacing as the old. Let me
be blunt: a retreat from American leadership would be a mistake
for which future generations, indeed our own children, would not
forgive us.
But we need not face such a future. Instead, we can recommit
ourselves to the hard work of freedom. This does not mean
running off on reckless, expensive crusades. It does not mean
bearing the world's burdens alone. But it does mean leadership -
- economic, political, and, yes, military -- when our interests
and values are at risk and where we can make a difference.
It seems like forever ago that the people of Germany tore down
that Wall. But it has been only three years -- and just over a
year since the August coup was defeated by brave Russian
democrats. In this brief time, we have embarked on a new course,
through uncharted waters. It has been up to America to tend the
rudder.
We have begun to define the post-Cold War reality. The old
network of alliances, institutions, and regimes is being
transformed to meet new challenges -- challenges that must be met
9
with collective action, led by the United States, to protect and
promote our political, economic, and security values.
Our foundation must be the core of the democratic community that
won the Cold War. We have begun to adapt America's political,
economic, and defense relationships with Europe and Japan to
ensure their vitality and strength in this new era. For these
will be our primary partners in addressing the next generation of
problems and opportunities.
For example, we have begun to transform the Atlantic Alliance,
that bulwark against the Soviet threat, into a partnership with a
more united Europe -- a partnership ready to meet new security
challenges in this age of uncertainty. And a new feature of our
Alliance, the North Atlantic Cooperation Council, enables NATO to
reach out to our former adversaries in the Warsaw Pact.
In the Pacific, we have affirmed the importance of the U.S.- -
Japan security ties to stability in Asia, but also explored ways
to work together as global partners to address common interests
-- in economics, development, and regional problems.
Then we have committed ourselves to expanding the democratic
community by supporting political and economic freedom in nascent
democracies and market economies. And we are sharing this burden
with the very nations America helped after World War II.
In Central and Eastern Europe, our Enterprise Funds and other
programs have helped develop a new political, economic, and civic
10
infrastructure for nations crushed for years by Stalin's legacy.
Now the Freedom Support Act will provide crucial help for reform
in the lands of our former enemies.
In Latin America, our Enterprise for the Americas Initiative has
opened up extraordinary possibilities for a new relationship with
our hemispheric neighbors. Debt relief, investment, free trade,
and environmental protection will water the home-grown efforts
throughout Latin America to open up their economies and transform
their societies.
We are strengthening the ability of the democratic community to
deal with the political landmines the Cold War left over --
aggressive nátionalism, ethnic conflict, civil war, and
humanitarian crises. We have pledged our support for a more
capable UN.
All over the world -- Nicaragua, Namibia, Angola, Cambodia -- we
envisioned elections not only as a goal, but as a tool, a device
for resolving conflicts and establishing political legitimacy.
In the area of security and arms control, we've stepped up patrol
against the spread of weapons of mass destruction. The new
Chemical Weapons Convention will ban chemical weapons from the
arsenals of all participating states. We've strengthened
multilateral export controls on nuclear, chemical, biological,
and missile-related technologies. In an act without precedent, a
UN inspection team is demolishing Iraq's weapons of mass
destruction. Once implemented, the START Treaty will ban new
11
nuclear states on the territory of the former Soviet Union.
Above all, we have seeked to ban nuclear nightmares from the
sleep of future generations.
And we underscored one key security principle with a line in the
sand: naked aggression against our vital interests will be
answered decisively by American resolve, leadership, and might.
Our victory in the Persian Gulf War was more than a blow for
justice -- it was a needed reminder to other would-be tyrants:
If you're going to threaten the freedom of others -- you're going
to lose some of your own.
We have been committed to building the basis for sustained
international economic growth -- for ourselves and for those
nations of what were once the so-called second and third worlds.
In particular, we have taken important steps toward the creation
of a stronger and freer international trading market.
Our recent breakthrough with the European Community clears the
way for an early conclusion to the Uruguay Round of GATT and a
major boost to world economic recovery. This week, Mexico,
Canada, and the United States will sign a landmark agreement
establishing the largest free trade zone the world has ever seen.
And our efforts to forge a new mechanism for Asia Pacific
Economic Cooperation confirm America's commitment to continue to
be an economic as well as a security power in Asia.
I believe we have taken the first steps toward a world in which
democracy is commonplace, in which private enterprise, free trade
12
and prosperity reach every region. A world in which the rule of
law prevails, and in which ethnic hatred has been buried for
good.
We must not stumble as we travel toward a world without the
brutal violence of Bosnia, the deadly anarchy of Somalia, or the
squalor that still haunts much of the Southern Hemisphere. We
cannot rest while a handful of renegade regimes aspire to obtain
weapons of mass destruction with which to threaten their
neighbors, or even our own Nation. There is a difficult distance
to go before we are within reach of the democratic peace. But
these first steps have determined an important direction.
The challenge ahead is as great as the one we faced at the end of
the last great war. But the opportunity is vastly greater.
Success will require American vision and resolve. It will
require unity of purpose: a commitment on the part of all our
people to the proposition that our Nation's destiny lies in the
hope of a better world -- a world made better by American
leadership.
History is summoning us once again to lead. We must live up to
the greatness of our forefathers' ideals, and in so doing secure
our grandchildren's futures.
That is the cause that my entire life as a public servant has
been dedicated to fulfilling. That is the cause that you and I
must now support our new President in pursuing.
13
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of
America.
SENT BY:Xerox Telecopier 7020 12-14-92 ; 9:30 :
2024566279-
4567929;# 3
Document No. 367275
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM PornoD's
11 AM
DATE: 12/12/92
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 10:00 am / MON. / 12-14
PROPOSED PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: TEXAS A & M
COLLEGE STATION, TEXAS
SUBJECT:
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1992
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCBRIDE
BAKER
MOORE
SCOWCROFT
x
MULLINS
DARMAN
PETERSMEYER
BATES
PORTER
BRADY
SMITH
BROMLEY
TUTWILER
CALIO
X
ZOELLICK
DEMAREST
MCGROARTY
FITZWATER
GAUGHAN
GRAY
BOSKIN
HOLIDAY
HORNER
REMARKS:
Please provide your comments on the attached directly to
Dan McGroarty, Rm 122, x2930, with a copy to this office
NO LATER THAN 10:00 a.m., MONDAY, DECEMBER 14. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
SENT BY:Xerox Telecopier 7020 12-14-92 ; 9:30 ;
2024566279-
4567929:# 4
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
12:24
December 11, 1992
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
DAN MC GROARTY
FROM:
ANDREW FERGUSON at
SUBJECT:
PROPOSED REMARKS AT TEXAS A & M
I. SUMMARY
on Tuesday, December 15th at noon you will deliver remarks
to an audience of 7,500 students and faculty in the G. Rollie
White Coliseum on the campus of Texas A & M.
II. DISCUSSION
Your remarks (approximately 25 minutes / teleprompter) focus
on your foreign policy accomplishments and America's role in the
post-Cold War world.
SENT BY:Xerox Telecopier 7020 :12-14-92 ; 9:30 ;
2024566279-
4567929;# 5
Reference to
A+M:
DRAFT: December 11, 1992
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: TEXAS A & M
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1992
COLLEGE STATION, TEXAS
(Acknowledgments)
In XX days, I will hand over the stewardship of this great
nation, capping a career in public service that began 50 years
ago in the wartime skies over the Pacific. Our country won that
great contest but entered an uneasy peace: the fires of World
War II cooled into a longer Cold War, one that froze the world
into two opposing camps -- the forces of freedom against an alien
ideology that cast its shadow over every American. Now, by the
grit of our people and the grace of our God, the Cold War is
over. Freedom has carried the day. I leave the White House
grateful for what together we have achieved, and exhilirated by
the promise of what we can yet bring to pass.
This afternoon I would like to share some of my thoughts on the
past few years and on America's purpose in the world. My thesis
is a simple one. Amid the triumph and the tumult of the recent
past, one truth rings out more clearly than ever. America
remains today what Lincoln said it was more than a century ago:
the last best hope of earth.
This is a fact: a truth made indelible by the struggles and
agonies of the 20th century. The leadership, the power, and yes,
the conscience of the United States of America -- all are
essential for a peaceful, prosperous international order, just as
such an order is essential for us. History's lesson is clear:
when America. victorious but weary, withdrew from the
SENT BY:Xerox Telecopier 7020 12-14-92 : 9:31 ;
2024566279-
4567929;# 6
2
militarism, fascism, and aggression unchecked, plunging mankind
into another devastating conflict. But in answering the call to
lead after World War II, we built from the principles of
democracy and the rule of law a new community of free nations --
a community whose moral resolve and economic strength contained
Soviet totalitarianism and kept the peace.
In the end, Soviet communism proved no match for free enterprise
add
beyond its borders or the yearning for liberty within them. And
alliave
the American leadership that undermined the confidence and
capacity of the communist regimes became a light for all the
peoples of the world.
Steadfast and sure, generations of Americans stood in the path of
the Soviet advance, while our adversary probed for weaknesses
that were never found. Presidents from both parties led an
Atlantic Alliance held together by enduring bonds among true
friends, facing a Warsaw Pact forced together by occupation
troops, quisling governments, and, when all else failed, the use
of tanks against people.
By the 1980's, Kremlin leaders found that our Alliance would not
crack when they threatened America's allies with the infamous
SS-20 nuclear missile. Nor would we bend under pressure once we
decided to deploy to Europe missiles to protect our Allies from
this menace.
The American people showed that they would shoulder whatever
defense burden was needed to assure our freedom and protect our
Telecopier 7020 12-14-92 ; 9:31 ;
2024566279-
4567929:# 7
3
IS and interests. We made use of the splendid technology our
enterprise system has produced. We showed that free people
capable of both sacrifice and strength. Having learned that
could not divide our Alliance, the Soviets eventually were
ed to doubt that their command economy could keep them in the
As the Soviet system stalled and crumbled, so too did the
ity of its rulers to deny their people the truth -- about us,
about them.
As
N
dorb's
" in the end Soviet communism was destroyed by its own
(unctional dialectic. But the Soviet Union did not simply
offerse notion of
= the Cold War; the Western democracies won it. I say this
we non
to gloat but to make a point. The qualities that enabled us
of
triumph in that struggle -- faith, strength, unity, and above
American leadership -- are those we must call upon now to win
peace.
who eubraced some
new Phatrictory w/new vision. leades new
h Soviet communism in its death throes in recent years,
of the +values the
ential for cataclysm was never greater, the demand for
rican leadership was never more compelling:
Credit to formation belongs
As the peoples of Eastern Europe made their bold but
peaceful move for freedom, they turned to America. And we
for
did not turn away.
When our German friends took their hammers to tear down that
wall, they looked to America for solidarity. And we did not
All Gen
look away.
SENT BY:Xerox Telecopier 7020 12-14-92 ; 9:32 ;
2024566279-
4567929;# 8
4
-- When the people of Russia blocked the tanks that tried to
roll back the tide of history, Boris Yeltsin asked where we
History
stood America did not walk away. America answered, for
N.Bums
note:
the world to hear, "We stand with you."
yeltsin gives us credit
being first as. to stand w/ him.
The free peoples of the world watched in awe as the Soviet Union
collapsed, but they held their breath at what might take its
place -- at whoever might control its tens of thousands of
nuclear weapons. Only America could manage that danger. We
acted decisively to help the new leaders reduce their arsenals.
Here, then, is the remarkable fact that history will record: the
end of a titantic clash of political systems, the collapse of the
most heavily armed empire in history, took place without a shot
being fired. That should be a source of pride for every
American.
From the days after World War II, when fragile European
democracies were threatened by Stalin's expansionism, to the last
days of the cold War, as our foes became fragile democracies
themselves, American leadership has been indispensable. No one
person deserves credit for this; America does. It has been
achieved because of what we as a people stand for -- and are made
of.
Yes, we answered the call and we triumphed, but today we are
summoned again. This time we are called not to wage a war, hot
or cold, but to create a democratic peace -- not for half a
world, as before, but for people the world over. The end of the
SENT BY:Xerox Telecopier 7020 12-14-92 ; 9:32 ;
2024566279-
4567929;# 9
5
Cold War has placed in our hands the chance to change history:
to see the principles of democracy, free enterprise, and the rule
of law -- American principles -- embraced and enjoyed by the
entire human race.
This global vision can energize America as we approach the
millennium. It embodies our country's tradition of idealism,
which has made us unique among nations, and uniquely successful.
But more than that: the advance of democratic ideals reflects a
hard-nosed sense of American self-interest. For if the long
struggle now concluded has taught us anything, it is this:
Democracies do not commit aggression. Democracies do not sponsor
terrorism. Democracies do not threaten humanity with weapons of
mass destruction. Likewise, the global spread of free markets,
through trade, investment, and growth, will sustain the expansion
of American prosperity. By helping others, in short, we help
ourselves.
Some will dismiss this vision as no more than a dream. I ask
them to consider the last four years, when a dozen dreams were
made real. The Berlin Wall demolished; the captive nations set
free; Russia democratic; whole classes of nuclear weapons
many Nations? united
see
Ser.Baber
eliminated, the rest vastly reduced; the United Nations & turning
back a tyrant in the Persian Gulf; Israel and each of its Arab
Porus.
neighbors talking peace in a region that has known so much war.
Each of these was once a dream. Today they are concrete
realities, brought about by a common cause: the patient and
judicious application of American leadership, American power, and
SENT BY:Xerox Telecopier 7020 12-14-92 ; 9:33 :
2024566279-
4567929:#10
6
American moral force. There were obstacles and set-backs; they
were overcome.
And surely serious obstacles and set-backs will confront us
again. We face some already. Violence, poverty, and tribal and
religious hatreds will be powerful adversaries. Overcoming them
will take time and tenacity, courage and resolve; but they will
be overcome. For no society, no continent, should be
disqualified from our democratic ideals. The community of democratic
nations is more robust than ever. And it will gain strength as
it grows. By working with our allies, by strengthening our
international institutions, America does not have to go it alone.
Yet from some quarters we hear voices sounding the retreat. The
disappearance of the Soviet challenge, they say, means America
can withdraw from international responsibilities. Others assert
that domestic needs preclude an active foreign policy, that we
have done our part and now it is someone else's turn. We are
warned against stepping up to the troubles that abound in today's
world: clan warfare and mass starvation in Somalia; savage
violence in Bosnia; instability in Russia; the alarming growth of
virulent nationalism throughout Europe.
And it is true: These problems -- some frozen by the Cold War,
others held in check by communist repression -- seem to have
ignited all at once, taxing the world's ability to respond. But
let us be clear: The alternative to American leadership is not
more security for our citizens but less; not the flourishing of
rox Jelecopier 7020 12-14-92 ; 9:33 ;
2024566279-
4567929:#11
7
rican principles but their isolation in a world actively
tile to them. "Destiny," it has been said, "is not a matter
chance, it is a matter of choice; it is not a thing to be
ted for, it is a thing to be achieved." Our choice as a
ople is simple: We can either shape our times, or we can let
a times shape us. And shape us they will, at a price
ightening to contemplate -- morally, economically, and
rategically.
rally, a failure to respond to massive human catastrophes like
at in Somalia, where we can make the difference, will scar our
tional soul for a generation. When it is in our power to do
mething that is right and yet we fail to do it, we become less
an what we are. America loses the moral authority that has
ade it special in history.
Porno:
Does my
conomically, a world of escalating instability and hostile
mean we
ationalism will disrupt global markets, touch off trade wars and
Can right
et us on a path of economic decline. American jobs would be
any wrons.
ost, our chance to compete would be blocked, and our very well-
eing would be undermined.
trategically, abandonment of the world-wide democratic
revolution could be disastrous for American security. What was
once Yugoslavia offers a view of the future -- if we let our
values die in that third of the world that has just been
iberated from communism.
9038
Document No. 367275
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 12/12/92
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 10:00 am / MON. / 12-14
PROPOSED PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: TEXAS A & M
COLLEGE STATION, TEXAS
SUBJECT:
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1992
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCBRIDE
BAKER
MOORE
SCOWCROFT
MULLINS
DARMAN
PETERSMEYER
BATES
PORTER
BRADY
SMITH
BROMLEY
TUTWILER
CALIO
ZOELLICK
DEMAREST
MCGROARTY
>
FITZWATER
GAUGHAN
GRAY
BOSKIN
HOLIDAY
HORNER
REMARKS:
Please provide your comments on the attached directly to
Dan McGroarty, Rm 122, x2930, with a copy to this office
NO LATER THAN 10:00 a.m., MONDAY, DECEMBER 14. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
TO: DAN McGROARTY
staffproids ame suggested
The NSC concurs wit h changes as noted.
2
General completed already submitted have the PHILLIP December D. BRADY 14, 1992
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
for Brent Scowcroft
CC: Phillip Brady
As
Ext. 2702
This dues not constatute NSC clap.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
2.2012
12 : 24
December 11, 1992
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
DAN
MC GROARTY
FROM:
ANDREW FERGUSON at
SUBJECT:
PROPOSED REMARKS AT TEXAS A & M
I. SUMMARY
On Tuesday, December 15th at noon you will deliver remarks
to an audience of 7,500 students and faculty in the G. Rollie
White Coliseum on the campus of Texas A & M.
II. DISCUSSION
Your remarks (approximately 25 minutes / teleprompter) focus
on your foreign policy accomplishments and America's role in the
post-Cold War world.
DRAFT: December 11, 1992
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: TEXAS A & M
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1992
COLLEGE STATION, TEXAS
At the beginning (Acknowledgments)
P
my
Presidency, In XX days, I will hand over the stewardship of this great
/ spoke Sefore
the praducting nation, capping a career in public service that began 50 years
class 1989
ago in the wartime skies over the Pacific. Our country won that
it Texas
Atm.
/
great contest but entered an uneasy peace: the fires of World
poke pth
need to War II cooled into a longer Cold War, one that froze the world
more
seyond
into two opposing camps -- the forces of freedom against an alien
toinnent.
ideology that cast its shadow over every American. * Now, by the
2nd /
said, "we grit of our people and the grace of our God, the Cold War is
ceek the
integration over. Freedom has carried the day. I leave the White House
of the
wit Unin
grateful for what together we have achieved, and exhilirated by
it the
the promise of what we can yet bring to pass.
nations 3,mminity of ultimately, our objective arm, to welcome the Sait Unix back int the
world order
was this too ambition? Not for the Amerizan people. Today,
This afternoon I would like to share some of my thoughts on the
past few years and on America's purpose in the world. My thesis
is a simple one. Amid the triumph and the tumult of the recent
past, one truth rings out more clearly than ever. America
remains today what Lincoln said it was more than a century ago:
the last best hope of earth.
This is a fact: a truth made indelible by the struggles and
agonies of the 20th century. The leadership, the power, and yes,
the conscience of the United States of America -- all are
essential for a peaceful, prosperous international order, just as
such an order is essential for us. History's lesson is clear:
When America, victorious but weary, withdrew from the
international
2
militarism, fascism, and aggression unchecked, plunging mankind
into another devastating conflict. But in answering the call to
lead after World War II, we built from the principles of
democracy and the rule of law a new community of free nations --
a community whose moral resolve and economic strength contained
Soviet totalitarianism and kept the peace.
In the end, Soviet communism proved no match for free enterprise
beyond its borders or the yearning for liberty within them. And
the American leadership that undermined the confidence and
capacity of the communist regimes became a light for all the
peoples of the world.
Steadfast and sure, generations of Americans stood in the path of
the Soviet advance, while our adversary probed for weaknesses
that were never found. Presidents from both parties led an
Atlantic Alliance held together by enduring bonds among true
friends, facing a Warsaw Pact forced together by occupation
troops, quisling governments, and, when all else failed, the use
of tanks against people.
By the 1980's, Kremlin leaders found that our Alliance would not
crack when they threatened America's allies with the infamous
SS-20 nuclear missile. Nor would we bend under pressure once we
decided to deploy to Europe missiles to protect our Allies from
this menace.
The American people showed that they would shoulder whatever
defense burden was needed to assure our freedom and protect our
3.
allies and interests. We made use of the splendid technology our
free enterprise system has produced. We showed that free people
are capable of both sacrifice and strength. Having learned that
they could not divide our Alliance, the Soviets eventually were
forced to doubt that their command economy could keep them in the
race. As the Soviet system stalled and crumbled, so too did the
ability of its rulers to deny their people the truth -- about us,
and about them.
the
the
enian
freedom.
True, in the end Soviet communism was destroyed by its own
dysfunctional dialectic But the Soviet Union did not simply
lose the Cold War; the Western democracies won it. I say this
not to gloat but to make a point. The qualities that enabled us
to triumph in that struggle -- faith, strength, unity, and above
all American leadership -- are those we must call upon now to win
the peace.
With Soviet communism in its death throes in recent years, the
potential for cataclysm was never greater, the demand for
American leadership was never more compelling:
As the peoples of Eastern Europe made their bold but
peaceful move for freedom, they turned to America. And we
did not turn away.
When our German friends took their hammers to tear down that
wall, they looked to America for solidarity. And we did not
look away.
4
-- When the people of Russia blocked the tanks that tried to
roll back the tide of history, Boris Yeltsin asked where we
stood. America did not walk away. America answered, for
the world to hear, "We stand with you. "
in 1991
The free peoples of the world watched in awe, as the Soviet Union
collapsed, but they held their breath at what might take its
place -- at whoever might control its tens of thousands of
nuclear weapons.
Only America could manage that danger.
forge partnership countries with Russia, Ukraine, Belarus We and Kaza tan
and to
acted decisively tor help the new leaders reduce their nuclear arsenals.
Here, then, is the remarkable fact that history will record: the
end of a titantic clash of political systems, the collapse of the
most heavily armed empire in history, took place without a shot
being fired. That should be a source of pride for every
American.
From the days after World War II, when fragile European
democracies were threatened by Stalin's expansionism, to the last
days of the Cold War, as our foes became fragile democracies
themselves, American leadership has been indispensable. No one
person deserves credit for this; America does. It has been
achieved because of what we as a people stand for -- and are made
of.
Yes, we answered the call and we triumphed, but today we are
summoned again.
This time we are called not to wage a war, hot
or cold, but to create a democratic peace -- not for half a
world, as before, but for people the world over. The end of the
5
Cold War has placed in our hands the chance to change history:
to see the principles of democracy, free enterprise, and the rule
of law -- American principles -- embraced and enjoyed by the
entire human race.
This global vision can energize America as we approach the
millennium. It embodies our country's tradition of idealism,
which has made us unique among nations, and uniquely successful.
But more than that: the advance of democratic ideals reflects a
hard-nosed sense of American self-interest. For if the long
struggle now concluded has taught us anything, it is this:
Democracies do not commit aggression. Democracies do not sponsor
terrorism. Democracies do not threaten humanity with weapons of
mass destruction. Likewise, the global spread of free markets,
through trade, investment, and growth, will sustain the expansion
of American prosperity. By helping others, in short, we help
ourselves.
Some will dismiss this vision as no more than a dream. I ask
them to consider the last four years, when a dozen dreams were
made real. The Berlin Wall demolished; the captive nations set
free; Russia democratic; whole classes of nuclear weapons
eliminated, the rest vastly reduced; the United Nations turning
back a tyrant in the Persian Gulf; Israel and each of its Arab
neighbors talking peace in a region that has known so much war.
Each of these was once a dream. Today they are concrete
realities, brought about by a common cause: the patient and
judicious application of American leadership, American power, and
6
American moral force. There were obstacles and set-backs; they
were overcome.
And surely serious obstacles and set-backs will confront us
again. We face some already. Violence, poverty, and tribal and
religious hatreds will be powerful adversaries. Overcoming them
will take time and tenacity, courage and resolve; but they will
be overcome. For no society, no continent, should be
disqualified from our ideals. The community of democratic
nations is more robust than ever. And it will gain strength as
it grows. By working with our allies, by strengthening our
international institutions, America does not have to go it alone.
Yet from some quarters we hear voices sounding the retreat. The
disappearance of the Soviet challenge, they say, means America
can withdraw from international responsibilities. Others assert
that domestic needs preclude an active foreign policy, that we
have done our part and now it is someone else's turn. We are
warned against stepping up to the troubles that abound in today's
world: clan warfare and mass starvation in Somalia; savage
violence in Bosnia; instability in Russia; the alarming growth of
virulent nationalism throughout Europe.
And it is
true: These problems -- some frozen by the Cold War,
others held in check by communist repression -- seem to have
ignited all at once, taxing the world's ability to respond. But
let us be clear: The alternative to American leadership is not
more security for our citizens but less; not the flourishing of
7
American principles but their isolation in a world actively
hostile to them. "Destiny," it has been said, "is not a matter
of chance, it is a matter of choice; it is not a thing to be
waited for, it is a thing to be achieved. " Our choice as a
people is simple: We can either shape our times, or we can let
the times shape us. And shape us they will, at a price
frightening to contemplate -- morally, economically, and
strategically.
Morally, a failure to respond to massive human catastrophes like
that in Somalia, where we can make the difference, will scar our
National soul for a generation. When it is in our power to do
something that is right and yet we fail to do it, we become less
than what we are. America loses the moral authority that has
made it special in history.
Economically, a world of escalating instability and hostile
nationalism will disrupt global markets, touch off trade wars and
set us on a path of economic decline. American jobs would be
lost, our chance to compete would be blocked, and our very well-
being would be undermined.
Strategically, abandonment of the world-wide democratic
revolution could be disastrous for American security.
What was
Haass
once Yugoslavia offers a view of the future -- if we let our
values die in that third of the world that has just been
liberated from communism.
delate
8
In Russia, in Eastern Europe, in Central Asia, the alternative to
democracy is authoritarianism: aggressive, xenophobic, and
violent. And in a world where weapons of mass destruction are
spreading, the collapse of the democratic revolution could pose a
direct threat to the safety of every American.
The new world could, in time, be as menacing as the old. Let me
be blunt: a retreat from American leadership would be a mistake
for which future generations, indeed our own children, would not
forgive us.
But we need not face such a future. Instead, we can recommit
ourselves to the hard work of freedom. This does not mean
running off on reckless, expensive crusades. It does not mean
bearing the world's burdens alone. But it does mean leadership -
- economic, political, and, yes, military -- when our interests
and values are at risk and where we can make a difference.
It seems like forever ago that the people of Germany tore down
that Wall. But it has been only three years -- and just over a
year since the August coup was defeated by brave Russian
democrats, ledby this brief time, we have embarked on a new course,
President Boris Yeltsin.
through uncharted waters. It has been up to America to tend the
rudder.
We have begun to define the post-Cold War reality. The old
network of alliances, institutions, and regimes is being
transformed to meet new challenges -- challenges that must be met
9
with collective action, led by the United States, to protect and
promote our political, economic, and security values.
Our foundation must be the core of the democratic community that
won the Cold War. We have begun to adapt America's political,
economic, and defense relationships with Europe and Japan to
ensure their vitality and strength in this new era. For these
will be our primary partners in addressing the next generation of
problems and opportunities.
For example, we have begun to transform the Atlantic Alliance,
that bulwark against the Soviet threat, into a partnership with a
more united Europe -- a partnership ready to meet new security
challenges in this age of uncertainty. And a new feature of our
Alliance, the North Atlantic Cooperation Council, enables NATO to
reach out to our former adversaries in the Warsaw Pact.
In the Pacific, we have affirmed the importance of the U.S.-
Japan security ties to stability in Asia, but also explored ways
to work together as global partners to address common interests
-- in economics, development, and regional problems.
Then we have committed ourselves to expanding the democratic
community by supporting political and economic freedom in nascent
democracies and market economies. And we are sharing this burden
with the very nations America helped after World War II.
In Central and Eastern Europe, our Enterprise Funds and other
programs have helped develop a new political, economic, and civic
10
infrastructure for nations crushed for years by Stalin's legacy.
Now the Freedom Support Act will provide crucial help for reform
in the lands of former enemies democratic Russia and in the other
countries where our reform is on the march Ukraine, Belaw,
Kazakhitan, Armenia, georgia and Kyrgestum,
In Latin America, our Enterprise for the Americas Initiative has
opened up extraordinary possibilities for a new relationship with
our hemispheric neighbors. Debt relief, investment, free trade,
and environmental protection will water the home-grown efforts
throughout Latin America to open up their economies and transform
their societies.
We are strengthening the ability of the democratic community to
deal with the political landmines the Cold War left over --
aggressive nationalism, ethnic conflict, civil war, and
humanitarian crises. We have pledged our support for a more
capable UN.
All over the world -- Nicaragua, Namibia, Angola, Cambodia -- we
envisioned elections not only as a goal, but as a tool, a device
for resolving conflicts and establishing political legitimacy.
In the area of security and arms control, we've stepped up patrol
against the spread of weapons of mass destruction. The new
Chemical Weapons Convention will ban chemical weapons from the
arsenals of all participating states. We've strengthened
multilateral export controls on nuclear, chemical, biological,
and missile-related technologies. In an act without precedent, a
UN inspection team is demolishing Iraq's weapons of mass
destruction. Once implemented, the START Treaty will ban new
Insert for page 10
infrastructure for nations crushed for years by Stalin's legacy.
Now the Freedom Support Act will provide crucial help for reform
in democratic Russia and in the other countries where reform is
on the march -- Ukraine, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia, Georgia
and Kyrgyzstan.
In Latin America, democracy is in the ascendancy and totalitarism
in retreat. Our policy of unremitting support for democratic
constitutional government has been a major factor in bringing
this about. Our Enterprise for the Americas Initiative has
opened up extraordinary possibilities for a new relationship with
our hemispheric neighbors. Debt relief, investment, free trade
and environmental protection will water the home-grown efforts
throughout Latin America to open up their economies and transform
their societies. And the North American Free Trade Agreement,
which I will sign this Thursday portends a new era in relations
with Mexico and a model for the rest of the hemisphere.
In Africa we are reaching out to support the democratization and
free elections, helping Africans resolve bitter armed conflicts,
and helping strengthen market-oriented economic development.
11
nuclear states on the territory of the former Soviet Union.
sought
Above all, we have seeked to ban nuclear nightmares from the
sleep of future generations.
And we underscored one key security principle with a line in the
sand: naked aggression against our vital interests will be
answered decisively by American resolve, leadership, and might.
Our victory in the Persian Gulf War was more than a blow for
justice -- it was a needed reminder to other would-be tyrants:
If you're going to threaten the freedom of others -- you're going
to lose some of your own.
We have been committed to building the basis for sustained
international economic growth -- for ourselves and for those
nations of what were once the so-called second and third worlds.
In particular, we have taken important steps toward the creation
of a stronger, and freer, international trading market. system
and fairer
Our recent breakthrough with the European Community clears the
way for an early conclusion to the Uruguay Round of GATT and a
When
major boost to world economic recovery. This week Mexico,
the north American Tue Lade
Canada, and the United States will sign a landmarkA agreement
later this week, we will
establishing the largest free trade zone the world has ever seen.
And our efforts to forge a new mechanism for Asia Pacific
Economic Cooperation confirm America's commitment to continue to
be an economic as well as a security power in Asia.
I believe we have taken the first steps toward a world in which
democracy is commonplace, in which private enterprise, free trade
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
December 14, 1992
MEMORANDUM FOR DAN McGROARTY
FROM:
BRENT SCOWCROFT
B
SUBJECT:
Texas A&M Speech
Attached is a great excerpt from Yeltsin's toast last June. The
President will never say it as it is. We can perhaps use the
first and maybe the last sentence by saying:
Yeltsin said that the U. S., and I quote, 'was the first
among the leaders of the world to understand the true
scope and meaning of the victory of the Russian people
on August 19.' If we want also to use the last sentence,
we can say 'it (the U. S.) displayed leadership, fore-
sight and wisdom that were SO needed by Russia and the
future of Russian democracy.'
Attachment
Yeltsin toast at June 17 dinner for the President--Russian
Embassy
Ave the U.S.
"I must tell you that President Bush was the first among the
leaders of the world to understand the true scope and meaning of
the victory of the Russian people on August 19, 1991. President
Bush was the first among all chief executives of the countries of
the world to call me in the White House in Moscow and to express
his support and say that the President of the United States and
of the American people stood behind Russia. Whereupon he called
other Presidents and they called me. Among those Presidents,
there were some who called me only in the afternoon of August 20
when the situation was absolutely clear for all. At that time,
President Bush displayed leadership, foresight and wisdom that
were SO needed by Russia and the future of Russian democracy.
The
SENT BY:Xerox Telecopier 7020 12-14-92 : 9:34 ;
2024566279-
4567929:#12
8
In Russia, in Eastern Europe, in Central Asia, the alternative to
democracy is authoritarianism: aggressive, xenophobic, and
violent. And in a world where weapons of mass destruction are
spreading, the collapse of the democratic revolution could pose a
direct threat to the safety of every American.
The new world could, in time, be as menacing as the old. Let me
be blunt: a retreat from American leadership would be a mistake
for which future generations, indeed our own children, would not
oween
forgive us.
But we need not face such a future. Instead, we can recommit
ourselves to the hard work of freedom. This does not mean
running off on reckless, expensive crusades. It does not mean
move Clay
bearing the world's burdens alone. AD But it does mean leadership -
- economic, political, and, yes, military -- when our interests
and values are at risk and where we can make a difference.
to
ind,
It seems like forever ago that the people of Germany tore down
that Wall. But it has been only three years -- and just over a
year since the August coup was defeated by brave Russian
democrats. In this brief time, we have embarked on a new course,
through uncharted waters. It has been up to America to tend the
rudder.
We have begun to define the post-Cold War reality. The old
network of alliances, institutions, and regimes is being
transformed to meet new challenges -- challenges that must be met
NT BY:Xerox Telecopier 7020 12-14-92 ; 9:34 ;
2024566279-
4567929:#13
9
with collective action, led by the United States, to protect and
promote our political, economic, and security values.
Our foundation must be the core of the democratic community that
won the Cold War. We have begun to adapt America's political,
economic, and defense relationships with Europe and Japan to
ensure their vitality and strength in this new era. For these
will be our primary' partners in addressing the next generation of
problems and opportunities.
For example, we have begun to transform the Atlantic Alliance,
that bulwark against the Soviet threat, into a partnership with a
more united Europe -- a partnership ready to meet new security
challenges in this age of uncertainty. And a new feature of our
Alliance, the North Atlantic Cooperation Council, enables NATO to
reach out to our former adversaries in the Warsaw Pact.
In the Pacific, we have affirmed the importance of the U.S.-
Japan security ties to stability in Asia, but also explored ways
to work together as global partners to address common interests
-- in economics, development, and regional problems.
Then we have committed ourselves to expanding the democratic
community by supporting political and economic freedom in nascent
democracies and market economies. And we are sharing this burden
with the very nations America helped after World War II.
In Central and Eastern Europe, our Enterprise Funds and other
programs have helped develop a new political, economic, and civic
The draft of the Texas A&M speech has one tepid line on the
UN, "We have pledged our support for a more capable UN." Not
good enough, in light on the major change in policy in NSD
74.
Suggest: " The UN has assumed a greater role in creating
stability, especially through the 14 peacekeeping operations
Add.
it is conducting around the world. As I said at the general
assembly last September, America can and will enter into a
partnership with the UN to improve its capabilit ies for
peace. "
shengthen it gomas a force
10
infrastructure for nations crushed for years by Stalin's legacy.
Now the Freedom Support Act will provide crucial help for reform
in the lands of our former enemies.
In Latin America, our Enterprise for the Americas Initiative has
opened up extraordinary possibilities for a new relationship with
our hemispheric neighbors. Debt relief, investment, free trade,
and environmental protection will water the home-grown efforts
throughout Latin America to open up their economies and transform
their societies.
on apica we are reaching but to support the april democratization and
hu elections helping afreads resolve bitter armed conflicts, and helping strengther
We are strengthening the ability of the democratic community to
file markets-ovented economic de velopment
deal with the political landmines the Cold War left over --
aggressive nationalism, ethnic conflict, civil war, and
humanitarian crises. {we We have pledged our support for a more
capable UN.
All over the world -- Nicaragua, Namibia, Angola, Cambodia -- we
envisioned elections not only as a goal, but as a tool, a device
for resolving conflicts and establishing political legitimacy.
In the area of security and arms control, we've stepped up patrol
against the spread of weapons of mass destruction. The new
Chemical Weapons Convention will ban chemical weapons from the
arsenals of all participating states. We've strengthened
multilateral export controls on nuclear, chemical, biological,
and missile-related technologies. In an act without precedent, a
UN inspection team is demolishing Iraq's weapons of mass
destruction. Once implemented, the START Treaty will ban new
SENT BY:Xerox Telecopier 7020 12-14-92 ; 9:35 ;
2024566278-
4567929;#14
10
infrastructure for nations crushed for years by Stalin's legacy.
Now the Freedom Support Act will provide crucial help for reform
in the lands of our former enemies.
Enterprise Joy of dectator- for the Americas can Initiative has
In Latin America, our
opened up extraordinary possibilities for a new relationship with
our hemispheric neighbors. Debt relief, investment, free trade,
and environmental protection will water the home-grown efforts
throughout Latin America to open up their economies and transform
their societies.
We are strengthening the ability of the democratic community to
deal with the political landmines the Cold War left over --
aggressive nationalism, ethnic conflict, civil war, and
humanitarian crises. We have pledged our support for a more
capable UN.
All over the world -- Nicaragua, Namibia, Angola, Cambodia -- we
envisioned elections not only as a goal, but as a tool, a device
for resolving conflicts and establishing political legitimacy.
In the area of security and arms control, we've stepped up patrol
against the spread of weapons of mass destruction. The new
Chemical Weapons convention will ban chemical weapons from the
arsenals of all participating states. We've strengthened
multilateral export controls on nuclear, chemical, biological,
and missile-related technologies. In an act without precedent, a
Tablety to do Rossess
UN inspection team is demolishing Iraq's weapons of mass
Faquirments that we have
destruction. Once implemented, the START Treaty will ban new
resotided
Telecopier 7020 12-14-92 ; 9:35 ;
2024566219-
4567929:#15
11
ar states on the territory of the former Soviet Union.
all, we have seeked to ban nuclear nightmares from the
of future generations.
Gought
e underscored one key security principle with a line in the
naked aggression against our vital interests will be
red decisively by American resolve, leadership, and might.
victory in the Persian Gulf War was more than a blow for
.ce -- it was a needed reminder to other would-be tyrants:
u're going to threaten the freedom of others -- you're going
se some of your own.
weak
ave been committed to building the basis for sustained
rnational economic growth -- for ourselves and for those
ons of what were once the so-called second and third worlds.
articular, we have taken important steps toward the creation
stronger and freer international trading market.
recent breakthrough with the European Community clears the
for an early conclusion to the Uruguay Round of GATT and a
r boost to world economic recovery. This week, Mexico,
da, and the United States will sign a landmark agreement
ablishing the largest free trade zone the world has ever seen.
our efforts to forge a new mechanism for Asia Pacific
homic Cooperation confirm America's commitment to continue to
an economic as well as a security power in Asia.
elieve we have taken the first steps toward a world in which
ocracy is commonplace, in which private enterprise, free trade
Glarnort & perention
may hour been Runian
words - but
at then
the concepts
core were Western
Document No. 367275
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 12/12/92
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 10:00 am / MON. / 12-14
PROPOSED PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: TEXAS A & M
COLLEGE STATION, TEXAS
SUBJECT:
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1992
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCBRIDE
BAKER
MOORE
SCOWCROFT
MULLINS
DARMAN
PETERSMEYER
BATES
PORTER
BRADY
SMITH
BROMLEY
TUTWILER
CALIO
ZOELLICK
DEMAREST
MCGROARTY
FITZWATER
GAUGHAN
GRAY
BOSKIN
HOLIDAY
HORNER
REMARKS:
Please provide your comments on the attached directly tn
Dan McGroarty, Rm 122, x2930, with a copy to this office
NO LATER THAN 10:00 a.m., MONDAY, DECEMBER 14. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
THE WHITE house
WASHINGTON
A2:24
December 11, 1992
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
DAN MC GROARTY
FROM:
ANDREW. FERGUSON at
SUBJECT:
PROPOSED REMARKS AT TEXAS A & M
I. SUMMARY
On Tuesday, December 15th at noon you will deliver remarks
to an audience of 7,500 students and faculty in the G. Rollie
White Coliseum on the campus of Texas A & M.
II. DISCUSSION
Your remarks (approximately 25 minutes / teleprompter) focus
on your foreign policy accomplishments and America's role in the
post-Cold War world.
DRAFT: December 11, 1992
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: TEXAS A & M
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1992
COLLEGE STATION, TEXAS
(Acknowledgments)
In XX days, I will hand over the stewardship of this great
nation, capping a career in public service that began 50 years
ago in the wartime skies over the Pacific. Our country won that
great contest but entered an uneasy peace: the fires of World
War II cooled into a longer Cold War, one that froze the world
into two opposing camps -- the forces of freedom against an alien
ideology that cast its shadow over every American. Now, by the
grit of our people and the grace of our God, the Cold War is
over. Freedom has carried the day. I leave the White House
grateful for what together we have achieved, and exhilirated by
the promise of what we can yet bring to pass.
This afternoon I would like to share some of my thoughts on the
past few years and on America's purpose in the world. My thesis
is a simple one. Amid the triumph and the tumult of the recent
past, one truth rings out more clearly than ever. America
remains today what Lincoln said it was more than a century ago:
the last best hope of earth.
This is a fact: a truth made indelible by the struggles and
agonies of the 20th century. The leadership, the power, and yes,
the conscience of the United States of America --- all are
essential for a peaceful, prosperous international order, just as
such an order is essential for us. History's lesson is clear:
When America, victorious but weary, withdrew from the
somethers missing here
2
militarism, fascism, and aggression unchecked, plunging mankind
into another devastating conflict. But in answering the call to
lead after World War II, we built from the principles of
democracy and the rule of law a new community of free nations --
a community whose moral resolve and economic strength contained
Soviet totalitarianism and kept the peace.
In the end, Soviet communism proved no match for free enterprise
beyond its borders or the yearning for liberty within them. And
the American leadership that undermined the confidence and
capacity of the communist regimes became a light for all the
peoples of the world.
Steadfast and sure, generations of Americans stood in the path of
the Soviet advance, while our adversary probed for weaknesses
that were never found. Presidents from both parties led an
Atlantic Alliance held together by enduring bonds among true
friends, facing a Warsaw Pact forced together by occupation
troops, quisling governments, and, when all else failed, the use
of tanks against people.
By the 1980's, Kremlin leaders found that our Alliance would not
crack when they threatened America's allies with the infamous
SS-20 nuclear missile. Nor would we bend under pressure once we
decided to deploy to Europe missiles to protect our Allies from
this menace.
The American people showed that they would shoulder whatever
defense burden was needed to assure our freedom and protect our
3
allies and interests. We made use of the splendid technology our
free enterprise system has produced. We showed that free people
are capable of both sacrifice and strength. Having learned that
they could not divide our Alliance, the Soviets eventually were
forced to doubt that their command economy could keep them in the
race. As the Soviet system stalled and crumbled, so too did the
ability of its rulers to deny their people the truth -- about us,
and about them.
True, in the end Soviet communism was destroyed by its own
dysfunctional dialectic. But the Soviet Union did not simply
lose the Cold War; the Western democracies won it. I say this
not to gloat but to make a point. The qualities that enabled us
to triumph in that struggle -- faith, strength, unity, and above
all American leadership -- are those we must call upon now to win
the peace.
With Soviet communism in its death throes in recent years, the
potential for cataclysm was never greater, the demand for
American leadership was never more compelling:
--
As the peoples of Eastern Europe made their bold but
peaceful move for freedom, they turned to America. And we
did not turn away.
When our German friends took their hammers to tear down that
wall, they looked to America for solidarity. And we did not
look away.
4
When the people of Russia blocked the tanks that tried to
roll back the tide of history, Boris Yeltsin asked where we
stood. America did not walk away. America answered, for
the world to hear, "We stand with you. "
The free peoples of the world watched in awe as the Soviet Union
collapsed, but they held their breath at what might take its
place -- at whoever might control its tens of thousands of
nuclear weapons. Only America could manage that danger. We
acted decisively to help the new leaders reduce their arsenals.
Here, then, is the remarkable fact that history will record: the
end of a titantic clash of political systems, the collapse of the
most heavily armed empire in history, took place without a shot
being fired. That should be a source of pride for every
American.
From the days after World War II, when fragile European
democracies were threatened by Stalin's expansionism, to the last
days of the Cold War, as our foes became fragile democracies
themselves, American leadership has been indispensable. No one
person deserves credit for this; America does. It has been
achieved because of what we as a people stand for -- and are made
of.
Yes, we answered the call and we triumphed, but today we are
summoned again. This time we are called not to wage a war, hot
or cold, but to create a democratic peace -- not for half a
world, as before, but for people the world over. The end of the
5
Cold War has placed in our hands the chance to change history:
to see the principles of democracy, free enterprise, and the rule
of law -- American principles -- embraced and enjoyed by the
entire human race.
This global vision can energize America as we approach the
millennium. It embodies our country's tradition of idealism,
which has made us unique among nations, and uniquely successful.
But more than that: the advance of democratic ideals reflects a
hard-nosed sense of American self-interest. For if the long
struggle now concluded has taught us anything, it is this:
Democracies do not commit aggression. Democracies do not sponsor
terrorism. Democracies do not threaten humanity with weapons of
mass destruction. Likewise, the global spread of free markets,
through trade, investment, and growth, will sustain the expansion
of American prosperity. By helping others, in short, we help
ourselves.
Some will dismiss this vision as no more than a dream. I ask
them to consider the last four years, when a dozen dreams were
made real. The Berlin Wall demolished; the captive nations set
free; Russia democratic; whole classes of nuclear weapons
eliminated, the rest vastly reduced; the United Nations turning
back a tyrant in the Persian Gulf; Israel and each of its Arab
neighbors talking peace in a region that has known so much war.
Each of these was once a dream. Today they are concrete
realities, brought about by a common cause: the patient and
judicious application of American leadership, American power, and
6
American moral force. There were obstacles and set-backs; they
were overcome.
And surely serious obstacles and set-backs will confront us
again. We face some already. Violence, poverty, and tribal and
religious hatreds will be powerful adversaries. Overcoming them
will take time and tenacity, courage and resolve; but they will
be overcome. For no society, no continent, should be
disqualified from our ideals. The community of democratic
nations is more robust than ever. And it will gain strength as
it grows. By working with our allies, by strengthening our
international institutions, America does not have to go it alone.
Yet from some quarters we hear voices sounding the retreat. The
disappearance of the Soviet challenge, they say, means America
can withdraw from international responsibilities. Others assert
that domestic needs preclude an active foreign policy, that we
have done our part and now it is someone else's turn. We are
warned against stepping up to the troubles that abound in today's
world: clan warfare and mass starvation in Somalia; savage
violence in Bosnia; instability in Russia; the alarming growth of
virulent nationalism throughout Europe.
And it is true: These problems -- some frozen by the Cold War,
others held in check by communist repression -- seem to have
ignited all at once, taxing the world's ability to respond. But
let us be clear: The alternative to American leadership is not
more security for our citizens but less; not the flourishing of
7
American principles but their isolation in a world actively
hostile to them. "Destiny," it has been said, "is not a matter
of chance, it is a matter of choice; it is not a thing to be
waited for, it is a thing to be achieved. " Our choice as a
people is simple: We can either shape our times, or we can let
the times shape us. And shape us they will, at a price
frightening to contemplate -- morally, economically, and
strategically.
Morally, a failure to respond to massive human catastrophes like
that in Somalia, where we can make the difference, will scar our
National soul for a generation. When it is in our power to do
something that is right and yet we fail to do it, we become less
than what we are. America loses the moral authority that has
made it special in history.
Economically, a world of escalating instability and hostile
nationalism will disrupt global markets, touch off trade wars and
set us on a path of economic decline. American jobs would be
lost, our chance to compete would be blocked, and our very well-
being would be undermined.
Strategically, abandonment of the world-wide democratic
revolution could be disastrous for American security. What was
once Yugoslavia offers a view of the future -- if we let our
values die in that third of the world that has just been
liberated from communism.
8
In Russia, in Eastern Europe, in Central Asia, the alternative to
democracy is authoritarianism: aggressive, xenophobic, and
violent. And in a world where weapons of mass destruction are
spreading, the collapse of the democratic revolution could pose a
direct threat to the safety of every American.
The new world could, in time, be as menacing as the old. Let me
be blunt: a retreat from American leadership would be a mistake
for which future generations, indeed our own children, would not
forgive us.
But we need not face such a future. Instead, we can recommit
ourselves to the hard work of freedom. This does not mean
running off on reckless, expensive crusades. It does not mean
bearing the world's burdens alone. But it does mean leadership -
- economic, political, and, yes, military -- when our interests
and values are at risk and where we can make a difference.
It seems like forever ago that the people of Germany tore down
that Wall. But it has been only three years -- and just over a
year since the August coup was defeated by brave Russian
democrats. In this brief time, we have embarked on a new course,
through uncharted waters. It has been up to America to tend the
rudder.
We have begun to define the post-Cold War reality. The old
network of alliances, institutions, and regimes is being
transformed to meet new challenges -- challenges that must be met
9
with collective action, led by the United States, to protect and
promote our political, economic, and security values.
Our foundation must be the core of the democratic community that
won the Cold War. We have begun to adapt America's political,
economic, and defense relationships with Europe and Japan to
ensure their vitality and strength in this new era. For these
will be our primary partners in addressing the next generation of
problems and opportunities.
For example, we have begun to transform the Atlantic Alliance,
that bulwark against the Soviet threat, into a partnership with a
more united Europe -- a partnership ready to meet new security
challenges in this age of uncertainty. And a new feature of our
Alliance, the North Atlantic Cooperation Council, enables NATO to
reach out to our former adversaries in the Warsaw Pact.
In the Pacific, we have affirmed the importance of the U.S.-
Japan security ties to stability in Asia, but also explored ways
to work together as global partners to address common interests
-- in economics, development, and regional problems.
Then we have committed ourselves to expanding the democratic
community by supporting political and economic freedom in nascent
democracies and market economies. And we are sharing this burden
with the very nations America helped after World War II.
In Central and Eastern Europe, our Enterprise Funds and other
programs have helped develop a new political, economic, and civic
10
infrastructure for nations crushed for years by Stalin's legacy.
Now the Freedom Support Act will provide crucial help for reform
in the lands of our former enemies.
In Latin America, our Enterprise for the Americas Initiative has
opened up extraordinary possibilities for a new relationship with
our hemispheric neighbors. Debt relief, investment, free trade,
and environmental protection will water the home-grown efforts
throughout Latin America to open up their economies and transform
societies. our continuing commitment, is we speak, is
Quayle
their being underlined by Vice, President Quayle participation in
a Peace has seen achieved.
ceremony demob. lizing both sides " El Salvador's Long civil
We are strengthening the ability of the democratic community to
deal with the political landmines the Cold War left over --
aggressive nationalism, ethnic conflict, civil war, and
humanitarian crises. We have pledged our support for a more
capable UN.
All over the world -- Nicaragua, Namibia, Angola, Cambodia -- we
envisioned elections not only as a goal, but as a tool, a device
for resolving conflicts and establishing political legitimacy.
In the area of security and arms control, we've stepped up patrol
against the spread of weapons of mass destruction. The new
Chemical Weapons Convention will ban chemical weapons from the
arsenals of all participating states. We've strengthened
multilateral export controls on nuclear, chemical, biological,
and missile-related technologies. In an act without precedent, a
UN inspection team is demolishing Iraq's weapons of mass
destruction. Once implemented, the START Treaty will ban new
11
nuclear states on the territory of the former Soviet Union.
Above all, we have seeked to ban nuclear nightmares from the
sleep of future generations.
And we underscored one key security principle with a line in the
sand: naked aggression against our vital interests will be
answered decisively by American resolve, leadership, and might.
Our victory in the Persian Gulf War was more than a blow for
justice -- it was a needed reminder to other would-be tyrants:
If you're going to threaten the freedom of others -- you're going
to lose some of your own.
We have been committed to building the basis for sustained
international economic growth -- for ourselves and for those
nations of what were once the so-called second and third worlds.
In particular, we have taken important steps toward the creation
of a stronger and freer international trading market.
Our recent breakthrough with the European Community, clears the
way for an early conclusion to the Uruguay Round of GATT and a
major boost to world economic recovery. This week, Mexico,
Canada, and the United States will sign a landmark agreement
establishing the largest free trade zone the world has ever seen.
And our efforts to forge a new mechanism for Asia Pacific
Economic Cooperation confirm America's commitment to continue to
be an economic as well as a security power in Asia.
I believe we have taken the first steps toward a world in which
democracy is commonplace, in which private enterprise, free trade
12
and prosperity reach every region. A world in which the rule of
law prevails, and in which ethnic hatred has been buried for
good.
We must not stumble as we travel toward a world without the
brutal violence of Bosnia, the deadly anarchy of Somalia, or the
squalor that still haunts much of the Southern Hemisphere. We
cannot rest while a handful of renegade regimes aspire to obtain
weapons of mass destruction with which to threaten their
neighbors, or even our own Nation. There is a difficult distance
to go before we are within reach of the democratic peace. But
these first steps have determined an important direction.
The challenge ahead is as great as the one we faced at the end of
the last great war. But the opportunity is vastly greater.
Success will require American vision and resolve. It will
require unity of purpose: a commitment on the part of all our
people to the proposition that our Nation's destiny lies in the
hope of a better world -- a world made better by American
leadership.
History is summoning us once again to lead. We must live up to
the greatness of our forefathers' ideals, and in so doing secure
our grandchildren's futures.
That is the cause that my entire life as a public servant has
been dedicated to fulfilling. That is the cause that you and I
must now support our new President in pursuing.
13
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of
America.
Mc geath Euroce this im
no
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
THROUGH:
? DAN MC GROARTY
December 11, 1992
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
+ Andy Ferguar
FROM:
ANDREW FERGUSON
at
SUBJECT:
PROPOSED REMARKS AT TEXAS A & M
I. SUMMARY
On Tuesday, December 15th at noon you will deliver remarks
to an audience of 7,500 students and faculty in the G. Rollie
White Coliseum on the campus of Texas A & M.
II. DISCUSSION
Your remarks (approximately 25 minutes / teleprompter) focus
on your foreign policy accomplishments and America's role in the
post-Cold War world.
12/17
RB2 edits Mon am
Dan,
Per our discussion.
DRAFT: December 11, 1992
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: TEXAS A & M
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1992
COLLEGE STATION, TEXAS
(Acknowledgments)
In XX days, I will hand over the stewardship of this great
nation, capping a career in public service that began 50 years
ago in the wartime skies over the Pacific. Our country won that
great contest but entered an uneasy peace: the fires of World
War II cooled into a longer Cold War, one that froze the world
into two opposing camps -- the forces of freedom against an alien
ideology determination that cast its shadow over every American. Now, by the
potrenication
grit of our people and the grace of our 2 God, the Cold War is
X
x
over. Freedom has carried the day. I leave the White House
grateful for what together we have achieved, and exhilirated by
- sp?
the promise of what we can yet bring to pass.
'chksp
This afternoon I would like to share some of my thoughts on the
past few years and on America's purpose in the world. My thesis
is a simple one. Amid the triumph and the tumult of the recent
past, one truth rings out more clearly than ever. America
remains today what Lincoln said it was more than a century ago:
the last best hope of earth.
This is a fact: a truth made indelible by the struggles and
agonies of the 20th century. The leadership, the power, and yes,
the conscience of the United States of America -- all are
essential for a peaceful, prosperous international order, just as
such an order is essential for us. History's lesson is clear:
When America, victorious but weary, withdrew from the
international stage following World War I, the world spawned
2
militarism, fascism, and aggression unchecked, plunging mankind
into another devastating conflict. But in answering the call to
lead after World War II, we built from the principles of
democracy and the rule of law a new community of free nations --
a community whose moral resolve and economic strength contained
Soviet totalitarianism and kept the peace.
In the end, Soviet communism proved no match for free enterprise
beyond its borders or the yearning for liberty within them. And
the American leadership that undermined the confidence and
capacity of the communist regimes became a light for all the
beacon
peoples of the world.
beacon
Steadfast and sure, generations of Americans stood in the path of
the Soviet advance, while our adversary probed for weaknesses
that were never found. Presidents from both parties led an
Atlantic Alliance held together by enduring bonds among true
friends, facing a Warsaw Pact forced together by occupation
troops, quisling governments, and, when all else failed, the use
of tanks against people.
By the 1980's, Kremlin leaders found that our Alliance would not
crack when they threatened America's allies with the infamous
SS-20 nuclear missile. Nor would we bend under pressure once we
decided to deploy to Europe missiles to protect our Allies from
this menace.
The American people showed that they would shoulder whatever
defense burden was needed to assure our freedom and protect our
3
Superb
allies and interests. We made use of the splendid technology our
X
Splendial
free enterprise system has produced. We showed that free people
are capable of both sacrifice and strength. Having learned that
they could not divide our Alliance, the Soviets eventually were
forced to doubt that their command economy could keep them in the
race. As the Soviet system stalled and crumbled, so too did the
ability of its rulers to deny their people the truth -- about us,
and about them.
pointing
True, in the WARped ways? end Soviet communism was destroyed by its own warpedways.
dysfunctional dialectic. But the Soviet Union did not simply
lose the Cold War; the Western democracies won it. I say this
not to gloat but to make a point. The qualities that enabled us
to triumph in that struggle -- faith, strength, unity, and above
all American leadership -- are those we must call upon now to win
the peace.
With Soviet communism in its death throes in recent years, the
potential for cataclysm was never greater, the demand for
American leadership was never more compelling:
-- As the peoples of Eastern Europe made their bold but
peaceful move for freedom, they turned to America. And we
did not turn away.
-- When our German friends took their hammers to tear down that
wall, they looked to America for solidarity. And we did not
look away.
4
-- When the people of Russia blocked the tanks that tried to
roll back the tide of history, Boris Yeltsin asked where we
stood. America did not walk away. America answered, for
the world to hear, "We stand with you. "
The free peoples of the world watched in awe as the Soviet Union
collapsed, but they held their breath at what might take its
place -- at whoever might control its tens of thousands of
X
nuclear weapons. Only America could manage that danger. We
acted decisively to help the new leaders reduce their arsenals.
Here, then, is the remarkable fact that history will record: the
end of a titantic clash of political systems, the collapse of the
most heavily armed empire in history, took place without a shot
being fired. That should be a source of pride for every
American.
From the days after World War II, when fragile European
democracies were threatened by Stalin's expansionism, to the last
days of the Cold War, as our foes became fragile democracies
themselves, American leadership has been indispensable. No one
person deserves credit for this; America does. It has been
what we
achieved because of what we as a people stand for -- and /are made
of.
Yes, we answered the call and we triumphed, but today we are
summoned again. This time we are called not to wage a war, hot
or cold, but to create a democratic peace -- not for half a
world, as before, but for people the world over. The end of the
5
Cold War has placed in our hands the chance to change history:
to see the principles of democracy, free enterprise, and the rule
of law -- American principles -- embraced and enjoyed by the
entire human race.
This global vision can energize America as we approach the
millennium. It embodies our country's tradition of idealism,
which has made us unique among nations, and uniquely successful.
But more than that: the advance of democratic ideals reflects a
hard-nosed sense of American self-interest. For if the long
struggle now concluded has taught us anything, it is this:
Democracies do not commit aggression. Democracies do not sponsor
terrorism. Democracies do not threaten humanity with weapons of
mass destruction. Likewise, the global spread of free markets,
through trade, investment, and growth, will sustain the expansion
of American prosperity. By helping others, in short, we help
ourselves.
Some will dismiss this vision as no more than a dream. I ask
them to consider the last four years, when a dozen dreams were
made real. The Berlin Wall demolished; the captive nations set
free; Russia democratic; whole classes of nuclear weapons
eliminated, the rest vastly reduced; the United Nations turning
back a tyrant in the Persian Gulf; Israel and each of its Arab
neighbors talking peace in a region that has known so much war.
Each of these was once a dream. Today they are concrete
realities, brought about by a common cause: the patient and
judicious application of American leadership, American power, and
6
American moral force. There were obstacles and set-backs; they
were overcome.
And surely serious obstacles and set-backs will confront us
again. We face some already. Violence, poverty, and tribal and
religious hatreds will be powerful adversaries. Overcoming them
will take time and tenacity, courage and resolve; but they will
be overcome. For no society, no continent, should be
disqualified from sharing our ideals. The community of democratic
nations is more robust than ever. And it will gain strength as
it grows. By working with our allies, by strengthening our
international institutions, America does not have to stand/work go it alone.
Yet from some quarters we hear voices sounding the retreat. The
disappearance of the Soviet challenge, they say, means America
can withdraw from international responsibilities. Others assert
that domestic needs preclude an active foreign policy, that we
have done our part and now it is someone else's turn. We are
warned against stepping up to the troubles that abound in today's
world: clan warfare and mass starvation in Somalia; savage
violence in Bosnia; instability in Russia; the alarming growth of
virulent nationalism throughout Europe.
And it is true: These problems -- some frozen by the Cold War,
others held in check by communist repression -- seem to have
ignited all at once, taxing the world's ability to respond. But
let us be clear: The alternative to American leadership is not
more security for our citizens but less; not the flourishing of
7
st design.
American principles but their isolation in a world actively
hostile to them. "Destiny," it has been said, "is not a matter
of chance, it is a matter of choice; it is not a thing to be
waited for, it is a thing to be achieved." Our choice as a
people is simple: We can either shape our times, or we can let
the times shape us. And shape us they will, at a price
frightening to contemplate -- morally, economically, and
strategically.
Morally, a failure to respond to massive human catastrophes like
Chk
that in Somalia, where we can make the difference, will scar our
National soul for a generation. When it is in our power to do
something that is right and yet we fail to do it, we become less
than what we are. America loses the moral authority that has
made it special in history.
Economically, a world of escalating instability and hostile
nationalism will disrupt global markets, touch off trade wars and
set us on a path of economic decline. American jobs would be
lost, our chance to compete would be blocked, and our very well-
being would be undermined.
Strategically, abandonment of the world-wide democratic
revolution could be disastrous for American security. What was
once Yugoslavia offers a glimpse view of the future -- if we let our
fiew
values die in that third of the world that has just been
liberated from communism.
positive
vision
8
In Russia, in Eastern Europe, in Central Asia, the alternative to
democracy is authoritarianism: aggressive, xenophobic, and
violent. And in a world where weapons of mass destruction are
spreading, the collapse of the democratic revolution could pose a
direct threat to the safety of every American.
The new world could, in time, be as menacing as the old. Let me
be blunt: a retreat from American leadership would be a mistake
for which future generations, indeed our own children, would not
forgive us.
rededicate
?
But we need not face such a future. Instead, we can recommit
ourselves to the work of freedom. This does not mean
continuing hard challenges
running off on reckless, expensive crusades. It does not mean
bearing the world's burdens alone. But it does mean leadership -
- economic, political, and, yes, military -- when our interests
and values are at risk and where we can make a difference.
It seems like forever ages ago that the people of Germany tore down
that Wall. But it has been only three years -- and just over a
year since the August coup was defeated by brave Russian
democrats. In this brief time, we have embarked on a new course,
through uncharted waters. It has been up to America to guidee tend the
rudder.
We are transforming
We have begun to define the post-Cold War reality.
The old
network of alliances, institutions, and regimes is being
transformed to meet new challenges -- challenges that must be met
Rx
9
with collective action, led by the United States, to protect and
promote our political, economic, and security values.
Our foundation must be the core of the democratic community that
won the Cold War. We have begun to adapt America's political,
economic, and defense relationships with Europe and Japan to
ensure their vitality and strength in this new era. For these
will be our primary partners in addressing the next generation of
problems and opportunities.
For example, we have begun to transform the Atlantic Alliance,
that bulwark against the Soviet threat, into a partnership with a
more united Europe -- a partnership ready primed to meet new security
challenges in this age of uncertainty. And a new feature of our
Alliance, the North Atlantic Cooperation Council, enables NATO to
reach out to our former adversaries in the Warsaw Pact.
In the Pacific, we have affirmed the importance of the U.S.-
Japan security ties to stability in Asia, but also explored ways
to work together as global partners to address common interests
-- in economics, development, and regional problems.
Then we have committed ourselves to expanding the democratic
community by supporting political and economic freedom in nascent
democracies and market economies. And we are sharing this burden
with the very nations America helped after World War II.
In Central and Eastern Europe, our Enterprise Funds and other
programs have helped develop a new political, economic, and civic
long 10 oppressed
infrastructure for nations crushed for years by Stalin's legacy.
Now the Freedom Support Act will provide crucial help for reform
in the lands of our former enemies.
In Latin America, our Enterprise for the Americas Initiative has
opened up extraordinary possibilities for a new relationship with
our hemispheric neighbors. Debt relief, investment, free trade,
and environmental protection will nurture water the home-grown efforts
throughout Latin America to open up their economies and transform
their societies.
We are strengthening the ability of the democratic community to
deal with the political landmines the Cold War left over --
aggressive nationalism, ethnic conflict, civil war, and
humanitarian crises. We have pledged our support for a more
capable UN.
All over the world -- Nicaragua, Namibia, Angola, Cambodia -- we
envisioned elections not only as a goal, but as a tool, a device
for resolving conflicts and establishing political legitimacy.
In the area of security and arms control, we've stepped up patrol
against the spread of weapons of mass destruction. The new
Chemical Weapons Convention will ban chemical weapons from the
arsenals of all participating states. We've strengthened
HAASS
multilateral export controls on nuclear, chemical, biological,
and missile-related technologies. In an act without precedent, a
UN inspection team is demolishing Iraq's unconv. weapons capality. of mass
destruction
Once implemented, the START Treaty will ban new
11
nuclear states on the territory of the former Soviet Union.
sought erase
Above all, we have seeked to ban nuclear nightmares from the
sleep of future generations.
And we underscored one key security principle with a line in the
sand: naked aggression against our vital interests will be
answered decisively by American resolve, leadership, and might.
Our victory in the Persian Gulf War was more than a blow for
justice -- it was a needed reminder to other would-be tyrants:
If you're going to J threaten the freedom of others -- you're going
to lose some of your own.
We have been committed to building the basis for sustained
international economic growth -- for ourselves and for those
nations of what were once the so-called second and third worlds.
In particular, we have taken important steps toward the creation
of a stronger and freer international trading market.
Our recent breakthrough with the European Community clears the
way for an early conclusion to the Uruguay Round of GATT and a
major boost to world economic recovery. This week, Mexico,
Canada, and the United States will sign a landmark agreement
known
establishing the largest free trade zone the world has ever seen.
And our efforts to forge a new mechanism for Asia Pacific
Economic Cooperation confirm America's commitment to continue remainingas to
be an economic as well as and a security power in Asia the region
I believe we have taken the first steps toward a world in which
democracy is commenplace, in which private enterprise, free trade
a given
12
and prosperity reach every country region. A world in which the rule of
enrich
law prevails, and in which ethnic hatred has is been buried for even
good.
scaning?
We must not stumble as we travel toward a world without the
brutal violence of Bosnia, the scaring deadly anarchy of Somalia, or the
squalor that still haunts much of the Southern Hemisphere. We
X
cannot rest while a handful of renegade regimes aspire to obtain
weapons of mass destruction Amaica with which to threaten their
neighbors, or even our own Nation. There is a difficult distance
X
to go before we are within reach of the democratic peace. But
these first steps have determined an important direction.
plAud it within sight,
The challenge ahead is as great as the one we faced at the end of
the last great war. But the opportunity is vastly greater.
Success will require American vision and resolve. It will
require unity of purpose: a commitment on the part of all our
people to the proposition that our Nation's destiny lies in the
hope of a better world -- a world made better by American
leadership.
History is summoning us once again to lead. We must live up to
the greatness of our forefathers' ideals, and in so doing secure
our grandchildren's futures.
That is the cause that my entire life as a public servant has
been dedicated to fulfilling. That is the cause that you and I
must now support our new President in pursuing.
13
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of
America.
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(College Station, Texas)
For Immediate Release
December 15, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN ADDRESS TO THE FACULTY AND STUDENTS
OF TEXAS A&M UNIVERSITY
G. Rollie White Coliseum
College Station, Texas
12:08 P.M. CST
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all for that welcome back.
(Applause.) Thank you very, very much. Good afternoon,
everybody. And thank you all. I knew if I wore this necktie I'd
get a nice welcome. But anyway -- (applause). Thank you, Dr.
Mobley -- thank you, Bill for your kind introduction.
And may I salute congressmen that are with us today
-- Congressman Joe Barton and Congressman Jack Fields and
Commissioner Rick Perry and Kay Bailey Hutchison and
Representative Ogden; my old friend Fred McClure, who served at
my side in the White House. And may I thank Chairman Ross
Margraves for the wonderful program that he arranged for me today
as I heard about this library. And I salute the Board of Regents
members that are here; the members of the Library Committee;
Chancellor Richardson, I think I mentioned, but I salute him.
And I want to say thanks to my hosts, the Memorial
Student Center Political Forum. (Applause.) When that forum
started, I think Congressman Bob Eckhardt and I were the first
two speakers to speak at the political forum. And that -- I'd
hate to tell you how far back that was. But anyway, I'm glad to
be back here. And may I send my heartiest thanks to the corps of
cadets and the fightin' Texas Aggies band over here. (Applause.)
And as I told Bill Mobley and Ross earlier on, a
personal note, I am looking forward to spending more time here to
actively participating in our presidential library that will be
built here, to helping with the School of Public Service that
will be part of that library. And Barbara and I are both looking
forward to being part of the A&M family. Thank you very much.
(Applause.)
And now for the business at hand. In 36 days, I'll
hand over the stewardship of this great nation, capping a career
in public service that began 50 years ago in wartime skies over
the Pacific. And our country won that great contest but entered
an uneasy peace. You see, the fires of World War II cooled into
a longer cold war, and one that froze the world into two opposing
camps: on the one side, America and its allies -- and on the
other, the forces of freedom, thus, against an alien ideology
that cast its shadow over every American.
And three years ago, when I was honored to address
the graduating class, here at Texas A&M, I spoke of the need to
move "beyond containment." And I said, "We seek the integration
of the Soviet Union into the community of nations. Ultimately,
our objective is to welcome the Soviet Union back into the world
order." And was this aim too ambitious? Not for the American
people.
And today, by the grit of our people and the grace
of God, the Cold War is over. Freedom has carried the day. And
leave the White House grateful for what we have achieved together
-- (applause) -- and also, exhilarated by the promise of what can
come to pass.
This afternoon I would like to just share some of my
thoughts on the past few years and on America's purpose in the
world. MY thesis is a simple one: Amid the triumph and the
tumult of the recent past, one truth rings out more clearly than
ever. America remains today what Lincoln said it was more than a
century ago: the last best hope of man on Earth.
And this is a fact -- a truth made indelible by the
struggles and the agonies of the 20th century -- and in the
sacrifice symbolized by each towering oak on Simpson Drill Field
here at Texas A&M University. The leadership, the power, and
yes, the conscience of the United States of America -- all are
essential for a peaceful, prosperous international order, just as
such an order is essential for us.
History's lesson is clear: When a war-weary America
withdrew from the international stage following World War I, the
world spawned militarism, fascism, and aggression unchecked,
plunging mankind into another devastating conflict. But in
answering the call to lead after World war II, we built from the
principles of democracy and the rule of law a new community of
free nations -- a community whose strength, perseverance,
patience, and unity of purpose contained Soviet totalitarianism
and kept the peace.
In the end, Soviet communism provided no match for
free enterprise beyond its borders or the yearning for liberty
within them. And the American leadership that undermined the
confidence and capacity of the communist regimes became a beacon
for all the peoples of the world.
Steadfast and sure, generations of Americans stood
in the path of the Soviet advance, while our adversary probed for
weaknesses that were never found. Presidents from both parties
led an Atlantic alliance held together by the bonds of principle
and love of liberty; facing a Warsaw Pact lashed together by
occupation troops and quisling governments; and when all else
failed, the use of tanks against its own people.
And by the 1980s, Kremlin leaders found that our
alliance would not crack when they threatened America's allies
with the infamous SS-20 nuclear missile. And nor did the
alliance shrink from the deployment of countervailing missiles to
defend against this menace.
In the Pacific, too, we built a new alliance with
Japan, defended Korea, and called hundreds of thousands of
Americans to sacrifice in the jungles of Southeast Asia.
The American people demonstrated that they would
shoulder whatever defense burden, make whatever sacrifice was
needed, to assure our freedom and protect our allies and
interests. And we made use of this superb technology that our
free enterprise system has produced. And having learned that
they could not divide our alliance, the Soviets eventually were
forced to realize that their command economy simply could not
compete. And as the Soviet system stalled and crumbled, so too
did the ability of its rulers to deny their people the truth --
about us, and about them.
And in the end, Soviet communism was destroyed by
its own internal contradictions New leaders with new vision
faced the hard truths that their predecessors had long denied --
glasnost, perestroika -- they may have been Russian words, but
the concepts at their core were universal.
And the Soviet Union did not simply lose the Cold
War, the western democracies won it. And I say this not to gloat
but to make a key point. The qualities that enabled us to
MORE
triumph in that struggle -- faith, strength, unity, and above all
American leadership -- are those we must call upon now to win the
peace. (Applause.)
In recent years, with the Soviet empire in its death
throes, the potential for crisis and conflict was never greater,
the demand for American leadership never more compelling.
As the peoples of Eastern Europe made their bold
move for freedom, we urged them along a peaceful path to
liberation. They turned to us, they turned to America -- and we
did not turn away.
And when our German friends took their hammers to
tear down that wall, we encouraged a united Germany safely within
the NATO alliance. They looked to America, and we did not look
away.
And when the people of Russia blocked the tanks that
tried to roll back the tide of history, America did not walk
away.
I can remember, I can remember speaking to Boris
Yeltsin at that terrible moment of crisis. And at times the
static on the telephone made it almost impossible to hear him.
But there was no mistaking what he wanted to know. He asked
where the United States of America stood. And America answered,
for all the world to hear, "We stand with you. (Applause.)
And Boris Yeltsin to this day hasn't forgotten.
Praising our country on his visit to the White House this June,
he said George Bush was the first to understand the true scope
and meaning of the victory of the Russian people on August 19,
1991. He addressed me -- (applause) -- he addressed me but he was
talking about our country, the United States of America.
The free peoples of the world watched, they watched
in awe as the Soviet Union collapsed, but they held their breath
at what might take its place -- wondering who might control its
tens of thousands of nuclear weapons. Only America could manage
that danger. We acted decisively to help the new leaders reduce
their arsenals -- and gain firm control of those that remain.
Here, then, is the remarkable fact that history will
record, a fact that will be studied for years in the library
right here at Texas A&M University: the end of a titanic clash
of political systems, the collapse of the most heavily armed
empire in history, took place without a shot being fired. That
should be a source of pride for every American. (Applause.)
From the days after World War II, when fragile
European democracies were threatened by Stalin's expansionism, to
the last days of the Cold War, as our foes became fragile
democracies themselves, American leadership has been
indispensable. No one person deserves credit for this -- America
does. It has been achieved because of what we as a people stand
for -- and what we are made of.
Yes, we answered the call, and we triumphed, but
today we are summoned again. This time we are called not to wage
a war, hot or cold, but to win the democratic peace -- not for
half a world, as before, but for people the world over. The end
of the Cold War, you see, has placed in our hands a unique
opportunity to see the principles for which America has stood for
two centuries -- democracy, free enterprise, and the rule of law
-- spread more widely than ever before in human history.
For the first time, turning this global vision into
a new and better world is, indeed, a realistic possibility. It
is a hope that embodies our country's tradition of idealism,
which has made us unique among nations, and uniquely successful.
And our vision is not mere utopianism: the advance of democratic
MORE
ideals reflects a hard-nosed sense of American self-interest.
For certain truths have, indeed, now become evident: governments
responsive to the will of the people are not likely to commit
aggression. They are not likely to sponsor terrorism, or to
threaten humanity with weapons of mass destruction. Likewise,
the global spread of free markets, by encouraging trade,
investment, and growth, will sustain the expansion of American
prosperity. In short, by helping others, we help ourselves.
(Applause.)
some will dismiss this vision as no more than a
dream. I ask them to consider the last four years, when a dozen
dreams were made real. The Berlin Wall demolished, and Germany
united; the captive nations set free: Russia democratic; whole
classes of nuclear weapons eliminated, the rest vastly reduced;
many nations united in our historic U.N. coalition to turn back a
tyrant in the Persian Gulf; -- (Applause) -- Israel and its Arab
neighbors, for the first time talking peace -- face to face -- in
a region that has known so much war.
Each of these once seemed a dream. Today they're
concrete realities, brought about by a common cause: the patient
and judicious application of American leadership, American power,
and American -- perhaps most of all -- American moral force.
(Applause.) Without a doubt, there's going to be serious
obstacles and set-backs ahead. You know and I know they we face
some already -- violence, poverty, ethnic and religious hatreds
will be powerful adversaries. And overcoming them is going to
take time and it's going to take tenacity, courage and
commitment. But I am absolutely convinced that they can be
overcome.
Look to Europe, where nations, after centuries of
war, transformed themselves into a peaceful, progressive
community. No society, no continent should be disqualified from
sharing the ideals of human liberty. The community of democratic
nations is more robust than ever. And it will gain strength as
it grows. By working with our allies, by invigorating our
international institutions, America does not have to stand alone.
And yet from some quarters we hear voices sounding
the retreat. We've carried the burden too long, they say. And
the disappearance of the Soviet challenge means that America can
withdraw from international responsibilities. And then others
assert that domestic needs preclude an active foreign policy --
that we've done our part: now it's someone else's turn. We're
warned against entangling ourselves in the troubles that abound
in today's world. To name only a few: clan warfare. mass
starvation in Somalia; savage violence in Bosnia; instability in
the former Soviet Union, the alarming growth of virulent
nationalism.
And it's true: these problems -- some frozen by the
Cold War, others held in check by communist repression -- seem to
have ignited all at once, taxing the world's ability to respond.
But let's be clear: the alternative to American leadership is
not more security for our citizens but less; not the flourishing
-- (applause) -- not the flourishing of American principles but
their isolation in a world actively held hostile to them.
"Destiny," it has been said, "is not a matter of
chance, it's a matter of choice; it's not a thing to be waited
for, it's a thing to be achieved." And we can never safely
assume that our future will be an improvement over the past. our
choice as a people is simple: We can either shape our times, or
we can let the times shape us. And shape us they will, at a
price frightening to contemplate -- morally, economically, and
strategically.
Morally, a failure to respond to massive human
catastrophes like that in Somalia would scar the soul of our
national. There can be no single or simple set of guidelines for
foreign policy -- we should help. But we should consider using
military force only in those situations where the stakes warrant,
where it can be effective and its application limited in scope
and time. As we seek to save lives, we must always be mindful of
the lives that we may have to put at risk.
Economically, a world of escalating instability and
hostile nationalism will disrupt global markets, set off trade
wars, set us on a path of economic decline. American jobs would
be lost, our chance to compete would be blocked, and our very
well-being would be undermined.
Economically -- that is, on strategic side,
strategically, abandonment of the worldwide democratic revolution
could be disastrous for American security. The alternative to
democracy, I think we would all agree, is authoritarianism:
regimes that can be repressive, xenophobic, aggressive, and
violent. And in a world where despite U.S. efforts, weapons of
mass destruction are spreading, the collapse of the democratic
revolution could pose a direct threat to the safety of every
single American.
The new world could, in time, be as menacing as the
old. And let me be blunt: A retreat from American leadership --
from American involvement -- would be a mistake for which future
generations, indeed our own children, would pay dearly.
(Applause.)
But we can influence the future. We can rededicate
ourselves to hard work of freedom. And this doesn't mean running
off on reckless, expensive crusades. It doesn't mean bearing the
world's burdens all alone. But it does mean leadership --
economic, political, and, yes, military -- when our interests and
values are at risk and where we can make a difference. And when
we place our young men and women of the military in harm's way,
we must be able to assure them and their families that their
mission is defined, and that its success can be achieved.
It seems like ages ago that the people of Germany
tore down that wall. But it's been only three years -- and just
over a year since the August coup was defeated by brave Russian
democrats. And in this brief time, we've embarked on a new
course through uncharted waters. The United states and its
friends -- old and new -- have begun to define the post-Cold War
reality. And we are already transforming the old network of
alliances, institutions, and regimes to face the future. And
those challenges must be met with collective action, led by the
United States, to protect and promote our political, economic,
and security values.
Our foundation must be the democratic community that
won the Cold War. And we've begun to adapt America's political,
economic, and defense relationships with Europe and Japan to
ensure their vitality and strength in this new era. And for
these will continue to be essential partners in addressing the
next generation of problems and opportunities.
For example, we've begun to transform the Atlantic
Alliance, that bulwark against the Soviet threat, into'a
partnership with a more united Europe -- a partnership primed to
meet new security challenges in this age of uncertainty. And a
new feature of our alliance, the North Atlantic Cooperation
Council, enables NATO to reach out to our former adversaries in
the Warsaw Pact.
And in the Pacific, we've affirmed the importance of
the U.S. -Japan security ties to stability in Asia. But we're
also exploring ways to work together as global partners to
address common interests -- in economics, development, and
regional problems.
And then we've committed ourselves to expanding the
democratic community by supporting political and economic freedom
in nascent democracies and market economies. And we're sharing
this burden with the very nations America helped after World War
II.
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Look, in Central and Eastern Europe, our enterprise
funds and these other programs have helped develop a new
political, economic, and civic infrastructure for nations long
oppressed by Stalin's legacy. And now the Freedom Support Act
will provide crucial help for reform in the lands of our former
enemies.
In Latin America, the day of the dictator has given
way to the dawn of democracy. This very day, our Vice President
is taking part in a ceremony in El Salvador that caps the long
effort to end the killing and give the people there the
opportunity to live in peace. (Applause.)
Throughout the region, economic initiatives are
helping a new generation of leaders reform their societies. The
Brady Plan and our Enterprise for the Americas Initiative have
opened up extraordinary possibilities for a new relationship with
our hemispheric neighbors. Investment, free trade, debt relief,
and environmental protection will nurture the home-grown reforms
throughout Latin America.
And we're strengthening the ability of the
democratic community to deal with the political landmines that
the Cold War has exposed -- aggressive nationalism, earlier I
mentioned ethnic conflict, civil war, and humanitarian crises.
The United States has led the world in supporting a United
Nations more capable with dealing with these crises.
And all over the world -- Nicaragua, Namibia,
Angola, Cambodia -- we've promoted elections not only as a goal,
but as a tool, a device for resolving conflicts and establishing
political legitimacy. (Applause.)
And one of vital interest to every young person --
in the area of security and arms control, we've stepped up patrol
against the spread of weapons of mass destruction. The new
Chemical Weapons Convention will ban chemical weapons from the
arsenals of all participating states. We've strengthened
multilateral export controls on nuclear and chemical and
biological and missile-related technologies. And in a mission
without precedent, a U.N. Inspection team is demolishing Iraq's
unconventional weapons capability. And we're going to support
them ever inch of the way. (Applause.)
And once implemented, the agreements we've
negotiated will ban new nuclear states on the territory of the
former Soviet Union. And above all, we've sought to erase
nuclear nightmares from the sleep of future generations.
(Applause.)
And we underscored one key security principle with a
line in the sand: naked aggression against our vital interests
will be answered decisively by American resolve, American
leadership, and American might. (Applause.) Our victory in the
Gulf -- in the Persian Gulf -- was more than a blow for justice,
it was a reminder to other would-be aggressors that they will pay
a price for their outlaw acts. (Applause.)
And we've been committed to building the basis for
sustained international economic growth -- for ourselves and for
those nations of what were once the so-called second and third
worlds. The heart of our efforts has been the creation of a
stronger and freer international trading market.
And our recent breakthrough with the European
Community clears the way for an early conclusion to the Uruguay
Round of GATT and a major boost to world economic recovery. This
week, Mexico, Canada, and the United States will sign a landmark
agreement establishing the largest free trade zone the world has
ever seen. (Applause.) And our efforts to forge a new mechanism
for Asia Pacific economic cooperation, confirm America's
commitment to remain an economic and security power in Asia.
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I believe we've taken important steps toward a world
in which democracy is the norm, in which private enterprise, free
trade, and prosperity enrich every region -- a world in which the
rule of law prevails.
We must not stumble as we travel toward a world
without the brutal violence of Bosnia, the deadly anarchy of
Somalia, or the squalor that still haunts so much of the globe.
We can't rest while a handful of renegade regimes aspire to
obtain weapons of mass destruction with which to threaten their
neighbors, or even America. There is much to be done before we
are within reach of the democratic peace. But these first steps
have taken us in the right direction.
And the challenge ahead then, is as great as the one
we faced at the end of the last great war. But the opportunity
is vastly greater. Success will require American vision and
resolve -- an America secure in its military -- (applause) --
America secure in its military, moral and economic strength.
Success will require unity of purpose: a commitment on the part
of all our people to the proposition that our nation's destiny
lies in the hope of a better world -- a new world made better,
with our friends and allies, again by American leadership.
History is summoning us once again to lead. Proud
of its past, America must once again look forward. And we must
live up to the greatness of our forefathers' ideals, and in doing
so secure our grandchildren's futures.
And that is the cause that much of my public life
has been dedicated to serving. (Applause.) Let me just say this
-- (applause) -- in 36 -- (applause) hey listen -- (applause).
Come on now, you guys, as Barbara Bush would say -- (applause).
But in 36 days we will have a new president. And I
am confident, I am very confident that he will do his level best
to serve the cause that I have outlined here today. And he's
going to have my support -- (applause) -- and he will have my
support; and I'll stay out his way. And I really mean that. But
it is more important -- it is more important than my support, it
is more important that he have your support. You are our future.
(Applause.)
God bless you, and God bless the United States of
America. (Applause.) Thank you all. (Applause.)
END
12:42 P.M. CST