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National Baptist Convention 9/8/89 [OA 6268] [2]
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National Baptist Convention 9/8/89 [OA 6268] [2]
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National Baptist Convention 9/8/89 [OA 6268] [2]
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1ST STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1989 The Washington Post
July 30, 1989, Sunday, Final Edition
SECTION: WASHINGTON POST MAGAZINE; PAGE W12
LENGTH: 8955 words
HEADLINE: 'They Can't Stop Us Now';
Kimi Gray and other residents of D.C's Kenilworth-Parkside complex have overcome
poverty, crime, drugs and innumerable layers of public housing bureaucracy-not
to mention charges that they're just cogs in Jack Kemp's propaganda machine.
Their goal? To take control of their own lives
BYLINE: David Osborne
BODY:
IT WAS AUTUMN 1986, AND AFTER THREE YEARS OF WAITing, Kimi Gray was about to
get her first glimpse of the city's plans to renovate her home. In 1983, the
federal Department of Housing and Urban Development had awarded the city a grant
to modernize the 464-unit Kenilworth-Parkside public housing complex in
Northeast Washington. After dragging its feet for years, the city had hired an
architectural firm. But when Kimi and her staff had asked to meet with the firm
to explain what they wanted done ----- as required by HUD -- the architects had
repeatedly demurred. It wasn't time yet, they said. They weren't ready.
Apparently, they did not relish the prospect of planning a major renovation
project with a roomful of poor black women.
Finally they had agreed to a meeting. As they unfolded their sketches and
presented their plans, Kimi's anger grew. Where were the plans for a new heating
plant? What about the underground water pipes that kept bursting? What about the
plumbing? These were pretty colored drawings, but they were fluff. They had
nothing to do with Kenilworth's real problems.
Michael Price was the first to speak. A decade earlier, Price had been a high
school dropout, hanging out on the streets. Kimi had convinced him to go back to
school, then sent him to college through her College Here We Come program. Now a
professional architect, he was repaying his debt, helping the Resident
Management Corp. negotiate the renovation plans.
Price asked about the heating plant, the plumbing, the pipes. "I was shocked,
because they knew that half of that stuff I would catch," he says. "I guess they
banked on me just letting it ride - being polite and not saying anything. But I
got quite angry."
Other residents picked up on his anger. Finally, their board chairman stood
up and walked slowly to the front of the room. "No hard feelings against you
all," Kimi said, "but your supervisors sent you down here to get your asses
kicked. And that's exactly what we're going to do tonight." She proceeded to
take apart the drawings in harsh language and great detail. Other residents
joined in.
After 45 minutes, Kimi entertained a motion to adjourn. "You just pack up and
go home," she told the architects. "We'll deal with it."
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And deal with it they did. Kimi went to HUD and demanded that the agency
refuse to reimburse the $ 500,000 the city had already paid the architects. By
failing to consult with the tenants, she argued, the architects had broken their
contract. HUD agreed, and the city was out $ 500,000.
'It's Economics, That's What
It's All About'
IT WAS NOT THE FIRST TIME THE IRRESIST- ible force of Kimi Gray had met the
immovable object of the city bureaucracy. And it was not the first time the
irresistible force had won.
A massive figure with short cropped hair, large earrings and several pounds
of jewelry around her neck and wrists, Kimi -- as virtually everyone calls her
-- patrols the Kenilworth-Parkside development like a mother bear circling her
cubs. Her voice erupts out of her slow-moving body like a volcano: one moment
soft and low, the next exploding in a shout, the next dissolving in deep, rich
laughter.
Sitting at her desk or behind the wheel of her ubiquitous van, wearing her
jewelry and her bright yellow dresses, she brings the full force of her
personality to bear on everyone who crosses her path.
Whether it is a child who needs discipline: "What you doing, girl? Why aren't
you in school?"
Or an employee who deserves her praise: "I want to thank you so much, Lonnie.
I understand the parade was excellent."
Or a teenager with a wad of bills: "Little boys went out two Sundays ago,
they came back, they had a knot. I said, 'Where's that money from, boy?' They
say, 'Kimi, we worked!' They go over to the Eastern Market and sell tie-dye
shirts they made -- they work about three or four hours, they make about $ 75 or
$ 80."
Or a D.C. police officer who neglected to invite her to his backyard
barbecue: "Okay, do me a favor. You put a message on the board, in dark Magic
Marker print. Tell him I got a CONTRACT on his head, for not inviting me to his
damn cookout Saturday! And tell him I say when he gets off work at 3:30, report
to my office! Immediately! Underline immediately!" Her voice returns to velvet:
"Thank you, my love. Bye bye."
Kimi's desk sits where a receptionist would normally be, right by the front
door, 50 the residents can always find her. Her assistants work upstairs, away
from the constant stream of visitors. They field the calls, slip her messages,
bring her paperwork to sign between sentences. This is a woman who has won award
after award, who has been invited to the White House, who has preached her
message from Paris to Seoul. But when a resident comes in, she drops everything.
"The only way that you'll truly get my time is getting me away from this
property," she tells the public housing director of Alaska, who wants her help.
# Cause if a resident walks through this door with me, I don't care who's here,
he's my first priority. And I won't try and make believe it's no different,
okay?" Reporters wait hours for an interview, weeks for a return phone call.
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(c) 1989 The Washington Post, July 30, 1989
Jack Kemp recently waited an hour and a half for a photo session at her office;
finally, he gave up.
Somehow, through it all, things get done. It is easy to exaggerate the
accomplishments of Kenilworth-Parkside, and Kimi Gray's supporters have often
done so. Kenilworth residents are still poor: Many are single mothers, some are
on welfare. Drug use is still widespread. This is still public housing, and
though the grass gets cut, it still has that public housing shagginess around
the edges. Twenty-five percent of the rent money still goes uncollected. All
that said, there is no denying that a remarkable transformation has taken place.
The drug dealers who once used Kenilworth-Parkside as an open-air market are
gone.
Teenage pregnancies have fallen.
Residents who once lived with gunfire now walk the project streets in safety.
The crime rate has fallen from 12 to 15 reported crimes a month --- one of the
highest levels in the city - to 2, according to the police.
In the 15 years since Kimi founded College Here We Come, according to her
records, more than 600 residents have gone to college. In the previous 15 years,
two had.
In 1986, the accounting firm Coopers & Lybrand released an audit of
Kenilworth-Parkside. During the four years that Kenilworth had been managed by
its tenants, the firm reported, rent collections increased 77 percent - seven
times the increase at public housing citywide. Vacancy rates fell from 18
percent - then the citywide average -- to 5.4 percent. The Kenilworth-Parkside
Resident Management Corp. helped at least 132 residents get off welfare: It
hired 10 as staff and 92 to run the businesses it started, while its employment
office found training and jobs for 30 more. (Others received part-time jobs.)
Overall, Coopers & Lybrand estimated, four years of resident management had
saved the city at least $ 785,000. If trends continued over the next six years,
it would save $ 3.7 million more. (The federal government would reap additional
savings.)
Since the Coopers & Lybrand audit, a complete renovation of Kenilworth has
begun under HUD's normal renovation program. (Hence only about 70 units are now
occupied; more than 300 families have been temporarily relocated.) The most
amazing moment will come next year, if the renovation is completed on schedule:
The residents will buy the development from the city for $ 1. A community of
3,000, once characterized largely by families on welfare, will have become a
community of homeowners, the majority of whom work.
It is an incredible story, but not a unique one. Residents in a handful of
other public housing complexes around the nation have similar stories to tell.
They are testaments to the power of empowerment -- vivid demonstrations of what
happens when ownership of public services is pulled out of the hands of
bureaucrats and put in the hands of those receiving the services. They are
living proof that when people are treated as clients for whom decisions must be
made, they will learn dependency; but when they are given control over their
destinies, they will learn independence.
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These stories are also tales of salvation through self-help, rather than
salvation through politics. "Self-sufficiency" is the driving theme at
Kenilworth-Parkside; one hears the phrase constantly, from all sides. "It's
economics, that's what it's all about," says Kimi Gray. "We can talk racism and
all this and that, but it's economics. If you got some money, you can buy a lot
of this stuff we're talking about begging for, okay?"
Finally, the story of tenant management and tenant ownership is a story of
extraordinary political role reversals. Empowerment of poor people was a theme
close to the heart of the New Left, carried forward into populist citizens'
organizations with fanciful acronyms: ACORN, COPS, BUILD. But in Washington,
conservatives like Jack Kemp and Stuart Butler, director of domestic policy
studies at the Heritage Foundation, led the charge for tenant management and
ownership - and they convinced Ronald Reagan and George Bush to come along.
Low-income housing activists have supported tenant management for two
decades. But when Reagan and then-Congressman Kemp picked up the cause --- and
added the wrinkle of selling public housing to its tenants - red flags went up
throughout the liberal community. Reagan cut federal funding for low-income
housing from $ 24 billion to $ 8 billion a year. He slowed construction of
public housing from more than 30,000 units a year to fewer than 5,000. And Jack
Kemp voted with him. To many liberals, Kemp's talk of tenant management, his
constant invocation of Kenilworth-Parkside and Kimi Gray, are political cover
for a devastating retreat from federal commitments to the poor. Worse, they say,
proposals to sell public housing to tenants are a ploy to get the federal
government out of the housing business. (See box, Page 16.)
"Mr. Bush projects a gentler, kinder nation," says Maxine Green, chairperson
of the National Tenants Organization. "Fine. Let the tenants have a kinder,
gentler position, with the funds that are required to make that kind of a
nation. But don't go into the capital, where you have 59 public housing
developments, and sing about one.
"Kimi Gray was an active member of the National Tenants Organization," Green
adds. "I give myself credit for sitting with her and giving her a direction. And
now Kimi has joined, to my understanding, the Heritage Foundation."
A lifelong Democrat, Kimi does not let such suspicions worry her. She is a
savvy politician who uses her relationship with Jack Kemp to the advantage of
her residents -- just as she does her relationship with Democrat Marion Barry.
She understands that Kemp and Barry will use her in turn. (Kemp is so eager to
be identified with Gray and tenant management that his staff volunteered an
interview for this article without being asked.)
For Kimi Gray, economic self-sufficiency for her residents overrides all
other goals. "I've been approached by some people who say, 'Well, Kimi, now
you're a Republican,' she explains. "And I say, 'No, I'm a dollar bill. And on
each bill there's a different president. My family was poor when we had
Roosevelt in the White House, we were poor when we had Kennedy, we were poor
when we had Nixon and Ford and Carter. And we're no richer now.' =
'The System Penalizes Performance'
KIMI ODESSER HOUSTON WAS BORN ON JANUARY 1, 1945. She was raised in the
Frederick Douglass public housing project in Southeast Washington by her
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mother and grandmother. Her father died when she was 7.
"Odesser's my grandmother's name," Kimi says. "She and I did not see eye to
eye, not one day of her life. Now I know why, because we are identical. She was
a strong-willed old southern lady who had a lot of morals and principles, and
she didn't tolerate bad behavior.
"When I was young, my grandma told me, 'No, babe, you cannot be as good as
him, you gotta be better than he is.' When I ran track, I didn't want to run
with the girls, 'cause I knew I could beat them. I wanted to run against the
boys, okay? You can't be as good as them, you got to be better than them -- as
long as you keep thinking that way, that's what you'll be. And that's what I
tell all my kids."
Kimi was an organizer from the start. In first grade, she got her first
formal assignment: Her teacher made her substitute teacher -- "and I just took
over." When she was 11, she was elected citywide chairman of the youth section
of the Junior Police and Citizen Corps.
But Kimi's energy was not always channeled into civic duty. "I put the J in
juvenile delinquent myself," she says today. When she was 14, she had her first
child. When she was 16, expecting her third, she married. At 19, with five
children, she separated from her husband and went on welfare. She was 21 and
miserable, living with her five children in a tiny apartment, when she got an
apartment at Kenilworth. It was "1966, December the third, on a Wednesday," she
says. "That's how happy I was to get this unit out here."
A complex of 37 low-rise buildings, Kenilworth-Parkside is sandwiched between
the Anacostia River and I-295 hard by the Maryland line. It opened in 1959,
about the time public housing began its downward spiral. The federal program had
been launched during the New Deal as transitional housing for working people who
hit hard times. Once constructed, units were not subsidized: Local public
housing authorities charged enough rent to cover their operating costs. They
screened carefully, and their standards were rigid. Parents had to be married.
Many authorities excluded people on welfare. And if residents found better jobs
and could afford to move out, they had to.
The program worked well for two decades, but during the boom times of the
1950s, the middle class headed for the suburbs, working families moved out of
public housing, and poor migrants from the South poured in. Urban renewal
hastened the process: When redevelopment agencies needed to move poor people out
of the way of their bulldozers, they pressured the housing authorities to take
them -- regardless of their incomes, moral standards or presence on the welfare
rolls.
Public housing's new residents were poorer; many had trouble coping with life
in urban high-rise apartments; and many were black -- which often meant they
were ignored. Yet as this radically different population moved in, few housing
authorities did anything to address its problems.
Meanwhile, early public housing developments were beginning to exhaust their
30-year life cycles. Yet because tenants' incomes were falling behind expenses,
housing authorities were burning up the reserves they needed for renovation.
When they raised rents to cope with the squeeze, Congress slapped them back,
limiting rents to 25 percent of family income.
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Soon Congress had to provide an operating subsidy. With Washington making up
the difference between expenses and income, local housing authorities now had
little incentive to run businesslike operations. If they saved money or
increased their income, Washington gave them smaller subsidies. As a spokesman
for the Council of Large Public Housing Authorities puts it, "The system
penalizes performance." To make matters worse, until 1980, Congress provided no
capital budget to finance renovation.
Welfare policy also undermined public housing. Congress decided to deny
welfare to most families if the father was present -- which drove many fathers
away. Meanwhile, welfare mothers in public housing got subsidized rent, which
meant that if they left welfare to work, their rent often tripled or quadrupled.
In some cities, including New York, dedicated housing authorities made the
program work against all odds. But in others, many of the largest, most
congested public housing developments sank into a vicious cycle of drugs, crime,
violence, teenage pregnancy and welfare dependency. The crisis earned its most
enduring symbol in 1972, when the St. Louis housing authority quit trying to
rescue a 15-year-old, 43-building development called Pruitt-Igoe, and simply
blew it up.
In Washington, the housing authority lost virtually all ability to respond to
its 50,000 customers. The director of a 1987 blue ribbon commission that
investigated the system described it to The Washington Post as "total chaos."
Drugs and crime were rampant; half the residents were not paying rent; repairs
were 50 slow that the vacancy rate was approaching 20 percent; and the vast
majority of eviction notices were never even served. Then-public housing
director Alphonso Jackson described an agency riddled with employees "who are
not capable of doing their jobs," property managers who "just sat in their
offices all day," engineers who were "creating havoc in our boiler rooms" and
administrators who regularly submitted reports full of inaccurate data.
College Here We Come
KIMI GRAY STARTED ORGANIZING VIRTUALLY THE DAY SHE arrived at
Kenilworth-Parkside. She got training and then a job with a federally funded
social services organization, working with delinquent youth. (Today, her only
income is from her $ 22,000-a-year job with the D.C. Department of Recreation as
a counselor to troubled youth. She receives no salary as Kenilworth board
chairman and says she donates all speaking honoraria to College Here We Come.)
In the early '70s, she began trying to breathe new life into Kenilworth's
moribund residents council. Then in 1974, "Some students came to me and said,
'Miss Kimi, we want to go to college.' What the hell did I know about going to
college? Well, I've always worked with young people -- always -- because they
have their dreams, and they're our future. So I said, 'Let me check it out. =
With help from the local Community Action agency and the city's resident
services staff, she gathered information on colleges and financial aid and set
up a regular Tuesday meeting with the kids. Soon she and her helpers were
tutoring them, bringing in black college graduates to talk, drumming up
scholarship money, helping kids find summer and part-time jobs and helping them
fill out applications.
With the money from their jobs, the students opened bank accounts. After all
the scholarships and loans and work-study jobs had been hustled, if a student
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still needed $ 600 or $ 1,000, College Here We Come kicked in the rest -- much
of it raised from bake sales and raffles.
To make the program intriguing, Kimi took her students out to play tennis,
had birthday parties for them and took them on weekend trips to visit colleges.
"That brought about a lot of unity among them," she says, "till it became a
family. So we went through the winter and the summer together, and when it was
time for our first group to go away, we cried. The hardest job was us departing
from one another. When you would go to the bus station, we all would pile in the
car."
When kids started actually leaving for college, word spread quickly: "Man,
this stuff 15 real! People really going to college! These children couldn't
believe that. Poor people, from public housing, their mothers on welfare, absent
fathers, going to college?
"Seventeen kids went to school the first August. That first semester when
they came back, we must not have slept for two days. They had 50 much to tell
us. Kids were out West, down South, up North, they were everywhere. They
couldn't believe it! They were sharing experiences: 'Well, let me tell you about
this!' 'Well, did you know this?' 'Well, it's nothing like this. =
Nine of the original 17 graduated, and four went on to graduate school. Of
the 600 Kimi says have gone to college since, she guesses 75 percent have
graduated. (There is no way to independently verify such numbers, and Kimi has
been known to exaggerate. But graduates of the program back up the figures.)
Whatever the numbers, College Here We Come is clearly an in thing to do at
Kenilworth. Even 16-year-old boys who hang out on street corners look up to
those in the program. Every year, Kimi asks graduates to come back and share
their experiences with the younger kids. "That's all I ask of 'em: ' Come back
and share something. Pass it on. =
Michael Price was in one of the early groups. When Kimi first asked him what
he wanted to do with his life, he told her he wanted to go back to school and
become a draftsman. "No," she said. "You don't want to be a draftsman. You want
to be an architect. That's where the money is." She helped him earn his high
school degree, then sent him off to Paine College in Georgia. He lasted a
semester.
"Kimi was very disappointed and angry at me," Price remembers. "But during
the winter of '77, I said, 'Look, I want to try it again.' = This time he
attended Elizabeth City State University in North Carolina. After a shaky start,
he earned a high enough grade point average to transfer to the architecture
program at Howard University.
"It was difficult," he says. "I'd call Kimi, and sometimes I'd cry, and she'd
cuss me out. She'd tell me, 'Yeah, you're not going to succeed. You're not
going to make it.' I'd be so angry, I'd sit back down at my drawing board, at 3
o'clock in the morning, and I'd say, 'I'm going to make it. You think I'm going
to quit, but I'm not. She used reverse psychology on me, and it worked.
"At other times, she would be just as gentle as could be. She'd say, 'I know
it's hard, but you gotta hang in there, Mike. You know what our dream is. =
From the beginning, she had told him, " 'Mike, you go to school and become the
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architect, and I'll stay home and do the legwork, and together we're going to do
Kenilworth.' And we did it." After five years as an architect -- including his
stint at Kenilworth Price is now a construction superintendent for the Temple
Group Inc. "I just thank God that Kimi was there for me," he says. "She's a
beautiful person.' He pauses, and laughs. "And she can be a dangerous person."
The Force of Peer Pressure
DESPITE THE STUDENTS' SUCCESS, CONDITIONS WERE STILL going downhill at
Kenilworth. The resident council seized on a HUD program through which a private
management company ran the project, but things went from bad to worse. The roofs
started to leak. There was no grass left, no fences. Rubbish was rarely picked
up; rats infested the buildings. Drug dealers were common, and the management
company put a bulletproof barrier around its office. For three years, residents
often went without heat or hot water.
Not long after Mayor Marion Barry took office in 1979, Kimi told him her
residents wanted to manage Kenilworth themselves. He agreed. The tenants wrote
their own constitution and bylaws, their own personnel and policy procedures,
their own job descriptions. The bureaucrats "could not believe it," Kimi says.
"Public housing residents? I said, 'The worst it can do is have wrong grammar in
it. But at least we would understand and we would know clearly what was in it,
right? So therefore we could enforce what we knew we had written." Besides, if
HUD wrote it, there would be 10 lawyers in the room, writing "rules for things
that don't even exist."
Knowing tenant management was on the way, Kimi says, the private management
company left Kenilworth-Parkside on December 31, 1981. "It was the coldest
winter since 1949," she remembers. "I'll never forget it: We were having a New
Year's Eve party, and it seemed like every pipe on our property started
bursting. The Lord had seen fit for us to take on this, and He said, 'I'll
really give you a challenge. = It was the perfect metaphor for the way D.C.
spends money on public housing -- people shivering while hot water ran down the
middle of the street.
The residents patched the pipes with rubber hoses, put their own staff in
place and got the housing authority to start replacing pipes. On March 1, 1982,
the Kenilworth-Parkside Resident Management Corp. - a nonprofit organization --
signed a contract to manage the property. Its elected board of residents,
chaired by Kimi Gray, held monthly meetings of all tenants. They hired and
trained residents to manage the property and do the maintenance. In what Kimi
dubbed a "Bring the Fathers Out of the Closets" campaign, they hired absentee
fathers. They set up fines for violating the rules -- littering, loitering in
hallways, sitting on fences, not cutting your grass -- and created a system of
elected building captains and court captains to enforce them. They created
mandatory Sunday classes to teach housekeeping, budgeting, home repair and
parenting. And they began to bend the force of peer pressure toward their own
ends.
"The only way you can make a change is through peer pressure," says Kimi.
"Rules can't be enforced if you have to go through judiciary proceedings." For
instance, "If your momma was a bad housekeeper, and if her stove broke down, we
would put the old dirty range out in front of her house, so everybody could see
it. Leave it there all day long. Go get the brand-new stove, in the carton so
everybody could see it, have it brought down, but not to your house." Instead
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it would go to a good housekeeper, whose old stove would go to the bad
housekeeper. "Now when your momma learns to keep the stove clean, she'll get a
brand-new one."
The Resident Management Corp. limited use of the day-care center to mothers
who worked, went to school or were in training. As demand rose, they trained
residents to provide day-care in their apartments. They had their college
students do a "needs survey" to find out what people wanted. Based on the
results, they created an after-school homework and tutorial program for kids
whose mothers worked full time. They set up courses to help adults get their
high school degrees. They contracted with a doctor and a dentist to set up
part-time office hours and make house calls at the development. They set up an
employment office to help people find training and jobs. And they began to
create their own businesses, to keep money and jobs within the community.
The first was a shop to replace windows, screens and doors, owned by a young
man who could neither read nor count. In return for a start-up loan from the
resident council, he trained 10 students, who went on to market their skills
elsewhere in Washington. The board fired the garbage collection service and
contracted with another young man, on condition he hire Kenilworth-Parkside
residents. At one time or another over the next five years, Kenilworth had a
cooperative store, a snack bar, two laundromats, a beauty salon, a barber shop,
a clothes boutique, a thrift shop, a catering service, a moving company, and a
construction company that helped renovate vacant apartments. All employed
residents, and all were required to hire young people to work with the adults.
Before relocation of several thousand residents during the renovation shut most
of the businesses down, 120 residents had jobs at Kenilworth-Parkside.
Gradually, maintenance improved as well. If something needed repairing, the
managers and maintenance men lived on the property. "It has to be someone who's
there all the time, on the property," says Renee Sims, head teacher at the
Learning Center. "Because if you have someone outside managing it, and a pipe
bursts over the weekend, you're not going to get it done." Kimi and her managers
estimate that in 1982, when they took over, less than half the rent was being
collected. There was no heat or hot water, few other services, and people had
caught on that if they didn't pay, there were no penalties. Resident manager
Gladys Roy and her assistants began going door to door, serving 30-day eviction
notices. They explained that if people didn't pay the rent, they couldn't afford
the repairs people needed. If people did not have the cash, they worked out
payment plans or collected what they could. As services improved and the
managers kept up their door-to-door rounds, rent collections gradually improved.
They were up to 75 percent by late 1987, according to Dennis Eisen, a real
estate consultant hired to prepare a financial plan for tenant ownership.
My Fear Was Drugs and Crime'
DENISE YATES MOVED TO KENILWORTH with her parents in 1979. She was 22,
unmarried, with one child. Their new apartment was "depressing," she says. "The
roof leaked terribly. There was no heat for weeks at a time, no not water. The
grounds weren't kept up. Cars were parked up on your lawn. There were
burglaries, there were rapes, there were drugs, there were shootouts. The person
who lived there before was selling drugs out of the house, so we had a problem
with people constantly knocking on the door at night."
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Yates had never lived in public housing, never been on welfare. Now she was
do- ing both: "Sitting at home, nothing to look forward to but the monthly
check. I knew I was worth more than that." A high school graduate and a good
typist, she enrolled in a shorthand program to become a steno clerk. She took a
civil service exam. And then she waited. No job offer came from the city, and
when she looked elsewhere she could find nothing.
"When we moved into public housing," she says, "my fear was drugs and crime."
Her fears came true when one of her sisters was raped. "From that point on, all
our thoughts were negative. We basically stayed to ourselves." She was afraid to
let her kids she had two now - play outside alone, because of the drug
dealers. She was trapped.
In 1982, the Resident Management Corp. hired Denise as a clerk typist. She
began to understand that she was not alone, and she began to find her voice. By
1985, she had been promoted to assistant manager. But the job did nothing to
change her fears: If anything, the drug dealing intensified. Hundreds of dealers
lined Quarles Street every night, selling to people who pulled off I-295, a
block away. Mothers kept their children barricaded indoors. Many of the worst
offenders lived at Kenilworth. "These guys were not cream puffs," says Sgt.
Robert L. Prout Jr. of the Sixth District police. "We had people here wanted for
bank robbery, very serious crimes. And we were somewhat reluctant to come over
here because the citizens were hostile to the police."
Even when they came, they had trouble making a dent in the drug problem.
"Drug dealers are a lot smarter than we give them credit for," says Prout. "What
they would do is stash their drugs in various locations. We would confront them,
and they wouldn't have any drugs on them."
Finally Kimi called a meeting and invited the police. At first, most
residents wouldn't come. "They thought if the police were there, the people that
attended were gonna snitch on other residents, or on kids of other residents,
and get them arrested," says Prout. "It took a long time for them to develop
confidence in us."
The residents first asked for foot patrols at Kenilworth. Then they suggested
a temporary station - a trailer right on the grounds. The police agreed. "By
putting guys over there, on a regular basis, they began slowly to develop a
sense of trust in us," Prout explains. "And they began to give us information.
At first it was channeled through Miss Roy or Kimi or one of the other people
who worked for her. Then it became a thing where people were n
Kimi remained the role model. She turned in anyone who was selling drugs --
even members of her beloved College Here We Come. Her own son was ar- rested for
dealing in Southwest D.C. "I'm not cold, now, I'm a loving mother," she says.
"But my son was 26, living in his own apartment, and he chose that as his way of
life. After I spent my money to send him to college for two years, he de- cided
that he wanted to be a hustler. So I figured he must have wanted to go to jail
to see what that experience was like too. He's home now. Don't smoke, drink or
nothing, works two jobs. He learned his lesson. The best thing I think I did was
I didn't cater to him while he was incarcerated. I was hurt. But my momma and my
grandma always said to me, 'You make your bed hard, you got to lay in it.' =
Every household in which someone was dealing got a 30-day eviction notice.
The message was for the mothers: "Put him out, or lose your place." If nothing
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happened, "We got with the attorney down at the Housing Department, and we wore
'em to death, till we got them to take our cases to court. Now once we got to
court, we were all right, because we would take residents with us down to court
to say, 'No, your honor, that fella cannot stay in our community any longer. =
Four families were evicted, Kimi says. "That's all it took. People seen, 'Hey,
they serious. IS
Evictions did not stop the dealers who lived elsewhere, of course. Finally,
in 1984, the residents decided to confront them head on. "We got together and we
marched," says Denise Yates. "Day after day, and in the evening too. We marched
up and down the street with our signs. We had the police back us. Maybe half the
community would march. A lot of teenagers and little kids, in addition to
mothers."
At first the dealers assumed it was a temporary nuisance. But after several
weeks of disrupted business, they began to drift away. That was the turning
point. Today "there's very little crime" at Kenilworth, says Prout. "We have
almost no break-ins. We still have a little minor drug traffic. What that is,
that's your 15- and 16-year-olds that still live here, who try to do what they
saw their friends do. But it's nothing like it was."
Making the change was not easy. Residents were threatened. Someone cut the
brake lines in Kimi's car, put sugar in her gas tank, slashed her tires. "They
cut the brand-new tires," Kimi says. "That's when I got angry. I knew the guy
that was the main guy, that I figured paid somebody to do it. I said, 'You went
a tad too goddam far! You know how much those four tires cost me to go on that
van? More than the damn van cost!' I said, 'Now I'm goin' to cut your damn tires
up!! = For good measure, she threatened to send her brother, who stands
6-foot-3, to call. "And he's been nice to me ever since" - until he left for
jail, that is.
Kimi's confidence rubbed off. "When people saw she didn't show any fear of
being seen with the police, or riding through the neighborhood with us, then
they more or less followed suit," says Prout.
The lesson is clear: The police can make raid after raid, but only if a
community decides to take responsibility for its own safety can the police be
truly effective. "We tell them, 'The police can't be here all the time,' = says
Prout. = You live here, you know more about what goes on, you know who does
what. It's just a matter of whether you want your community, or whether you want
them to have your community.
Carrots and Sticks
WEEDING OUT DRUG DEALERS IS NOT the same as ending drug abuse, of course. Dr.
Alice Murray, a psychologist who runs Kenilworth's Substance Abuse Prevention
project ("SAP, because you're a sap if you take drugs") believes that "a large
percentage of the families" still at Kenilworth have at least one family member
with a drug problem. She helps an average of two people a month get into
treatment. "Crack is the problem at the moment," she says. "They experiment with
it for six months, and then they're really into it. It is highly addictive."
Murray and her staff of six have a budget of $ 300,000 from the city. They
attack the drug problem in a dozen different ways. Narcotics Anonymous meets
every noon. A "Chief Executive Officers" program puts young mothers through 15
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weeks of training - three days a week, six hours a day in everything from
child rearing to personal responsibility. The Teen Council (a youth version of
the Residents Council) operates a Youth Enterprise Program - "to get young
people to understand how they can take their skills of hustling on the street
and use them in a positive way, the way people make money in America.' In
addition to running their tie-dye clothing business, the kids design, produce
and sell greeting cards, and they bake and sell cookies. They are paid wages,
returning the rest of their earnings to the program.
During the summer, Murray's staff operates two "academies," one for 5- to 9-
year-olds, another for teenagers. "We call it an academy, not a camp, because
though it's play, we want them to maintain their academic skills," Murray
explains. Virtually all the children at Kenilworth participate. They play, do
arts and crafts, take trips, work on academics and receive substance abuse
education - all with a heavy stress on emotional and family health.
Other efforts include a mandatory eight-hour substance abuse prevention
program for new residents; counseling for addicts and their families; referrals
to in-patient and out-patient care; follow-up with families after treatment; a
program to help parents work with the public schools; and a teen pregnancy
prevention program. "What we're working for is a change of behavior and
attitude," says Murray. In the case of teen pregnancy, it appears to be working.
Accurate numbers are hard to come by at Kenilworth (when asked how much welfare
dependency had been reduced, for instance, Kimi Gray and her top two managers
gave wildly different figures). But all sources agree that teenage pregnancy -
once the norm -- has dropped significantly.
"One of the things that this community has brought back is a kind of
old-fashioned shunning," says Murray, "a way of saying, 'This is behavior we
will not tolerate. Should it happen, then we put you through all the services,
but we don't expect it to happen ever again.' It's done in a very kind and
gentle and loving way, but there's shame when it occurs - which is not the case
in the outside community."
By shunning negative behavior, supporting constructive behavior and offering
treatment for people with drug problems, Kenilworth's leaders are trying to
build a viable culture. It is a constant effort, using both carrots and sticks.
Mothers turn children in for drug dealing; College Here We Come attends every
high school graduation to cheer its members on.
"Development begins with a belief system," says Robert Woodson, whose
National Center for Neighborhood Enterprise has worked with Kenilworth since
1981. "What Kimi and other tenant leaders have done is just self-confidence, and
they've passed that self-confidence on to others. Only when you overcome the
crisis of self-confidence can opportunity make a difference in your life. But we
act with programs as if opportunity carries with it elements of self-confidence.
And it does not."
This is where ownership comes in. Kimi and her colleagues believe that when
they become property owners, the process of building self-confidence and
opportunity will take another quantum leap. Late next year, if the schedule
holds, the last family will move back into the renovated development (courtesy
of a HUD grant of roughly $ 23 million). Not only that, they will own the place.
The experience cannot help but send a powerful message.
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It will not be easy. It costs close to $ 400 per unit per month simply to
maintain and operate the complex. Federal subsidies will continue for five more
years, probably somewhere between $ 1.2 million and $ 1.7 million a year, but
that will not be enough. At some point, the Resident Management Corp. plans to
sell shares in a limited equity co-op for perhaps $ 10,000 per unit --- though
details are still sketchy and no one knows what kind of down payment, if any,
will be required. The residents also hope to borrow $ 1.75 million, to put in
air conditioning, dishwashers, a community cafeteria, tennis courts, racquetball
courts, a locker room and a swimming pool. Financial plans are still extremely
tentative. But one recent version called for Kenilworth to raise rent
collections from 75 percent to 92.5 percent by 1995, drive residents' average
income ($ 10,200 by 1987, at least for reported income) up 6 percent annually
and put $ 500,000 of the HUD subsidy in the bank every year --- just to stay
afloat when the subsidy ends. The strategy is ambitious and the assumptions
optimistic, but according to experts on co-op conversions, it is not impossible.
It will require a more businesslike operation, particularly when Kenilworth
becomes dependent on bankers rather than bureaucrats. "It will require strong
property management, fiscal oversight and also very good tenant education," says
David Freed, a real estate consultant who specializes in low-income co-op
conversions in D.C. "The key to good cooperative ownership conversion is the
quality of the leadership. And they have superb leadership."
'The Door Is Open'
KIMI GRAY IS NOT WORRIED ABOUT whether her residents will be able to afford
ownership. She's got bigger plans than that.
There's the reverse commute program -- from inner city to suburbs -- that
she's working on with a grant from the Department of Transportation. And the
shopping mall she wants to build next to Kenilworth. And the self-help credit
union, and the industrial facility and the construction company. There are two
buildings she is trying to buy and renovate -- to train her construction company
and house her college students. There's a building she plans to put up for
senior citizens. And there are the condos she wants to develop, so the most
successful Kenilworth residents can move up without leaving the community.
On a recent Monday, Kimi spent an entire afternoon at the D.C. Department of
Public and Assisted Housing -- cajoling the director, talking to his lawyer,
rounding up the right people and shepherding them back to the director's office,
all to get title to land Kenilworth will own in a year anyway, so she can start
building her senior housing now. After three hours of tireless and expert
manipulation, she still did not have what she wanted.
"You know," she said as she left the building, "every time I get the
runaround, I think about the same thing. They have to deal with me, 'cause I've
got all this publicity, and this is how they treat me. How the hell do you think
they treat Mrs. Jones?"
There is no time to be bitter, however. There is too much to do. It is 1989,
and the dam is finally breaking. "Folk want freedom," Kimi says, as she climbs
back into her van and heads for one more meeting. "Folk want power. The door is
open -- they can't stop us now." ?
David Osborne is the author of Laboratories of Democracy, which examined
social and economic policy innovations in state government in the 1980s.
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David Osborne
Kenilworth-Parkside and the Politics of Public Housing
THE DAY KENILWORTH-PARKSIDE RESIDENTS ANNOUNCED the deal designed to turn
them into homeowners, Jesse Jackson and D.C. Del. Walter Fauntroy held a
"counter event. Though the sale would not take place for another two years, the
Reagan administration had scheduled the announcement for 10 days before the 1988
election.
"This administration is having a housing press conference instead of a
housing policy," Jackson declared. "My fear is that an uncritical media will let
them have this photo opportunity and escape responsibility for the fact that
they have cut the federal housing budget by 75 percent, at a time when 7.7
million people are in inadequate housing, when 5.4 million needy families
receive no housing assistance, when 3 million to 5 million Americans are
homeless."
So it was that Jackson, the Democrat most admired by poor blacks, and
Fauntroy, the Democratic sponsor of a bill enabling Kenilworth residents to buy
their homes, came together to denounce the sale. If ever one scene could capture
the bizarre politics surrounding Kimi Gray and Kenilworth-Parkside, it happened
on that chilly October afternoon. Few issues 50 disorient the political
gyroscopes of Washingtonians as tenant management and ownership of public
housing.
Neither issue is new. Tenants in Boston's Bromley-Heath project pioneered
tenant management back in 1973, after crime got 50 bad that stores wouldn't
deliver and taxis wouldn't drive into the area. Residents of St. Louis's Cochran
Gardens tried it three years later. Born of crisis, both efforts achieved
startling results: Crime rates dropped, vacant apartments were renovated, jobs
were created, and residents were hired. Today, 13 public housing developments
are managed by their residents.
Local housing authorities have been selling units to tenants even longer.
Most such "turnkey" sales have involved single-family homes or small apartment
buildings, sold to handpicked tenants with decent incomes; efforts to sell
larger complexes have generally failed. There have been exceptions: Louisville
recently sold a 100-unit complex to its residents as condos. But most turnkey
sales of large projects have faltered because the tenants did not go through the
process of organizing and taking control of their community.
"The psychological transformation doesn't happen when today I'm a renter and
tomorrow I'm an owner," says David Freed, a consultant who specializes in
low-income tenant buyouts. "It happens when there is a process that renters go
through together, and there is a change in people's view of themselves and their
neighbors. I see it again and again: It's that conversion experience."
The Kimi Grays of the world understand this. Several years ago, Robert
Woodson of the National Center for Neighborhood Enterprise asked public
housing tenant leaders to draw up a list of policy changes that would remove
barriers to their success. Based on that list, they developed seven amendments
to federal housing legislation. Woodson took them to then-U.S. Rep. Jack Kemp
and recruited Fauntroy to co-sponsor the bill. Their 1987 legislation
specifically targeted the transformation process: It gave resident councils
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the right to manage their own developments; it gave them priority for HUD
renovation grants; it set up procedures by which they could buy their projects
after three years of successful self-management; and it appropriated $ 5 million
to train residents in self-management at 50 projects. As HUD secretary, Kemp
says, he would like to provide training grants to several hundred more groups
during the next four years, help perhaps 50 of them begin managing their own
developments and see perhaps half of those push on to financial ownership. He
has already persuaded President Bush to support a $ 44 million home-ownership
fund to help this "urban homesteading" along.
"I'm not suggesting that we're going to force it down people's throats, or
that everybody should be treated in exactly the same manner," Kemp says. "But I
at least want the opportunity out there for everybody." He promises to support
the kinds of subsidies provided at Kenilworth-Parkside.
Kemp's strategy has sown confusion and anger among liberals, who often find
their enthusiasm for tenant empowerment overwhelmed by their distrust of
conservative motives. Liberal critics articulate three basic criticisms of the
strategy:
1. It won't work. Specifically, critics argue that management of large
properties is too difficult for most tenants; that ownership is too expensive
for the poor; and that there are too few leaders like Kimi Gray to make it
widely replicable.
This line of reasoning simply misses the point, supporters retort. Yes,
self-management is difficult, they agree, but where tenants do not want
management responsibilities, other tactics are available: Some resident councils
have significant input into housing authority decisions; some hire and fire
their own private management companies; some create partnerships with private
management firms. The point is to empower residents, by whatever means they
choose.
When tenants are powerless, advocates argue, they become dependent.
"Bureaucratic, command-control approaches transfer the will for self-achievement
away from local people, to bureaucracies," says Robert Woodson. Look at most
D.C. public housing projects: Residents have no power to police their
communities to enforce standards of behavior, to evict criminals. If someone
deals drugs out of the apartment next door, they can complain, but the system
rarely responds. So they give up.
As with self-management, empowerment advocates do not argue that ownership is
for all tenants; even Kemp envisions a limited number of sales. They understand
that most tenant groups could not afford to pay even the operating expenses on
their apartments. But as Robert Woodson and Kimi Gray point out, resident
management corporations do not just do housing; they do economic development.
They create jobs, provide training and raise incomes. Where they succeed,
ownership can become realistic.
Are there enough Kimi Grays out there to replicate the Kenilworth-Parkside
story a thousand times? Woodson points out that every vital organization --
whether Kenilworth-Parkside or IBM - owes its start to a strong leader. So why
not create more opportunities in poor communities, and see how many leaders
emerge?
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2. The dwindling stock of public housing should be preserved for the poor. At
the insistence of liberals, the Kemp-Fauntroy bill required that housing
authorities replace any unit sold with a new unit of public housing. It also
stipulated that any unit later resold had to go -- for a limited price -- to a
low-income person, a resident management corporation or a housing authority.
Some liberal critics want more, insisting that if buyers rise to middle-income
status, they be forced to sell and move out. In fact, tenants are no longer
evicted from public housing when their incomes rise -- their rents simply go up,
remaining at 30 percent of their incomes. So even under current circumstances,
some units are "lost" to middle-income people. But even if this were not the
case, supporters ask, what is wrong with "losing" public housing units, if the
people in them make the jump into the middle class? Public housing and welfare
operate as traps, creating powerful incentives to remain poor and dependent.
Should they not be redesigned to function as ladders out of poverty?
Besides, doesn't the current system guarantee the loss of thousands of units
every the appalling homelessness that is the real result of conservative housing
policy. Gordon Cavanaugh, a spokesman for the Coalition of Large Public Housing
Authorities, pulls no punches: "I think the conservative agenda is ending public
ownership of public housing, and they cloak that agenda in the rhetoric of
empowerment. I mean, this is the same crowd that killed HUD's 235 program, which
was designed to subsidize low-income people into ownership. This is the same
administration that is trying to kill tnot 5 administration which for eight
years fought to kill all the programs that provided low-income home ownership,
and all during that time we had this thing waved in our faces."
Jack Kemp responds that many federal housing programs deserved to be
eliminated, because -- like public housing - they flushed enormous sums down
the toilet. "But what I want to do is not just curse the darkness," he is quick
to add. "I want to light some candles." And candles, he agrees, cost money.
This is Kemp's quandary: Until George Bush is willing to propose significant
new funding for urban homesteading, Kemp will face a political stalemate.
Liberals will continue to distrust conservatives because they have gutted
funding for housing. Conservatives will continue to distrust liberals because
they are unwilling to restructure programs that waste billions of dollars every
year. To break the logjam, Bush will have to demonstrate a commitment to both
restructuring and investment. Kemp understands this, and says he has made it
plain to the president. "The jury's out," he acknowledges, "but I'm confident we
can get a program." ers from the appalling homelessness that is the real result
of conservative housing policy. Gordon Cavanaugh, a spokesman for the Coalition
of Large Public Housing. Authorities, pulls no punches: "I think the conservative
agenda is ending public ownership of public housing, and they cloak that agenda
in the rhetoric of empowerment. I mean, this is the same crowd that killed HUD's
235 program, which was designed to subsidize low-income people into ownership.
This is the same administration that is trying to kill the Farmers Home program
that does much the same thing. Why wouldn't I be skeptical about what we're
about here? We've had an administration which for eight years fought to kill all
the programs that provided low-income home ownership, and all during that time
we had this thing waved in our faces."
Jack Kemp responds that many federal housing programs deserved to be
eliminated, because -- like public housing -- they flushed enormous sums down
the toilet. "But what I want to do is not just curse the darkness," he is quick
to add. "I want to light some candles." And candles, he agrees, cost money.
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This is Kemp's quandary: Until George Bush is willing to propose significant
new funding for urban homesteading, Kemp will face a political stalemate.
Liberals will continue to distrust conservatives because they have gutted
funding for housing. Conservatives will continue to distrust liberals because
they are unwilling to restructure programs that waste billions of dollars every
year. To break the logjam, Bush will have to demonstrate a commitment to both
restructuring and investment. Kemp understands this, and says he has made it
plain to the president. "The jury's out," he acknowledges, "but I'm confident we
can get a program."
GRAPHIC: PHOTO, CHILDREN GET A LOT OF ATTENTION AT KENILWORTH'S LEARNING CENTER.
HERE HEAD TEACHER RENEE SIMS HOLDS ANTOINE ANDERSON, 4. A COMPLETE RENOVATION IS
UNDER WAY, SCHEDULED FOR COMPLETION NEXT YEAR. A FOOT PATROL AT KENILWORTH:
RESIDENTS HAVE LEARNED TO TRUST THE POLICE. IRRESISTIBLE FORCE. ELI REED/MAGNUM
TYPE: FEATURE
SUBJECT: PUBLIC HOUSING; HOUSING ASSISTANCE; DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
ORGANIZATION: KENILWORTH-PARKSIDE
NAME: KIMI GRAY
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Mark -
9-7-8',
Rev. Jemison has ashed (through Rev,
Benjamin Hooks of the NAACP)
that his name, Rev. C.A.W. Clark
and Rev. Franklyn Richardson
be mentioned in the speech. Clark
and Richardson like Jemison,
are officers high-ranking officers
in the Nat'l. Baptut Consention, USA,Jne
It would also be good for
POTUS to recognize the
presence ofthe Rev. Mr. Hooks.
POTUS might also mention
in his remarks that this
door is open for Dr. Jemison
to meet with him personally
and with members of his staff.
a couple of other ideas/changes
are noted in this 7th draft
of the speech.
Joe.
15:09
PHNAFAX
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06606852 P.16
#4
Will Vodery
One of the early musical theatre's most successful composers was Will Vodery.
He arranged and composed scores for impresario Florenz Ziegfield on Broadway:
for twenty years, and became the first Black music director and arranger in
Hollywood in 1929, for Fox Films.
During World War I, Vodery received a commission of Lieutenant, and directed
the 807th Infantry Band in France.
Throughout his career, Will Vodery enjoyed helping younger musicians. Among
them were Duke Ellington, who received informal lessons in orchestration from
the great arranger, and William Grant Still who gained a foothold in the music
world with Vodery's help.
Maisha warfield
I'm remembering Will Vodery, and celebrating a great moment in
our history.
\ X
9
2 :46
10
* 3 46 +
11
3638
44
12
5
6:46
stuts awond 20.57
13
14
7 X
15
8 :45
16
TOTAL P.16
04/21/1989
15:03
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06606852 P.02
William H. Carney
During the Civil War, the great orator Frederick Douglass urged that
free Black men be allowed to enlist. The 54th Regiment of Massachusetts
was formed, composed entirely of patriotic Black volunteers, who have
often been cited for their valor.
One of those volunteers was William H. Carney. During the attack on
Fort Wagner, Carney saw the Union standard bearer fall, and ran to protect
the flag. In the midst of heavy fire, and struck three times by bullets,
Carney knelt for more than an hour holding the flag, and never allowed
it to touch the ground. For his courage, William Carney was awarded the
Congressional Medal of Honor.
I'm
, remembering William H. Carney, and celebrating
a great moment in our history.
Fact: Carney is the only black in the painting of
Washington crossing the Delaware
(Hangs in the West wing)
wrong was
04/21/1989
15:04
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06606852 P.03
DR. DANIEL HALE WILLIAMS
On July 9, 1893, Dr. Daniel Hale Williams, a black physician,
performed the first successful operation on the human heart.
Williams had worked as a barber until 1878 when Dr. Henry Palmer--
the surgeon-general of Wisconsin--accepted him as an apprentice.
In 1883, Williams received his MD degree from Chicago Medical
College.
Williams was a renowned leader in the development of modern surgical
tehniques. In 1891, he founded Provident Hospital, the nation's
first interracial hospital, and Chicago's first training hospital
for black doctors and nurses.
President Grover Cleveland recognized the celebrated pioneer in
1893 when he made him Surgeon-In-Chief of Washington, D.C.'s
Freedmen's Hospital. In 1913, the American College of Surgeons
made Dr. Daniel Hale Williams, the first successful heart surgeon,
their first black member.
I'm Coretta Scott King, celebrating a great moment in our American
history.
15.04
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06606852 P.04
IDA B WELLS BARNETT
Ida B. Wells, a courageous black journalist, devoted
her career to an impassioned crusade against lynching.
Writing for black newpapers, she exposed the activities
of lynch mobs, and discredited the myth that black
men were lynched because they raped white women.
In 1895, Ida Wells married lawyer-journalist Ferdinand
Barnett, and together they used the power of the black
press to expose racial injustices.
Ida Wells Barnett became frustrated, because violence
against blacks was increasing, and nothing was being
done to stop it. Once, when investigating a lynching
in Cairo, Illinois, she went to the state house in
Springfield to argue against the reinstatement of the
sheriff who had permitted the murder. She pleaded
her case and won. That was the last lynching in the
state of Illinois.
I'm Dorothy Brunson, celebrating a great moment in
our American history.
04/21/1989 15:04 **** PANAFAX UF-400 ****
06606852 P.05
Benjamin Banneker
When Molly Welsh taught her grandson Benjamin Banneker to read, she gave him
the tool that made it possible for him to become the first Black American man
of science. Born in Maryland in 1731, he taught himself mathematics,
astronomy, and surveying.
In 1754, Benjamin Banneker built the first striking clock in America. He
published almanacs that contained, in addition to weather and astronomical
predictions, medicinal remedies and prescriptions.
In 1789 he was selected by his neighbor George Ellicot, a Quaker, to serve on
the commission that would survey the Federal Territory on which the District
of Columbia was to be built. When Major Pierre L'Enfant quit the project and
returned to France with the plans, it was Benjamin Banneker who reconstructed
those plans from memory, and the city of Washington, D.C. was laid out as
originally designed.
I'm Mary Alice Williams, celebrating a great moment in our American History.
04/21/1989 15:05 **** PANAFAX UF-400 ****
06606852 P.06
Jan E. Matzeliger
Jan Matzeliger revolutionized the shoe industry in the United States, and made
Lynn, Massachusetts the shoe capital of the world in the 1880's. The young
black cobbler's apprentice worked in a shoe factory, where he always heard
that the industrial revolution would never reach the cobbler- it was
impossible to last shoes by machine. He started to work in secret,
experimenting, for ten years, steadily and patiently with no encouragement.
Finally, in 1882, Matzeliger perfected his machine - it automatically stitched
shoes and attached soles.
When he applied for the patent and sent his diagram to Washington, the patent
reviewers could not understand it, so they sent a man to see the model. On
March 20, 1883, patent number 274, 207, was granted to Jan E. Matzeliger, for
the shoe lasting machine.
I'm Susan Taylor, celebrating a great moment in our American history.
04/21/1989 15:05 **** PANAFAX UF-400 ****
06606852 P.07
Garrett Morgan
The time: July 25, 1916. The place: five miles out and 228 feet below Lake
Erie. There had been an explosion in tunnel five, and 12 men were trapped.
With smoke, natural gases, dust and debris, it was impossible for anyone to go
into tunnel five and come out alive. At two AM someone recalled that Garrett
Morgan had demonstrated a gas mask for mines, hoping to interest
manufacturers. He was called, and he and his brother Frank came immediately,
and rescued many of the workmen.
Hearing of his heroics at Lake Erie, many manufacturers and fire departments
showed keen interest until they learned that Garrett Morgan was Black.
But Morgan was not discouraged. In 1923 he created and patented a devise
that makes possible the orderly movement of millions of automobiles in today's
cities - the automatic traffic light.
I'm Ossie Davis, celebrating a great moment in our American history.
15:00
****
PANAFAX
UF-400
****
06606852 P.08
Dr. Charles R. Drew
Medical science was changed forever by the work of Dr. Charles
R. Drew. In 1940, Dr. Drew published his concept for separating
the plasma from the WHOLE blood for storage. He was called
to Britain where his idea brought life saving transfusions to
World War II battlefields.
He developed a model for the American Red Cross blood bank
system, and in 1941, was named its Director. The world renowned
hematologist, continually, disputed any scientific basis for
segregating the blood of black and white donors. Today's
science proves that he was right.
The tragedy of his death, after an automobile accident, is
heightened by the irony of its circumstance. The segregated
white hospital, located nearest the scene of the accident,
refused to admit Dr. Drew for an emergency blood transfusion
that might have saved his life.
I'm John Jacob, celebrating a great moment in our American
history.
1989 15:00 **** PHNHFHX UF-400 ****
06606852 P.09
MATT HENSON
An orphan who ran away to sea at the age of twelve, became
one our country's bravest explorers. Matthew Henson accompanied
Lt. Robert Peary to the Arctic region eight times from 1891 to 1909.
Henson's expertise in handling equipment and dog sleds, and his close
relationship with the Eskimos who felt akin to the brown skinned
man, made him invaluable to Peary's expeditions. When Peary
determined on April 6, 1909 that they were only 60 miles from
their destination, he selected Matt Henson to travel ahead and plant
the American flag on the North Pole.
I'm
,
remembering Matt Henson, and celebrating
8 great moment in our history.
04/21/1989 15:06 **** PANAFAX UF-400 ****
06606852 P.10
Elijah McCoy
As a young man, Elijah McCoy, the great Black inventor, was unable to find
work in industry because of his race, so he took a job on the railway. Among
his duties was the cumbersome chore of oiling the engine every time the train
stopped.
The work inspired his first invention. In 1872, Elijah McCoy patented a
steam engine lubricator, the first of several designs that set the standard in
industries that used heavy equipment. His lubricators were so ingenious that
buyers would ask dealers, "Is that a real McCoy?". To this day that
expression means "the genuine article", or a thing of the highest quality.
I'm
, remembering Elijah McCoy, and celebrating a great moment
in our history.
:48
(117 words)
UF-400
****
06606852 P.11
GRANVILLE T. WOODS
Sometimes called the "Black Edison" Granville T. Woods had ten
years experience in machine shops and on railroads before he
turned twenty. With only that experience, and a few classes in
engineering to prepare him, Woods was responsible for 35
inventions that were vital to the development of mechanical and
electrical technology.
His inventions included a more efficient steam boiler that conserved
fuel, a telephone transmitter, an automatic air brake and other
equipment that made railway brakes safer, and induction telegraph
equipment that reduced the danger of collisions between moving trains.
I'm
, remembering Granville T. Woods, and
celebrating a great moment in our history.
06606852 P.12
15.07
****
PHNHFHX
UF-400
****
1989
#4
Bessie Coleman
Bessie Coleman, the world's first Black female pilot, had to travel
to France to receive instruction because of prejudice against teaching
women and blacks to fly in the United States. She received her license
in 1922.
Believing that her achievement should be shared, she made plans to
open e school to train other Black pilots. She flew exhibitions to
make the money she needed to open a school.
On April 30, 1926, while flying an exhibition for the Jacksonville,
Florida Negro Welfare League, Bassie Coleman put her plane into a
nosedive and never came out. Although she crashed before she could
open her school, her courage and determination inspired many members
of her race to fly.
I'm Jasmine Guy, remembering Bessie Coleman, and celebrating a great
moment in our history.
8
15
1 :52+
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9
16
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J
4 x
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5
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04/21/1989
15:07
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06606852 P.13
#1
Lloyd Augustus Hall
1894
Lloyd A. Hall, a Black man, was a pioneering food chemist. He revolutionized
the meat packing industry with his developments of better ways to cure and
preserve meats. His mixture of meat curing salts were superior to any ever
produced. He was also responsible for a new technique of sterilizing foods
and spices that enhanced their appearance, quality, and flavor.
Mr. Hall served the United States in both World Wars. He was chief inspector
of powder and explosives for the U.S. Army during World War I, and in World
War II, he was invaluable in developing methods for maintaining military
food supplies in pure and edible form.
I'm Danny Glover, remembering Lloyd Augustus Hall, and celebrating a
great moment in our history.
04/21/1989 15:08 **** PANAFAX UF-400 ****
06606852 P.14
DR. GEORGE CARRUTHERS
In 1972, Apollo 16 astronauts placed a Far Ultraviolet Camera/Spectograph
on the surface of the moon, and established the first moon based observatory.
A young Black astrophysicist, Dr. George Carruthers, developed the conceptual
design for the camera.
Data obtained from Dr. Carruthers' Camera/Spectograph provided the first
positive detection of hydrogen in deep space, and important information
about our earth's upper atmosphere that could lead to new ways to control
air pollution.
Today, Dr. Carruthers continues his research as Head of the Ultraviolet
Astronomy Section at the Naval Research Laboratory.
I'm Cicely Tyson , saluting Dr. George Carruthers, and celebrating
a great moment in our history.
1 :53
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06606852 P.15 F.
#1
Ernest Everett Just
1883-1941
Ernest Everett Just, a Black man, was one of our country's most distinguished
biological scientists. He formulated new concepts of cell life and made
pioneer investigations into the mysteries of egg fertilization and cell
division. His contributions to our understanding of the functions of
normal and abnormal cells added immeasurably to the body of knowledge
needed to develop treatments for such diseases as cancer, leukemia and
sickle cell anemia.
Never invited to conduct research at this country's notable laboratories,
Just spent 11 years as guest researcher at the Kaiser Wilheim Institute
of Biology in Germany, the world's most respected academy of physics,
chemistry, and biology.
I'm Robert Guillaume, remembering Ernest Everett Just, and celebrating
a great moment in our history.
1 X
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E185
.N3
'HE STATE OF
1989
WH
LACK AMERICA 1989
Published by National Urban League, Inc.
Critical Issues For Black Families
By The Year 2000
Robert B. Hill, Ph.D.
INTRODUCTION
After making unprecedented strides during the 1960s, black families experi-
enced sharp social and economic setbacks during the 1970s and 1980s. Not only
was the poverty rate for black families higher in 1987 (30 percent) than the rate
in 1969 20 percent: there were also 700,000 more poor black families. Similarly,
not only was the unemployment rate for blacks twice as high in 1988 (12 percent)
than it was in 1969 (6 percent), but three times more blacks were unemployed in
1988 (1.7 million) than in 1969 (570,000).
Such severe economic instability led to family instability. While black unem-
ployment soared from six percent to 20 percent between 1969 and 1983 due to
four back-to-back recessions, the proportion of female-headed black families
jumped from 28 percent to 42 percent. Each percentage point rise in black unem-
ployment was correlated with a comparable increase in one-parent black families.
Black families continue to be disproportionately disadvantaged in other aspects
as well. Although out-of-wedlock birth rates declined steadily among black teens
during the 1970s and 1980s. while rising among white teens, black adolescents
are four times more likely than white adolescents to have babies out-of-wedlock.
And. over half of all black births today are out-of-wedlock, compared to only 13
percent of all white births.
Unprecedented levels of crime and gang violence have also destabilized many
black families. With drug trafficking rampant in most inner-city areas, drug-
related homicides among blacks have reached record-levels. The disproportionate
surge in deaths among blacks has resulted in the first declines in black life
expectancy since 1962. While life expectancy from birth rose among whites from
75.3 to 75.4 between 1984 and 1986 (the latest year available), life expectancy
among blacks declined from 69.7 in 1984 to 69.5 and 69.4 in 1985 and 1986,
respectively.
Black families have also been disproportionately devastated by the declining
stock of affordable housing due to abandonment. urban renewal, commercial
development. gentrification and condominium conversions. About half a million
low-income units have been disappearing each year. Thus. the number of homeless
individuals and families has soared to about two to three million. In addition.
there are hundreds of thousands "hidden homeless" who "double-up" with
relatives and friends for varying periods of time. Blacks are overrepresented among
the thousands of families and children living in welfare hotels and shelters for
the homeless.
41
Contrary to popular belief, these severe social and economic dislocations have
It is frequently asserted in the media that
not been confined to blacks in poor or one-parent families. As was the case among
the year 2000. Yet, the Census Bureau pro
whites, thousands of middle-class, working class and two-parent black families
not only by 2000, but also into the middle (
were also adversely affected during the 1970s and 1980s.
Hispanics are estimated to increase twice as 1
For example, unemployed black husbands doubled from 84,000 to 188,000
1988 and 2000, the Hispanic population is
between 1969 and 1985, while their jobless rate soared from three percent to
to 25.2 million-10.6 million fewer persons t
seven percent. During the 1970s, female-headed black famlies increased ten times
the Hispanic population is projected to read
faster among wives who were college-educated than among wives who were high
population is projected to number 52.3 millic
school dropouts. Not only has there been a shrinking in the size of the black
increases of blacks and Hispanics, non-whit
middle-class since 1978, but also poverty rates among black two-parent families
fifth in 1988) to one-fourth by 2000 and to
have risen more rapidly than among black single-parent families.
2050. (Table 1)
While poverty among female-headed black families edged up from 51 percent
to 52 percent between 1978 and 1987, these rates jumped from 12 percent to 14
Age Composition
percent among male-headed black families. Although the proportion of middle-
With the maturing of the "baby boom" col
income ($25,000 & over) black families grew from 33 percent to 38 percent
the median ages of all groups are expected to
between 1970 and 1978, it declined to 36 percent by 1987.²
decades. For example, while the median ag
The disproportionate declines in living standards experienced by low-income
expected to rise from 32.3 to 36.3 between
and middle-income black families led to a widening in the economic gap with
blacks is projected to rise from 27.1 to 30.2.
white families. While the income ratio between black and white families in general
Although the pre-school population (under
declined from 59 percent to 56 percent between 1978 and 1987, the ratio between
expected to decline by six percent between 19
white and black couples fell more sharply from 81 percent to 77 percent. Fur-
pre-schoolers will fall by two percent. On the
thermore, since the strongest economic gains over the past two decades were
year-olds) and (jr/sr) high school (14-17-year-c
made by upper-class whites and blacks, the gap between the rich and poor in this
sharply among all racial groups. While the
nation is now wider than it has been in generations.³
populations in the total U.S. are projected to 1
What can be done to narrow the socio-economic gap between black and white
and 2000, the 6-17-year-olds among blacks wi
families? In order to make significant strides toward parity between blacks and
whites by the year 2000, it is important to address the following questions:
What will be the demographic characteristics (i.e., size, age composition.
family structure and labor force patterns) of the black population by the year
Table 1
Population Projections By Race and Et
2000?;
What are the critical issues that will be confronting black families during
Numbers (in millions)
Year
Total
Black
Hispanic
T
the 1990s?; and
What strategies must be adopted by the public and private sectors for black
2050
309.5
52.3
50.8
2030
304.8
47.6
families to achieve equity with white families by the 21st century?
41.9
2010
283.2
40.0
30.8
2000
268.0
FUTURE DEMOGRAPHIC STATUS OF BLACKS
35.8
25.2
1990
249.7
31.4
1988
19.9
245.3
Population Size
30.5
1985
18.8
While the Census Bureau's middle-growth series projects the total U.S. pop-
238.6
29.1
17.0
ulation increase from 245.3 to 268.0 million between 1988 and 2000, the black
population to is anticipated to rise from 30.5 to 35.8 million.⁴ Since the black U.S.
States. by Sex. and Race: 1983 2080."
Sources: U.S. Bureau of the Census, "Projections
1984; U.S. Bureau to of the Census Curre
population population (+9 percent) over the next 12 years, the proportion of blacks
is expected to grow twice percent) as fast as the total would
Population Reports. Series P-25.
rise from 12.4 percent to 13.4 percent between 1988 and 2000.
42
ese severe social and economic dislocations have
It is frequently asserted in the media that Hispanics will outnumber blacks by
or or one-parent families. As was the case among
the year 2000. Yet, the Census Bureau projects blacks to outnumber Hispanics
SS, working class and two-parent black families
not only by 2000, but also into the middle of the 21st century as well. Although
ing the 1970s and 1980s.
Hispanics are estimated to increase twice as fast (+34 percent) as blacks between
ack husbands doubled from 84,000 to 188,000
1988 and 2000, the Hispanic population is expected to rise (from 18.8 million)
their jobless rate soared from three percent to
to 25.2 million-10.6 million fewer persons than blacks by 2000. Similarly, while
female-headed black famlies increased ten times
the Hispanic population is projected to reach 50.8 million by 2050, the black
llege-educated than among wives who were high
population is projected to number 52.3 million by mid-century.5 Due to the sharp
there been a shrinking in the size of the black
increases of blacks and Hispanics, non-whites are expected to soar (from one-
o poverty rates among black two-parent families
fifth in 1988) to one-fourth by 2000 and to one-third of the U.S. population by
ong black single-parent families.
2050. (Table 1)
headed black families edged up from 51 percent
1987, these rates jumped from 12 percent to 14
Age Composition
ck families. Although the proportion of middle-
With the maturing of the "baby boom" cohort (born between 1947 and 1961),
k families grew from 33 percent to 38 percent
the median ages of all groups are expected to increase markedly in the coming
ined to 36 percent by 1987.²
decades. For example, while the median age of the total U.S. population is
in living standards experienced by low-income
expected to rise from 32.3 to 36.3 between 1988 and 2000. the median age of
ies led to a widening in the economic gap with
blacks is projected to rise from 27.1 to 30.2. (Table 2)
= ratio between black and white families in general
Although the pre-school population (under six years old) in the total U.S. is
percent between 1978 and 1987, the ratio between
expected to decline by six percent between 1988 and 2000, the number of black
ore sharply from 81 percent to 77 percent. Fur-
pre-schoolers will fall by two percent. On the other hand, the elementary (6-13
conomic gains over the past two decades were
year-olds) and (jr/sr) high school (14-17-year-olds) age populations will increase
blacks, the gap between the rich and poor in this
sharply among all racial groups. While the elementary and high school age
been in generations.³
populations in the total U.S. are projected to grow by 13 percent between 1988
the socio-economic gap between black and white
and 2000, the 6-17-year-olds among blacks will rise by 24 percent. It should be
ificant strides toward parity between blacks and
important to address the following questions:
phic characteristics (i.e., size, age composition.
force patterns) of the black population by the year
Table 1
Population Projections By Race and Ethnic Group, 1985-2050
es that will be confronting black families during
Numbers (in millions)
Percent Distribution
Year
Total
Black
Hispanic
Total
Black
Hispanic
dopted by the public and private sectors for black
2050
309.5
52.3
50.8
100
16.9
16.4
2030
304.8
47.6
41.9
100
15.6
13.7
with white families by the 21st century?
2010
283.2
40.0
30.8
100
14.1
10.9
STATUS OF BLACKS
2000
268.0
35.8
25.2
100
13.3
9.4
1990
249.7
31.4
19.9
100
12.6
8.0
1988
245.3
30.5
18.8
100
12.4
7.7
middle-growth series projects the total U.S. pop-
1985
238.6
29.1
17.0
100
12.2
7.1
o 268.0 million between 1988 and 2000, the black
Sources: U.S. Bureau of the Census. "Projections of the Population of the United
se from 30.5 10 35.8 million.⁴ Since the black
States, by Age, Sex. and Race: 1983 to 2080," Current Population Reports. Series
N twice ( + 17 percent) as fast as the total U.S.
P-25, No. 952, May 1984: U.S. Bureau of the Census, "Projections of the Hispanic
Population." Current Population Reports, Series P-25, No. 995. November 1986.
the next 12 years. the proportion of blacks would
percent between 1988 and 2000.
43
Table 2
Table
Population Projections of Median Age By Race and Sex, 1985-2050
A. Projections of Black Pop
(Median Age)
Numbers (in thousands)
RACE
1985
1988
1990
2000
2030
2050
AGE
1988
All Groups
31.4
32.3
33.0
36.3
40.8
41.6
All Ages
30,474
Male
30.2
31.1
31.7
34.9
39.1
39.5
Under 6
3.792
Female
32.7
33.6
34.2
37.7
42.6
43.7
6-13
4.171
White
32.3
33.3
33.9
37.4
42.1
42.6
14-17
2.054
Male
31.1
32.0
32.7
36.1
40.3
40.5
18-24
3.921
Female
33.7
34.5
35.2
38.8
43.8
44.8
25-34
5.662
Black
26.2
27.1
27.7
30.2
35.5
-38.1
35-44
3.908
Male
24.9
25.7
26.3
28.5
33.7
36.3
Female
27.6
28.5
29.2
32.0
37.3
39.9
45-54
2.491
55-64
1.995
Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census. "Projections of the Population of the United
65 & over
2,480
States. by Age, Sex. and Race: 1983 to 2080." Current Population Reports. Series
P-25, No. 952. May 1984.
Median Age
27.1
B. Percent Black of Total Population
(% Black)
noted that the first graders of 1988 will constitute the high school graduating
class in the year 2000.
AGE
1988
In contrast to the elementary and high school age groups. the college-age
All Ages
12.4
population (18-24-year-olds) is expected to decline sharply among all racial groups
Under 6
16.7
by 2000. While college-age blacks are projected to decline by four percent between
6-13
15.3
1988 and 2000. all college-age persons in the U.S. are expected to fall twice as
14-17
15.0
fast-by eight percent. (Table 3)
18-24
14.6
Among the "younger" (age 25-44) working-age population. the 25-34-year-
25-34
13.0
olds are expected to decline among all racial groups over the next 12 years, while
35-44
11.1
the 35-44-year-olds are expected to rise sharply. Blacks age 25-34 will fall by
45-54
10.4
six percent between 1988 and 2000. while blacks age 35-44 will soar by 49
55-64
9.3
percent. Among the "older" (age 45-64) working-age population. the 55-64 year
65 & over
8.1
olds will increase more slowly than the 45-54 year olds. While blacks age 45-54
Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census. "Projec
will rise by 66 percent. the blacks age 55-64 will increase by only 18 percent.
Age. Sex. and Race: 1983 to 2080." Current /
Even among the elderly (65 years and over). blacks are expected to grow faster
May 1984.
than the U.S. population over the next 12 years. While the total U.S. aged are
projected to increase by 14 percent (from 30.5 to 34.9 million) between 1988 and
2000. the black aged are expected to rise by 20 percent (from 2.5 to 3.50 million).
Because of the higher fertility rates among blacks relative to whites. the proportion
Family Structure
of blacks will rise in every age category during the 1999s. Thus. blacks will
While the total families in the U.S. are
become more widely represented at all stages of the life cycle by the year 2000.
(from 65.3 to 72.3 million) between 1988
expected to rise by 17 percent (from 7.2 to
44
Table 2
Table 3
f Median Age By Race and Sex. 1985-2050
A. Projectss of Black Population By Age, 1988-2050
Age)
Number (in thousands)
1988
per
2000
2030
2050
AGE
1988
2000
2050
32.3
33.0
36.3
40.8
41.6
All Age:
30,474
35,754
52,297
31.1
3:7
349
39.1
39.5
Under 1
3.792
3.702
3.966
33.6
34.2
37.7
42.6
43.7
6-13
4.171
5.153
5.441
33.3
33.9
37.4
42.1
42.6
14-17
2,054
2.544
2.753
32.0
32 -
361
-0.3
40.5
18-24
3.921
3.773
4,815
34.5
35.2
38 $
43.8
44.8
25-34
5.662
5.316
6,983
27.1
27.7
30.2
35.5
38.1
35-44
3.908
5.811
6,901
25.7
2=3
28 5
33.7
36.3
28.5
32.0
37.3
45-54
2.491
4.124
6.275
292
39.9
55-64
1,995
2.355
5.936
sus. Projections of the Population of the United
65 &
2.480
2.976
9.227
83 to 2080.7 Current Poculation Reports, Series
Median Age
27.1
30.2
38.1
B. Percent Black of Total Population, 1988-2050
"c Black)
1988 will constitute the high school graduating
AGE
1988
2000
2050
ry and high school age groups. the college-age
All Ages
12.4
13.3
16.9
expected to decline sharply among all racial groups
Under 6
16.7
17.4
18.7
cks are projected to decline by four percent between
6-13
15.3
16.8
18.8
persons in the U.S. are expected to fall twice as
14-17
-15.0
16.5
18.9
3)
18-24
14.6
15.3
18.8
25-44, working-age population. the 25-34-year-
25-34
13.0
14.6
18.2
long all racial groups over the next 12 years, while
35-44
11.1
13.3
17.8
ed to rise sharply. Blacks age 25-34 will fall by
45-54
10.4
11.1
17.0
I 2000. while blacks age 35-44 will soar by 49
55-64
9.3
9.9
15.9
age 45-64) working-age population, the 55-64 year
65 & over
8.1
8.5
13.7
than the 45-54 year olds. While blacks age 45-54
Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census. "Projections of the Population of the U.S., by
acks age 55-04 will increase by only 18 percent.
Age. Sex. and Race: 1983 to 2080." Current Population Reports. Series P-25. No. 952.
years and overs. blacks are expected to grow faster
May 1984.
the next 12 years. While the total U.S. aged are
cent (from 30.5 to 34.9 million) between 1988 and
ted to rise by 20 percent from 2.5 to 3.50 million)
ates among blacks relative to whites, the proportion
Family Structure
ge category during the 1999s. Thus. blacks will
While the total families in the U.S. are projected to increase by 11 percent
ted at all stages of the life cycle by the year 2000.
(from 65.3 to 72.3 million) between 1988 and 2000, the total black families are
expected to rise by 17 percent (from 7.2 to 8.4 million). Female-headed families
45
are expected to increase twice as fast as married couples among all racial groups
during the 1990s. While couples are expected to grow by eight percent (from
52.1 to 56.3 million) by 2000, female-headed families in the U.S. are projected
T
to rise by 18 percent. Consequently, the proportion of all U.S. families headed
Projections of Number of U
by women is expected to rise from 16 percent to 18 percent between 1988 and
A. Number of F
2000.
Total U.S. Families
Somewhat similar patterns are anticipated among black families. While black
All
Married
Fema
couples are expected to rise by 11 percent (from 3.6 to 4.0 million) between 1988
Year
Families
Couples
Head
and 2000, black female-headed families are expected to increase by 25 percent
2050
72.3
56.3
12.7
(from 3.2 to 4.0 million). Thus, the proportion of black families headed by women
1998
71.3
55.7
12.4
would rise from 44 percent to 48 percent by the year 2000. (See Table 4)
1996
70.3
55.2
12.1
In sum, between 1988 and 2000: (a) the median age of the black population
1994
69.2
54.5
11.8
will rise from 27.1 to 30.2 years: (b) the total black population will increase from
1992
68.1
53.8
30.5 to 35.7 million; (c) the number of female-headed black families (+25
11.5
1990
66.8
53.0
11.2
percent) will increase twice as fast as the number of black married couples (+ 11
1988
65.3
52.1
percent); and (d) the proportion of black families headed by women will rise from
10.8
1986
63.8
51.1
10.4
44 to 48 percent.
Labor Force Patterns
B. Percent Distribution of Family Structu
What will be the labor force characteristics of blacks at the turn of the 21st
Total U.S. Families
century? The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) provides alternative projec-
All
Married
Female
Year
Families
tions of the civilian labor force (which includes both the employed and unem-
Couples
Headec
2050
ployed) by race from 1986 to 2000. For our purposes, we will use the BLS
100.0
77.9
17.6
1998
100.0
intermediate (or "moderate") growth projections which assume two "mild"
78.1
17.4
recessions and a decline in the U.S. unemployment rate from 7.0 percent in 1986
1996
100.0
78.5
17.2
1994
100.0
to 6.0 percent in 2000.
78.8
17.1
While BLS projects the total white labor force (16 years and over) to increase
1992
100.0
79.0
16.9
1990
by 15 percent (from 101.8 to 116.7 million) between 1986 and 2000, the black
100.0
79.3
16.8
labor force is expected to soar by 29 percent (from 12.7 to 16.3 million). Similarly,
1988
100.0
79.8
16.5
black men in the labor force are expected to increase by 24 percent by 2000,
1986
100.0
80.1
16.3
compared to only a nine percent rise among white men. Black women in the labor
Source: Derived from data in U.S. Bureau
force are anticipated to increase by 33 percent by 2000, compared to a rise of
Number of Households and Families: 1986 to
only 22 percent among white women.
P-25, No. 986, May 1986.
The largest gains in the U.S. labor force during the 1990s will occur among
adults age 25-54. Black adult men are projected to increase in the labor force by
34 percent-twice the 16 percent rise among white adult men. Similarly, black
to rise by six percent. Similarly, while W
adult women are expected to increase in the labor force by 42 percent, compared
decline in the labor force by three perce
to a 33 percent rise among white adult women. Thus, black male and female
expected to increase by 11 percent. Thus.
family heads. 25 years and over. are expected to experience more favorable job
youths, black male and female youths ar
opportunities during the 1990s.
during the 1990s. (Table 5)
However, because of the "baby bust" of the 1970s. youths age 16-24 in the
Although the black labor force is expec
labor force are projected to decline among whites during the 1990s, but to rise
labor force during the 1990s. whites, par
among blacks. While white males age 16-24 in the labor force should fall by nine
maintain higher labor force participation (
percent between 1986 and 2000. black male youths in the labor force are expected
decade. While the proportion of the white
46
arried couples among all racial groups
ected to grow by eight percent (from
ded families in the U.S. are projected
Table 4
proportion of all U.S. families headed
Projections of Number of U.S. Families By Race, 1986-2000
rcent to 18 percent between 1988 and
A. Number of Families (in millions)
Total U.S. Families
Black Families
ed among black families. While black
All
Married
Female-
All
Married
Female-
from 3.6 to 4.0 million) between 1988
Year
Families
Couples
Headed
Families
Couples
Headed
re expected to increase by 25 percent
2050
72.3
56.3
12.7
8.4
4.0
4.0
ion of black families headed by women
1998
71.3
55.7
12.4
8.2
3.9
3.9
by the year 2000. (See Table 4)
1996
70.3
55.2
12.1
8.1
3.9
3.8
e median age of the black population
1994
69.2
54.5
11.8
7.9
3.8
3.6
al black population will increase from
1992
68.1
53.8
11.5
7.7
3.8
3.5
female-headed black families ( + 25
1990
66.8
53.0
11.2
7.5
3.7
3.4
umber of black married couples (+11
1988
65.3
52.1
10.8
7.2
3.6
3.2
nilies headed by women will rise from
1986
63.8
51.1
10.4
7.0
3.6
3.1
B. Percent Distribution of Family Structure By Race, 1986-2000
tics of blacks at the turn of the 21st
Total U.S. Families
Black Families
All
Married
Female-
All
Married
Female-
ics (BLS) provides alternative projec-
Year
Families
Couples
Headed
Families
Couples
Headed
cludes both the employed and unem-
2050
100.0
77.9
17.6
100.0
47.6
47.6
our purposes, we will use the BLS
1998
100.0
78.1
17.4
100.0
47.6
47.6
jections which assume two "mild"
1996
100.0
78.5
17.2
100.0
loyment rate from 7.0 percent in 1986
48.1
46.9
1994
100.0
78.8
17.1
100.0
48.1
45.6
force (16 years and over) to increase
1992
100.0
79.0
16.9
100.0
49.4
45.5
1990
100.0
79.3
16.8
100.0
49.3
45.3
) between 1986 and 2000, the black
from 12.7 to 16.3 million). Similarly,
1988
100.0
79.8
16.5
100.0
50.0
44.4
1986
100.0
80.1
16.3
100.0
51.4
to increase by 24 percent by 2000,
44.2
white men. Black women in the labor
Source: Derived from data in U.S. Bureau of the Census. "Projections of the
cent by 2000. compared to a rise of
Number of Households and Families: 1986 to 2000," Current Population Reports, Series
P-25, No. 986, May 1986.
during the 1990s will occur among
cted to increase in the labor force by
g white adult men. Similarly, black
to rise by six percent. Similarly, while white females age 16-24 are expected to
labor force by 42 percent, compared
decline in the labor force by three percent by 2000, black female youths are
men. Thus. black male and female
expected to increase by 11 percent. Thus, with declining competition from white
ed to experience more favorable job
youths, black male and female youths are expected to have wider job options
during the 1990s. (Table 5)
the 1970s. youths age 16-24 in the
Although the black labor force is-expected to grow twice as fast as the white
whites during the 1990s, but to rise
labor_ force during the-1990s, whites, particularly males, are still expected to
in the labor force should fall by nine
maintain higher labor force participation (LFP) rates than blacks throughout the
ouths in the labor force are expected
decade. While the proportion of the white working-age population working or
47
Unlike the patterns among men, lal
increase for black and white women-
Table 5
the proportion of white women age 25
Projections of U.S. Labor Force By Race, Sex, and Age, 1986-2000
to rise from 70.7 to 81.3 percent betw
Labor Force
adult women will increase from 72.
Civilian
Participation
women are expected to surpass those
Labor Force'
Rates
Similarly, the LFP rates of white fema
RACE
1986
2000
1986
2000
66.7 to 72.7 between 1986 and 2000
Blacks
12,684
16,334
63.5
66.0
24 will rise from 53.6 to 59.1. Thus,
Males
6,373
7,926
71.2
70.7
likely to be 23 percent higher than the
16-24
1.416
1,497
63.0
64.9
What unemployment levels are proje
25-54
4.289
5.753
88.4
88.1
for all U.S. workers by 2000-equival
55 & over
668
676
35.8
28.5
black jobless rates are usually double
Females
6,311
8,408
57.2
62.1
ployment rates for blacks and five per
blacks to attain jobless rates equal to
16-24
1.349
1.490
53.6
59.1
unemployment rates would have to de
25-54
4,356
6.195
72.7
79.0
55 & over
606
723
24.2
22.8
rates of white youths, black male and
LFP rates by 20 and 23 percent. respe
Whites
101,801
116,701
65.5
68.2
Males
57,216
62,252
76.9
75.3
CRITICAL ISSUES CONFRONTIN
16-24
10.528
9.552
75.3
77.2
To achieve parity with white famili
25-54
38.766
45.077
94.6
93.5
successfully confront several importan:
55 & over
7.922
7.623
40.8
34.5
Attaining economic self-sufficien
Females
44,585
54,449
55.0
61.5
Strengthening and stabilizing fam
16-24
9,511
9.191
66.7
72.7
Developing viable and healthy COI
25-54
29.682
39,510
70.7
81.3
We will examine each of these issu
55 & over
5.392
5,748
21.7
21.0
dations for the public and private sector
'Numbers in thousands.
white families by the 21st century.
Source: U.S. Burcau of Labor Statistics. Projections 2000. BLS Bulletin, No.
2302. March 1988
Attaining Economic Self-Sufficiency
Demographic projections suggest moi
female heads of black families as wel
However. before effective policies can
looking for work is expected to rise from 65.5 to 68.2 percent between 1986 and
sufficiency among black families durin
2000. the LFP rate for black workers is expected to increase from 63.5 to 66.0.
intended and unintended consequences
Partly due to early retirement, black and white adult men age 25-54 are expected
families during the 1970s and 1980s.
to have declining labor force participation. LFP rates for white adult men are
Recessions and Inflation: The state
expected to fall from 94.6 to 93.5 by 2000. while rates among black adult men
determine the quantity and quality of jc
will drop from 88.4 to 88.1. However, the LFP rates are projected to rise among
regardless of race, by the 21st century.
white males age 16-24 (from 75.3 to 77.2) as well as among black males age 16-
deficit, most economists do not forecast
24 (from 63.0 to 64.9) during the 1990s. Nevertheless. by 2000, the LFP rates
a mild recession during 1990. The U.S.
for white male youths are projected to be 20 percent higher than the rates for
recessions by the year 2000.⁷
black male youths.
Historically. all recessions-however
black workers and their families. Indeed
48
Unlike the patterns among men, labor force participation rates are projected to
increase for black and white women-adults and youths-during the 1990s. While
ble 5
the proportion of white women age 25-54 working or looking for work is expected
By Race. Sex, and Age, 1986-2000
to rise from 70.7 to 81.3 percent between 1986 and 2000, the LFP rates of black
Labor Force
adult women will increase from 72.7 to 79.0. The LFP rates for white adult
Participation
women are expected to surpass those of black adult women by the year 2000.
Rates
Similarly, the LFP rates of white females age 16-24 are expected to increase from
2000
1986
2000
66.7 to 72.7 between 1986 and 2000, while the rates of black females age 16-
6,334
63.5
66.0
24 will rise from 53.6 to 59.1. Thus, the LFP rates for white female youths are
7,926
71.2
70.7
likely to be 23 percent higher than the rates for black female youths by 2000.
1.497
64.9
What unemployment levels are projected for blacks? BLS forecasts six percent
63.0
5,753
88.4
88.1
for all U.S. workers by 2000-equivalent to the U.S. jobless rate for 1988. Since
676
35.8
28.5
black jobless rates are usually double the nation's. we project 12 percent unem-
8,408
57.2
62.1
ployment rates for blacks and five percent rates for whites by 2000. In order for
blacks to attain jobless rates equal to those of whites by the year 2000, black
1.490
53.6
59.1
unemployment rates would have to decline 60 percent. And. to equal the LFP
6.195
72.7
79.0
723
24.2
22.8
rates of white youths, black male and female youths would have to increase their
LFP rates by 20 and 23 percent, respectively, by 2000.
16,701
65.5
68.2
CRITICAL ISSUES CONFRONTING BLACK FAMILIES
52,252
76.9
75.3
9.552
75.3
77.2
To achieve parity with white families by the year 2000, black families must
45.077
94.6
93.5
successfully confront several important issues:
7.623
40.8
34.5
Attaining economic self-sufficiency:
54,449
55.0
61.5
Strengthening and stabilizing families; and
9.191
66.7
72.7
Developing viable and healthy communities.
39.510
70.7
81.3
We will examine each of these issues in greater detail and offer recommen-
5.748
21.7
21.0
dations for the public and private sectors to equalize the life-chances of black and
white families by the 21st century.
Projections 2000.' BLS Bulletin, No.
Attaining Economic Self-Sufficiency
Demographic projections suggest more favorable job opportunities for male and
female heads of black families as well as for black youths by the year 2000.
However, before effective policies can be developed to enhance economic self-
m 65.5 to 68.2 percent between 1986 and
sufficiency among black families during the 1990s, it is essential to assess the
S expected to increase from 63.5 to 66.0.
intended and unintended consequences of key social forces and policies on black
and white adult men age 25-54 are expected
families during the 1970s and 1980s.
ation. LFP rates for white adult men are
Recessions and Inflation: The state of the economy during the. 1990s will
2000. while rates among black adult men
determine the quantity and quality of job opportunities available to all workers.
the LFP rates are projected to rise among
regardless of race, by the 21st century. Despite the current record-level budget
7.2) as well as among black males age 16-
deficit, most economists do not forecast a recession for 1989, but many anticipate
)Os. Nevertheless. by 2000. the LFP rates
a mild recession during 1990. The U.S. Labor Department projects two "mild"
0 be 20 percent higher than the rates for
recessions by the year 2000.⁷
Historically, all recessions-however "mild had disparate effects on
black workers and their families. Indeed, each of the four recessions (1970-71,
49
1974-75, 1980, and 1981-82) affected blacks more adversely than whites, due to
for the poor and jobless during the
the "last hired, first fired" principle of seniority. At the same time that black
cuts enacted in 1981 removed 400,0
families were being hit by back-to-back recessions, they were battered by double-
reduced AFDC benefits for another
digit inflation. 8
affected adversely by the 15 percen
Industrial Shifts: Black families were also adversely affected by structural
to FY 1987. Blacks were disparatel
industrial changes, especially the exodus of jobs from central cities to the suburbs
percent of the recipients of these pr
and the shift from higher-paying manufacturing jobs to lower-paying service jobs.
Several research studies revealed
These industrial shifts eroded the earnings of middle-class and working-class
to the sharp increase in poverty (fro
blacks and widened their economic gap with white workers. For example, the
families with children between 1979
real median weekly earnings ($315) of full-time black workers did not increase
families were lifted from poverty
in purchasing power between 1980 and 1987. Moreover, black full-time workers
assistance, unemployment insurance
continue to earn about 20 percent less per week than white full-time workers."
16 percent in 1979. If these progran
Jobs Mismatch? Many analysts predict that poorly educated blacks will expe-
did in 1979, 143,000 fewer black f:
rience a severe jobs mismatch by the 21st century, since the number of high-
in 1987. Thus, the economic progre:
skilled jobs are to increase markedly, while the number of unskilled jobs are
on the extent to which programs for
supposed to decline rapidly. Yet, while many of the fastest-growing jobs are high-
reduction policies during the 1990s.
paying, high-tech, and service occupations, the Labor Department predicts the
Tax Reform: The well-being of
largest number of new jobs to be low-paying service and sales jobs in which
markedly by several important tax
blacks are already overrepresented. 10
exemption and standard deduction b
For example, while the number of computer analysts and programmers are
families not only paid higher incom
expected to increase by 586,000 between 1986 and 2000. five times as many
Consequently, the Earned Income Ta
(3.2 million) new jobs are projected for janitors, maids, food service workers,
restore poor families to their former
nurses' aides and cashiers. Not only are most of the new jobs likely to be low-
(b) to refund a portion of the payrol
paying, they are also likely to be part-time. Seven out of 10 new jobs created
Because of the increased regressiv
during the 1970s and 1980s have been part-time. Consequently. in addition to a
poor families were paying higher act
mismatch with high-paying jobs, blacks may be plagued by "too perfect a fit"
individuals (5 percent) and corporat
with low-paying jobs.
1986 not only exempted working pc
Obviously, if concerted efforts are not taken to reduce the alarming rates of
also raised the thresholds of the pers
high school dropouts, functional illiteracy, and declines in college and graduate
EITC. Moreover, these thresholds WI
school enrollments among minorities, this nation will be sharply polarized by the
abreast of rising inflation. About thre
year 2000 between high-paying jobs held largely by whites and low-paying jobs
of whom are black) may be remov
held largely by blacks and Hispanics.
legislation. Similar tax reforms are no
Immigration: Although blacks are expected to have declining competition
self-sufficiency among poor and WOI
from whites during the 1990s, there will be increased competition from Hispanic
Welfare Reform: Although conven
and Asian immigrants-who are projected to increase twice as fast as blacks.
one-parent black families during th
For example, Hispanics obtained the same number of new jobs created between
"overgenerous" welfare system. nur
1975 and 1980 as blacks, although they were about half the size of the black
eroded the value of welfare benefit:
population, while Asians secured half as many new jobs as blacks, although they
AFDC needs and payment standards
were only one-fifth the size of the black population. Clearly, the extent of legal
emerged among conservatives and lib
and illegal immigration over the next decade will be an important determinant of
to be overhauled radically since it Wi
the economic status of black families by the year 2000. 11
not helping them to climb out.
Federal Budget Cuts: Other government policies will also play a major role in
Although the final legislation is far
the social and economic progress of poor black families during the 1990s. Working
inally conceived. The Family Support
poor black families were impacted severely by the sharp cuts in federal programs
to help welfare recipients achieve ec
50
acks more adversely than whites, due to
for the poor and jobless during the Reagan administration. The AFDC budget
seniority. At the same time that black
cuts enacted in 1981 removed 400,000 working poor families from the rolls and
ecessions, they were battered by double-
reduced AFDC benefits for another 300,000 families. Food stamp recipients were
affected adversely by the 15 percent cuts in federal spending between FY 1981
e also adversely affected by structural
to FY 1987. Blacks were disparately hit by these cuts, since they comprised 40
of jobs from central cities to the suburbs
percent of the recipients of these programs.
turing jobs to lower-paying service jobs.
Several research studies revealed that the budget cuts of the 1980s contributed
ngs of middle-class and working-class
to the sharp increase in poverty (from 1.44 million to 1.82 million) among black
with white workers. For example, the
families with children between 1979 and 1987. Only nine percent of these black
ull-time black workers did not increase
families were lifted from poverty by cash entitlement programs (i.e., public
987. Moreover, black full-time workers
assistance, unemployment insurance, and Social Security) in 1987, compared to
r week than white full-time workers."
16 percent in 1979. If these programs had the same anti-proverty effects as they
that poorly educated blacks will expe-
did in 1979, 143,000 fewer black families with children would have been poor
st century, since the number of high-
in 1987. Thus, the economic progress of low-income black families will depend
hile the number of unskilled jobs are
on the extent to which programs for the poor and jobless bear the brunt of deficit-
ny of the fastest-growing jobs are high-
reduction policies during the 1990s. 12
ns. the Labor Department predicts the
Tax Reform: The well-being of working poor black families was enhanced
aying service and sales jobs in which
markedly by several important tax initiatives. With the erosion of the personal
exemption and standard deduction by spiraling inflation during the 1970s, poor
nputer analysts and programmers are
families not only paid higher income tax rates, but larger payroll taxes as well.
1 1986 and 2000. five times as many
Consequently, the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) was enacted in 1975: (a) to
anitors, maids, food service workers,
restore poor families to their former status of not paying any income taxes, and
nost of the new jobs likely to be low-
(b) to refund a portion of the payroll tax to the working poor.
e. Seven out of 10 new jobs created
Because of the increased regressivity due to the tax cuts of the 1980s, however,
t-time. Consequently. in addition to a
poor families were paying higher actual tax rates (10 percent) than many affluent
ay be plagued by "too perfect a fit"
individuals (5 percent) and corporations by 1985. Thus, the Tax Reform Act of
1986 not only exempted working poor families from paying income taxes, but
taken to reduce the alarming rates of
also raised the thresholds of the personal exemption, standard deduction and the
and declines in college and graduate
EITC. Moreover, these thresholds were indexed, for the first time, to keep them
nation will be sharply polarized by the
abreast of rising inflation. About three million working poor families (one-fourth
argely by whites and low-paying jobs
of whom are black) may be removed from the income tax rolls by the 1986
legislation. Similar tax reforms are needed during the 1990s to enhance economic
ected to have declining competition
self-sufficiency among poor and working-class families. 13
increased competition from Hispanic
Welfare Reform: Although conventional wisdom contends that the growth in
to increase twice as fast- as blacks.
one-parent black families during the 1970s and 1980s was mainly due to an
number of new jobs created between
"overgenerous" welfare system. numerous studies reveal that spiraling inflation
ere about half the size of the black
eroded the value of welfare benefits sharply, since most states failed to raise
my new jobs as blacks, although they
AFDC needs and payment standards from their mid-1970 levels. A consensus
pulation. Clearly, the extent of legal
emerged among conservatives and liberals that the current welfare system needed
will be an important determinant of
to be overhauled radically since it was only maintaining families in poverty and
= year 2000. 11
not helping them to climb out.
policies will also play a major role in
Although the final legislation is far from the extensive welfare reform" orig-
k families during the 1990s. Working
inally conceived, The Family Support Act of 1988 contains several key provisions
y the sharp cuts in federal programs
to help welfare recipients achieve economic self-sufficiency: (1) the ineffective
51
WIN (Work Incentive) program was replaced by JOBS (Job Opportunities and
Basic Skills Training)-a comprehensive education. training and employment
Single-Parent Families: While the
program; (2) states must guarantee child care for welfare mothers required to
women rose from 22 percent to 28 per
participate in JOBS; (3) child care and Medicaid coverage must be extended for
44 percent by 1985. However, during 19
12 months for the families of recipients who leave welfare rolls due to employment;
fell to 42 percent-the first major declii
and (4) there is a mandated extension of the AFDC-Unemployed Parent (AFDC-
decades. Nevertheless, by 1987, half (52
UP) program to all 50 states.
headed families, compared to 37 perce
On the other hand. the 1988 Family Support Act has a number of deficiencies:
all black children live in poor families
(1) it does not mandate increases in the AFDC benefit levels; (2) it does not set
parent families are poor.
nationwide minimum AFDC needs and payment standards: (3) it allows newly-
Contrary to popular belief, school di
participating states the option of limiting participation in their AFDC-UP program
the growth in female-headed black fa
families increased 50 times faster amor
to six months; and (4) fails to assign high priority to enhancing the employability
women between 1970 and 1985 than at
of low-income and young noncustodial fathers. Although many of these defects
will be addressed by various demonstration projects, they must be rectified during
high school (+ 10 percent). Thus, scho
of the female-headed black families for
the 1990s if poor families are to move toward economic independence by the year
2000.
educated women comprised 35 percent
However, never-married women com
Non-Cash Benefits: The role of in-kind benefits in reducing poverty will con-
black families formed since 1970. While
tinue to be a major policy issue affecting black families during the 1990s. In
response to criticism that poverty in the U.S. was overstated by conventional
for 86 percent of the white female-he
1985, never-married women accounted
"cash-only" statistics, the Census Bureau began issuing experimental annual data
on noncash benefits from 1979. Yet, these data reveal not only that sizable numbers
families formed during that 15-year p
most of these never-married female fam
of low-income blacks and whites receive no in-kind benefits for the poor, but
nine out of 10 black unwed adolescent
also that poverty continues to remain at high levels even after noncash benefits
are included. 14
holds, teenagers account for less than fi
households.
At least two out of five poor black families receive no cash or in-kind "means-
tested" benefits. While half (48 percent) of all poor black families receive no
Adolescent Pregnancy: Although out
public assistance in 1986, two-fifths received no Medicaid (41 percent) or food
among black teenagers, while rising a
stamps (43 percent), and two-thirds (67 percent) were not recipients of either
will continue to be a major area of con
subsidized rent nor public housing. Moreover, poverty among blacks only fell
of-wedlock birth rates fell among bla
from 33 percent to 27 percent in 1987 when the value of food, housing and medical
unmarried women age 15-19) between I
benefits were factored in. Thus, even when in-kind benefits were "cashed out,"
(from 10.9 to 10.5 per 1,000 unmarrie
poverty among blacks surged from 22 percent to 27 percent between 1979 and
teenagers are still four times more like
out-of-wedlock.
15
1987-which is faster than the rise in the official poverty rates for blacks from
Moreover, it is estimated that teena
31 percent to 33 percent.
Yet, these in-kind programs provided vital support to the three out of five poor
pregnancies-400,000. abortions and :
will account for about half of the adoles
black families that received them. While over two million blacks received Med-
icaid, food stamps, or school lunches, about one million were recipients of sub-
economic viability of black families wi
sidized rent or public housing. Clearly, in-kind benefits must be targeted more
quate health care and nutrition, babies
effectively to the poor during the 1990s.
of dying in infancy or having a low birth
increase the risk of black teenage moth
STRENGTHENING AND STABILIZING FAMILIES
welfare. Comprehensive strategies will t
Many low-income and middle-income black families were destabilized acutely
in black families during the 1990s.
during the 1970s and 1980s by factors at the societal. community. and family
Child Support: More sensitive child S
levels. Several important issues must be addressed by the public and private sectors
the functioning of single-parent black f
to strengthen and stabilize black families by the 21st century.
are less likely than white mothers to be
52
laced by JOBS (Job Opportunities and
: education. training and employment
Single-Parent Families: While the proportion of black families headed by
women rose from 22 percent to 28 percent between 1960 and 1970, it soared to
I care for welfare mothers required to
44 percent by 1985. However, during 1986 and 1987, female-headed black families
ledicaid coverage must be extended for
fell to 42 percent-the first major declines in single-parent black families in three
o leave welfare rolls due to employment:
decades. Nevertheless, by 1987, half (52 percent) of black children lived in female-
the AFDC-Unemployed Parent (AFDC-
headed families, compared to 37 percent in 1970. Moreover, while 45 percent of
pport Act has a number of deficiencies:
all black children live in poor families, 68 percent of black children in single-
parent families are poor.
AFDC benefit levels: (2) it does not set
Contrary to popular belief, school dropouts account for only a tiny fraction of
payment standards: (3) it allows newly-
articipation in their AFDC-UP program
the growth in female-headed black families since 1970. In fact, single-parent
families increased 50 times faster among college-educated ( + 496 percent) black
priority to enhancing the employability
athers. Although many of these defects
women between 1970 and 1985 than among black women who did not complete
n projects. they must be rectified during
high school (+ 10 percent). Thus, school dropouts accounted for only six percent
ard economic independence by the year
of the female-headed black families formed over that 15-year span, while college-
educated women comprised 35 percent.
However, never-married women comprised the bulk of the new single-parent
I benefits in reducing poverty will con-
black families formed since 1970. While separated and divorced women accounted
g black families during the 1990s. In
for 86 percent of the white female-headed families formed between 1970 and
U.S. was overstated by conventional
1985, never-married women accounted for 67 percent of the black female-headed
began issuing experimental annual data
families formed during that 15-year period. Contrary to conventional wisdom,
data reveal not only that sizable numbers
= no in-kind benefits for the poor, but
most of these never-married female family heads are adults, not teenagers. Since
nine out of 10 black unwed adolescent mothers do not set up independent house-
high levels even after noncash benefits
holds, teenagers account for less than five percent of black female-headed family
households.
lies receive no cash or in-kind "means-
) of all poor black families receive no
Adolescent Pregnancy: Although out-of-wedlock births have steadily declined
ived no Medicaid (41 percent) or food
among black teenagers, while rising among white teens, adolescent pregnancy
will continue to be a major area of concern for blacks thoughout the 1990s. Out-
percent) were not recipients of either
reover, poverty among blacks only fell
of-wedlock birth rates fell among black teens (from 90.8 to 79.4 per 1,000
unmarried women age 15-19) between 1970 and 1985, but rose among white teens
1 the value of food. housing and medical
(from 10.9 to 10.5 per 1,000, unmarried women age 15-19). Nevertheless, black
en in-kind benefits were "cashed out.
teenagers are still four times more likely than white teenagers to have children
ercent to 27 percent between 1979 and
out-of-wedlock.¹⁵
= official poverty rates for blacks from
Moreover, it is estimated that teenagers will account for about one million
pregnancies-400,000 abortions and 500,000 births-each year. Since blacks
ital support to the three out of five poor
will account for about half of the adolescent out-of-wedlock births, the social and
over two million blacks received Med-
economic viability of black families will be acutely affected. Because of inade-
out one million were recipients of sub-
quate health care and nutrition; babies born to black teenage mothers are at-risk
n-kind benefits must be targeted more
of dying in infancy or having a low birth weight. Furthermore, high dropout rates
increase the risk of black teenage mothers becoming unemployed and going on
NG FAMILIES
welfare. Comprehensive strategies will be needed to combat adolescent pregnancy
black families were destabilized acutely
in black families during the 1990s.
it the societal, community, and family
Child Support: More sensitive child support policies will be needed to enhance
dressed by the public and private sectors
the functioning of single-parent black families by the year 2000. Black mothers
by the 21st century.
are less likely than white mothers to be awarded child support, but more likely
53
to receive smaller payments when awarded. Two out of three white single mothers
while the number of black children living
were awarded child support in 1985, compared to only one out of three black
1.6 million between 1970 and 1987, the pr
single mothers. Since child support accounts for only about one-fifth of the total
adoptive families soared from 13 percen
income of single custodial mothers, many of them remain in poverty-after receiv-
back recessions, double-digit inflation and
ing child support payments!16
in "doubling-up" among black families di
Although high rates of unemployment among black noncustodial fathers con-
Foster Care and Adoption: Although th
tribute to the low child support payments received by black single mothers, the
declined after 1977, the proportion of bla
failure to establish paternity for out-of-wedlock children is the major reason for
number of foster children fell from 500.0
the low rates of court-ordered child support awards. To facilitate the collection
the proportion of foster children who were
of child support for low-income single mothers, the Family Support Act of 1988
percent. Since 1983, the number of fost
strengthens state efforts to establish paternity and instituted automatic withholding
homelessness, drug abuse, and AIDS. Ala
of the wages of noncustodial fathers-even when they were not in arrears. Since
ers who are alcohol-addicted. drug-addicte
low-income fathers often pay higher proportions of their income for child support
care or hospital wards.
than middle-income fathers, this Act urges more equitable court guidelines.
While black foster children are less the
Child Care: With labor force participation among black women expected to
physical or mental disabilities, they remail
jump from 57 percent to 62 percent, the need for child care by working parents
children. Unfortunately, many black famil
will be more pervasive by the 21st century. For example, the proportion of black
by insensitive criteria that place higher
wives in the labor force with children under age 18 rose from 56 percent to 70
parents, heads under 40, and no children
percent between 1970 and 1984, while the proportion of black single mothers in
foster children are never adopted and must
the labor force went from 53 percent to 62 percent. Mothers of pre-school children
reveal that long-term foster children have
are also expected to enter the labor force in record numbers during the 1990s.
criminals, mentally ill, drug addicts, pros
While the proportion of black wives in the labor force with children under age
ents. About half of the homeless youths
six rose from 50 percent to 72 percent between 1970 and 1984, the proportion
formerly in foster care. More sensitive fi
of black single mothers with pre-schoolers increased from 44 percent to 51 percent.
1990s that build on the informal adoption
Due to the unavailability of day care for thousands of working parents, it has
Family Violence: Traditionally. black f
been estimated that between 6 and 7 million school-age children are "latchkey,"
abuse and neglect than white families of
i.e., are minors who return to an unsupervised home. However, a special survey
the national study of child abuse and neg
conducted by the Census Bureau in 1984 found only seven percent (or 2.1 million)
and 1980, 652,000 children under age 18 W
of all 5-13 year olds with working parents to be "unsupervised." Moreover, white
yielding a national incidence rate of 10.5
families (eight percent) were twice as likely as black families (four percent) to
ventional wisdom, blacks had lower rates t
have "latchkey" children.
(i.e., physical, sexual, and emotional) and
Informal Adoption: A major reason for the low incidence of "latchkey" chil-
except for educational neglect. Studies have
dren among blacks is the availability of child care providers in black extended
and neglect in families with strong kinshij
families. Although it is often asserted that extended families are largely nonexistent
However, the proliferation of the cocai
among blacks today, numerous research studies reveal the kinship networks con-
community has led to sharp increases in (
tinue to provide vital support to two-parent. one-parent, middle-income and low-
violence. There are regular news accounts
income families. Nine out of 10 babies born out-of-wedlock to black teenage
by parents who were addicted to drugs or
mothers live in three-generational families with their mothers and grandparents
been strongly correlated with wife abuse il
(or other adult relatives). Almost half (45 percent) of all black working mothers
addiction has become more preeminent.
rely on relatives for child care-inside and outside their homes. 17
Drug Abuse, AIDS. and Alcohol Abuse:
Economic hardships and the lack of affordable housing contribute to surges in
vey on Drug Abuse, one-third of blacks and
"doubling-up" with kin. Due to the 1974-75 recession, for example, the pro-
while 13 percent of blacks and 12 percent
portion of black children living with their mothers in the households of relatives
illicitly. Moreover, blacks comprised one-for
jumped from 30 percent to 39 percent between 1973 and 1975. Furthermore,
funded drug treatment centers in 1983. Alt
54
en awarded Two out of three white single mothers
while the number of black children living with kin increased from 1.3 million to
1985. compared to only one out of three black
1.6 million between 1970 and 1987, the proportion of black children in informally
port accounts for only about one-fifth of the total
adoptive families soared from 13 percent to 17 percent. Undoubtedly, back-to-
ers. many of them remain in poverty-after receiv-
back recessions, double-digit inflation and housing shortages led to sharp increases
in "doubling-up' among black families during the 1970s and 1980s. 18
ployment among black noncustodial fathers con-
Foster Care and Adoption: Although the total number of children in foster care
: payments received by black single mothers, the
declined after 1977, the proportion of black foster children rose sharply. As the
r out-of wedlock children is the major reason for
number of foster children fell from 500,000 to 250.000 between 1977 and 1983,
child support awards. To facilitate the collection
the proportion of foster children who were black increased from 28 percent to 34
e single mothers. the Family Support Act of 1988
percent. Since 1983, the number of foster children has surged due to soaring
lish pateenty and instituted automatic withholding
homelessness, drug abuse, and AIDS. Alarming numbers of babies born to moth-
thers- i'\\'\ when they were not in arrears. Since
ers who are alcohol-addicted. drug-addicted, or AIDS-infected are placed in foster
igher proportions of their income for child support
care or hospital wards.
is Act urges more equitable court guidelines.
While black foster children are less likely than white foster children to have
ce participation among black women expected to
physical or mental disabilities, they remain in foster care much longer than white
ercent. the need for child care by working parents
children. Unfortunately, many black families that want to adopt are screened out
21st condiny. For example, the proportion of black
by insensitive criteria that place higher priority on middle-class status, two-
children under age 18 rose from 56 percent to 70
parents, heads under 40, and no children of their own. Thus, hundreds of black
4, while the proportion of black single mothers in
foster children are never adopted and must "age out" of the system. Many studies
recent to percent. Mothers of pre-school children
reveal that long-term foster children have a high risk of becoming delinquents,
labor in record numbers during the 1990s.
criminals, mentally ill, drug addicts, prostitutes, alcoholics, and welfare recipi-
wives IN labor force with children under age
ents. About half of the homeless youths in New York City, for example, were
2 percont Kerween 1970 and 1984, the proportion
formerly in foster care. More sensitive foster care policies are needed for the
from 44 percent to 51 percent.
1990s that build on the informal adoption and foster care practices among blacks.
day
recousands of working parents. it has
Family Violence: Traditionally, black families have had lower rates of child
and
school-age children are "latchkey,"
abuse and neglect than white families of similar economic status. According to
an
home. However, a special survey
the national study of child abuse and neglect conducted by HHS between 1979
au
in
seven percent (or 2.1 million)
and 1980, 652,000 children under age 18 were identified as abused or neglected-
ing
unsupervised.'
Moreover.
white
yielding a national incidence rate of 10.5 per 1,000 children. Contrary to con-
twice
black families (four percent) to
ventional wisdom, blacks had lower rates than whites for all forms of child abuse
(i.e., physical, sexual, and emotional) and neglect (i.e., physical and emotional),
r reasor
incidence of "latchkey" chil-
except for educational neglect. Studies have found the lowest levels of child abuse
ilability
care providers in black extended
and neglect in families with. strong kinship networks.¹⁹
sserte.
families are largely nonexistent
However, the proliferation of the cocaine derivative, "crack," in the black
S
reveal the kinship networks con-
community has led to sharp increases in child abuse and other forms of family
to
middle-income and low-
violence. There are regular news accounts of children who were abused or killed
f
10
out-of-wedlock to black teenage
by parents who were addicted to drugs or alcohol. Although alcohol abuse has
ional
their mothers and grandparents
been strongly correlated with wife abuse in black families for a long time, drug
nost ha:
of all black working mothers
addiction has become more preeminent.
their homes. 17
Drug Abuse, AIDS, and Alcohol Abuse: According to the 1982 National Sur-
e lack
housing contribute to surges in
vey on Drug Abuse, one-third of blacks and one-third of whites used drugs illicitly,
le to
recession, for example, the pro-
while 13 percent of blacks and 12 percent of whites were currently using drugs
ng
in the households of relatives
illicitly. Moreover, blacks comprised one-fourth of the clients admitted to federally
39
1973 and 1975. Furthermore,
funded drug treatment centers in 1983. Although black youths have about equal
55
rates of drug abuse as white youths, drug-related violence has risen sharply among
-DEVELOPING VIABLE COMMUNIT
black youths in inner-cities. Rising drug abuse among black women has led to a
In order to enhance the social and ecol
steep rise in the births of drug-addicted babies-many of them spending years in
the 21st century, comprehensive public an
hospitals as "boarder" babies.
during the 1990s to develop vibrant black
One of the most ominous consequences of extensive drug abuse has been the
Segregation in Poverty Areas: A majo
spread of AIDS (Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome) among blacks.
development of black communities has t
Blacks comprised one-fourth of 24,5000 AIDS cases reported in the U.S.
overwhelming majority of working-class i
between 1981-1986. AIDS is likely to be transmitted disproportionately among
areas that have experienced large declines i
blacks through intravenous drug abusers and their sexual partners, while homo-
lived in poverty areas of the nation's five
sexual or bisexual men with AIDS are disproportionately white. Moreover, black
non-poor central city blacks also lived in po
children are 15 times more likely than white children to contract AIDS. Further-
of poor blacks lived in poverty areas with
more, blacks are expected to comprise about 12,000 of the 179,000 AIDS-related
percent of non-poor blacks also lived in th
deaths predicted in the U.S. by 1991. 20
trast, only 32 percent of poor central city \
Although alcohol abuse has long been associated with spousal abuse, child
It should be noted, however, that strong
abuse, homicides, divorce, separation, desertion, mental illness, and physical
exist in low-income black areas. Even in t}
illness, its devastating effects have been conspicuously omitted in conventional
of five families are in the labor force, half
studies of black families. Moreover, many studies have found strong associations
by two parents. Yet, the progress of black
between alcohol and drug abuse. Despite the severe destabilization of black
since these areas are "redlined" for substa
families due to alcohol abuse, the black community has not indicated a sense of
equate community services, crime, and "c
urgency in combatting this disease.
initiatives will be needed in the 1990s to
Shortage of Men: A perennial obstacle to stabilizing black families has been
residential options as whites of similar ec
the shortage of men relative to women. Although single-parent families grew at
and poor black families are able to revita
about the same pace among blacks and whites during the 1970s, black women
economically.
had much lower remarriage rates than white women because of the greater una-
Community Development: Fortunately, th
vailability of marriageable black men. Among persons of all ages, there are 95
nation of residents of low-income areas en
white men to 100 white women, while there are only 90 black men to 100 black
nities. Some of the most spectacular accor
women.
housing. With the assistance of the National
Among blacks, the sex ratio is widest among those in their prime working
several resident management corporations ha
years. Among persons age 25-44, there are only 85 black men for every 100 black
tain safe, pleasant, and comfortable living en
women, while there are about equal numbers of white men and women in that
effectively than local public housing author
age category. However, when one corrects for the disparate undercount of black
of tenant management in Kenilworth-Parksi
men, the gap narrows markedly to about 96 black men for every 100 black women
sharp declines in vandalism, welfare depend
between the ages of 25-44.
nancy and unemployment, and sharp increa
Yet, a shortage of marriageable black men continues to exist, since they are
lections.
forced to run a "gauntlet" of school expulsions, special education placements,
Some of the other successful resident n
dropouts, foster care placements, delinquency, arrests, incarceration, unemploy-
Health in Jamaica Plains, Massachusetts; Coc
ment, drug addiction, alcohol abuse, homelessness, homicides, and suicides from
A. Harry Moore in Jersey City. New York; 1
the cradle to the grave. It is clear that the functioning of black families cannot
and B.W. Cooper in New Orleans, Louisiana.
be enhanced by the year 2000-until highest priority is assigned to insuring that
numerous resident-operated small businesses
black boys, male youths, adult men, and fathers are able to fulfill their respon-
care, laundry cleaning, tailoring, barbering,
sibilities as productive members of this society.²¹
shops. Other reasons for their effectiveness il
maintenance standards for their residents, er
esteem, and sense of personal efficiency.
56
g-related violence has risen sharply among
DEVELOPING VIABLE COMMUNITIES
ig abuse among black women has led to a
In order to enhance the social and economic functioning of black families by
I babies-many of them spending years in
the 21st century, comprehensive public and private initiatives must be undertaken
during the 1990s to develop vibrant black communities.
ices of extensive drug abuse has been the
Segregation in Poverty Areas: A major barrier to the social and economic
eficiency Syndrome) among blacks.
development of black communities has been the residential segregation of the
5000 AIDS cases reported in the U.S.
overwhelming majority of working-class and poor black families in low-income
be transmitted disproportionately among
areas that have experienced large declines in jobs. While 85 percent of poor blacks
:rs and their sexual partners, while homo-
lived in poverty areas of the nation's five largest cities in 1980, 60 percent of
disproportionately white. Moreover, black
non-poor central city blacks also lived in poverty areas. Moreover, while 39 percent
white children to contract AIDS. Further-
of poor blacks lived in poverty areas with 40 percent or more poverty rates, 17
about 12,000 of the 179,000 AIDS-related
percent of non-poor blacks also lived in these "extreme" poverty areas. In con-
trast, only 32 percent of poor central city whites lived in poverty areas in 1980.²²
een associated with spousal abuse, child
It should be noted, however, that strong working-class role models continue to
1, desertion, mental illness, and physical
exist in low-income black areas. Even in the "extreme" poverty areas, three out
en conspicuously omitted in conventional
of five families are in the labor force, half are not on welfare and half are headed
any studies have found strong associations
by two parents. Yet, the progress of black families in poverty areas is impeded,
espite the severe destabilization of black
since these areas are "redlined" for substandard housing, inferior schools, inad-
ck community has not indicated a sense of
equate community services, crime, and "open air" drug markets. Bold housing
initiatives will be needed in the 1990s to insure that: (a) blacks have the same
acle to stabilizing black families has been
residential options as whites of similar economic status; and (b) working-class
n. Although single-parent families grew at
and poor black families are able to revitalize their communities socially and
nd whites during the 1970s, black women
economically.
white women because of the greater una-
Community Development: Fortunately, there are countless examples across the
Among persons of all ages, there are 95
nation of residents of low-income areas enhancing the vitality of their commu-
e there are only 90 black men to 100 black
nities. Some of the most spectacular accomplishments have occurred in public
housing. With the assistance of the National Center for Neighborhood Enterprise,
idest among those in their prime working
several resident management corporations have demonstrated that they can main-
e are only 85 black men for every 100 black
tain safe, pleasant, and comfortable living environments more efficiently and cost-
numbers of white men and women in that
effectively than local public housing authorities. For example, after three years
rects for the disparate undercount of black
of tenant management in Kenilworth-Parkside in Washington, D.C., there were
ut 96 black men for every 100 black women
sharp declines in vandalism, welfare dependency, school dropouts, teenage preg-
nancy and unemployment, and sharp increases in building repairs and rent col-
ack men continues to exist, since they are
lections.
expulsions, special education placements,
Some of the other successful resident management initiatives are: Bromly-
inquency, arrests, incarceration, unemploy-
Health in Jamaica Plains, Massachusetts; Cochran Gardens in St. Louis, Missouri;
homelessness, homicides, and suicides from
A. Harry Moore in Jersey City, New York; LeClaire Courts in Chicago, Illinois,
at the functioning of black families cannot
and B.W. Cooper in New Orleans, Louisiana. A key to their success is establishing
highest priority is assigned to insuring that
numerous resident-operated small businesses in such areas as: maintenance, day
-and fathers are able to fulfill their respon-
care, laundry cleaning, tailoring, barbering, beauty salons, catering, and thrift
his society.²¹
shops. Other reasons for their effectiveness include: setting form behavioral and
maintenance standards for their residents, enhancing the residents positive self-
esteem, and sense of personal efficiency.²³
57
To increase the stock of affordable housing to low-income families, grassroots
Guiding Principles
groups have adopted many strategies. One popular approach is "sweat equity"
to help low-income families overcome high down payments or the lack of credit
Self-Help and Government Aid: Since
through their own labor. Self-help housing efforts have been successfully imple-
government-alone-can resolve all of
mented by urban and rural groups, such as: Jubilee Housing in Washington, D.C.;
partnerships and coalitions are required
Delta Housing Development Corporation in Indianola, Mississippi; and Flanner
(i.e., federal, state, county, and city) and
House Homes in Indianapolis, Indiana. Other community-based groups that have
groups, and all institutions in the black
successfully converted declining neighborhoods into thriving ones include: Oper-
based minority organizations (notably,
ation Better Block in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania; Bedford-Stuyvesant Restoration
groups) with demonstrated capabilities 1
Corporation in Brooklyn, New York; Collinwood Community Service Center in
families should be used as major conduits
Cleveland, Ohio; Urban League affiliates and numerous black churches throughout
etc., for such efforts.
Combatting Racism: To insure that thes
the nation.
Economic Development: Numerous community-based groups have undertaken
tive effects on black families, this natio
innovative business development efforts in black communities. Some of these
eradicate racism in all of its forms-indiv
groups are: South Arsenal Neighborhood Development Corporation (SAND) in
private actions should be taken to remc
Hartford, Connecticut; Business Opportunities System in Indianapolis, Indiana;
tended-from all of the institutions of A1
and Jeff-Vander-lou in St. Louis, Missouri. Many grassroots groups are enhancing
Family Impact Analyses: Prior to 1987
the entrepreneurial skills of black youth. For example, the Educational Training
have an environmental impact statement
and Enterprise Center in Camden, New Jersey, has helped hundreds of youths to
the physical environment, but not on fam
create businesses in such areas as food vending, janitorial services, etc.
tember 3, 1987, President Reagan signed
In addition to outstanding accomplishments in increasing the supply of low-
of government to assess the intended and
income housing, black churches have also launched numerous economic devel-
proposed policies and regulations on An
opment efforts. For example, Zion Investment Corporation, a development arm
must closely monitor government agencie
of Zion Baptist Church in Philadelphia, has built a shopping center and created
effects of public policies on black familie
several small businesses. In Washington, D.C., the United House of Prayer for
Family Impact Analysis Program of the
All People has constructed McCullough Plaza-a huge complex of affordable
as a model for- conducting sensitive impa
housing, shopping facilities and small businesses. Moreover, Allen AME Church
Cost-Effective Strategies: Record-level
in Jamaica, New York, has established a housing corporation, a senior citizens
markets, and impending recessions sugge
complex, a 480-pupil elementary school, a health service facility, and a home
require family-strengthening policies tha
care agency for the elderly and the handicapped. The Congress of National Black
makers should not be permitted to use
Churches has also undertaken innovative efforts in such areas as education,
neglecting the needs of the economically
strengthening families, community development, and economic development.
Strategies for Achieving Economic Self-St
Such creative community revitalization efforts must be reinforced by public pol-
Stimulating Economic Growth: Althou
icies through the 1990s, if the well-being of black families is to be enhanced.
essential if the American economy is to
RECOMMENDATIONS FOR ENHANCING BLACK FAMILIES
programs for the poor and jobless must 1
In order to develop effective strategies for attaining parity between black and
tax increases are instituted to reduce the
white families by the year 2000, we have examined: (a) future demographic
Tax Reform Act provisions to aid the work
characteristics projected for black individuals and families and (b) critical issues
not be permitted to fight inflation by indu
that will confront black families during the 1990s. More specifically, we examined
four slumps between 1970 and 1982.
critical issues related to: attaining economic self-sufficiency, strengthening fam-
Achieving Full Employment: This nati
ilies, and community development. We shall now offer specific recommendations
the Employment Act of 1946 and the Hu
to enhance the social and economic functioning of black families by the 21st
everyone willing and able to work with j
century. However, to place our recommendations in proper context. it is necessary
federal minimum wage should be raised 1
to be explicit about key guiding principles that cut across each of them.
58
using to low-income families, grassroots
Guiding Principles
ne popular approach is "sweat equity"
igh down payments or the lack of credit
Self-Help and Government Aid: Since neither the black community nor the
ng efforts have been successfully imple-
government-alone-can resolve all of the problems affecting black families,
s: Jubilee Housing in Washington, D.C.;
partnerships and coalitions are required that involve all segments of the public
I in Indianola, Mississippi; and Flanner
(i.e., federal, state, county, and city) and private (i.e., business, labor, non-profit
)ther community-based groups that have
groups, and all institutions in the black community) sectors. Thus, community-
rhoods into thriving ones include: Oper-
based minority organizations (notably, churches, CDCs, and neighborhood
/lvania; Bedford-Stuyvesant Restoration
groups) with demonstrated capabilities for strengthening black individuals and
llinwood Community Service Center in
families should be used as major conduits, contractors, sub-contractors, advisors,
and numerous black churches throughout
etc., for such efforts.
Combatting Racism: To insure that these recommendations have enduring posi-
mmunity-based groups have undertaken
tive effects on black families, this nation must make a major commitment to
in black communities. Some of these
eradicate racism in all of its forms-individual and institutional. Firm public and
d Development Corporation (SAND) in
private actions should be taken to remove racial barriers-intended and unin-
unities System in Indianapolis, Indiana;
tended-from all of the institutions of American society.
i. Many grassroots groups are enhancing
Family Impact Analyses: Prior to 1987, all proposed policies were required to
For example, the Educational Training
have- an environmental impact statement that assessed their potential effects on
lersey. has helped hundreds of youths to
the physical environment, but not on families and individuals. However, on Sep-
vending, janitorial services, etc.
tember 3, 1987, President Reagan signed an executive order requiring all levels
ments in increasing the supply of low-
of government to assess the intended and unintended consequences of current and
so launched numerous economic devel-
proposed policies and regulations on American families. The black community
stment Corporation, a development arm
must closely monitor government agencies to insure that the potential and actual
has built a shopping center and created
effects of public policies on black families are assessed appropriately. The Black
D.C., the United House of Prayer for
Family Impact Analysis Program of the Baltimore Urban League might be used
Plaza-a huge complex of affordable
as a model for conducting sensitive impact analyses for black families.
sinesses. Moreover, Allen AME Church
Cost-Effective Strategies: Record-level budget and trade deficits, volatile stock
1 housing corporation, a senior citizens
markets, and impending recessions suggest an austere economic climate that will
1, a health service facility, and a home
require family-strengthening policies that are more efficiently targeted. Policy-
capped. The Congress of National Black
makers should not be permitted to use a stagnant economy as justification for
ve efforts in such areas as education,
neglecting the needs of the economically and racially disadvantaged.
elopment, and economic development.
Strategies for Achieving Economic Self-Sufficiency
:fforts must be reinforced by public pol-
g of black families is to be enhanced.
Stimulating Economic Growth: Although reductions in the budget deficit are
essential if the American economy is to sustain steady growth during the 1990s,
CING BLACK FAMILIES
programs for the poor and jobless must not bear the brunt of such initiatives. If
S for attaining parity between black and
tax increases are instituted to reduce the deficit, they should not erode the 1986
lave examined: (a) future demographic
Tax Reform Act provisions to aid the working poor. Moreover, policymakers should
duals and families and (b) critical issues
not be permitted to fight inflation by inducing recessions, as was the case for the
e 1990s. More specifically, we examined
four slumps between 1970 and 1982.
mic self-sufficiency, strengthening fam-
Achieving Full Employment: This nation must rededicate itself to the goals of
hall now offer specific recommendations
the Employment Act of 1946-and the Humphrey-Hawkins act of 1978 to provide
nctioning of black families by the 21st
everyone willing and able to work with jobs at liveable wages. Accordingly, the
dations in proper context, it is necessary
federal minimum wage should be raised to at least $4.35 per hour to enhance the
es that cut across each of them.
59
have to pay taxes. Moreover, this nati
well-being of low-wage American workers. Moreover, larger tax incentives should
implementing a children's allowance.
be given to businesses that create full-time jobs at liveable wages than to those_
Reforming Foster Care: The foster.ca
creating part-time jobs at minimum wages.
Enhancing Job Training: Strong emphasis on quantitative outcomes has
to: (a) provide quality family preservatic
ments: (c) provide more effective permar
encouraged "creaming" of job-ready persons and an underrepresentation of
"hard-core" workers with deficient work and educational skills. Eligibility and
adoption criteria; (e) assign highest prio
care and adoption placements: (f) reduce
performance criteria for job training programs should be modified to give higher
in foster care; and (g) raise the exit a
priority to "long-term" jobless adults and youths, adolescent parents (male and
"age out" of foster care with adequat
female), and to female heads of low-income families.
life skills to be productive citizens in S
Reforming AFDC: Building on the 1988 Family Support Act, these provisions
should be included in the welfare reform of the 1990s: (a) periodic increases in
Strategies for Developing Viable Comm
AFDC benefits should be mandated to keep abreast of inflation; (b) national
Expanding Low-Income Housing: T!
minimum standards for AFDC needs and payments standards should be estab-
housing for low-income families has le
lished; (c) the income ceiling to be eligible for AFDC should be raised to the
care placements, child abuse, family vic
poverty level;(d) the onerous prior work history eligibility requirement for AFDC-
This nation must expand the supply of
UP and its 100-hour ceiling should be eliminated; and (e) low-income and young
availability of subsidized rental units:
noncustodial fathers should be given high priority for basic skills and job training
boarded-up housing: (c) supporting the
in the JOBS program.
public housing: (d) expanding homeov
Strategies for Strengthening Families
such as urban homesteading, ``self-help
groups, especially churches and comm
Aiding Single-Parent Families: Public and private efforts to help low-income
used as major conduits for constructin;
single-parent families over the next decade should be directed toward the following
initiatives: (a) remedial education, high school equivalency assistance, and basic
Enhancing Economic Development:
neurial development in inner cities. Th
skills training for school dropouts; (b) classroom training, work experience, job
search, and job training; (c) affordable day care for working parents; (d) affordable
enterprise zones in low-income commun
medical care; (e) affordable and decent housing that permit children; (f) child
The development and maintenance of
through set-asides and other targeted a
support enforcement; (g) family violence assistance; (h) enhancing parenting skills;
ventures on public housing sites by res
and (i) counseling and mentoring.
replicated at other public housing facil
Aiding Young Fathers: Since most fathers of children born to adolescent mothers
ment insurance should be encouraged to
are sincerely interested in being responsible parents, government policies are
prise allowances," which have been eff
needed to reinforce, and not discourage, such bonds. Under no circumstances
should the in-kind services that noncustodial fathers provide their children be
churches should be encouraged to exp
"cashed out" to reduce their welfare grants. Higher priority should be given to
enhancing the employability of young parents. Child support policies should be
made more sensitive to the circumstances of low-income and young noncustodial
fathers. Male responsibility media campaigns, like those conducted by the National
Urban League, should be widely supported.
Expanding Child Care: A major barrier to the labor force participation of many
black women is the lack of affordable child care. Unfortunately, the current
Dependent Care Tax Credit (DCTC) is not used by most working poor parents,
since their incomes are too low to have tax liabilities. Thus, the DCTC should
be made "refundable." similar to the Earned Income Tax Credit, to insure that
working poor families receive tax rebates for child care-even when they do not
60
Moreover. larger tax incentives should
have to pay taxes. Moreover, this nation should give serious consideration to
at liveable wages than to those
implementing a children's allowance.
Reforming Foster Care: The foster care system needs to be radically overhauled
on quantitative outcomes has
to: (a) provide quality family preservation services; (b) reduce unnecessary place-
and an underrepresentation of
ments; (c) provide more effective permanency planning; (d) use culturally-relevant
educational skills. Eligibility and
adoption criteria; (e) assign highest priority to extended family networks for foster
should be modified to give higher
care and adoption placements; (f) reduce sharply the time minority children spend
ouths. adolescent parents (male and
in foster care; and (g) raise the exit age to 21 in order to provide youths who
families.
"age out" of foster care with adequate educational, employment training, and
Support Act, these provisions
life skills to be productive citizens in society.
the
1990s: (a) periodic increases in
Strategies for Developing Viable Communities
abreast of inflation; (b) national
ments standards should be estab-
Expanding Low-Income Housing: The increasing unavailability of affordable
for
AFDC should be raised to the
housing for low-income families has led to overcrowding, homelessness, foster
eligibility requirement for AFDC-
care placements, child abuse, family violence, physical illness, and mental illness.
and (e) low-income and young
This nation must expand the supply of low-income housing by: (a) expanding the
for basic skills and job training
availability of subsidized rental units; (b) restoring thousands of abandoned and
boarded-up housing; (c) supporting the development of resident management of
public housing; (d) expanding homeownership option for low-income families,
such as urban homesteading, "self-help," and "sweat equity." Community-based
private efforts to help low-income
groups, especially churches and community development corporations should be
be directed toward the following
used as major conduits for constructing housing in low-income communities.
equivalency assistance, and basic
Enhancing Economic Development: Policies are needed that target entrepre-
training, work experience, job
neurial development in inner cities. The successful efforts of several states with
for
working parents; (d) affordable
enterprise zones in low-income communities should be emulated across the nation.
that permit children; (f) child
The development and maintenance of black businesses should be encouraged
(h) enhancing parenting skills;
through set-asides and other targeted approaches. The innovative entrepreneurial
ventures on public housing sites by resident management corporations should be
children born to adolescent mothers
replicated at other public housing facilities. Recipients of welfare and unemploy-
parents. government policies are
ment insurance should be encouraged to establish small businesses through "enter-
bonds. Under no circumstances
prise allowances," which have been effective in several European countries. Black
fathers provide their children be
churches should be encouraged to expand into economic development efforts.
Higher priority should be given to
Child support policies should be
income and young noncustodial
those conducted by the National
labor force participation of many
care. Unfortunately, the current
most working poor parents,
abilities. Thus, the DCTC should
Income Tax Credit, to insure that
care-even when they do not
61
ST. MATTHEW 19
908
to hear the church, let him be unto thee
and told unto their lord all that was done.
as a "heathen man and a publican. 1 Cor. 5:9
32 Then his lord, after that he had called
18 Verily I say unto you, "Whatsoever ye
him, said unto him, O thou wicked servant,
shall bind on earth shall be bound in
I forgave thee all that debt, because thou
heaven: and whatsoever ye shall loose on
"desiredst me:
did ask
earth shall be loosed in heaven.
16:19
33 Shouldest not thou also have had*com-
19 Again I say unto you, That if two of
passion on thy fellow servant, even as I had
you shall agree on earth as touching any
pity on thee?
mercy
thing that they shall ask, it shall be done
34 And his lord was wroth, and "deliv-
for them of my Father which is in heaven.
ered him to the tormentors, till he should
20 For where two or three are gathered
pay all that was due unto him. put him in jail
together in my name, there am I in the
35 "So likewise shall my heavenly Father
midst of them.
Acts 20:7; 1 Cor. 14:26
do also unto you, if ye from your hearts
forgive not every one his brother their
Jesus speaks of forgiveness
trespasses.
6:12; Mark 11:26; Jas. 2:13
21 Then came Peter to him, and said,
CHAPTER 19
c. A.D. 30
Lord, how oft shall my brother sin against
Jesus on divorce
me, and I forgive him? till seven times?
22 Jesus saith unto him, I say not unto
thee, Until seven times: "but, Until sev-
A
ND it came to pass, "that when Jesus
had finished these sayings, he de-
enty times seven. 6:14; Mark 11:25; Col. 3:13
parted from Galilee, and came into the
23 Therefore is the kingdom of heaven
coasts of Judea beyond Jordan; John 10:40
likened unto a certain king, which "would
2 "And great multitudes followed him;
take account of his servants. wanted to check
and he healed them there.
12:15
24 And when he had begun to reckon,
3 The Pharisees also came unto him,
one was brought unto him, which owed
"tempting him, and saying unto him, Is it
him Ten thousand talents. $52,800,000, if silver
lawful for a man to 'put away his wife for
25 But forasmuch as he had not to pay,
Tevery cause?
testing
divorce
any
his lord commanded him "to be sold, and
4 And he answered and said unto them,
his wife, and children, and all that he had,
Have ye not read, "that he which made
them at the beginning made them male
and payment to be made. 2 Ki. 4:1; Neh. 5:8
and female,
Gen. 1:27; 5:2; Mal. 2:15
26 The servant therefore fell down, and
5 And said,
worshiped him, saying, Lord, have pa-
For this cause shall a man leave father
tience with me, and I will pay thee all.
and mother,
27 Then the lord of that servant was
and shall cleave to his wife:
moved with compassion, and "loosed him,
and they Twain shall be one flesh?
two
and forgave him the debt.
released him
6 Wherefore they are no more twain, but
28 But the same servant went out, and
one flesh. What therefore God hath joined
found one of his fellow servants, which
together, let not man put asunder.
owed him a'hundred pence: and he laid
7 They say unto him, "Why did Moses
hands on him, and took him by the throat,
then command to give a writing of divorce-
saying, Pay me That thou owest. $44. what
ment, and to put her away? Deut. 24:1; 5:31
29 And his fellow servant fell down at
8 He saith unto them, Moses because of
his feet, and besought him, saying, Have
the hardness of your hearts "suffered you
patience with me, and I will pay thee all.
to put away your wives: but from the be-
30 And he would not: but went and cast
ginning it was not so.
allowed
him into prison, till he should pay the
9 "And I say unto you, Whosoever shall
debt.
Eph. 4:31-32; Col. 3:12-13
put away his wife, except it be for fornica-
31 So when his fellow servants saw what
tion, and shall marry another, committeth
was done, they were very sorry, and came
adultery: and whoso marrieth her which is
(2) If he does not repent, the second step is, to take one or two believers and go to him again.
(3) If he will not hear the two or three, the third step is, take it to the church.
A good example of church discipline is reported in Paul's letters to the church at Corinth. He used strong
words calling upon the church to discipline a member for fornication. He wrote, "put away from among your-
selves that wicked person" (Page 1075-I Cor. 5:1-13). In his second letter to the Corinthian church we learn
that the man repented and was restored to the fellowship of God's people. Now Paul writes, "forgive him,
comfort him.
and confirm your love toward him" (Page 1089-2 Cor. 2:3-11). The attitude of the church
toward a repenting brother should always be that of forgiveness in love.
Now turn to Page 923, and read Matt. 28:16-20 for point number V: THE CHURCH IT'S WORSHIP AND
WORK.
Joshua Smith
on civil rights
Chuch - constructive /Don't he defersions
teen -uge pres.
that disrupt
STIMULATING Dninoding Business
EROSION of family
HOUSING EQUITY / CAPITALGAINS -RECYCLE
WEATH
POSITIVE THINGS - SBA
Enfilieter / Support for WORK FORCE -
NEW commission (JOSH SMITH HEADING)
overall thing
STAND HE TOOK 25 YRS ALO/ Kenp
SELF-Sufficiency CAN NEVER BE TAKEN
AWAY.HILD-CARE OK
TEEN-AGE PREG, [BLACK community
PROTECT INTEGRITY of FAmily
Keep wearry eco, theme -Rip. stroypout
community your heal for the
- Biblical quote
The family is not am institution I/m
society, et is And society itself.
Family - notting futture, sisters, mothins- -
Family / nation / Amerca is our extended
family. Whether our suandf attnus came
to Cimeirca in chains, can imapacts its,
Family of Man /
Our BAPTISM/ am immersion
BLACK FAMILY:
- BIBLICAL PASSAGE
"Josh" - Joshua Smith 230-3440
Andre Cangton
-Ula Mr. Nhiteheod /RNC
Bonnie Guiton : 634-4345
Aus.14
Spec. ASSIST Consumer Affairs
Avg & Sept- NETS. DO
JESSE JACKSON - WALK your KiDS to
School
B6: Dorothy Hite NOColoud Women -
Extended family concept -FiTS in w/ PRESAND's
child cond Men of chu Churches have
Apopt A-
Baptist Rev. John Peterson- Alfred St. Alex/
Rev. Petersin's chunk has a concelional
CORREZ tiowal ministry - Pris. has met him
when B.G. suroman
Rev. Enegony of Shiloh [in District]
extended family.
perty be owned by a board of trustees,
be more compatible with their interests and welfare. The Southern white church
could act on behalf of the church. Here
was alarmed at the fervent defection which was rapidly depleting its black mem-
the unhappy experience the AMEs of
bership, but it was hardly disposed to change the practices blacks found offensive.
thodists there who unsuccessfully laid
At its General Conference of 1866, the Southern Methodist Church decided that
crty. However, ecclesiastical oversight,
if by the next General Conference (four years later), there was "sufficient interest"
hained in the hands of the John Street
demonstrated within its black constituency for separation, it would bless and assist
its black members in forming a separate communion of their own. In consequence
ister independent black church, Asbury
of this arrangement, representatives of black churches met in Jackson, Tennessee, in
ir own discipline. On June 21, 1821, a
1870 to found a third black communion which took the name of "Colored Meth-
en church representatives from Long
odist Episcopal Church in America." (This historic name was modified to Chris-
et with Zion and Asbury to form the
tian Methodist Church in 1954.) The senior Bishop of the Methodist Church South
h. This new African communion was
presided over the proceedings, and the new black denomination was launched
Church led by Bishop Richard Allen,
with the general good will and support of the white church, out of which it came,
eparate identity. In 1822, James Varick
on December 15, 1870. William H. Miles and Richard Vanderhorst were elected
Zion Church.
bishops five days later.
"Allenites," were strongly opposed to
The Christian Methodist Episcopal Church is the smallest of the three major
onist cause and the Underground Rail-
black Methodist bodies. Its national membership is approximately 850,000 with
lom Church," Zion counted among its
an overseas constituency of about 75,000 (1984). Like the AMEs, the CMEs
rriet Tubman, Frederick Douglass, and
have more churches (3,000) than clergy (2,400). The General Conference is the
legislative body, and it is presided over by the College of Bishops. The Judicial
rican Methodist Episcopal Zion Church
Council, made up of four ministers and five lay persons, serves as a court of
00,000 in Africa and the Caribbean. In
appeals. The church supports five colleges - Lane, Texas, Paine, Miles, and
ving 2,700 churches in the United States
Mississippi Industrial. It also supports Phillips School of Theology, a constituent
of The Interdenominational Theological Seminary in Atlanta. Its national head-
than three and one-half million dollars.
quarters is in Memphis, Tennessee. as is its publishing house. The CME national
ers and no chief administrative officer,
budget is estimated at about $52.7 million.
and the publishing house are located in
Other black Methodist communions include the Reformed Methodist Union
tive body of the Church is the Connec-
Episcopal Church, the African Union First Colored Methodist Protestant Church,
year. The Board of Bishops exercises
The Union American Methodist Episcopal Church, and the Free Christian Zion
nial sessions of the General Conference.
Church of Christ. All of these are small but independent black denominations.
h (CME)
THE BAPTIST CONVENTIONS
irch is a relative late-comer to the ranks
The first independent black Baptist church emerged in the final half of the 18th
the transition only after the Civil War.
century. Today, there are at least eight black Baptist denominations identifiable
CME church had its origin in the South
in the United States. The three principal ones are well known and national in
dist Episcopal Church which split from
scope. Less well known and more regional in outreach are smaller groups such
y in 1844. Because blacks in the South
as the National Primitive Baptists (250,000), The Free Will Baptists (100,000),
ondage, their determination to assume
the National Baptist Evangelical and Soul Saving Assembly (50,000), and the
tiny could not come until their emanci-
Free For All Missionary Baptists (10,000). Another 75,000 black Baptists are in
on even before the war had ended.
the (white) Southern Baptist Convention, and perhaps 150,000 others belong to
n churches was their strong, competitive
the predominantly white American Baptist Convention. All in all, the Baptists
ins who held membership in white con-
have by far the largest black affiliation of any church in America, and their impact
eal" in the most literal sense as they
upon American religious life from Nat Turner to Martin Luther King, Jr., has
) black churches, which they felt would
been in keeping with their members and their zeal.
141
NATIONAL BAPTIST CONVENTION, USA/INC. (NBCI)
but was from its inception a strong su
The earliest black Baptists whose churches dotted the Southeastern slave states
of Dr. J. H. Jackson (1953-1982) the
stance.
before the Civil War were the first black Christians to try to find their own
religious identity in America. However, the strictures of the slave security system
NBCI reports a membership of 7.1
and the independent nature of Baptist polity delayed the effective formation of
the officially estimated black populat
denominational structures until after the Civil War. In the white churches blacks
constituency of about 100,000. The
often out-numbered the whites in the congregation. In 1846, for example, the
September. Officers headed by the
Baptist church in Georgetown. South Carolina, had 33 white members and 798
Directors is the governing body. and
conducts the business of the Conventi
blacks. A similar situation prevailed in Natchez. Mississippi, where 62 white
Christians shared a church with 380 blacks. But in every instance the white
about $3 million, prior to an upsurge
Dr. T. J. Jemison, who was the first (
contingent. whatever its numbers. was in complete control of church polity, and
blacks were subject to humiliating patterns of rejection and prejudice. So wherever
Leadership Conference has been pres
possible the blacks formed their own churches. The roster of historic black Baptist
permanent headquarters, but its $9 m
churches is an impressive one. There was a black Baptist church at Petersburg.
Nashville is scheduled for occupancy i
be located in the Center.
Virginia, as early as 1776; and First African Baptist at Richmond organized in
1780. In 1785. black Baptist churches were established at Savannah. Georgia,
The support of colleges and semi
constituencies, but well-known black
and in Williamsburg. By the end of the first decade of the 19th century, the Joy
Baptist Conventions include Morehous
Street Baptist Church in Boston, Abyssinian Baptist in New York, and the First
African Baptist Church of Philadelphia had all been established as strong beacons
Union colleges and universities: Turne
of spiritual freedom.
American Baptist Theological Semina
The first attempts to bring the scattered, independent black Baptist churches
The National Baptist Convention of An
into some kind of organizational framework began with the organization of
The National Baptist Convention of
regional "associations" in Ohio in 1834 and 1836. In 1840, the American Baptist
porated convention." grew out of a :
Missionary Convention was organized, presaging perhaps the three major con-
Baptist Convention. USA founded 20 y
ventions of today.
one involving the publishing house, an
In 1867, the Consolidated American Baptist Missionary Convention met in
NBCA at a meeting in Chicago on Sep
Nashville, Tennessee. This meeting represented the first attempt to create a national
elected first president of the new Conv
convention. By 1868. the ABMC reported a constituency of 100,000 black Baptists
NBCA is the second largest of the
with 200 ministers. The consolidated Convention was composed of six "district
membership of around 2.5 million. It I
conventions" and it survived until 1879 when it fractured into autonomous regional
clergy of approximately 3,000. The
conventions. Other efforts at Baptist unification were made from time to time,
"messengers" are received from its lo
but all foundered for one reason or another until the American National Baptist
ventions. A president is elected annually
Convention was organized in St. Louis on August 25, 1886. The Convention
along with the moderators of the Gene
claimed a constituency of a million members with 4500 ministers in 9.000
idents. An Executive Board carries on
churches. In Atlanta. Georgia. on September 28, 1895. the American National
not in session. E. Edward Jones of Shi
Baptist Convention was successfully merged with the Baptist Foreign Mission
convention. The NBCA does not have
Convention. USA. (organized in 1880). The resultant organization. the National
house is in Nashville, Tennessee.
Baptist Convention. USA/ Inc. became. and remains, the largest black Protestant
organization in the world. Reverend E. C. Morris was elected first president of
The Progressive National Baptist Conve
the Convention.
The Progressive National Baptist Con
The NBCI was supporting nearly 100 schools and colleges by the turn of the
Baptist Convention. Inc., in 1961. Th
century. and it was prominent in the various efforts to deal with racial violence
greements with the policies of Dr. J. H
and segregation. It formally endorsed Booker T. Washington's program in 1909,
vention for 19 years until he was finally
142
TION, DC. (NBCI)
but was from its inception a strong supporter of the NAACP. Under the leadership
of Dr. J. H. Jackson (1953-1982) the Convention adopted a more conservative
churches arred the Southeastern slave states
stance.
st black Chastians to try to find their own
NBCI reports a membership of 7.1 million, accounting for about one-fourth of
ver. the strectures of the slave security system
the officially estimated black population of the United States. It has an overseas
tist polity delaved the effective formation of
constituency of about 100,000. The Convention has an annual meeting each
r the Civil War In the white churches blacks
September. Officers headed by the president serve for one year. A Board of
the congregation. In 1846, for example, the
Directors is the governing body, and with the Executive Committee, the Board
th Carolina. rad 33 white members and 798
conducts the business of the Convention between sessions. The 1984 budget was
ed in Natchez. Mississippi, where 62 white
about $3 million, prior to an upsurge in membership and programs since then.
80 blacks But in every instance the white
Dr. T. J. Jemison, who was the first General Secretary of the Southern Christian
vas in complete control of church polity, and
Leadership Conference has been president since 1982. The Convention has no
tterns of relection and prejudice. So wherever
permanent headquarters, but its $9 million World Baptist Center being built in
churches. The roster of historic black Baptist
Nashville is scheduled for occupancy in June of 1989. National Headquarters will
re was a black Baptist church at Petersburg,
be located in the Center.
t African Baptist at Richmond organized in
The support of colleges and seminaries overlap among the various Baptist
hes were established at Savannah, Georgia.
constituencies, but well-known black institutions supported in part by the black
the first decade of the 19th century, the Joy
Baptist Conventions include Morehouse, Benedict, Spelman, Shaw, and Virginia
pyssinian Baptist in New York. and the First
Union colleges and universities; Turner Theological Seminary in Atlanta, and the
ia had all been established as strong beacons
American Baptist Theological Seminary in Nashville.
attered. independent black Baptist churches
The National Baptist Convention of America (NBCA)
ramework began with the organization of
The National Baptist Convention of America, sometimes called the "unincor-
334 and 1836. In 1840, the American Baptist
porated convention," grew out of a schism occurring in 1915 in the National
ed. presaging perhaps the three major con-
Baptist Convention, USA founded 20 years earlier. The dispute was a complicated
one involving the publishing house. and it culminated in the establishment of the
can Baptist Missionary Convention met in
NBCA at a meeting in Chicago on September 9. 1915. Reverend E. P. Jones was
presented the first attempt to create a national
elected first president of the new Convention.
rted a constituency of 100,000 black Baptists
NBCA is the second largest of the black Baptist denominations reporting a
I Convention was composed of six "district
membership of around 2.5 million. It has about 7800 local churches served by a
9 when it fractured into autonomous regional
clergy of approximately 3,000. The NBCA meets annually and delegates or
unification were made from time to time,
"messengers" are received from its local churches, associations, and state con-
nother until the American National Baptist
ventions. A president is elected annually, and the president of the state conventions
ouis on August 25. 1886. The Convention
along with the moderators of the General Associations are ex-officio vice pres-
1 members with 4500 ministers in 9.000
idents. An Executive Board carries on the business of the Convention when it is
eptember 28. 1895. the American National
not in session. E. Edward Jones of Shreveport was elected president at the 1988
merged with the Baptist Foreign Mission
convention. The NBCA does not have a national headquarters. The publishing
)). The resultant organization, the National
house is in Nashville, Tennessee.
e. and remains. the largest black Protestant
The Progressive National Baptist Convention, Inc.
E. C. Morris was elected first president of
The Progressive National Baptist Convention. Inc. separated from the National
00 schools and colleges by the turn of the
Baptist Convention, Inc., in 1961. The rupture came over long-standing disa-
various efforts to deal with racial violence
greements with the policies of Dr. J. H. Jackson who was president of the Con-
Booker T. Washington's program in 1909,
vention for 19 years until he was finally unseated by Dr. T. J. Jemison in 1982.
143
The 1961 revolt was led by Dr. Gardner Taylor, Dr. Benjamin Mays, Martin Luther.
wide, with large concentrations in4
King, Martin Luther King, Jr., Ralph Abernathy, and others opposed to
Pentecostal churches tended to be
President Jackson's conservative policies which they considered inimical to the
giving birth to a multiplicity of deri'
black freedom movement underway in America. At the regular Annual Meeting
Church of God in Christ to the (white
of the NBC, Inc., held in Kansas City in September of 1961, dissident delegates
embraced the new order by simpl;
were removed from offices they held, including the Board of Directors. At a
discipline; others vigorously resisted
"rump meeting" in Cincinnatti, Ohio, two months later, delegates of the dissident
elements of Pentecostalism under th
group organized the Progressive National Baptist Convention, Inc., which is the
movement" have become entrenche
third largest of the black Baptist communions. The first annual meeting was held
including the Catholic church.
in Philadelphia the following year, and the Reverend T. M. Chambers was elected
Pentecostalism is the only major
president.
have its origins in a white church.
The PNBC was deeply involved in the civil rights movement from its inception.
Angeles, and later Charles H. Masor
Its membership is made up predominantly of younger, more liberal pastors with
preachers who in turn founded churc
more college and university experience. PNBC was prominent in the opposition
of Pentecostalism throughout the wor
to the war in Vietnam, and in recent times it has emphasized black political and
in the United States, such as the Pe
economic development. Some PNBC pastors maintain second affiliations with
the National Association of Evangeli
one of the white Baptist Conventions.
membership.
The convention claims about a million members in a thousand churches serviced
THE CHURCH OF GOD IN CHR
by a thousand pastors. Its congregations tend to be quite large, and they are
The Church of God in Christ was
located primarily in major metropolitan areas. The Convention is divided into
by Charles Harrison Mason, former
four "Regions" representing thirty-five state conventions. The PNBC Convention
experience of "santification" in 1893
meets each year in August, and receives a number of "messengers" from each
church and from the Baptist Associati
church depending upon its size. Each State Convention and each Fellowship is
founded "The Church of God" in Mit
also entitled to send messengers, as are Associations. Since 1967, Presidents of
phis as "The Church of God in Christ.-
the Convention and most of its other officers have been limited to consecutive
in Los Angeles. Mason experienced
one-year terms. An Executive Board of 60 members oversees the business of the
doctrines of William Seymour. His ch
Conyention between sessions. The General Secretary is a full-time employee
Holiness to Pentecostal.
responsible for day-to-day administration, and national headquarters with a full-
At the first General Assembly of th
time staff is in Washington. D.C. PNBC has no publishing house of its own.
of twelve churches convened in Memph
Reverend Fred Lofton of Memphis was elected president of the Convention in
ing date of the new communion. Masc
1988.
Apostle (later changed to Senior Bishc
THE PENTECOSTALS
lished in Tennessee. Arkansas. Missis
The Pentecostal movement grew out of the radical preaching of William Sey-
Texas, Missouri, and California. COG
mour. a black Holiness minister who led the famous Azusa Street Revivals in Los
body from 1907 to 1914. and hence 11.
Angeles from 1906 to 1908. To the traditional Holiness doctrine of "salvation"
independent Pentecostal churches, whit
and other matters.
and "sanctification" Seymour added a "third blessing" identified as "baptism
in the spirit," which was evidenced by ``glossalalia,'' or "speaking in tongues"
COGIC is currently the fastest grow
(as occurred at the Feast of Pentecost following the resurrection of Jesus). Thou-
only to the National Baptist Convention
sands of people, white and black from every section of the country within and
Christ has a national membership estim
outside the Holiness tradition, flocked to hear Seymour and to subscribe to his
nine thousand local churches serviced by
new.doctrine. Many came to be ordained by Seymour. In short order the movement
members in 43 foreign countries where I
spread to all parts of the United States, to Europe, Africa, China, India, South
clinics and orphanages in Africa. India.
Africa. and South America. Today. there are about 35 million Pentecostals world-
There are 100 COGIC churches in Hait
144
THE WHITE HOUSE
on Child Care
May 5, 1989
ADMINISTRATION'S CHILD CARE PLAN TARGETS LOW-INCOME PARENTS
On March 15, President Bush sent legislation to the
Congress, the "Working Family Child Care Assistance Act of 1989,"
and the "Head Start Amendments of 1989. " These bills represent a
significant, fiscally responsible step toward meeting the
President's commitment to empower parents, especially low-income
parents, to make critical decisions about their children's care.
The Working Family Child Care Assistance Act: Low-income
families, in which a parent works, would be eligible for a tax
credit of up to $1,000 per child under age four. This child
credit would be refundable and, thus, available to families who
have no income tax liability. Two-parent families in which one
parent stays at home to care for the children, single working
parents and dual-earner couples with children would all benefit
from the credit. Eligibility for the credit would be phased in,
benefiting families with income below $13,000 in 1990 and
families with income below $20,000 by 1994. Initially, 2.5
million families would be eligible for the credit; 3.5 million,
when the credit is fully implemented. In addition, the current
child care credit would be made refundable, qualifying another 1
million families. Families would be free to choose the kind of
child care that best suits their needs -- care through relatives,
neighbors, child care centers or religiously-affiliated care.
The Head Start Amendments of 1989: Funding for Head Start
would be increased by $250 million over the FY 1989 level, to pay
for the enrollment of up to 95,000 more disadvantaged four-year
olds. The proposed expansion would increase the range of choices
available to low-income families in meeting their child care
needs. In addition, through Head Start's comprehensive approach,
which provides educational, medical, nutritional and social
services to children at risk of falling behind, the newly
participating children would be given a better start in life.
SECRETARY OF LABOR DOLE TESTIFIES ON THE PRESIDENT'S BILL
Secretary of Labor Elizabeth Dole testified in support of
the Administration's child care proposal before the Senate
Finance Committee on April 19, 1989 and before the Human
Resources Subcommittee of the House Ways and Means Committee on
April 27, 1989. The Secretary outlined the guiding principles
behind the President's program:
1. More parental choice -- Parents -- who are the best
judges of quality care and know what is in their children's best
interest -- should have the discretion to make decisions about
their children's care.
PUBLISHED BY THE WHITE HOUSE OFFICE OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS - (202) 456-2930
2. Encourages options -- Federal policy should increase, not
decrease, the range of options available to parents.
3. Non-discrimination -- Federal child care policy should
not discriminate against those families who sacrifice the income
of a second career to have one parent to stay at home to care for
their children.
4. Targeted to the poorest families -- Assistance should be
targeted to low-income families, particularly those with young
children.
The Secretary added that at the President's direction, the
Department of Labor is studying the extent to which market
barriers prevent employers from obtaining liability insurance
necessary to provide child care at or near their employees'
worksites.
TAKE A LOOK AT THE FACTS: ABC BILL IS NOT THE ANSWER FOR PARENTS
The Democratic leadership has proposed the "Act for Better
Child Care, " with Senator Dodd as its principal sponsor. This
bill, "ABC," does not meet the President's principles for
increasing child care options and parental choice:
Parental choice: ABC puts its trust in government, not
parents. No money goes directly to parents. All money goes to
the States. The States then fund providers, not parents, through
grants, contracts, and certificates that they, not parents,
arrange or approve. It is the States, not parents, who have the
ultimate decision-making power on the care children will receive
under ABC.
Encourages options: ABC imposes federal day-care standards
on all providers who receive public assistance. All States
currently regulate day care to some degree, ensuring a healthy
and safe environment for children. These costly Federal
requirements will put some current child care providers out of
business, keep potential providers from offering care, and drive
up the cost of care available for all parents. Parents who want
their children to be taught and guided by the religious values
that are central to their lives would not be able to receive
assistance: All caregivers -- including relatives -- are
prohibited from engaging in sectarian activities, worship or
instruction in providing services under ABC.
In fact, parents could not use their ABC eligibility to have
anyone other than a grandparent, aunt or uncle care for their
children unless (1) the State rules in each individual case that
the person was an "eligible child care provider,' (2) the person
and his/her home meets Federal standards, and (3) the person
submits to governmental grant, contract and paperwork
requirements.
Non-discrimination: ABC serves two parent families only if
both parents are employed, perpetuating the discrimination
against two parent families in which one parent stays at home to
care for the children.
Targeted to families most in need: ABC is not well-targeted
and would serve only a fraction of families most in need.
Families with incomes as high as 4 times the poverty level are
eligible for ABC. Only a small number of eligible children would
actually receive care under ABC -- 6 percent in 1990 according to
the sponsors' estimates -- and there is no guarantee that they
would be from families most in need. Only one million children,
the sponsors say, would receive child care services from the
States -- far less than the number of children in the 3.5 million
families that would initially benefit from the President's tax
credit proposals.
MYTHS AND FACTS ABOUT CHILD CARE TODAY
MYTH: Most children are being cared for in day care centers.
FACT: Less than 11% of children under 5 are cared for in child
care centers. Only 46% of children under five have employed
mothers. of mothers who are employed, the great majority use
relatives or neighbors as child care providers. For parents with
young children who prefer to care for their children themselves
while their spouses work, the President's proposals will shift
the economics of work and child care in their favor. The
President's proposals discriminate neither against day care
centers nor mothers caring for children at home.
MYTH: Only wealthy married couples can afford to have one parent
stay home to care for their children.
FACT: In more than half of all married-couple families with
children whose income was less than $20,000 in 1986, the mother
stayed at home to care for the children. In contrast, mothers
stayed at home to care for the children in less than one-third of
all married-couples with children and incomes over $20,000.
Approximately 80 percent of children in center-based care come
from two-earner families. Subsidies biased toward center-based
care (such as ABC's) offer financial assistance to families that
are already comparatively better off.
MYTH: Federal day care standards are necessary because day care
is largely unregulated.
FACT: All states currently regulate day care to some extent.
Every state licenses child care centers, and all but one regulate
some or all family day care homes. State and local governments
are best able to determine what standards are needed for child
care. Federal standards, proposed in the past, will not work.
Congress, realizing this, prohibited implementation of federal
standards in 1980.
MYTH: Religiously-affiliated day care will benefit from new
federal day care programs.
FACT: As many as one-third of day care centers are religiously-
affiliated. ABC prohibits assistance "for any sectarian purpose
or activity, including sectarian worship and instruction."
Religiously-affiliated facilities must drop religious components
of their day care curriculum to receive assistance. Also,
litigation may render these facilities wholly ineligible for
assistance, just as many religious elementary schools are now
precluded from receiving direct financial assistance. The
President's approach does not fall into the thicket of legal
problems raised by ABC, because assistance goes directly to
parents.
MYTH: Unregulated child care is unhealthy and unsafe for
children.
FACT: The typical "unregulated" day care provider is a mother
caring for one or two other neighborhood children, along with her
own child. In contrast, in day care centers, the average ratio
of children to staff is five to one. According to an ABT
Associates report, The National Day Care Home Study, unregulated
family child care is "stable, warm and stimulating
it caters
successfully to the developmentally appropriate needs of children
in care; parents who use family day care report it satisfactorily
meets their child care needs [the study's] observers were
consistently impressed by the care they saw regardless of
regulatory status."
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THE WHITE HOUSE
CEA
washington
(tuncil
Jim Pinkerton
Iron.
A4u.
harry Lidsey
Income:
monthle
Black
Yr
Employment:
88
! of civilian
Black other
9.6
10.9 July
11.7
103
11.9 June
black
9.5
11.0 May
VEA
395-5062
Other
Dro
Mrs Fuxlong
4.6 July
3/8
4.7
4.5 June
White
called
Admin other)
4.4 mar
SELECTED UNEMPLOYMENT RATES
In June, both the overall and the civilian unemployment rates rose slightly, to 5.2 and 5.3 percent, respectively.
PERCENT* (SEASONALLY ADJUSTED)
PERCENT* (SEASONALLY ADJUSTED)
25
25
20
20
15
15
BLACK
TEENAGERS
(16-19)
10
BLACK
10
AND OTHER
ALL CIVILIAN WORKERS
WOMEN 20 YEARS
AND OVER
5
5
WHITE
MEN 20 YEARS
AND OVER
0
0
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
*UNEMPLOYMENT AS PERCENT Of CIVILIAN LABOR FORCE IN GROUP SPECIFIED.
SOURCE: DEPARTMENT OF LABOR
COUNCIL OF ECONOMIC ADVISERS
[Monthly data seasonally adjusted]
Unem-
Unemployment rate (percent of civilian labor force in group)
ploy-
By sex and age
By race
ment
By selected groups
Labor
Period
All
rate,
force
all
civilian
Men
Women
Both
Experi-
time lost
work-
Black
Married
work-
20 years
sexes
enced
Women
20 years
Full-
ers¹
ers
and
White
16-19
and
Black
who
Part-
wage and
men,
(per-
time
and over
other
salary
spouse
maintain
time
cent) 2
over
years
families
workers
workers
workers
present
1980
7.0
7.1
5.9
6.4
17.8
6.3
13.1
14.3
6.9
1981
4.2
9.2
6.9
7.5
8.8
7.9
7.6
6.3
6.8
19.6
6.7
14.2
15.6
7.3
1982
4.3
10.4
7.3
9.5
9.4
8.5
9.7
8.8
8.3
23.2
8.6
17.3
18.9
9.3
6.5
1983
11.7
9.6
10.5
9.5
11.0
9.6
8.9
8.1
22.4
8.4
17.8
19.5
9.2
1984
6.5
12.2
9.5
7.4
10.4
10.9
7.5
6.6
6.8
18.9
6.5
14.4
15.9
7.1
1985
4.6
10.3
7.2
9.3
7.1
8.6
7.2
6.2
6.6
18.6
6.2
13.7
15.1
6.8
1986
4.3
10.4
6.8
6.9
9.3
8.1
7.0
6.1
6.2
18.3
6.0
13.1
14.5
6.6
1987
4.4
9.8
6.6
6.1
9.1
6.2
7.9
5.4
5.4
16.9
5.3
11.6
13.0
5.8
1988
3.9
9.2
5.8
8.4
5.4
5.5
7.1
4.8
4.9
15.3
4.7
10.4
11.7
5.2
3.3
8.1
5.2
7.6
6.3
1988:
June
5.3
5.4
4.6
4.9
14.1
4.6
10.3
11.7
5.1
July
3.2
7.9
5.0
5.4.
5.4'
7.7
6.3
4.5
5.0.
15.1
4.7
10.1.
11.5
5.1
3.1.
8.5.
Aug
5.0.
5.5
8.0
5.6
6.4
4.9
4.8
15.4
4.9
10.0
11.4
5.3
3.4
7.5
Sept
5.3
5.3
7.4
5.4
6.4
4.6
4.8
15.5
4.7
9.5
10.9
5.1
Oct
3.1
8.1
5.1
5.3
7.4
6.3
5.3
4.6
4.7
15.0
4.6
9.8
11.2
5.0
Nov
3.1
7.9
5.0
5.3
7.4
6.1
5.4
4.8
4.7
14.1
4.6
10.0
11.2
5.1
Dec
3.3
7.7
5.0
5.3
7.1
6.2
5.3
4.7
4.7
14.8
4.6
10.0
11.6
5.0
3.1
8.2
5.1
7.0
6.3
1989: Jan
5.4
5.4
4.6
4.7
16.4
4.6
10.6
12.0
5.2
Feb
3.1
8.0
5.0
5.1
7.9
5.1
6.2
4.5
4.5
14.8
4.3
10.6
11.9
4.8
Mar
3.1
8.0
4.8
4.9
7.3
5.0'
5.9
4.2.
4.6-
13.7
4.2'
9.8
10.9'
4.7
Apr
2.9.
7.9.
5.2'
4.8.
6.2,
5.3.
5.8
4.6
4.7.
14.4
4.6
9.6,
10.8'
5.1
3.2.
May
7.6.
5.0.
5.1.
7.2.
5.2.
6.0
4.3.
4.8.
15.2.
4.4.
9.5.
11.0.
4.9
2.9.
June
8.3.
4.8.
5.2.
6.9,
5.3.
5.9
4.3'
4.9.
15.6-
4.5.
10.3.
11.9.
5.0
2.8,
7.9,
4.8.
7.7
6.1
1 Unemployed as percent of total labor force including resident Armed Forces.
2 Aggregate hours lost by the unemployed and persons on part time for economic reasons as per-
Source: Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics.
8/4
cent of potentially available labor force hours.
July
5.2
5.2
4.3
5.0
14.7
4,6
9.6
10.9
5.1
2.9
8.7
4.9
7.2
60
12
TABLE B-30.-Number and median income (in 1987 dollars) of families and persons, and poverty status.
POPULATION, EMPLOY]
by race. selected years, 1965-87
TABLE B-31.-1
Families 1
Persons
Median income of persons 15 years old
below
and over with income 2
Below poverty level
poverty level
Males
Females
Num-
Female
Year
Total
householder
July 1
Total
ber
Median
Num-
Under 5
5
(mil-
income
lions)
Num-
ber
Year-
Year-
Num-
(mil-
Rate
All
round
All
round
ber
Rate
ber
Rate
lions)
persons
full-time
persons
full-time
(mil-
(mil-
workers
1929
121,767
11,734
workers
lions)
lions)
1933
125,579
10,612
ALL RACES
1939
130,880
10,418
1965
48.5
$25,060
6.7
13.9
1.9
38.4
33.2
17.3
$18,093
1966 S
$23,767
$5,479
49.2
$13,748
26,377
5.8
11.8
1.7
33.1
28.5
14.7
18,582
1967
24,358
5,736
1940
132,122
10,579
50.1
14,098
27,004
5.7
11.4
1.8
33.3
27.8
14.2
18,902
1968
24,812
1941
6,131
133,402
10,850
50.8
14,290
28,199
5.0
10.0
1.8
32.3
25.4
12.8
19,535
25,527
6,596
1942
134,860
11,301
1969
51.6
14,923
29,244
5.0
9.7
1.8
32.7
24.1
12.1
19,931
26,872
6,610
1943
15,740
136,739
12,016
1970
1944
52.2
138,397
12,524
28,880
5.3
10.1
2.0
32.5
25.4
12.6
19,523
26,881
1971
6,548
53.3
15,922
28,862
5.3
10.0
2.1
33.9
25.6
12.5
19,372
1972
27,027
6,757
15,999
1945
139,928
12,979
54.4
30,199
5.1
9.3
2.2
32.7
24.5
11.9
20,239
28,628
1973
7,061
16,444
1946
55.1
141,389
13,244
30,820
4.8
8.8
2.2
32.2
23.0
11.1
20,603
1974
29,329
7,151
16,593
1947
55.7
144,126
14,406
29,735
4.9
8.8
2.3
32.1
23.4
11.2
19,479
1975
28,029
7,103
16,534
1948
146,631
14,919
56.2
28,970
5.5
9.7
2.4
32.5
25.9
12.3
18,695
1976
27,312
7,148
16,300
1949
149,188
56.7
15,607
29,863
5.3
9.4
2.5
33.0
25.0
11.8
18,819
1977
27,669
7,139
16,595
57.2
30,025
5.3
9.3
2.6
31.7
24.7
11.6
18,986
1978
28,263
7,391
16,531
1950
152,271
16,410
57.8
30,730
5.3
9.1
2.7
31.4
24.5
11.4
19,050
27,981
1979 4
7,087
16,795
1951
154,878
17,333
59.6
30,669
5.5
9.2
2.6
30,4
26.1
11.7
18,443
27,368
6,814
16,489
1952
157,553
17,312
1980
60.3
28,996
6.2
10.3
3.0
32.7
29.3
13.0
17,282
26,444
1953
160,184
1981
6,786
15,987
17,638
61.0
27,977
6.9
11.2
3.3
34.6
31.8
14.0
16,836
1982
25,858
6,820
15,567
1954
163,026
18,057
61.4
27,591
7.5
12.2
3.4
36.3
34.4
15.0
16,425
1983 3
25,498
6,932
16,087
62.0
28,147
7.6
12.3
3.6
36.0
35.3
15.2
16,725
25,674
7,307
1955
16,528
165,931
18,566
1984
62.7
28,923
7.3
11.6
3.5
34.5
33.7
14.4
17,069
1956
168,903
19,003
1985
26,265
7,515
16,875
63.6
29,302
7.2
11.4
3.5
34.0
33.1
14.0
17,232
26,411
7,625
17,170
1957
171,984
19,494
1986
64.5
30,534
7.0
10.9
3.6
34.6
32.4
13.6
17,739
26,840
7,888
17,458
1958
174,882
19,887
1987
65.1
30,853
7.1
10.8
3.6
34.3
32.5
13.5
17,752
26,722
8,101
17,504
1959
177,830
20,175
WHITE
1960
180,671
20,341
1970
46.5
29,960
3.7
8.0
1.1
25.0
17.5
9.9
20,521
27,651
1961
183,691
20,522
1971
6,632
16,203
47.6
29,948
3.8
7.9
1.2
26.5
17.8
9.9
20,309
1972
27,788
6,870
16,184
1962
186,538
20,469
48.5
31,375
3.4
7.1
1.1
24.3
16.2
9.0
21,228
1973
29,661
7,107
16,767
1963
189,242
20,342
48.9
32,211
3.2
6.6
1.2
24.5
15.1
8.4
21,618
30,178
7,220
16,874
1964
191,889
20,165
1974 3
49.4
30,901
3.4
6.8
1.3
24.8
15.7
8.6
20,406
1975
28,575
7,184
16,675
49.9
30,129
3.8
7.7
1.4
25.9
17.8
9.7
19,638
27,944
7,222
1965
16,338
194,303
19,824
1976
50.1
31,019
3.6
7.1
1.4
25.2
16.7
9.1
19,839
1977
28,493
7,199
16,723
1966
196,560
19,208
50.5
31,396
3.5
7.0
1.4
24.0
16.4
8.9
19,886
28,841
7,504
16,635
1967
198,712
18,563
1978
50.9
31,998
3.5
6.9
1.4
23.5
16.3
8.7
19,952
1968
200,706
17,913
1979 4
28,501
7,172
16,954
52.2
32,003
3.6
6.9
1.4
22.3
17.2
9.0
19,267
28,159
6,878
1969
16,633
202,677
17,376
1980
52.7
30,211
4.2
8.0
1.6
25.7
19.7
10.2
18,383
27,199
6,823
16,141
1970
1981
205,052
17,166
53.3
29,388
4.7
8.8
1.8
27.4
21.6
11.1
17,865
1982
26,465
6,897
15,827
1971
53.4
207,661
17,244
28,969
5.1
9.6
1.8
27.9
23.5
12.0
17,365
26,177
1983 3
7,026
16,304
1972
53.9
209,896
17,101
29,474
5.2
9.7
1.9
28.3
24.0
12.1
17,595
1984
26,359
7,434
16,748
1973
211,909
54.4
16,851
30,294
4.9
9.1
1.9
27.1
23.0
11.5
18,018
1985
27,165
7,603
17,042
1974
55.0
213,854
16,487
30,799
5.0
9.1
2.0
27.4
22.9
11.4
18,078
27,144
1986
7,773
17,413
55.7
31,935
4.8
8.6
2.0
28.2
22.2
11.0
18,720
1987
27,590
8,044
17,726
1975
215,973
16,121
56.0
32,274
4.6
8.2
1.9
26.7
21.4
10.5
18,854
27,468
8,279
17,775
1976
218,035
15,617
BLACK
1977
220,239
15,564
1978
1970
222,585
15,735
4.9
18,378
1.5
29.5
.8
54.3
7.5
33.5
12,167
1971
18,835
6,038
13,276
1979
225,055
5.2
16,063
18,072
1.5
28.8
.9
53.5
7.4
32.5
12,112
19,001
1972
6,019
14,290
5.3
18,647
1.5
29.0
1.0
53.3
7.7
33.3
12,858
20,030
1973
6,640
14,344
1980
227,757
16,458
5.4
18,590
1.5
28.1
1.0
52.7
7.4
31.4
13,076
20,340
1974 3
6,516
14,309
1981
230,138
16,931
5.5
18,451
1.5
26.9
1.0
52.2
7.2
30.3
12,376
20,062
6,467
14,683
1982
1975
232,520
17,298
5.6
18,538
1.5
27.1
1.0
50.1
7.5
31.3
11,741
1976
20,796
6,561
15,609
1983
234,799
17,651
5.8
18,451
1.6
27.9
1.1
52.2
7.6
31.1
11,945
1977
20,408
6,784
15,634
1984
237,001
17,830
5.8
17,935
1.6
28.2
1.2
51.0
7.7
31.3
11,801
1978
19,884
6,480
5.9
15,548
18,952
1.6
27.5
1.2
50.6
7.6
30.6
11,952
21,829
6,458
15,714
1985
239,279
1979 4
18,004
6.2
18,122
1.7
27.8
1.2
49.4
8.1
31.0
11,927
20,294
6,260
15,241
1986
241,613
18,152
1980
6.3
17,481
1.8
28.9
1.3
49.4
8.6
32.5
11,046
19,138
6,317
1987
1981
15,055
243,915
18,252
6.4
16,578
2.0
30.8
1.4
52.9
9.2
34.2
10,623
18,724
1988
1982
6,127
14,293
246,113
6.5
16,011
2.2
33.0
1.5
56.2
9.7
35.6
10,406
18,591
1983 3
6,197
14,572
6.7
16,610
2.2
32.3
1.5
53.7
9.9
35.7
10,229
1984
18,794
6,323
14,867
Note.-Includes Armed Forces overseas beginning 1
6.8
16,884
2.1
30.9
1.5
51.7
9.5
33.8
10,338
18,539
1985
6,745
15,358
6.9
17,734
2.0
28.7
1.5
50.5
8.9
31.3
11,376
18,986
1986
6,632
15,414
Source: Department of Commerce, Bureau of the C
7.1
18,247
2.0
28.0
1.5
50.1
9.0
31.1
11,217
19,452
1987
6,806
15,510
7.2
18,098
2.1
29.9
1.6
51.8
9.7
33.1
11,101
19,385
6,796
16,211
1 The term "family" refers to a group of two or more persons related by blood, marriage, or adoption and residing together; all such
persons are considered members of the same family. Beginning 1979, based on householder concept and restricted to primary families.
2 Prior to 1979, data are for persons 14 years and over.
3, Based on revised methodology; comparable with succeeding years.
4 Based on 1980 census population controls; comparable with succeeding years.
Note.-The poverty level is based on the poverty index adopted by a Federal interagency committee in 1969. That index reflected
different consumption requirements for families based on size and composition, sex and age of family householder, and farm-nonfarm
residence. Minor revisions implemented in 1981 eliminated variations in the poverty thresholds based on two of these variables, farm-
nonfarm residence and sex of householder. The poverty thresholds are updated every year to reflect changes in the consumer price
index. For further details, see "Current Population Reports,' Series P-60, No. 160.
A Common DESTINY
BLACKS + AMD AMERICAN SOC.
P.3
poverty line.
one out of 3 shul in households below
p.4.
"Status of Warch amer. today can he
charactured as a glass that is half fuel
or a glass that is haefempty."
Pink CRACK
40-605 great
Sure '70's, eco status stay. or deterond on
#
average, stag. or deter.
those who Don't finish h.s., wt b, V in mcome
{ LOOK up Junior college speech)
QUOTES from: Watter WIlliams 1?)
Stanford
20%
19,680
TRINA
Den ED
12 1/2p.
Amer. 294-0600
382. 46