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State of the Union 1/31/90 [OA 8310] [4]
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26
19
6
2
December 14, 1988
MEMORANDUM FOR JIM PINKERTON
FROM: KATE MOORE
EMILY MEAD
RE: RECENT STATE OF THE UNION MESSAGES
After conversations with Bob Grady, David Demarest, and Andy Card
in the past few days, we obtained no definitive answer to the
question of whether George Bush will be giving a State of the
Union Address.
Perhaps there is a plan that we don't know about, but in any
event, we thought it might be helpful to review what other newly
elected presidents in recent decades did in the way of a)
delivering a State of the Union message, and b) addressing the
Congress and the Nation early in their administration as a means
of setting the policy agenda for the year.
As a reminder, it appears that President Reagan will not be
giving a state of the union address this year; you may recall he
had indicated last year that his 1988 State of the Union address
was to be his last. This creates an option for George Bush.
Delivery dates of State of the Union Messages:
The first State of the Union Address was delivered by George
Washington on January 8, 1790 (Washington was inaugurated April
30, 1789). After Washington's first inaugural, the delivery
dates occured between October and December. Beginning with
Monroe in 1921, December emerged as the regular pattern, until
January 3, 1934 when President Roosevelt gave his first annual
State of the Union address (he had used the fireside chat and
other means to deliver his message to the American people during
his first year in office).
The annual message was delivered by all outgoing Presidents.
President Reagan's decision not to make such a address this
January is a departure from a long standing tradition.
1
President Eisenhower's Inaugural Speech on January 20, 1953, was
followed by a State of the Union address on February 2, 1953,
even though President Truman had delivered his Annual Message on
January 7.
President Kennedy also gave a State of the Union address 10 days
after his inauguration, seeing events in a much different light
from Eisenhower only 18 days before.
President Nixon declined to give a State of the Union speech in
January of 1969. President Johnson having given a State of the
Union speech on January 14, delivered the Budget message on
January 15 followed by an Economic Report to Congress on the
16th; perhaps this was a wise decision.
President Carter confined himself to a Message of Budget
Revisions in February of 1977 following Ford's earlier State of
the Union message.
President Reagan chose to address the Nation on television on the
state of the economy on February 5 - a very short report by State
of the Union standards; he then followed up with an address to a
joint session of Congress on February 18, where he presented his
"Economic Recovery Program."
The bottom line is that George Bush has a choice of formats --
whether State of the Union, or, perhaps, a more focussed
statement to the Congress, to set his agenda.
There is attached a chronology dating back to Franklin D.
Roosevelt on State of the Union addresses given by incoming
Presidents.
As a beginning effort, the following describes in more detail the
approaches taken by two interesting and relevant Presidents,
Reagan and Kennedy, to setting the policy agenda through major
speeches in the first days of their administration.
Reagan/Carter 1981
On January 16, 1981, Jimmy Carter submitted in writing his 60-
page State of the Union address. Two days earlier, he had given
his farewell address to the nation which was broadcast live from
the White House.
President Ronald Reagan outlined the foundation for his agenda in
a televised address to the nation on "The Nation's Economy" on
February 5, where he:
described the nation's economic ills;
2
decried the growth of federal spending;
listed initial Presidential actions already taken (i.e.,
freeze on hiring; cuts in federal travel; a freeze on
pending regulations; established the Vice President's
regulatory task force; decontrol of oil; elimination of
Council on Wage and Price Stability, etc.);
announced his intention to present an economic program to
Congress on February 18;
reviewed charts on (a) forecasts of federal spending and
revenues, and on (b) his alternative economic program;
professed his confidence that the budget could be balanced,
and
called on the nation to "forge a new beginning."
On February 18, President Reagan did indeed address a joint
session of Congress and outlined his "Program for Economic
Recovery." Paralleling his earlier address to the nation, he
reviewed the nation's economic ills and outlined his
"comprehensive four-point program":
a budget reform plan to cut the rate of growth in Federal
spending;
a series of proposals to reduce personal income tax rates
and to accelerate depreciation for business investment;
regulatory relief; and
a monetary policy consistent with the above.
His address also included:
specific proposals for federal spending reductions in FY82;
assurances on the "social safety net";
a promise to "convert a number of categorical grant programs
to block grants";
proposals on subsidies and programs to be cut or eliminated;
a proposal to increase defense;
proposal for tax reductions;
3
proposals to advance deregulation;
commitment to pursue budget policies to help the Federal
reserve slow the growth in money supply;
a reminder that "spending by government must be limited to
those functions which are the proper province of
government."
Eisenhower/Kennedy: 1961
Kennedy's State of the Union address was delivered in person,
January 30, 1961, to a joint session of Congress. It is useful
to note that Kennedy sought to establish an immediate bond with
his Congressional audience by opening with "It is a pleasure to
return whence I came." Kennedy offered several concrete
proposals, notwithstanding his disclaimer, "Were I to offer --
after little more than a week in office -- detailed legislation
to remedy every national ill, the Congress would rightly wonder
whether the desire for speed had replaced the duty of
responsibility."
In the address, Kennedy:
o
Reviewed economic ills, including recession and
unemployment -- "The American economy is in trouble."
Promised to propose specific economic actions within 14 days
Reviewed U.S. economy in global context (trade gaps, gold
stocks, investment abroad, etc.)
Reviewed budget deficit
Commented on several domestic needs: housing (he observed
that "a new housing program under a new Housing and Urban
Affairs Department would be needed this year."), education,
medical, research, etc., and promised a series of
"messages" within the next two weeks
Reviewed the U.S.'s place in the world and commented on the
need for:
-
strengthened military tools (promised to reappraise
entire defense strategy)
-
improved economic tools (e.g., foreign aid, and "the
formation of a National Peace Corps
"
-
strengthened political and diplomatic tools
4
Reviewed the State of the Executive Branch ("full of honest
and useful public servants", but in need of more
decisiveness and encouragement of initiative)
Closed with a reference to Franklin D. Roosevelt, "In the
words of a great President, whose birthday we honor today,
closing his final State of the Union Message sixteen years
ago, 'We pray that we may be worthy of the unlimited
opportunities that God has given us.'"
5
PRESIDENTIAL ACTIONS AROUND THE INAUGURATION
1953
President Truman
President Eisenhower
1/7 State of Union
1/20 Inaugural Address
1/9 Budget Message
2/2 State of the Union
1/14 Economic Report to Congress
1/15 Farewell on TV
1961
President Eisenhower
President Kennedy
1/12 State of Union
1/20 Inaugural Address
1/30 State of Union
1965
President Johnson
1/4 State of Union
1/20 Inaugural Address
1/28 Economic Report to Congress
1969
President Johnson
President Nixon
1/14 State of Union
1/20 Inaugural Address
1/15 Budget Message
1/16 Economic Report to Congress
1977
President Ford
President Carter
1/12 State of Union
1/20 Inaugural Address
1/17 Budget Message
1/20 Message to Nations
1/18 Economic Report to Congress
of the World through
USIA
2/22 1978 Budget Revisions
1981
President Carter
President Reagan
1/5 Address to Nation on Economy
1/20 Inaugural Address
1/16 Farewell Address
2/5 Televised Address to
1/26 State of Union
Nation on Economy
2/18 Address to Joint Session
of Congress: Program for
Economic Recovery
PRESIDENTIAL ACTIONS AROUND THE INAUGURATION
Page Two
1985
President Reagan
1/20 2nd Inaugural
2/6 State of Union
1989
President Reagan
President Bush
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
December 30, 1989
MEMORANDUM FOR GOVERNOR SUNUNU
FROM:
ROGER B. PORTER
RBP
SUBJECT:
State of the Union Address: Themes
My discussions with virtually all of the cabinet departments
and agencies regarding their ideas and suggestions for the
President's State of the Union Address at the end of next month
have yielded both much consensus and the expected interest from
most departments in getting mention for particular programs or
policies.
1. The virtue of a thematic approach.
There is consensus, at least in principle, on the value of a
thematic rather than a programmatic (a more generous word than
laundry list) approach. Most laundry list State of the Union
addresses in the past have consisted of a stream of initiatives
involving more spending here and more spending there.
One factor encouraging a thematic approach is that budget
constraints have limited the number and size of new spending
programs. But this is not a cause for concern. The President
was not overwhelmingly elected because voters believed he would
out spend his opponent. Moreover, the broad public support he
has had during this first year is not based on his advocacy of
new spending programs. This simply reinforces the wisdom of a
thematic as opposed to laundry list approach.
2.
The value of an emphasis on foreign policy and global
developments.
In addition to a preference for a thematic approach, there
was a recognition by most cabinet members of the merit in a
greater than normal emphasis on foreign policy given recent
developments around the world. A partial list of these
developments includes:
The changing nature of the U.S.-Soviet relationship
(Malta and the June 1990 Bush-Gorbachev Summit);
The largely peaceful explosion of democracy throughout
Eastern Europe;
Our intervention in Panama and our efforts to firmly
-2-
establish democracy in this hemisphere;
Recent events in China;
The magnitude of the much-discussed "peace dividend;"
The nature of the global economy and the implications
of EC 1992 for the United States; and
The U.S.-Japanese relationship.
Typically, less than one-fourth of the space in the State of the
Union Address has been devoted to foreign policy. This year,
there is a compelling case to consider devoting upwards of one-
third (10 minutes in a 30 minute text) of the speech to foreign
policy.
3.
A substantial foreign policy section should articulate
a set of principles or policies that others might
identify as a Bush Doctrine.
Such a foreign policy section would do more than merely
recite and comment on developments in the Soviet Union, Eastern
Europe, Central America, China, etc. It would need to include a
set of principles for guiding U.S. policy in the future that
collectively would represent the elements of a doctrine.
As Dick Darman has observed, others must proclaim it a
doctrine rather than the President pronouncing it such. But it
is difficult to envision a more propitious time than now for
articulating such a set of principles.
4.
The economic and domestic policy portion of the address
should revolve around three or four memorable themes
that collectively constitute a sense of where the
President wants to take the country in the 1990s.
Collectively these themes should serve several purposes:
Explaining his fiscal policy decisions (a commitment to
balancing the budget without new taxes) and his budget
priorities.
Reinforcing and expanding on the initiatives he has
already taken in dealing with the three domestic issues
that Americans claim concern them most -- drugs, the
environment, and education.
Directing attention toward the future and what he
-3-
considers the central challenges facing the country
during the 1990s in preparing for the 21st century.
Giving individual Americans and families a sense of
what he believes they can and should do.
Instilling a sense of confidence and reassurance
without complacency, of challenge without conveying a
sense of crisis.
Preempting the ground from under the congressional
Democrats who will likely pursue two basic themes this
year:
-
industrial policy/competitiveness with a probable
emphasis on economic nationalism; and
-
fairness for the least advantaged in our society.
5.
One of the domestic themes would be investing in
America's future.
This theme has the virtue of consistency. It was a
prominent phrase in this year's February 9 program, Building A
Better America. It will also be prominently featured in the FY
1991 budget documents.
In structuring this theme we can underscore balance. The
need to invest in:
Physical capital (savings and investment)
Intellectual capital (research and development)
Human capital (education and training) (drugs)
It is forward looking (investments are needed today to
provide the kind of future we want for ourselves and succeeding
generations). It provides a useful place for discussing the
fiscal discipline budget approach the President is proposing as
necessary to reduce government dissaving.
As part of this theme, in addition to articulating his
fiscal policy, he would outline a select number of new proposals
and repropose others:
The Family Savings Plan;
The reconfigured capital gains proposal;
-4-
Making permanent the R&D tax credit and the priority in
the FY 1991 budget proposals for R&D;
The national education goals and our commitment to work
with governors to achieve greater flexibility and
restructuring of our education system;
An increased budgetary commitment to addressing the
problem of illicit drug use, opposition to legalizing
these drugs, and drug kingpin legislation;
The section on investing in the future would be the longest
of the economic and domestic portion of the speech and would
reinforce the policies the President articulated during the
campaign and this past year as needed to produce increased
economic growth. An underlying element of this theme is that
these are the kinds of policies that are needed to increase
productivity and the overall standard of living.
There are two other candidates for this section that have
enthusiastic department and agency heads pushing for their
inclusion. The first is announcing a National Transportation
Policy strategy with the focus on the need to strengthen our
nation's infrastructure as part of the pattern of investment that
is needed in the future.
The second is a discussion of the space program and how the
investment that we make in it will produce a stream of long-term
economic and societal benefits.
6. A second theme would be the need for enhancing dynamism
in our economy if we are to compete successfully in the
1990s and beyond.
This theme permits us to talk about those things we have
long considered our economic strengths -- flexibility,
innovation, adaptability, entrepreneurship.
Implicitly, and perhaps explicitly, it would argue against
such ideas as expanded mandated benefits, trade protectionism,
etc. It would counter the security-driven notion that we must
focus on preserving what we have or redistributing it more
equitably, and rather concentrate on what we must do to expand
the size of the economic pie. In this sense it complements well
the invest in the future theme.
As part of this theme we would discuss a limited range of
initiatives and proposals:
o
Our commitment to successfully concluding the Uruguay
-5-
Round trade negotiations and opening markets for
America's farmers, the service industry, and protecting
intellectual property rights.
An antitrust policy that acknowledges the need for
internal competition within the U.S. while recognizing
that it is a global marketplace in which most U.S.
businesses must compete. This would be the appropriate
place for the joint production venture proposal that
Commerce and Justice have been pushing, if it is
determined to go forward with it.
An effort to free ourselves from the inefficiencies
imposed by excessive litigation -- liability reform
including product, volunteer, and medical malpractice
liability.
This theme would not require as much discussion as the
invest in the future theme, nor would it involve as many or as
grand proposals. But it would be crucial in focusing attention
on what is needed if we are to compete in the global marketplace
and combined with the elements in the invest in the future theme
would give us a strong counter to the competitiveness/industrial
policy thrust the Democrats will likely mount during 1990.
7.
A third theme would be enhanced opportunity for all
Americans, particularly those with the greatest needs.
The first two themes direct attention to what is needed with
respect to economic growth and competitiveness. This theme would
emphasize the breadth with which the President wants this
prosperity shared. It would be analogous to the kinder, gentler
nation theme that has served us so well this year.
Again, this would not consume a large portion of the speech
and could be the place for a discussion of such initiatives as:
The President's housing proposals as embodied in
Project Hope.
The enterprise zone proposal with its emphasis on
opportunity for those in economically depressed areas.
The child care proposal and his interest in working for
legislation that will focus on helping children from
low-income families. (He might also refer to Head
Start which is currently in the theme on investing in
the future.)
The Americans with Disabilities Act which the President
-6-
supports and which will likely be enacted this year.
8.
A fourth theme would be the importance of stewardship
of our nation's resources.
This theme would emphasize that we must be concerned not
merely with the quantity, but with the quality of life in
America. It would acknowledge the need for balancing economic
growth and a healthy environment. It would also have a forward
looking thrust toward the 21st century by drawing attention to
what we must do to pass on to the next generation a beautiful
America.
The centerpiece of this section would be the America the
Beautiful initiative and the elements in the Endowment for the
Environment. It would also permit him to call on all Americans
to participate personally in a national reforestation effort by
planting trees in their communities and environs.
This would not consume a large portion of the speech. Among
the initiatives that might be mentioned in this section would be:
The America the Beautiful initiative with special
emphasis on the reforestation effort;
Enactment of a Clean Air bill that achieves significant
environmental benefits while relying on market
incentives to minimize costs and to spur technological
innovation; and
His leadership internationally on such environmental
issues as global climate change.
These four themes
Investing in America's future
Increasing economic dynamism
Enlarging opportunity
Enhancing America's environment
provide a framework for the proposals we want to highlight. They
are future oriented. They provide balance between growth and
competitiveness (the first two) and the kinder, gentler,
qualitative dimensions of our policies (the last two).
For Discussion
12/30/89
1990 State of the Union
Draft Outline
I.
Introduction: Reflections and Assessment
A.
Enter a new decade following a year of great change,
but also a year of peace and prosperity.
B.
America has championed two great ideas in 20th century.
1.
The value of democratic political institutions.
2.
The superiority of market-based economic
institutions and arrangements.
3.
These ideas are rooted in the value of each
individual, not the importance of the state.
4.
They underscore freedom and dignity, opportunity
and responsibility.
5.
The events of 1989 confirm the wisdom of these
ideas and that people everywhere yearn for
freedom.
C.
During last half of this century we have experienced
peace (no World Wars as in first half of this century)
and unprecedented economic prosperity.
1.
Peace was achieved through strength and devoting
the resources necessary to deter aggression. Plus
establishing sound alliances.
2.
Prosperity due to two major factors:
a.
The diffusion of technology, communications,
and transportation innovations.
b.
The growth of world trade which has
transformed the global economy.
3.
The U.S. has been at the forefront of the twin
engines of technology and trade pulling us down
the track of economic prosperity.
D.
Protecting and expanding freedom while preserving and
enhancing prosperity remain important challenges for
the coming decade. To do so in an increasingly global
economy will require much of us. We must:
-2-
II. Investing in the Future
A.
Saving and Physical Capital
1.
Budget and fiscal policy discussion. Need to meet
GRH targets. Can do so without raising taxes.
2.
Must also increase private saving to provide
adequate capital investment. (Family Savings
Plan, Capital gains proposal)
B.
Intellectual Capital and Technological Innovation
1.
Research and development holds another key to our
economic success.
2.
Must increase private sector R&D (permanent tax
credit) spending. A federal budget priority.
C.
Human Capital and Education
1.
Must have an educational renaissance in America.
2.
This renaissance must be based on ambitious goals,
flexibility and innovation in our approach to
achieving them, and enhanced accountability.
3.
Announce education goals and federal actions.
D.
Eliminating the Scourge of Drugs
1.
Oppose legalizing drugs; enact crime bill.
2.
Budget priority attached to implementing drug
strategy.
3.
Proposed drug kingpin legislation.
III. Increasing Economic Dynamism
A.
Our success will depend not simply holding on to what
we have, but on our willingness to innovate, change,
adapt, and adopt measures that will enhance dynamism.
B.
This means sectors of our economy ready and willing to
compete. Competition domestically and abroad must be
both free and fair. Must remove barriers to healthy
competition.
1.
Successful conclusion of Uruguay Round and opening
markets for farmers, services, and protecting
intellectual property.
-3-
2.
Antitrust policy that acknowledges need for
internal competition in U.S. while recognizing
that it is a global marketplace.
3.
Free ourselves from inefficiencies imposed by
excessive litigation -- liability reform.
Product, volunteer, medical malpractice.
IV. Enlarging Opportunity for All Americans
A.
We must not only compete effectively in the global
marketplace, but we must open the door of opportunity
for everyone to participate in the American dream.
B.
Our extended hand as a people must help all Americans
to realize their full potential.
C.
Specifically seek enactment of:
1. HOPE grants
2. Enterprise zones
3. Housing to deal with homelessness
4. Child care
5. Head Start expansion
V.
Enhancing America's Environment
A.
We must be concerned not merely with the quantity, but
the quality of life in America. Need to balance
economic growth and a healthy environment.
B.
America the Beautiful - Endowment for the Environment
1. Reforestation initiative. Call on all Americans
to participate personally.
C.
Call for enactment of Clean Air legislation that
achieves significant environmental benefits while
relying on market incentives to minimize costs and spur
technological innovation.
D.
America will provide leadership on international issues
such as global climate change.
VI. Foreign Policy: America's Role in the World
COMMUNICATIONS TECHNOLOGY
AND THE
STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS
New York Times headline, December 5, 1917: Whole World Gets
Wilson Message -- "President Wilson's address to Congress was
heralded
throughout the world by the United States
Government. Nearly every known means of communication -- express
train, telephone, telegraph, wireless, and submarine cable -- was
utilized in transmitting message."
New York Times, December 6, 1923 (first radio broadcast of the
State of the Union) : "The voice of President Coolidge,
addressing Congress
will be carried over a greater portion
of the United States and will be heard by more people than the
voice of any man in history.
New York Times, December 7, 1923:
"
there was no
discoverable instance of a person equipped with a receiving set
who did not use it to listen to Coolidge's address."
Eisenhower's 1954 address: USIA transmitted it around the world.
The Voice of America broadcast the full text to an English
language audience estimated at about 45,000,000. Highlights of
the address were carried in 33 languages. The text was
transmitted by wireless to 57 USIA overseas posts for
distribution to some 10,000 foreign publications.
Eisenhower's 1958 address: "My last call for action is not
primarily addressed to the Congress and people of the United
States. Rather it is a message from the people of the United
States to all other peoples, especially those of the Soviet
Union."
414
COMPARATIVE DATA
INAUGURAL ADDRESS-Continued
PRESIDENTIAL DUTIES AND POWERS
Jackson
T. Roosevelt
The duties and powers of the President are
1,125 (first)
985
specifically enumerated in the Constitution:
1,172 (second)
Taft
ARTICLE II, SECTION 2. The President
Van Buren
5,433
shall be Commander in Chief of the Army
3,838
and Navy of the United States, and of the
Wilson
Militia of the several States, when called
W. H. Harrison
1,802 (first)
into the actual Service of the United States;
8,445
1,526 (second)
he may require the Opinion, in writing, of
the principal Officer in each of the Execu-
Polk
Harding
tive Departments, upon any Subject relat-
4,776
3,318
ing to the Duties of their respective Offi-
ces, and he shall have the Power to grant
Taylor
Coolidge
Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against
996
4,059
the United States, except in Cases of Im-
peachment.
Pierce
Hoover
3,319
3,801
He shall have Power, by and with the
Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make
Buchanan
F. D. Roosevelt
Treaties, provided two thirds of the Sena-
2,821
1,883 (first)
tors present concur; and he shall nominate,
Lincoln
1,807 (second)
and by and with the Advice and Consent
1,340 (third)
of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors,
3,634 (first)
559 (fourth)
other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges
698 (second)
of the Supreme Court, and all other Offi-
Truman
Grant
cers of the United States, whose Appoint-
2,242
ments are not herein otherwise provided
1,128 (first)
for, and which shall be established by
1,337 (second)
Eisenhower
Law; but the Congress may by Law vest
Hayes
2,446 (first)
the Appointment of such inferior Officers,
2,449 (second)
as they think proper, in the President
2,480
alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the
Garfield
Kennedy
Heads of Departments.
2,978
1,355
The President shall have Power to fill
Cleveland
L. B. Johnson
up all Vacancies that may happen during
1,681 (first)
1,437
the Recess of the Senate, by granting Com-
missions which shall expire at the End of
B. Harrison
Nixon
their next Session.
4,388
2,130 (first)
SECTION 3. He shall from time to time
1,668 (second)
Cleveland
give to the Congress Information of the
2,015 (second)
Carter
State of the Union, and recommend to
their Consideration such Measures as he
1,087
McKinley
shall judge necessary and expedient; he
3,967 (first)
Reagan
may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene
both Houses, or either of them, and in
2,217 (second)
2,463
Case of Disagreement between them, with
Respect to the Time of Adjournment, he
REQUIREMENTS FOR THE PRESIDENCY
may adjourn them to such Time as he shall
think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors
There are no legal requirements for the presi-
and other public Ministers; he shall take
dency except for one paragraph in Article II,
Care that the Laws be faithfully executed,
section 1 of the Constitution:
and shall Commission all the Officers of
the United States.
No Person except a natural born Citizen,
or a Citizen of the United States, at the
time of the Adoption of this Constitution,
PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES
shall be eligible to the Office of President;
Presidential messages are not required in any
neither shall any Person be eligible to that
specific form or at any specified time. The an-
Office who shall not have attained to the
nual State of the Union messages are either
Age of thirty five Years, and been fourteen
read to Congress or delivered by the President
Years a Resident within the United States.
in person. Presumably, they fulfill the require-
COMPARATIVE DATA
415
ment of Article 2, section 3 of the Constitution,
Monroe
Lincoln
which provides that the President "shall from
Dec. 2, 1817
Dec. 3, 1861
time to time give to the Congress Information
Nov. 16, 1818
Dec. 1, 1862
of the State of the Union." The term "State
Dec. 7, 1819
Dec. 8, 1863
of the Union Message" came into use on
Nov. 14, 1820
Dec. 6, 1864
January 6. 1941; before then, the messages
Dec. 3, 1821
were generally called "annual messages."
Dec. 3. 1822
A. Johnson
William Henry Harrison and James Abram
Dec. 2, 1823
Garfield did not prepare annual messages.
Dec. 7, 1824
Dec. 4, 1865
Harrison served only 32 days and Garfield
Dec. 3, 1866
only 199 days.
J. Q. Adams
Dec. 3, 1867
Dec. 9, 1868
George Washington did not prepare a mes-
Dec. 6, 1825
sage during the calendar year 1789, but deliv-
Dec. 5, 1826
ered two messages in 1790, one on January 8
Dec. 4, 1827
Grant
and one on December 8.
Dec. 2, 1828
Dec. 6, 1869
Until the administration of Franklin Delano
Dec. 5, 1870
Jackson
Roosevelt in 1933, there were 141 messages. Of
Dec. 4, 1871
these 125 were delivered in December, 1 in
Dec. 8, 1829
Dec. 2, 1872
January, 1 in September, 3 in October, and 11
Dec. 6, 1830
Dec. 1, 1873
in November.
Dec. 6, 1831
Dec. 7, 1874
Dec. 4, 1832
Dec. 7, 1875
Since the inauguration date was changed to
Dec. 3, 1833
Dec. 5. 1876
January, 41 messages have been made in Jan-
Dec. 1, 1834
uary and 2 in February.
Dec. 7, 1835
The longest State of the Union message was
Hayes
Dec. 5. 1836
sent to Congress in 1946 by President Harry S.
Dec. 3, 1877
Truman and consisted of more than 25,000
Van Buren
Dec. 2, 1878
words.
Dec. 5, 1837
Dec. 1, 1879
It is generally conceded that most presiden-
Dec. 3, 1838
Dec. 6, 1880
tial speeches are prepared by writers, presum-
Dec. 2, 1839
ably carrying out the wishes and thoughts of
Dec. 5, 1840
Arthur
the executives. It is estimated that President
Dec. 6, 1881
Lyndon Baines Johnson's speech of January 8,
Tyler
Dec. 4, 1882
1964, consisting of 3,059 words, required the
Dec. 7, 1841
Dec. 4, 1883
services of about twenty-four writers, who took
Dec. 6, 1842
Dec. 1, 1884
about six weeks to draft the speech, with ten
Dec. 5, 1843
to sixteen major revisions.
Dec. 3, 1844
Cleveland-
1st Administration
Polk
STATE OF THE UNION MESSAGES
Dec. 8, 1885
Dec. 2, 1845
Dec. 6, 1886
Washington
Dec. 8, 1846
Dec. 6, 1887
Dec. 7, 1847
Jan. 8, 1790
Dec. 3, 1888
Dec. 3, 1793
Dec. 5, 1848
Dec. 8, 1790
Nov. 19, 1794
Oct. 25, 1791
Dec. 8, 1795
Taylor
B. Harrison
Nov. 6, 1792
Dec. 7, 1796
Dec. 4, 1849
Dec. 3, 1889
Dec. 1, 1890
J. Adams
Fillmore
Dec. 9, 1891
Nov. 22, 1797
Dec. 3, 1799
Dec. 2, 1850
Dec. 6, 1892
Dec. 8, 1798
Nov. 22, 1800
Dec. 2, 1851
Dec. 6, 1852
Cleveland-
Jefferson
Pierce
2nd Administration
Dec. 8, 1801
Dec. 3, 1805
Dec. 5, 1853
Dec. 4, 1893
Dec. 15, 1802
Dec. 2, 1806
Dec. 4, 1854
Dec. 3, 1894
Oct. 17, 1803
Oct. 27, 1807
Nov. 8, 1804
Dec. 31, 1855
Dec. 2, 1895
Nov. 8, 1808
Dec. 2, 1856
Dec. 7, 1896
Madison
Buchanan
McKinley
Nov. 29, 1809
Dec. 7, 1813
Dec. 8, 1857
Dec. 6, 1897
Dec. 5, 1810
Sept. 20, 1814
Dec. 6, 1858
Dec. 5, 1898
Nov. 5, 1811
Dec. 5, 1815
Dec. 19, 1859
Dec. 5, 1899
Nov. 4, 1812
Dec. 3, 1816
Dec. 3, 1860
Dec. 3, 1900
2pm 35-min
RR
Jan. 26, 1982
Jan 25, 1983
Jan 25, 1984
Feb 6, 1985
Feb4, 1986
Jan 7, 1987
Jan 25, 1988
GW
JA
416
COMPARATIVE DATA
STATE OF THE UNION MESSAGES
Every Bill which shall have passed the
-Continued
House of Representatives and the Senate,
shall, before it becomes a Law, be pre-
T. Roosevelt
Jan. 7, 1943 40
sented to the President of the United
Dec. 3, 1901
Jan. 11, 1944 writ
States; if he approve he shall sign it, but
Dec. 2, 1902
Jan. 6, 1945 writ
if not he shall return it, with his Objections
Dec. 7, 1903
Truman
to that House in which it shall have origi-
Dec. 6, 1904
writ
nated, who shall enter the Objections at
Dec. 5, 1905
Jan. 22, 1946
50
large on their Journal, and proceed to re-
Dec. 3, 1906
Jan. 6, 1947
consider it. If after such Reconsideration
Dec. 3, 1907
Jan. 7, 1948
50
two thirds of that House shall agree to
Dec. 8, 1908
Jan. 5, 1949 30
pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with
Jan. 4, 1950 40
the Objections, to the other House, by
Taft
Jan. 8, 1951 writ
which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and
Dec. 7, 1909
Jan. 9, 1952 40
if approved by two thirds of that House,
Dec. 6, 1910
Jan. 7, 1953 writ
it shall become a Law.
If any Bill
Dec. 5, 1911
Eisenhower
shall not be returned by the President
Dec. 3, 1912
Feb. 2, 1953 60
within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after
Wilson
Jan. 7, 1954 55
it shall have been presented to him, the
Dec.
2,
1913
40,Tues
Jan. 6, 1955 60
Same shall be a Law, in like Manner as
Jan. 5, 1956 writ
if he had signed it, unless the Congress by
Dec. 8, 1914
40
Dec. 7, 1915
60
Jan. 10, 1957 35
their Adjournment prevent its Return, in
Dec. 5, 1916
18
Jan. 9, 1958
45
which case it shall not be a Law.
Dec. 4, 1917
30
Jan. 9, 1959
45
Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to
Dec. 2, 1918
45
Jan. 7, 1960
40
which the Concurrence of the Senate and
Dec. 2, 1919
writ
Jan. 12, 1961
House of Representatives may be necessary
Dec. 7, 1920
(except on a question of Adjournment)
writ
Kennedy
shall be presented to the President of the
Harding
Jan. 30, 1961
45
United States; and before the Same shall
Dec. 4, 1921
Jan. 11, 1962
60
take Effect, shall be approved by him, or
Dec. 8, 1922
Jan. 14, 1963
45
being disapproved by him, shall be repassed
by two thirds of the Senate and House
Coolidge
L. B. Johnson
of Representatives, according to the Rules
Dec. 6, 1923 65
Jan. 8, 1964
45
and Limitations prescribed in the Case of
Dec. 3, 1924
writ
ap.
Jan. 4, 1965
50
a Bill.
Dec. 8, 1925 writ
Jan. 12, 1966
60
Dec. 7, 1926 writ
Jan. 10, 1967
75
The Constitution thus provides not only for a
Dec. 6, 1927 writ
Jan. 17, 1968
55
regular veto, which Congress may override by
Dec. 4. 1928 writ
Jan. 14, 1969
45
a two-thirds majority of both Houses, but also
for a "pocket veto"-if the President opposes a
Hoover
Nixon
bill sent to him ten days before the adjourn-
Dec. 3, 1929
Jan. 22, 1970 40
ment of Congress, he can, instead of vetoing
Dec. 2, 1930
Jan. 22, 1971 40
it, merely ignore it, or "pocket" it, and prevent
Dec. 8, 1931
Jan. 20, 1972 30*
it from becoming a law.
Feb.
2,
1973
Dec. 6, 1932
series
of writ
The following list shows the number of bills
Jan. 30, 1974
45->
vetoed by each President. Noted in parenthesis
F. D. Roosevelt
Ford
after each total are the figures comprising the
Jan. 3, 1934 25
Jan. 15, 1975 45
total: first, the number of regular vetoes; sec-
Jan. 4, 1935 45
Jan. 19, 1976
ond, the number of pocket vetoes; third, the
50
9pm-Ja
Jan. 3, 1936
50
Jan. 12, 1977
number of vetoes sustained by Congress; and
Jan. 6, 1937 35
50
fourth, the number passed over his veto.
Jan. 3, 1938 so
Carter
Jan. 4, 1939
45
45
Washington-2 (2, 0; 2, 0)
Jan. 19, 1978
Jan. 3, 1940
35
Jan. 23, 1979
40
J. Adams-0
Jan. 6, 1941
40
Jan. 23, 1980
40
Jefferson-0
Jan. 6, 1942
40
Jan. 16, 1981
Madison-7 (5, 2; 7, 0)
Monroe-2 (1, 1; 1, 1)
J. Q. Adams-0
THE PRESIDENTIAL VETO
Jackson-12 (5, 7; 12, 0)
Article I, section 7 of the Constitution con-
Van Buren-0
tains the following provisions:
W. H. Harrison-0
72-15,000 wd message
xx74-22,000
THE PAPERS OF
WOODROW WILSON
An Annual Message to Congress¹
Gentlemen of the Congress:
[Dec. 2, 1913]
In pursuance of my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress
information of the state of the Union," I take the liberty of ad-
dressing you on several matters which ought, as it seems to me,
particularly to engage the attention of your honorable bodies, as
of all who study the welfare and progress of the Nation.
I shall ask your indulgence if I venture to depart in some
degree from the usual custom of setting before you in formal
review the many matters which have engaged the attention and
called for the action of the several departments of the Govern-
ment or which look to them for early treatment in the future, be-
cause the list is long, very long, and would suffer in the abbrevia-
tion to which I should have to subject it. I shall submit to you the
reports of the heads of the several departments, in which these
subjects are set forth in careful detail, and beg that they may re-
ceive the thoughtful attention of your committees and of all Mem-
bers of the Congress who may have the leisure to study them.
Their obvious importance, as constituting the very substance of
the business of the Government, makes comment and emphasis
on my part unnecessary.
The country, I am thankful to say, is at peace with all the
world, and many happy manifestations multiply about us of a
growing cordiality and sense of community of interest among the
nations, foreshadowing an age of settled peace and good will.
More and more readily each decade do the nations manifest their
willingness to bind themselves by solemn treaty to the processes
of peace, the processes of frankness and fair concession. So far
the United States has stood at the front of such negotiations. She
will, I earnestly hope and confidently believe, give fresh proof of
her sincere adherence to the cause of international friendship
1 There is a brief, undated WWhw and WWsh outline of this message in
WP, DLC. One of the topics listed-Tolls-Honour of the country-peace of
the world"-Wilson did not mention in his address.
Wilson typed most of the address in sections (the WWT draft is in WP,
DLC), next dictated the address to Swem, and then extensively revised the
CLST draft. The first four pages of this penultimate draft are in the C. L.
Swem Collection, NjP. A copy of the final typed version, the one sent to the
public printer, has not survived.
4
ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS
by ratifying the several treaties of arbitration awaiting renewal
by the Senate. In addition to these, it has been the privilege of
the Department of State to gain the assent, in principle, of no less
than thirty-one nations, representing four-fifths of the population
of the world, to the negotiation of treaties by which it shall be
agreed that whenever differences of interest or of policy arise
which cannot be resolved by the ordinary processes of diplomacy
they shall be publicly analyzed, discussed, and reported upon by a
tribunal chosen by the parties before either nation determines its
course of action.
There is only one possible standard by which to determine
controversies between the United States and other nations, and
that is compounded of these two elements: Our own honor and
our obligations to the peace of the world. A test so compounded
ought easily to be made to govern both the establishment of new
treaty obligations and the interpretation of those already as-
sumed.
There is but one cloud upon our horizon. That has shown it-
self to the south of us, and hangs over Mexico. There can be no
certain prospect of peace in America until General Huerta has
surrendered his usurped authority in Mexico; until it is under-
stood on all hands, indeed, that such pretended governments will
not be countenanced or dealt with by the Government of the
United States. We are the friends of constitutional government
in America; we are more than its friends, we are its champions;
because in no other way can our neighbors, to whom we would
wish in every way to make proof of our friendship, work out their
own development in peace and liberty. Mexico has no Govern-
ment. The attempt to maintain one at the City of Mexico has
broken down, and a mere military despotism has been set up
which has hardly more than the semblance of national author-
ity. It originated in the usurpation of Victoriano Huerta, who,
after a brief attempt to play the part of constitutional President,
has at last cast aside even the pretense of legal right and declared
himself dictator. As a consequence, a condition of affairs now
exists in Mexico which has made it doubtful whether even the
most elementary and fundamental rights either of her own peo-
ple or of the citizens of other countries resident within her ter-
ritory can long be successfully safeguarded, and which threatens,
if long continued, to imperil the interests of peace, order, and
tolerable life in the lands immediately to the south of us. Even
if the usurper had succeeded in his purposes, in despite of the
constitution of the Republic and the rights of its people, he would
have set up nothing but a precarious and hateful power, which
E TO CONGRESS
DECEMBER 2, 1913
5
of arbitration awaiting renewal
could have lasted but a little while, and whose eventual downfall
se, it has been the privilege of
would have left the country in a more deplorable condition than
e assent, in principle, of no less
ever. But he has not succeeded. He has forfeited the respect and
ing four-fifths of the population
the moral support even of those who were at one time willing to
of treaties by which it shall be
see him succeed. Little by little he has been completely isolated.
$ of interest or of policy arise
By a little every day his power and prestige are crumbling and the
ordinary processes of diplomacy
collapse is not far away. We shall not, I believe, be obliged to alter
scussed, and reported upon by a
our policy of watchful waiting. And then, when the end comes,
ore either nation determines its
we shall hope to see constitutional order restored in distressed
Mexico by the concert and energy of such of her leaders as prefer
andard by which to determine
the liberty of their people to their own ambitions.
I States and other nations, and
I turn to matters of domestic concern. You already have un-
elements: Our own honor and
der consideration a bill for the reform of our system of banking
le world. A test so compounded
and currency, for which the country waits with impatience, as for
I both the establishment of new
something fundamental to its whole business life and necessary
pretation of those already as-
to set credit free from arbitrary and artificial restraints. I need
not say how earnestly I hope for its early enactment into law. I
ur horizon. That has shown it-
take leave to beg that the whole energy and attention of the
S over Mexico. There can be no
Senate be concentrated upon it till the matter is succéssfully dis-
erica until General Huerta has
posed of. And yet I feel that the request is not needed-that the
ty in Mexico; until it is under-
Members of that great House need no urging in this service to the
uch pretended governments will
country.
with by the Government of the
I present to you, in addition, the urgent necessity that special
Is of constitutional government
provision be made also for facilitating the credits needed by the
$ friends, we are its champions;
farmers of the country. The pending currency bill does the
: neighbors, to whom we would
farmers a great service. It puts them upon an equal footing with
of our friendship, work out their
other businessmen and masters of enterprise, as it should; and
liberty. Mexico has no Govern-
upon its passage they will find themselves quit of many of the
one at the City of Mexico has
difficulties which now hamper them in the field of credit. The
ary despotism has been set up
farmers, of course, ask and should be given no special privilege,
semblance of national author-
such as extending to them the credit of the Government itself.
ion of Victoriano Huerta, who,
What they need and should obtain is legislation which will make
part of constitutional President,
their own abundant and substantial credit resources available as
tense of legal right and declared
a foundation for joint, concerted local action in their own behalf
nce, a condition of affairs now
in getting the capital they must use. It is to this we should now
de it doubtful whether even the
address ourselves.
tal rights either of her own peo-
It has, singularly enough, come to pass that we have allowed
ountries resident within her ter-
the industry of our farms to lag behind the other activities of the
feguarded, and which threatens,
country in its development. I need not stop to tell you how funda-
e interests of peace, order, and
mental to the life of the Nation is the production of its food. Our
diately to the south of us. Even
thoughts may ordinarily be concentrated upon the cities and the
his purposes, in despite of the
hives of industry, upon the cries of the crowded market place and
the rights of its people, he would
the clangor of the factory, but it is from the quiet interspaces of
rious and hateful power, which
the open valleys and the free hillsides that we draw the sources of
6
ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS
life and of prosperity, from the farm and the ranch, from the
forest and the mine. Without these every street would be silent,
every office deserted, every factory fallen into disrepair. And yet
the farmer does not stand upon the same footing with the forester
and the miner in the market of credit. He is the servant of the
seasons. Nature determines how long he must wait for his crops,
and will not be hurried in her processes. He may give his note, but
the season of its maturity depends upon the season when his crop
matures, lies at the gates of the market where his products are
sold. And the security he gives is of a character not known in
the broker's office or as familiarly as it might be on the counter
of the banker.
The Agricultural Department of the Government is seeking to
assist as never before to make farming an efficient business, of
wide cooperative effort, in quick touch with the markets for food-
stuffs. The farmers and the Government will henceforth work to-
gether as real partners in this field, where we now begin to see
our way very clearly and where many intelligent plans are already
being put into execution. The Treasury of the United States has,
by a timely and well-considered distribution of its deposits,
facilitated the moving of the crops in the present season and
prevented the scarcity of available funds too often experienced at
such times. But we must not allow ourselves to depend upon
extraordinary expedients. We must add the means by which the
farmer may make his credit constantly and easily available and
command when he will the capital by which to support and ex-
pand his business. We lag behind many other great countries of
the modern world in attempting to do this. Systems of rural credit
have been studied and developed on the other side of the water
while we left our farmers to shift for themselves in the ordinary
money market. You have but to look about you in any rural dis-
trict to see the result, the handicap and embarrassment which
have been put upon those who produce our food.
Conscious of this backwardness and neglect on our part, the
Congress recently authorized the creation of a special commis-
sion to study the various systems of rural credit which have been
put into operation in Europe, and this commission is already pre-
pared to report. Its report ought to make it easier for us to deter-
mine what methods will be best suited to our own farmers. I hope
and believe that the committees of the Senate and House will ad-
dress themselves to this matter with the most fruitful results, and
I believe that the studies and recently formed plans of the Depart-
ment of Agriculture may be made to serve them very greatly in
their work of framing appropriate and adequate legislation. It
GE TO CONGRESS
DECEMBER 2, 1913
7
farm and the ranch, from the
would be indiscreet and presumptuous in anyone to dogmatize
lese every street would be silent,
upon so great and many-sided a question, but I feel confident that
pry fallen into disrepair. And yet
common counsel will produce the results we must all desire.
he same footing with the forester
Turn from the farm to the world of business which centers
credit. He is the servant of the
in the city and in the factory, and I think that all thoughtful
long he must wait for his crops,
observers will agree that the immediate service we owe the busi-
cesses. He may give his note, but
ness communities of the country is to prevent private monopoly
is upon the season when his crop
more effectually than it has yet been prevented. I think it will be
: market where his products are
easily agreed that we should let the Sherman antitrust law stand,
is of a character not known in
unaltered, as it is, with its debatable ground about it, but that we
-1y as it might be on the counter
should as much as possible reduce the areas of that debatable
ground by further and more explicit legislation; and should also
of the Government is seeking to
supplement that great act by legislation which will not only
farming an efficient business, of
clarify it but also facilitate its administration and make it fairer
touch with the markets for food-
to all concerned.² No doubt we shall all wish, and the country
ernment will henceforth work to-
will expect, this to be the central subject of our deliberations
ield, where we now begin to see
during the present session; but it is a subject so many-sided and
nany intelligent plans are already
so deserving of careful and discriminating discussion that I shall
reasury of the United States has,
take the liberty of addressing you upon it in a special message
ed distribution of its deposits,
at a later date than this. It is of capital importance that the
rops in the present season and
businessmen of this country should be relieved of all uncertain-
le funds too often experienced at
ties of law with regard to their enterprises and investments and
allow ourselves to depend upon
a clear path indicated which they can travel without anxiety. It
ust add the means by which the
is as important that they should be relieved of embarrassment
istantly and easily available and
and set free to prosper as that private monopoly should be
ital by which to support and ex-
destroyed. The ways of action should be thrown wide open.
id many other great countries of
I turn to a subject which I hope can be handled promptly and
to do this. Systems of rural credit
without serious controversy of any kind. I mean the method of
d on the other side of the water
selecting nominees for the Presidency of the United States. I feel
ft for themselves in the ordinary
confident that I do not misinterpret the wishes or the expecta-
look about you in any rural dis-
tions of the country when I urge the prompt enactment of legisla-
licap and embarrassment which
tion which will provide for primary. elections throughout the
produce our food.
country at which the voters of the several parties may choose
ess and neglect on our part, the
their nominees for the Presidency without the intervention of
le creation of a special commis-
nominating conventions. I venture the suggestion that this
S of rural credit which have been
legislation should provide for the retention of party conventions,
d this commission is already pre-
but only for the purpose of declaring and accepting the verdict
to make it easier for us to deter-
of the primaries and formulating the platforms of the parties;
suited to our own farmers. I hope
and I suggest that these conventions should consist not of
of the Senate and House will ad-
delegates chosen for this single purpose, but of the nominees
with the most fruitful results, and
for Congress, the nominees for vacant seats in the Senate of the
ently formed plans of the Depart-
de to serve them very greatly in
2 On the WWT draft, Wilson wrote "See Brandeis"-a reference to Louis D.
Brandeis, "The Solution of the Trust Problem: A Program," Harper's Weekly,
late and adequate legislation. It
LVIII (Nov. 8, 1913), 18-19. A tearsheet of this article, with WWsh comment
and the WWhw reading date, "17 Nov., 1913," is in WP, DLC.
8
ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS
United States, the Senators whose terms have not yet closed, the
national committees, and the candidates for the Presidency them-
selves, in order that platforms may be framed by those respon-
sible to the people for carrying them into effect.
These are all matters of vital domestic concern, and besides
them, outside the charmed circle of our own national life in
which our affections command us, as well as our consciences,
there stand out our obligations toward our territories over sea.³
Here we are trustees. Porto Rico, Hawaii, the Philippines, are
ours, indeed, but not ours to do what we please with. Such
territories, once regarded as mere possessions, are no longer to
be selfishly exploited; they are part of the domain of public con-
science and of serviceable and enlightened statesmanship. We
must administer them for the people who live in them and with
the same sense of responsibility to them as toward our own peo-
ple in our domestic affairs. No doubt we shall successfully enough
bind Porto Rico and the Hawaiian Islands to ourselves by ties of
justice and interest and affection, but the performance of our
duty toward the Philippines is a more difficult and debatable
matter. We can satisfy the obligations of generous justice
toward the people of Porto Rico by giving them the ample and
familiar rights and privileges accorded our own citizens in our
own territories and our obligations toward the people of Hawaii
by perfecting the provisions for self-government already granted
them, but in the Philippines we must go further. We must hold
steadily in view their ultimate independence, and we must move
toward the time of that independence as steadily as the way can
be cleared and the foundations thoughtfully and permanently
laid.
Acting under the authority conferred upon the President by
Congress, I have already accorded the people of the islands a
majority in both houses of their legislative body by appointing
five instead of four native citizens to the membership of the
commission. I believe that in this way we shall make proof of
their capacity in counsel and their sense of responsibility in the
exercise of political power, and that the success of this step will
be sure to clear our view for the steps which are to follow. Step
by step we should extend and perfect the system of self-govern-
ment in the islands, making test of them and modifying them as
experience discloses their successes and their failures; that we
should more and more put under the control of the native
3 In his WWT draft, Wilson used the phrase "our colonial possessions."
4 Wilson wrote in his typed draft: "Colonial possessions are no longer to be
exploited."
TO CONGRESS
DECEMBER 2, 1913
9
terms have not yet closed, the
citizens of the archipelago the essential instruments of their life,
idates for the Presidency them-
their local instrumentalities of government, their schools, all
y be framed by those respon-
the common interests of their communities, and so by counsel
m into effect.
and experience set up a government which all the world will see
lomestic concern, and besides
to be suitable to a people whose affairs are under their own
of our own national life in
control. At last, I hope and believe, we are beginning to gain the
s, as well as our consciences,
confidence of the Filipino peoples. By their counsel and experi-
ward our territories over sea.³
ence, rather than by our own, we shall learn how best to serve
Hawaii, the Philippines, are
them and how soon it will be possible and wise to withdraw our
what we please with. Such
supervision. Let us once find the path and set out with firm and
possessions, are no longer to
confident tread upon it and we shall not wander from it or linger
rt of the domain of public con-
upon it.
nlightened statesmanship. We
A duty faces us with regard to Alaska which seems to me
ple who live in them and with
very pressing and very imperative; perhaps I should say a double
) them as toward our own peo-
duty, for it concerns both the political and the material develop-
bt we shall successfully enough
ment of the Territory. The people of Alaska should be given the
1 Islands to ourselves by ties of
full Territorial form of government, and Alaska, as a store-
1, but the performance of our
house, should be unlocked. One key to it is a system of railways.
L more difficult and debatable
These the Government should itself build and administer, and the
ligations of generous justice
ports and terminals it should itself control in the interest of
by giving them the ample and
all who wish to use them for the service and development of the
corded our own citizens in our
country and its people.
is toward the people of Hawaii
But the construction of railways is only the first step; is only
elf-government already granted
thrusting in the key to the storehouse and throwing back the
nust go further. We must hold
lock and opening the door. How the tempting resources of the
dependence, and we must move
country are to be exploited is another matter, to which I shall
ence as steadily as the way can
take the liberty of from time to time calling your attention, for
thoughtfully and permanently
it is a policy which must be worked out by well-considered stages,
not upon theory, but upon lines of practical expediency. It is
inferred upon the President by
part of our general problem of conservation. We have a freer
ed the people of the islands a
hand in working out the problem in Alaska than in the States of
legislative body by appointing
the Union; and yet the principle and object are the same,
ens to the membership of the
wherever we touch it. We must use the resources of the country,
is way we shall make proof of
not lock them up. There need be no conflict or jealousy as be-
ir sense of responsibility in the
tween State and Federal authorities, for there can be no essential
hat the success of this step will
difference of purpose between them. The resources in question
steps which are to follow. Step
must be used, but not destroyed or wasted; used, but not monop-
erfect the system of self-govern-
olized upon any narrow idea of individual rights as against the
of them and modifying them as
abiding interests of communities. That a policy can be worked out
sses and their failures; that we
by conference and concession which will release these resources
ader the control of the native
and yet not jeopard or dissipate them, I for one have no doubt;
phrase "our colonial possessions."
and it can be done on lines of regulation which need be no less
Colonial possessions are no longer to be
acceptable to the people and governments of the States concerned
10
ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS
than to the people and Government of the Nation at large, whose
heritage these resources are. We must bend our counsels to this
end. A common purpose ought to make agreement easy.
Three or four matters of special importance and significance
I beg that you will permit me to mention in closing.
Our Bureau of Mines ought to be equipped and empowered
to render even more effectual service than it renders now in im-
proving the conditions of mine labor and making the mines more
economically productive as well as more safe. This is an all-
important part of the work of conservation; and the conserva-
tion of human life and energy lies even nearer to our interest than
the preservation from waste of our material resources. We owe
it, in mere justice to the railway employees of the country, to
provide for them a fair and effective employers' liability act; and
a law that we can stand by in this matter will be no less to the
advantage of those who administer the railroads of the country
than to the advantage of those whom they employ. The ex-
perience of a large number of the States abundantly proves that.
We ought to devote ourselves to meeting pressing demands of
plain justice like this as earnestly as to the accomplishment of
political and economic reforms. Social justice comes first. Law
is the machinery for its realization and is vital only as it expresses
and embodies it.
An international congress for the discussion of all questions
that affect safety at sea is now sitting in London at the suggestion
of our own Government. So soon as the conclusions of that
congress can be learned and considered we ought to address our-
selves, among other things, to the prompt alleviation of the very
unsafe, unjust, and burdensome conditions which now surround
the employment of sailors and render it extremely difficult to
obtain the services of spirited and competent men such as every
ship needs if it is to be safely handled and brought to port.
May I not express the very real pleasure I have experienced
in cooperating with this Congress and sharing with it the labors
of common service to which it has devoted itself so unreservedly
during the past seven months of uncomplaining concentration
upon the business of legislation? Surely it is a proper and
pertinent part of my report on "the state of the Union" to express
my admiration for the diligence, the good temper, and the full
comprehension of public duty which has already been mani-
fested by both the Houses, and I hope that it may not be deemed
an impertinent intrusion of myself into the picture if I say with
how much and how constant satisfaction I have availed myself
TO CONGRESS
DECEMBER 2, 1913
11
t of the Nation at large, whose
of the privilege of putting my time and energy at their disposal
nust bend our counsels to this
alike in counsel and in action.
hake agreement easy.
Printed reading copy (WP, DLC).
11 importance and significance
mention in closing.
be equipped and empowered
From Myron Timothy Herrick1
vice than it renders now in im-
or and making the mines more
Personal.
as more safe. This is an all-
Dear Mr. President:
Paris, December 2, 1913.
onservation; and the conserva-
I have learned in a most confidential way through Mr. Cheval-
even nearer to our interest than
ley, Sub-Director at the Ministry for Foreign Affairs,2 a perma-
ur material resources. We owe
nent position, and not subject to change with the administration,
employees of the country, to
that for some years past there has been a persistent and con-
ive employers' liability act; and
certed effort by other powers in Central Europe for France to
is matter will be no less to the
join them in the encouragement of individual and corporate
ter the railroads of the country
enterprises throughout the Latin Republics and Central America,
whom they employ. The ex-
also to loan money to these Governments, and take from them
States abundantly proves that.
such pledges of security as would ensure a large control to these
:0 meeting pressing demands of
Governments, and to use such other means as would tend to
ly as to the accomplishment of
prejudice these countries against us, while at the same time
Social justice comes first. Law
pursuing an apparent policy of good will towards us, conceal-
n and is vital only as it expresses
ing as far as possible these operations. The press of these Latin
countries, which is largely dominant in Europe, and is very gen-
the discussion of all questions
erally hostile towards us, seems to me to be evidence of this
ting in London at the suggestion
sinister attitude.
on as the conclusions of that
Mr. Chevalley added that France has at all times flatly refused
sidered we ought to address our-
to cooperate along any of these lines, on account of her friendly
le prompt alleviation of the very
relations with us. The attitude of the President and of the
conditions which now surround
Ministry for Foreign Affairs in this recent crisis would indicate
render it extremely difficult to
that their policy is consistent with this statement, for there is
d competent men such as every
every evidence that France is doing all in her power to carry
handled and brought to port.
out the wishes of our Government in the present situation, and
real pleasure I have experienced
that she is sincerely desirous of the success of your policy in
SS and sharing with it the labors
Mexico.
as devoted itself so unreservedly
I feel that this information is of such a nature that I would
of uncomplaining concentration
like to communicate it to you personally and not have it placed
on? Surely it is a proper and
on file, on account of the gentleman who gave it to me, and
the state of the Union" to express
with whom I am on most pleasant terms.
e, the good temper, and the full
I have the honor to be, Mr. President,
which has already been mani-
Your obedient servant, Myron T. Herrick
I hope that it may not be deemed
self into the picture if I say with
TLS (WP, DLC).
1 Republican Governor of Ohio, 1903-1906, Ambassador to France, I912-14.
atisfaction I have availed myself
2 Daniel Abel Chevalley, sub-director for North and South America.
Sponsoring Committee: Professor Samuel P. McCutchen, Chairman:
Professor John C. Payne and Professor Christian O. Arndt
AN HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE CHANGING FUNCTIONS
OF THE PRESIDENTIAL "STATE OF THE UNION" MESSAGE
FROM 1790 TO 1955
Seymour H. Fersh
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of Doctor of
Philosophy in the School of Education of
New York University
Thesis accepted
Date APR 14 1!
Copyrighted
by
Seymour H. Fersh
1956
&
CHAPTER
I. ORIGINS OF THE PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGE
1
The Executive Annual Message Transplanted from
the New York State Constitution to the Federal
15
Constitution
II. FROM THEORY TO PRACTICE IN THE FEDERAL GOVERN-
26
MENT
The Annual Message Under Washington and Adams
36
The Annual Message Content Under Washington
42
and Adams
III. PRESIDENTIAL PREFERENCE SHAPES THE ANNUAL
50
MESSAGE
The Annual Message From Jefferson to John Q.
56
Adams
The Annual Message Content From Jefferson to
67
John Q. Adams
IV. THE ANNUAL MESSAGE KEEPS PACE WITH YOUNG
84
AMERICA
The Annual Message From Jackson to Buchanan
90
The Annual Message Content From Jackson to
118
Buchanan
V. THE ANNUAL MESSAGE IN MID-PASSAGE
132
The Annual Message From Lincoln to Arthur
137
The Annual Message Content from Lincoln to
159
Arthur
VI. THE ANNUAL MESSAGE-A MIRROR OF AMERICAN
176
EXPANSION
The Annual Message From Cleveland to Taft
180
The Annual Message Content From Cleveland to
205
Taft
11
VII. THE RENASCENCE OF THE ANNUAL ADDRESS
220
The Annual Message From Wilson to Hoover
230
The Annual Message Content From Wilson to
257
Hoover
VIII. PRESIDENTIAL LEADERSHIP AND THE ANNUAL MESSAGE 270
The Annual Message From Roosevelt to Eisen-
275
hower
The Annual Message Content From Roosevelt to
310
Eisenhower
IX. THE STATE OF THE "STATE OF THE UNION" MESSAGE
A SUMMING UP
328
The Function of the Annual Message From Washing-
ton to Eisenhower
336
Three Aspects of the Annual Message Form
355
The Content of the Annual Messages from Washing+
ton to Eisenhower
376
BIBLIOGRAPHY
389
It rests with them to decide what
wards to be adopted for promoting the success of the
great objects, which I have recommended to their
attention
The prestige and reputation of Washington, however, was
factor which lent weight to his recommendations even when voiced
a conciliatory and deferential way to Congress and many of the
binet officials, Hamilton in particular, sought to have their
ews incorporated in the annual message because their present-
tion to Congress in this address by the President would en-
ince their acceptability and increase their chances of legis-
ative enactment.
The main body of reporting and general recommendations com-
leted, Washington chose to address separate sections of his
ommunication to each House. To the House of Representatives,
e directed specific references to the question of taxation and
the debt. Invariably, he addressed his concluding remarks under
a separate designation, "Gentlemen of the Senate and of the
House of Representatives." In his First Annual Address, in this
concluding section, he indicated his inability to give a full
oral report and his intention to be guided by his Constitutional
duty:
I have directed the proper officers to lay before you,
respectively, such papers and estimates as regards the
affairs particularly recommended to your consideration,
and necessary to convey to you that information of 2 the
state of the Union which it is my duty to afford.
Each address, with minor exception, contained in the last
paragraph, a pledge of co-operation to work with the Congress
1. Small, op. cit., p. 163.
2. Richardson, I, 59.
Jefferson's annual messages followed,
outline sketched by his predecessors in office. His messages
were replete with sermonettes on pressing national problems
p.339
couched, for the most part, in a philosophic mood which tended
to place the issues in perspective without suggesting specific
solutions. The implication was that of a "Senior Statesman"
writing rather than the Chief Executive of the Federal system.
A perceptible change in the drift of the annual message
form came with the documents submitted by Madison. During his
administration and those of Monroe and John Q. Adams, the "stat
of the Union" report began its gradual upward spiral in length
which was to be continued, with few exceptions, until it reache
its size zenith under President Taft.
Whereas Washington, Adams and Jefferson had acquitted the
selves of their duty "to report and make recommendations" with
messages ranging from 1,000 to 3,000 words, the annual message
of the presidential incumbents from 1809 to 1829 consumed word
at a rate of from 3,000 to 8,000. Freed from the limitation
of length which an oral document forced upon the Presidents ar
holding the political belief that legislative sovereignty sho
rest with Congress, the Presidents of this latter period happ
retreated from their "forward observation position" and becam
increasingly more content to record for posterity and the Con
gress, a summation of the terrain which had been traveled.
Gradually but discernibly, the text of the annual messag
began to lose its general observations, its grandiose sweep
over the "state of the Union" landscape, and its imprint of
Residents Insurances
type reports which had characterized the annual messages OI
Madison, Monroe and J.R. Adams and which Jackson also incorporate
into his own yearly document. The audience-focus thus tended
to be bifocal; to the nation-at-large and to the Congress assembl
The Jacksonian annual message thus equipped the "Ship of State"
with projecting illumination from front and rear.
The gradual ebbing away of presidential prerogative which
took place over the next twenty-five years had its natural effec
on the form of the annual message. Recommendations tended to
restrict themselves to more routine matters and their number
tended to decrease in relation to the 3pace devoted to status
reporting. The presidential practice of singling out one or twc
topics for special treatment continued to be a feature of the
pre-Civil War yearly messages. The intensity of the discussion
tended to abate, however, except for the abuse heaped upon the
abolitionists by Presidents Pierce and Buchanan in the annual
messages of the 1850s. The message as an instrument of leader-
ship gave way to the message as an increasingly factual and
authoritative source of information concerning the operation of
the Executive branch of the Federal Government.
The length, in keeping with the increased activity and
concerns of the Executive branch and the apparent reluctance
0.341
of the Presidents to exercise a vigorous editorship over the
reports submitted to them, continued to soar to unprecedented
heights of verbiage. Jackson's annual communications averaged
around 10,000 words each, none of the Presidents from 1829 to
1861 used less than 7,000 words for any of their "state of the
Union" messages, and Polk consistently used more than 14,000
words for each of his annual reports to the Congress.
The annual message's roll down hill as an instrument of
presidential leadership was brought to an abrupt halt by Lincol
The country was in disunion, public opinion was confused, and
leadership in the Federal Government had failed miserably to
meet the challenge thrust upon it by the secessionest movemen
Under Lincoln's pen, the annual message reached one of its
highest peaks of prestige and importance. The length was cut
to a readable 5,500 to 7,500 words by a strict exclusion from
the messages of routine departmental reports. The focus was
readjusted to have its sharpest impact not on Congress but on
the people of the Union, North and South. In Jacksonian
fashion, one or two crucial issues were selected for particul
ized examination and the propagandization of administration
P.342
views. Lincoln reserved for the annual message many of his
choicest schemes, first for the solution of the slavery issue
and later, for the implementation of the Reconstruction progi
Factual reporting continued as an integral part of the annual
message but on a smaller and less detailed scale.
Johnson. the heir to Lincoln's problems but not his tal
best suited to exert the unified leadership which the times
demand, it may be expected that future Chief Executives will
prove less reluctant to supply the forward-looking policies whic
the nation increasingly will expect from its President.
As one observer comments:
A great President gives his people a supreme lesson
in adult education. He fixes their minds on great
objectives. He is a safeguard against that banal
dullness which makes the democracy no more than a
mass of private persons. The significance of a
great president, therefore, lies not only in the
measures he is able to carry out, but in the width
35l
of public interest he is able to evoke. He gives to
the democratic process a vividness and a reality I which
it lacks when a weak president is in office.
Of the six Presidents awarded the laureate of "great, 112
Jackson, Lincoln, Wilson, and F.D. Roosevelt left indelible 1m-
prints on the institution of the annual message. They, above
all others, illustrated the latent power which the annual mess:
like Aladdin's lamp, would produce for the user with the magic
touch. The two remaining members of the sèxtet, Washington an
Jefferson, provide an example of another feature which unfortu
has not survived through the years. James Reston, writing in
1948, pointed it out:
Like most of his modern predecessors in the White
House but unlike Washington and Jefferson, Mr. Truman
saw the state of the Union message not as an adminis-
trative analysis of the real state of the Union and a
carefully prepared plan of action for the new year, bu
merely as an expression of his personal political,
economic and sociological philosophy, together with
a few general suggestions about how that philosophy
should be carried out.
1. Harold J. Laski, The American Democracy, p. 73.
2. Presidential poll of historians, reported in Arthur M. Sch
Paths to the Present, p. 96.
7 New Vonb Times. January 8. 1948.
The results achieved by the Presidents, however, will STILL
depend on what they have to say and how they say 1t rather than
on the mechanical amplification that their words receive. It
is safe to say that the written messages of Lincoln and the
oral but non-broadcast addresses of Wilson had more effect on
shaping public opinion than the First Annual Address of Calvin
Coolidge which was heard by a million people. A report to the
New York Times by Russell Baker provides an impression of Eisen-
hower's 1955 "state of the Union" address which suggests that
the President's speech did not capitalize on the potentiality
which the occasion offered:
The President's speech ran fifty-five minutes. One
school of criticism maintains that no speech can be
so long and also be good.
When it was thirty minutes gone, interest in the
audience was obviously flagging, and from that point
the chamber sank into somnolence.
Only once was there a moment of laughter
But this
flicker of gaiety passed as rapidly as it was born,
353
and the atmosphere grew thicker and thicker.
At the forty-five minute point only the Republicans
still had the will to applaud left in them. And at
the fifty-minute mark even two Cabinet members,
Charles E. Wilson and John Foster Dulles, looked bored.
Five minutes later it was over. The House stood to
applaud the President and the Republican side cheered
him. The burden of acting out a ceremony of state was
over and, probably with a greatful sigh, both Presi-
dent and Congress turned back to the jobs they do
better. 1
The function of the annual message as a political institu
has changed throughout the years in response to the president
role which the Chief Executives have fashioned for themselves
In the hands of the "strong" Presidents, the "state of the Un
message has been the source of some of their most dramatic pc
statements and the one document which they used consistently
to influence public support for their reform programs. When
leadership in the Federal Government has rested with the Con-
gress, the annual message, like the President himself, has
been relegated to the level of a perfunctory and servile instru-
ment. Technological advances by themselves are no guarantee
that the function of the annual message will undergo a basic
change. The Republican Presidents since 1923 have shown a uni-
form inability to "cash in" on the possibilities for dynamic use
of the annual messages which radio and now television has put
within their easy grasp.
The present eclipse of the "state of the Union" message
is only temporary. It will regain its full majesty when called
upon by a President who will have need to cast powerful light
on frontier areas through which he wishes to lead the people.
Since 1790, the clause which makes it a duty for the Presi
dent to give a yearly report to the Congress has undergone no
P.354
modification in language and has never been the subject of a
Supreme Court decision. Itschanges in function have been
achieved by its nature as an institution. As Professor Barnes
has noted:
Our culture and institutions represent society's
crude and awkward efforts to adjust itself to the
conditions of life in any given region. No human
institutions have existed in their present form
from the beginning; all are the changing products
of perpetual readjustments to altering environmental
and technological factors. Conduct and institutions
are, thus, mundane in their origin and their later
traits, and are not divinely created or inspired. The
only valid test of the excellence and adequacy of an
before the bar of public opinion. Logically and earnestly,
the President pleaded his cause with a simplicity and restraint
which bespoke his heartfelt convictions. The correctness of
his position and the ability with which he advocated it stand
out as a monument to his memory and gives support to the warning
that, "The ruling passion, be it what 1t will, The ruling pas-
sion conquers reason
still. 1 Many of the passages of the
Lincoln annual messages have become familiar through their con-
stant use to buttress a wide range of propositions.
Andrew Johnson went beyond the pale of annaul message
authorship when he secretly obtained the services of historian
George Bancroft to write his First Annual Message. It has al-
Lise
the
ways been commonplace knowledge that the Presidents relied
heavily on their Secretaries of State and other governmental
officials for the substance of their "state of the Union" mes-
sages. The comment of The Nation, in 1906, makes the point:
We are dealing of course with no vulgar question of
plagiarism. The problem of authorship, strictly
speaking, seldom arises in connection with Presi-
dential messages. They, as a rule, are mosaics; and
only the higher critic who can confidently dissect
out the documents in the Pentateuch would venture to
assign the various bits 2 to the Secretaries, or others,
who contributed them.
Final responsibility for the authorship of the annual mes-
sage has been expected, however, t,o remain with the President.
Johnson, in his unique position as the most unfortunate
presidential victim of official Congressional attack, dragged
1. Alexander Pope, Moral Essays, Epistle III, Line 153.
2. "Authors of Presidential Messages, Vol. 82, no. 2118, p. 9,
pon. Barriers of topic headings, lists OI
and detailed Treasury Reports, all undergirded with a generous
supply of statistics, have succeeded in putting to rest any fear
among journalists that the annual message would become a threat
to their bailwick. The crushing bulk of information which has
traditionally found its way into the body of the yearly report
has once again reasserted its ascendency over the streamlined
message with its emphasis on impact and its dependence on hard
hitting prose.
Viewing the entire record of all the annual messages, the
observer can not fail to be impressed by the conscientious and
industrious nature of all the contributors who have lent a hand
in building the tremendous edifice which is the institution of
the annual message. A sober "Men at Work" sign seems to hang
over the whole construction job except for the very infrequent
"breaks" for humor, as in Lincoln's and F.D.R. messages, or
the "slowdown" tactics of Johnson.
The parallelism between superior literary style and the
"great" and "near great" Presidents 1s impressive. of the ten
thus designated, Lincoln, Washington, F.D. Roosevelt, Wilson,
1
Jefferson, Jackson, T. Roosevelt, Cleveland, Adams, and Polk,
all have earned similar laurels when they are rated for the
literary quality of their annual messages. Exception need be
made only for McKinley who could rank eleventh in the select
literary circle.
1. Schlesinger, op. cit., p. 96.
There is reason to believe that the "going-tcgetherness"
of the two categories alluded to above is less than casual.
Great Presidents have been at the forefront in solving the
issues of their times. Favorable public opinion, always an
asset but in times of decision a necessity, has moved to the
support of the outstanding Presidents who have been able to mak
their position clear and understandable. There 1s reason to
believe that as the office of the President assumes even larger
proportions in the future scheme of things, the nation will loc
more instinctively to the President for leadership.
The annual message is admirably suited to provide an able
President with the most important single platform that exists
in the American political system. The Chief Executive may cho
to use the occasion to broadcast, in railroad announcer style,
the arrivel, lay-over, and departure of the many issues housed
in the Union station, making also the necessary additions of 1
formation concerning accommodations, special fares, and ticket
regulations which are vital aids to the would-be traveler.
He may, on the other hand, utilize the many other facili
which are at his disposal, such as the frequent press conferer
and the news making possibilities of the White House, to supp
his "customers" with all the detailed facts well in advance O.
his 'state of the Union" remarks. Thus, the traveler would n
experience the panic of hearing the multitude of instructions
which seem to defy understanding and tend only to encourage a
fatalistic acceptance of the idea that any traveling 1s dange
363.
ous and that "staying put" 18 therefore the safest course.
Unemcumbered by trivia, the President and his patrons could
concentrate their attention on the more central question of
catching the right carrier to the right destination. Much of
the uncertainty of embarking on the wrong track, or perhaps worse.
of never considering any travel because of the hazards involved,
would be minimized.
The "great" and "near great" Presidents have shown an abilit
to have their voice and spirit rise up above the din and con-
fusion of the milling throng. Leadership implies a positive
relationship between the leader and those who are led. The
ability of the President, in the future as in the past, to artic.
ulate his views to the public will go a long way in deciding the
success or failure of his administration.
2. Religious Thanksgiving
Professor Gabriel, writing in 1939, made the observation
that:
The differences which distinguish the twentieth
century from its predecessors spring from the
growth of science. The naturalism of the laboratory
has replaced religion in providing a frame of refer-
ence for modern American thought. Einstein, the
physicist, has become a twentieth century Aristotle.
1
The annual message form provides an interesting support
for this assertion while at the same time, indicating that the
evidence of a resurgence of religious sentiment as ex-
of faster than sound carriers has tended to merge are
ation of domestic and foreign affairs. The position of the
United States as the most powerful single nation in the world
had tended to transform the annual message from one concerned
with the "state of the Union" to one which portrays the main out.
lines of the "state of the World." The point was well made by
President Truman in his annual message of 1950:
The scientific and industrial revolution which began
two centuries ago has, in the last 50 years, caught
up the peoples of the globe in a common destiny. Two
world-shattering wars have proved that no corner of
1
386
the earth can be isolated from. the affairs of mankind.
The gradual acceptance in fact of the idea that the Federal
government can and should take action to assure the "general
welfare" has had its effect on the annual message content. The
extent can best be indicated by some of the 1955 "state of the
Union" requests made by a Republican President:
1. Adopt a nation-wide comprehensive water resources
policy now being prepared by the Administration.
2. Step up the nation's highway program along lines to
be recommended.
3. Set up an office of "Co-ordinator of Public Works"
in the White House.
4. Strengthen the Federal drought aid programs and
1/6/15 ep 1/6/15/9P
enact special legislation to aid low-income farm
families.
5. Authorize 35,000 more public housing units in each
of the next two fiscal years.
6. Enact a Federal health reinsurance program and 1m-
prove medical care for those who receive Federal-
state public assistance.
7. Take Federal action to ease the classroom shortage
in schools and to help the states deal with juvenile
delinquency.
8. Increase the minimum wage to 90 cents an hour and
broaden its coverage.
9. Pass measures concerning occupational safety, work-
men's compensation for longshoremen and harbor
first Congress. 2nd Session, House of Representative
Even now, the raw material for the next annual message con-
tent 1s being processed and fashioned. That instant which 18
the fleeting present 18 doomed to join the past. In similar
process, the "state of the Union" message will continue to cut
its swath into the harvest ahead, bundling tomorrows into yester
days.
CRS Main File Copy
JK516G
VOICE OF AMERICA:
Ronald Reagan and the American Rhetorical Tradition
American optimion throughout history.
Study Reagon's of inspirational of STEVEN HAYWARD quoteo of presidents.
R
LOL
American ideals to increase
onald Reagan is often called the "Great Communi-
what is said than to how it is said. And it is here that Mr. patriotic
cator." It is a grand accolade, resonant of -Abraham Lin-
Reagan's genius lies. He conveys a message of native upti-
coln, the Great Emancipator. And it is a recognition of Mr.
mism and hope for the future which is deeply rooted in the
Reagan's special place in history. Like Lincoln, he has been
American character and in American history.
the catalyst for major changes in the sentiments of Ameri-
Mr. Reagan understands, as our media and intellectual
cans, and how they regard the national government.
elites do not, that the most prominent feature of the Amer-
But not because Mr. Rea-
ican character is forward-
gan communicates bri!-
looking optimism, an innate
liantly. In fact, the title
confidence in people and the
"Great Communicator"
goodness of the American
seems very odd at nmes. The
cause. Americans brook no
President is no orator on the
ambiguity or equivocation;
model of Winston Churchill
they are open, forthright, and
or William Jennings Bryan.
idealistic on a grand scale.
He fractures his syntax at
Only America would con-
press conferences. He ram-
ceive of a war effort as being
bles in interviews. in his final
"to make the world safe for
debate with Walter Mon-
democracy"; would extend a
dale, he left the American
Marshall Plan to battered
people wandering among the
Europe; or would regard the
California wildflowers with
quest for the moon not sim-
20 unfinished anecdote.
ply as a technological
It is true that Mr. Reagan
achievement but as an ex-
excels in delivering a pre-
pression of American aspira-
Courtes) of the Where House.
pared speech; Harvey Mans-
tions.
field has remarked that the President is as good a speaker
as a man can be without being eloquent. His sincere man-
March of Destiny
ner carries enormous persuasive power, which he has used
In his second inaugural address, Mr. Reagan said,
on several occasions to build popular support.
"There are no limits to growth and human progress when
Mr. Reagan is also a master of the impromptu witticism.
men and women are free to follow their dreams." In the
"There you go again," he told Jimmy Carter in the most
State of the Union address shortly after he said, "There are
casually devastating line of the 1980 campaign. A few
no constraints on the human mind, no walls around the
months earlier, Mr. Reagan may have assured himself of
human spirit, no barriers to our progress except those we
the Republican nomination with another spontaneous out-
ourselves erect." This is an expression of faith in individ-
burst, "I paid for this microphone." In the late 1960s, Mr.
ualism, in the American character-it rejects the ortho-
30mg anoud a
Reagan was accosted by antiwar-protesters with signs say-
doxy of the elites of the 1970s who said that the world is
ing "Make love, not war." He remarked that it didn't look
terrifyingly complex, there are no easy answers, we have to
like they could do much of either.
accept a politics of limits, we have to learn to live with less.
But this ostensible skill at "communication" does not
Mr. Reagan defined the American character quite differ-
adequately explain Mr. Reagan's success and popularity,
ently in a televised address tc the Chinese last year.
and the title "Great Communicator" fundamentaily mis-
states his achievement. Americans tend to respond more to
STEVEN HAYWARD is editor of Public Research Syndicated.
66
Policy Review
no.33 Summer1985
Let me tell you something of the American charac-
ter. You might think that with such a varied nation
there couldn't be any one character, but in many
fundamental ways there is
We're idealists
We're a compassionate people
We're an optimis-
tic people. Like you, we inherited a vast land of
endless skies, tall mountains, rich fields, and open
prairies. It made us see the possibilities in everything.
B
It made us hopeful. And we devised an economic
system that rewarded individual efforts, that gave us
CBS
good reason for hope.
Mr. Reagan's image of America as a "city on a hill," a
M
common theme of his 1984 campaign, comes from a ser-
mon by John Winthrop of Plymouth colony who held out
the promise of the New World as "a city on a hill, an
alabaster city undimmed by human tears." This is not mere
imagery. It is a symbol of something very deep and pro-
found; in this case the essence of the American tempera-
ment. For Mr. Reagan, the "city on a hill" theme is hardly
new. As early as 1964, in his famous speech for Barry
Goldwater, he spoke of America's "rendezvous with des-
tiny" in much the same terms as he has recently talked
about keeping alight "the torch of freedom," of preserving
UPI. Bettern Newsphotos.
inspiration
"the last best hope of mankind." Mr. Reagan has never
pessimism came to dominate American consciousness. Our
viewed this as a city for the few-it is a goal for all Ameri-
self-confidence was shaken by Vietnam, our trust broken
cans, a reaffirmation of the American dream, the redemp-
by Watergate, and our optimism and hope battered by a
tion of a promise and its extension to future generations.
sagging economy. The captivity of 52 Americans in Iran
"The American sound," Mr. Reagan said in the second
seemed to underscore our steady slide. The "American
inaugural address, "is hopeful, big-hearted, idealistic, dar-
Century" once heralded by Henry Luce now seemed at an
ing, decent, and fair." The United States is a nation "still
end, with the nation entering a twilight cia as everyone was
mighty in its youth and powerful in its purpose
abuzz with talk of limits.
"Sometimes people call me an idealist," Woodrow Wil-
The climax of this troubled time came with one of the
son once said. "That is why I know I am an American."
most extraordinary moments in the history of presidential
Mr. Reagan's idealism and his use of American images and
rhetoric, President Jimmy Carter's famous "malaise"
symbols echo the great presidents of the past. In Mr. Rea-
speech in 1979. It was a schizophrenic speech. Mr. Carter
gan's words, one hears at times the piety of Washington
began by affirming "the decency and the strength and the
and Lincoln, the idealism of Jefferson and Wilson, and the
wisdom of the American people," and assuring us of the
courage and optimism of the Roosevelts and Kennedy.
enduring strength of our political liberties, and our eco-
inspirat
Always we find in Mr. Reagan what Frederick Jackson
nomic and military strength. But the heart of the speech
quote
Turner in 1893 called "the distinguishing feature of Amer-
was his warning about "a fundamental threat to American
ica-expansion, growth, perennial rebirth, and new oppor-
democracy It is a crisis of confidence. It is a crisis that
tunity." Yet Turner was a pessimist when he said that; he
strikes at the very heart and soul of our national will. We
thought America had run out of frontiers; Manifest Des-
can see this crisis in the growing doubt about the meaning
tiny had exhausted itself.
of our own lives and in the loss of unity and purpose for
This is a misreading of the American character, as Mr.
our nation."
Reagan has recognized. This country is not bounded by
What was unusual about Mr. Carter's speech was not
geography or shrinking petroleum resources. In his first
that it perceived the faltering spirit of America. In 1978,
inaugural address, Mr. Reagan affirmed that "we have
Alexander Solzhenitsyn at Harvard warned of America's
every right to dream heroic dreams." He asked us "to
loss of "civic courage." Previous presidents have tackled
R.R.
believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to per-
this theme; three times in 1971 President Nixon addressed
form great deeds, to believe that together with God's help
"the dark night of the American spirit." Even John F.
we can and will resolve the problems which now confront
Kennedy, the incarnation of confidence and optimism,
us." His last line, wonderfully redolent of the American
warned during his 1960 campaign of "the increasing evi-
dream: "And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We
dence of a lost national purpose and a soft national will."
are Americans."
But it was precisely this sinking of morale that Mr.
Carter, like Kennedy, promised to reverse in his presiden-
Mythical Malaise
tial campaign. Mr. Carter didn't limit himself to the usual
Mr. Reagan's themes have been notably absent from
promises of more prosperity for various interests; he made
recent American discourse. In literature and history, in
almost metaphysical vows to give us "a government as
popular music and films, in the general tone of rhetoric
good as the people" or, as his autobiography put it, "why
coming from pulpit and politician alike, an almost German
not the best?" He promised us, in other words, a govern-
Voice Of America
67
ment of extraordinary
control the economy with-
strength and morality, which
out controlling the people,"
would uplift the natural
which is reminiscent of that
American dynamism and
classical liberal, John Stuart
greatness. But in his "mal-
Mill, who said: "a state
aise" speech Mr. Carter did
which dwarfs men.
will
not see tragedy as the flip
find that with small men no
side of optimism and
great thing can really be ac-
progress; he seemed to deny
complished."
optimism and progress. In es-
One of Mr. Reagan's fa-
sence he told us that his gov-
vorite sources for quotations
emment was no good be-
is that radical firebrand Tom
cause the people were no
Paine. "We have it in our
good.
power to begin the world
Today, of course, we are in
over again," Mr. Reagan has
the midst of a sunburst of pa-
often quoted Paine, in terms
triorism and optimism. It is
that surely must be anathema
true that this resurgence can-
to traditional conservatives.
not be attributed solely to
All Mr. Reagan's main
Mr. Reagan, yet he has had
themes-optimism, hope,
more to do with it than any-
initiative, opportunity, work,
one else. It is impossible to
and middle-class values—
think of this revival having taken place if Mr. Carter had
were once traditional themes of liberals. His rhetoric often
remained president. What Mr. Reagan cid was not so
reminds us more of Wilson, FDR, Truman, and Kennedy
much create the optimism as unleash it, give it expression;
than the parsimonious Republican rhetoric of Taft, Gold-
it had been dormant. Patriotism has always been a leading
water, and Nixon. Even Mr. Reagan's criticism of the
feature of the American character, as many European ob-
dependence induced by federal programs is echoed by
servers have discovered. Alexis de Tocqueville in 1835 was-
Franklin Roosevelt, who told Congress in 1935, "Contin-
struck by the almost "irritable parriotism" of Americans;
ued dependence on relief induces a spiritual and moral
and Lord Bryce in 1889 noted "the bounding pulse of
disintegration fundamentally destructive to the national
youth" that marked the American temperament. Perhaps
fiber. To dole our relief in this way is to administer a
the most significant dimension of what the press is calling
narcotic, a subtle destroyer of the human spirit."
"the new patriotism" is the attitude of the young, who
have responded overwhelmingly to Mr. Reagan, to the
Freedom and Universality
chagrin of their erstwhile liberal shepherds. "Students love
Mr. Reagan's foreign policy rhetoric IS not motivated
him," a 21 year-old was quoted in Newsweek. "He made
either by Realpolitik or fuzzy idealism, but by an under-
me feel prouder of my country, and that I can make a
standing of universal principles enshrined in the Declara-
difference. That's what people want to hear right now."
tion of Independence and shared by most Americans.
What Mr. Reagan understands about American domes-
While President Carter worried about our "inordinate fear
tic policy is that it should be formulated and presented in
of Communism" and his secretary of state believed that
the context of broader, almost philosophical, American
the world's leaders "share similar dreams and aspirations,"
goals. The tax cut of 1981. for instance, was not merely a
Mr. Reagan understand, that Communism is subversive to
scheme for improving the take-home pay of individuals, it
the principles of human dignity and freedom held by all
was a moral imperative springing from Mr. Reagan's un-
civilized men.
derstanding that government must not come to dominate
the initiatives and actions of individuals. Mr. Reagan de-
To deny the democratic values and that they have
clared in his first inaugural address:
any relevance to the developing world today, or to
the millions of people who are oppressed by Com-
If we look to the answer as to why for so many years
munist domination, is to reject the universal signifi-
cance of the basic timeless credo that all men are
we achieved so much. prospered as no other people
on Earth, it was because here in this great land, we
created equal-that they're endowed by their Cre-
unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to
afor with certain inalienable rights
By wedding
a greater extent than has ever been done before.
the timeless truths and values Americans have always
Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been
cherished to the realities of today's world, we have
more available here than in any other place on earth.
forged the beginnings of a fundamentally new direc-
tion in American foreign policy-a policy based on
the unashamed, unapologetic explaining of our own
This is curious rhetoric coming from the most conserva-
priceless institutions and proof that they work, and
tive president in the 20th century. Mr. Reagan's rhetoric is
describing the social and economic progress they so
individualist; he believes that excessive government stifles
uniquely foster.
human freedom and chokes progress. In his Goldwater
speech he said, "Our Founding Fathers knew that you can't
In this Mr. Reagan sounds like Lincoln, who repeatedly
68
Policy Review
reminded us that the great
Washington admonished:
principle of America "was
"Of all the dispositions and
Washin
not the mere matter of sepa-
habits which lead to political
5
Lincoln
ration of the colonies from
prosperity, religion and mo-
the motherland; but some-
rality are indispensable sup-
the
thing in that [-eclaration giv-
port reason and experi-
ing liberty, not alone to the
ence forbid us to expect that
people of this country, but
national morality can prevail
hope to the world for all fu-
in exclusion of religious prin-
ture time."
ciple." Woodrow Wilson, in
Mr. Reagan has cited these
words that make Mr. Rea-
very words, most recently in
gan's seem mild, declared:
his 1985 State of the Union
"America was born a Chris-
message. On other occasions
tian nation. America was
he has declared: "Especially
bom to exemplify that devo-
in this century, America has
tion to the elements of righ-
kept alight the torch of free-
teousness which are derived
dom, but not just for our-
from the revelations of Holy
selves but for millions of oth-
Scripture."
ers around the world."
Religion, indeed. lies at the
"Freedom is not the sole pre-
very core of the American
rogative of a chosen few,"
character, a fact that is either
Mr. Reagan has stressed. "It is the universal right of all
forgotten or ignored today, even though it has always been
God's children."
obvious to keen foreign observers of America. Tocqueville
More than any other recent president-including the
wrote that It was not until hc visited the churches that he
born-again Baptist Jimmy Carter-Mr. Reagan under-
understood the genius of America. G.K. Chesterton de-
stands and has repearedly spoken out about the religious
scribed America 35 a nation "with the soul of a church."
foundations of American order, and the religious dimen-
The act of the American Founding was not merely an act
sion of the American character. "Freedom prospers when
of defiant separatism from the "Old World," but was the
religion is vibrant and the rule of law under God is ac-
defining act. both in principle and in spint, for what Lin-
knowledged." Mr. Reagan proclaimed in his controversial
coin called our "political religion." The Founding was an
"cvil empire" speech in Orlando in 1983.
ACT of panoramic idealism and unbounded hopefulness and
He expanded on this theme in another controversial
optimism. It IS this idealism and optimism that
speech to a prayer breakfast during the Republican Na-
distinguishes America from Europe: it is the basis for what
Amer.
nonal Convention in Dallas in 1984. "The truth is." he
IS known as "American exceptionalism." "The European."
argued, "polities and morality are inseparable. And as mo-
Luigi Barzini noted. "15 pessimistic, prudent. practical, and
optimism
rality's foundation is religion, religion and politics are nec-
parsimonious, like an old-fashioned banker," while Amer-
V. European
essanly related." Mr. Reagan concluded:
ica is "alarmingly optimistic, compassionate, incredibly
generous
It was a spiritual wind that drove Americans
pessimism
We establish no religion in this country nor will we
irresistably abcad from the beginning. Few foreigners un-
ever, we command no worship, we mandate no be-
derstand this, even today." The apocalyptic gloominess
lief. But we poison our society when we remove its
and gritty Realpolitik that characterize European politics
theological underpinnings; we court corruption and
we leave it bereft of belief
has never affected America: the spirit of Spengler's Decline
Without God. we are mired in the material. that
of the West never applied to America. The European
flat world that tells us only what the senses perceive;
dwells on his past, considering it more glorious than his
without God, there IS a coarsening of the society;
future. The American sees in his glorious past a prologue to
without God, democracy will not and cannot long
an even more glorious future.
endure. And that, simply, is the heart of my message:
Presidents in the last generation have proceeded in the
if we ever forget that we are "one nation under
shadow of FDR, not simply because he changed the course
God," then we will be a nation gone under.
of government-after all his New Deal policies were
largely ineffective at the time-but because his infectious
That Mr. Reagan's remarks on religion should be so
optimism restored confidence in the future. Few presidents
bitterly controversial is indicative of the lack of historical
have had the oratorical resonance of FDR, or now of Mr.
self-understanding of the nature of America by our intel-
Reagan. While it is true that Mr. Reagan's place in history
lectual and media elites, for Mr. Reagan's words are taken
books will largely depend on the outcome of discrete
almost verbatim from Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln, and
problems-whether the budget is controlled, whether
on
Wilson. "And can the liberties of a nation be thought
peace and security are maintained-Mr. Reagan will prob-
religion
secure," Jefferson asked, "when we have removed their
ably set the standard against which the next generation of
only firm basis, a conviction in the minds of the people that
presidents will ix ineasured. By his rhetoric, he has caused
these liberties are the gift of God? That they are not to be
us to think again of possibilities, of growth and progress,
violated but with His wrath?" In his farewell address,
and of confidence in our future.
Voice Of America
69
"The freeman, casting with unpurchased hand,
The vote that shakes the turret of the land."
-- Oliver Wendell Holmes
"Those who expect to reap the blessings of freedom must,
like men, undergo the fatigues of supporting it. "
-- Thomas Paine
"If I can only live to see the American Union firmly fixed
and free government established in our western world and can
leave to my children but a crust of bread and liberty, I shall
die satisfied."
-- George Mason
"To live under the American Constitution is the greatest
privilege that was ever accorded to the human race. "
-- Calvin Coolidge
"We seek a peaceful world, a prosperous world, a free world,
a world of Good Neighbors, living on terms of equality and mutual
respect.
"
-- Harry S. Truman
"The will of the people is the only legitimate foundation of
any government, and to protect its free expression should be our
first object."
-- Thomas Jefferson
"The ball of liberty, I believe most piously, is now so well
in motion that it will roll round the globe, at least the
enlightened part of it, for light and liberty go together."
-- Thomas Jefferson
"Every man and every body of men on earth, possesses the
right of self-government. They receive it with their being from
the hand of nature. Individuals exercise it by their single
will; collections of men by that of their majority; for the law
of the majority is the natural law of every society of men. "
-- Thomas Jefferson
"The election of a President of America, some years hence,
will be much more interesting to certain nations of Europe than
ever the election of a King of Poland was." "
-- Thomas Jefferson
"Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere.
Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or
keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory. "
-- January 6, 1941
"In the future we must never forget the lesson that we have
learned -- that we must have friends who will work with us in
peace as they have fought at our side in war. "
-- January 6, 1945 (radio address also)
"If we do not keep constantly ahead of our enemies in the
development of new weapons, we pay for our backwardness with the
life's blood of our sons. "
-- January 6, 1945
"Ours [the United Nations] is an association not of
Governments but of peoples -- and the peoples' hope is peace. "
-- January 6, 1945
"Peace can be made and kept only by the united determination
of free and peace-loving peoples who are willing to work together
-- willing to help one another -- willing to respect and tolerate
and try to understand one another's opinions and feelings."
-- January 6, 1945
"
in a democratic world, as in a democratic Nation,
power must be linked with responsibility, and obliged to defend
and justify itself within the framework of the general good."
-- January 6, 1945
"But it is a good and a useful thing -- it is an essential
thing -- to have principles toward which we can aim. "
-- January 6, 1945
"The aroused conscience of humanity will not permit failure
in this supreme endeavor [post-war recovery]. "
-- January 6, 1945
"We believe that the extraordinary advances in the means of
intercommunication between peoples over the past generation offer
a practical method of advancing the mutual understanding upon
which peace and the institutions of peace must rest, and it is
our policy and purpose to use these great technological
achievements for the common advantage of the world."
-- January 6, 1945
"We Americans have always believed in freedom of
opportunity, and equality of opportunity remains one of the
principal objectives of our national life. What we believe in
for individuals, we believe in also for Nations."
-- January 6, 1945
"We pray that we may be worth of the unlimited opportunities
that God has given us. " (closing line)
-- January 6, 1945
"We stand at the opening of an era which can mean either
great achievement or terrible catastrophe for ourselves and for
all mankind. "
-- January 5, 1949
"The scientific and industrial revolution which began two
centuries ago has, in the last 50 years, caught up the peoples of
the globe in a common destiny. Two world-shattering wars have
proved that no corner of the earth can be isolated from the
affairs of mankind."
-- 1950
1890
NY Nerald
NY star
Joseph 707-5275 Ross
NYT
NY World
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12/31/89 9 Ed.
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Lora Korvut
Jan 1, 1890
nellie Bly
page
Trippe epidimic "no Respecter of Rank
hard Sahobrry dick with
the Influenza
IRON FROM THE ORE
page'
A Day Coming When Blaat Fannaces will
Be Useless
Pittoburg Dec 31 - -W.S. mallowy of the
win faim of mallary Brown of Chicago
speaking of the won Imaineas to day. said:
grewing in volume, that the demand just now
"The production of iron in the West is
is approaching ahead of the production Dut
there is a criais approaching the non
X
steel business d don't mean to say that
it will materialize next year, nor in
the next fine years, but shekine that
funderswell he dead property, Do far us
at any time in from 5-15 years wast
their utility for pig non making is
concerned. I mean that the time is coming
(and it may come sooner than ene expect)
when iron & steel will be successfully
produced from the are. "Fortunes have
already luen opent in experiments
on this line, some practical men well
say it is impossible but l am convinced
that it is presible that it will come."
THEY COVERED THE POSTERS
Beaver Falls, Penn, Dec 31 - When the members
of the Roal Hill "Folly "Campany amined here
teday, they found aprosis of paper pasted
fazel
Mroos their somewhat dyzy pattracts
upon the dead walls of the town. The Scotch
Conenanters for aeneral days have protected
gaint the Parrasan resells+ lupid's capels
wh the a. proposed topresent the pictures
m/ wh they advertised the show On Mon, hd
my the Rev. H.H. George of the Refarmed Preabyterian
thren they went about teaming down the
plashy postine On' Rea, lessees of the Opena
Has, objected invain, & then decided upon a
grand coup. hate last night they out more
over the town w/matrinction to cover
every pumple picture w/an apron, learning
only the anklest but exposed. Each apron
hore the inscription This orge lovered
by order of HT Mastin, #5 MeCantis, & EPr
Thampson The performance will he given
tanynt w/out far
the ocheme was ouccesoful. There was
a tremendous moh for tickets Regard
noon the whole has was soldup. & the
managers were in high fue. The Rev Mr.
Geogesard
THESAN SALLADOR REVOLUTION
ha Libertad, Лес 31, via Galveston The your
page'
has garned a great metory againat the forces
of Den Rivas has accupred six of their
frincipal standpaints. Many were killed
on both sides.
The revolution will probably soon he quelle
MILK PUNCH RULED OUT
Judge Brewer Q Funds Forced to Content
Themache w/Lea
Kan. sayp "at the banquet your to Judge Lear Premes. Have
Chreago Dec 31 - a special diopaten from Leavenworth,
/
luot night by leading atizins torther Supreme of It of m
page
honor the of his Comm elevation of anarziments for the milk banyu
had us, prepared the to promord its guiots w/a the
punch On same way thingact reached
the hotel were wanned my Camm have that
lars of o Police Commis, & the proprietors of
directed an such info
if any lignors were served they would be
Rather than have any disturbance
the comm consented to forego the punch, &
milk chocolate.
the only her's at the feuot were Tea, coffee,
Phillips
Jan 23, 1890
MR EDISON INVENTIONS
page
the phonogs aph improved perfected
will be brought out in a fortnight
fun 23, 1890
HE DRANK CARBOLIC ACID
Red Bank, NJ, Jan 22 - Charles mages, Pastmaster
AXES IN DEMAND
not Enough in the Country to supply faithern
hahares
payle
Brunowick, Ga, Jan 22 - The flood of hast June
destroyed the great upl factories of this country,
t, as no ares annear to have lum imparted
it indiscovered that there is a shortage in
these implements. In the southern part of,
this state along Savannah Bay, this fact is
lausing heavy was of husiness depuning
hundreds of emplayment.
THE BACILLUS OF INFLUENZA FOUND
puge 9
EMU since the gip became epidemic propessors
of bacteriology all over the world have been
hard at work trying to diacover and classify
the murole an the generally accepted theory
that an inaidious germ is the root of the disease
The first unnoumeement of success among
the numerous scientific searchers came
yesterday on a cablegram from Vunna to the
effect that Prof. Wichaelbaum of the unine
has found the baullus of unfluenge He fundo
WAR AGAINST OLEOMARGARINE
laze 4
Waterlung, Conn, Ian 22 - The was wh lonn farmers
are waging against the manufacture & sale of
aleamargarine is waping hatter, & it has been
determined to face the loons into the domain
of politics the state Grange Patrons of Husbandry,
at this annual mLg in Willimantic the other day,
took a radical position on the onlyed often
condemning cleamargareno as fraud the grange,
amid great inthusiasm, unanimously adopted
resolutions urging the incoming assembly to
mast tog prohibiting leg against the mfr & sale
of unitation butter, & asking farmers to elect
no state +leg officers who R not, both by
mond dead apposed to alcomargurine
The Com Danymen Is assoc muts in
Hartford next wk, of it will probably pass as
one end of the state to the other have become
those adapted at Willimantic. The farmers from
strong anti-olismaragarine resolutions as
thoroughly ansured, have determined to suk
leg redress for their alleged greenances.
WASH POST - jan 23, 1890
FAMINE IN A NEW STATE
a Terrible Story of Deatitution Comes from
south Aakota
puge'
The The situation Resclosed
Farmers in Twenty tounties w/out the
Means of Subarotence - Brought to the
Verge of Ittrration by Successive hop
movt set on Foot
pagel
MORE TRIBUTES TO JEFFERSON DAVIS
Jackson, miss, Jan 22 -a root round gathesed in
the hase of seps tonight to pay their final treduite to
the latt Jefferson Dams- among the duations
more a life -sly d prestrant of Mr. Davis, the
sword wom My hum at Buena Vista, the award
of Rout ELLE, Y ameral Confederate battle flago.
The stars stripes were a central figure.
GERMANS SHUT OUT OF SOUTH RUSSIA
page
St Petersburg, Jan 22- - The gant has determined TO
place restrictions upon the immegration of
Gumane into fauthern Russia.
werve that mp pa
THE OF DIVORCE
Problem National EVILS Reform heague Discussa treat social
Uniform have not a solution
How the haws should he amended to
page
Remedy some staring Refects of the Maniage
System - -Desirability of an antl. Conference
an the Sulyet
(Boston)
THE AGNOSTICISM OF TO-DAY
page 2 7
It is Largely Due to the Positive Leachengo of
John stuart mill
NYT fan 1, 1901
PLAYED BAGPIPES HIGH IN AIR
Stonemason on Top of a 262-700t Chimney
Welerated Its Completion
Newark, NJ, Dec. 31 -John anduson, a stone
mason, standing an the top of the chimney
attached to the Prudential Company's new hldg,
in Bank St, 262 ft above the aidewalk, played
11
airs on a hagpipe shartly after 30' clork this
pay
afternoon
The loot touches of the Unimmey were put
on this maining of at noon an am flag was
placed on top, marking its completion
anderson set the frot & last stones an the
chimney He got out his bagpines this oft to
ulebate the end of his job He walked around
the caping playing limily Scotch air, wh were
plainly andials to those helow, " housands
stapped an the street to sutness the novel
scene.
NYT, fan 23, 1901
QUEEN VICTORIA DEAD AT OSBORNE
Pasald away Quettly at 6:30 0 'Clock hast Enening
scene At The Bedside
Family, with Bowed Heacle, heatened to Bichop's
Prayers Queen Bude Them Farewell
said to Have spoken words of theat
pay
moment to Prince of Wales
Albert Edward Now king
Priny lounies & Pare will meet in
Landon To-Day, & the Proclamation
of the New Monarch's Succession
will follow this Overthe
Queen 10 Death "admination for
Her Character Universalim the
United Kingdom, the Button Colonces,
Europe of america anangements
for the Farmeral not yet annaunced
MACARTHUR THANKS SOLDIERS
pay
pay 5
Manila Jan 22 - The Eleunth Caralry has
unived here on the transport meads $
The men who are to sail sat evere remind
addressed This evening by Gen Mackrthus
thanked the men inthuoiastically for the part
Inaddressing the 34th Reg, Lin Maclerthus
they alily bore in the history -making epoch
in the Philippines.
BICYCLE P EALER SHOOTS HIMSELF
jay?
archie Uark, a bicycle dealer moiding at 30
Franklyn sheet, committed ourcial
yesterday by shooting himalf w/a revolver.
Besides his hicycle business Uark was in
the artificial palm business w/his brother
in Brooklyn. He had hun in poor health
free aeneral muke & had become diapondent.
He was an Odd fellow, a Forester, a a member
of the local fire company
a home for indigint lawyers has keen lot
in Madison, WI. This weld own to inclicate
that not enough sun men in Wis R. leaving
defective wills -Baston Commercial
NYT, Dec 31, 1900
page!
MRS. NATION REFUSES BAIL
says the will Remolish heloons in Other
lities if Released
WICHITA Wichita, Kun, Dec 30 -Mrs. lami nation,
the Wamen's Unutian Temperance Union woman
who broke minors of distrayed u valuable
painting in a Wichita saloon, has repused buil
secured by her co-markers.
she now pays that under no urcumetance
will she step out of jail until cleared of
the charge against her the WCTU has
practically abandoned its effort to secure
her release. Mrs. Nation samp if she is
released from improsoment she will
demolish saloon functure in other
Kansas uties
STATEHOOD FOR ARIZONA
page 2
CENTURY SERVICES IN ENGLAND
puge 2
archdeacon Fanar Takes a Hoomy
View of the Fature
Landon, Dec 31 - all the ret dinam
at Westminater abbey Urchdearon Frederick
W. Fanar, preaching yearday took a very
thought it by no means improbable that
gloomy virew of the future He said he
TR Dec speech 1900
early in the coming century Eng wld have
to mut combinations of Eur powers.
Referring to the "serrous trade competition
of In the US, "he appealed to Eng to ramel
herally. Winding to the natl were of
intemperance he said that the Rev. Charles
Sheldon had told him that he had oven
more drunkennies in Eng in one yr than
in his own country, thous, in a whole lifetime.
ed page?
THEPARTING OF THE CENTURIES
Rablis Kaufman Kohler, lecture at - Temple
Betth-El, 5th are & 76th St
The first thing that strikes us is the
muntion of machinery / the power that chair
the glant forces of nature to the chanot of man, &
annitulating the distances of time & space,
unlacking the hidden treasures of the earth,
turning the black coal into says of light the
rap of the sun into a painters patitle. To
shoulders of the workingman to make him
take the heavy burden of lahor from the
the equal of his neighbor, to provide better
food, raiment, & shelter for a classes of
AOC alibe, was the object, the promise of the
19th lent science Was thepromias pulpilled ?
Meo. Marchall, Commencement address,
Haward Univ, 1947
Jane addams founded Hull Has in 1889
Nellie Bly
gauntlet to long -umfinished agenda
send uspleg - or veto
?-
I
Peace Dividend
GREAT YEARS OF HISTORY
thinking became sharper-edged, politics was
seen to need an understanding between rul-
ers and the ruled, the arts crystallised, ar-
chitecture began to float. It was as if, for the
first time, man stood back and took a steady
look at himself.
It was not happening only in Greece. In
524BC or thereabouts Buddha sat under the
bo tree, and in 501BC Confucius started
practising his ideas about social relations in
a Chinese provincial town. In several parts
of the world, those 60 years or so introduced
a new clarity into the previous blur. But nei-
ther Buddhism nor Confucianism ever won
a global audience. Some of the things that
came out of classical Greece did. Put down
457BC as Year One of the world we know.
The next huge year, even for non-Chris-
tians, has to be 30AD, the probable year of
Christ's death. Christianity has three claims
to everybody's attention. It put together the
When the mind began to clear: the ruins of the Aphaea temple on Aegina
things Buddha and Confucius had dealt
with separately, and even the Athenians had
1989, and all that
not properly united-man's relations with
God, and his relations with other men. It
marked a new stage in the slow growth of
human self-confidence: people who have
been told that God became one of them,
and let himself be crucified to help them,
feel rather better about the human condi-
tion afterwards. And it was the first religion
For those who like to roll the taste of history on their tongue, this has been a
to make a plausible claim to universality,
vintage year, though not one of the greatest. Our list of the really big years
even if it never quite brought it off.
of the past, minus Adam Smith's birthday
Nearly 2,000 years later, though Chris-
tianity is said to be in decline, it is striking
your
Lenin, did not claim world-wide applicabil-
how much its ideas still colour the modern
will
ity, and because removing Hitler was a far
debate. If communism's collapse does leave
spend a whole chapter on; but it does not
bloodier business. Yet 1989 and 1945 were
free-market democracy as the only sensible
quite rank with the great years of history. In
clearing-out years, not creating ones. To un-
way of running a government, two different
the great years, something new is written
derstand the difference, look at a dozen or
tendencies will still compete with each other
into the human ledger. This year has been
so of the dates in history that most people
inside free-market democracy-the one that
an erasing year. It did a splendid job, clear-
would agree were really top-ranking. No
puts the emphasis on efficiency and individ-
ing the page for whatever comes next; but
apology is needed for the fact that most of
ual creativeness, and the one that leans to-
that is not exactly the same thing.
them are Euro-American dates. Today's
wards compassion and shared responsibil-
In 1989 one of history's bigger mistakes
world is shaped by the ideas that have
ity. The latter will draw much of its language
began to be rubbed out. The institutions of
emerged in Europe and North America in
from Christianity. In 1989 some the best ex-
Leninist communism-one-party rule, a
the past 500 years. On current evidence, to-
communists in Eastern Europe (most of
"planned" economy-collapsed in much of
morrow's world probably will be too.
them agnostics) have been saying that Marx
Eastern Europe, looked pretty doomed in
was just a well-intentioned stumble on a
the Soviet Union, and were preserved in
Tip a hat to Pericles
road that began in 30AD.
China only by the desperation of a commu-
Start with 457BC, as good a year as any to
Then came a road-blocker of a year-
nist party that had failed to read Dean Inge:
sum up the extraordinary thing that hap-
410, when the Visigoths took Rome. In the
you cannot sit on a throne of bayonets, not
pened in Greece in the middle of the fifth
ensuing confusion the Christian church sur-
for ever. Half-noticed in the excitement
century before Christ. In that year Pericles
vived, but most other forms of organisation
about all this, one of the last outposts of an
got Athenian democracy firmly on its feet,
had to be slowly and painfully rebuilt. Eu-
older and murkier mistake may also have
the temple of Zeus at Olympia was com-
rope came to a halt for a few hundred years.
started to crumble, as South Africa's new
pleted, and Greeks mulled over the first pro-
Those who find that a Eurocentric state-
president took a new look at his country's
duction of the "Oresteia" of Aeschylus.
ment should ask themselves what would
chances of preserving one-race rule.
That mid-century in Greece was like a
have happened to subsequent history-the
This is excellent. It makes 1989 even
great clearing of the mind. Compared with
rise of Islam, the fifteenth and sixteenth cen-
better than 1945, when Hitlerism was
what had gone before-in Egypt, Mesopota-
turies, the growth of European empires-if
erased-better both because Hitler, unlike
mia, Jerusalem, even India and China-
Europe up to the Danube and the Scottish
14
THE ECONOMIST DECEMBER 23 1989
GREAT YEARS OF HISTORY
border had remained one political unit, run
berg bible). The ability to transmit
from Rome. It wouldn't, of course; some-
ideas and information to a large num-
thing else would have ended the Roman mo-
ber of people may be the most inno-
nopoly. But by breaking European history
cent of science's products: less smelly
when it did, 410 made sure nothing would
than factory chimneys, less liable to
be quite the same again.
fall out of the sky than aeroplanes.
While Europe was having its dark ages,
On balance, man has made good use
enter Islam (622, when Muhammed fled to
of printing. Bad ideas get transmitted
Medina). The Muslim religion brought to
as well as virtuous ones, but at least
the region east and south of the Mediterra-
everybody can make up his own mind
nean the same sharpening of ideas that had
which is which, and on the whole has
already happened elsewhere. There is only
made the choice quite well. The fol-
one God, said Islam. A man's hope of
low-up date here is 1926, when Baird
heaven is part of the same subject as the way
invented television. It is far from clear
he behaves on earth. Let everybody be
that sending out the information in
aware of his separate existence (a Muslim's
pictures, as distinct from words, is an
chief religious duty is regular prayer to Al-
improvement. It hits the emotions
lah, which needs no priestly help). Compas-
harder but, so far, it tells you less.
sion is honoured, if not always practised.
Islam saw the same point
The biggest date in this period of
Here too the notion of the importance
rebirth, however, is not a matter of
of the individual was beginning to take
Since science is a big part of that world,
science. It is 1517, when Luther pinned up
shape, and the individual was encouraged to
here are two early scientific dates, each cou-
the case for free choice in religion on the
look at himself, and the physical world
pled with a later date when the same bit of
church door at Wittenberg. That began his
around him, with a new detachment. This
science made a new jump forward.
break with the Catholic church-the signal-
detachment is called objectivity. It is a neces-
Gunpowder is a good test both of man's
gun for the Reformation and for the whole
sary condition of art, science, philosophy.
destructive power and of his willingness to
body of ideas, much wider than religion,
Not surprisingly, Islam produced a stun-
control that power. Roger Bacon described
that came in the wake of the Reformation.
ning explosion of those things. While Eu-
gunpowder in 1249, and Europeans began
One way of looking at the history of the
rope was sitting in the dark, Islam was the
to use it seriously in the next century. Did
past 2,500 years is to see it as a slow, uneven
firework display next door. This did not en-
they employ this Chinese-invented instru-
but relentless focusing of human conscious-
dure, because Islam as a culture did not dis-
ment of obliteration more efficiently than its
ness. Out of the tribal collective of the dis-
cover how to go on renewing itself. Blame
inventors had done? They did indeed: look
tant past, men started to become aware of
geography: until engines needed oil, the
at subsequent military history. Did they
themselves as separate individuals. Each in-
Muslim heartland did not have an economy
show any willingness to set limits on how
dividual had to make up his own mind
that could sustain a culture. Yet Islam as a
they employed it? They did not: ditto.
about the big choices in life, and carry the
religion endures, passionately; and Islam has
The follow-up date is 1945, when the
responsibility for the choice thus made. If
been an essential part of the development of
first atomic bomb was exploded. This time
this is what had been taking shape since the
the world west of India.
the answer to the second question may be
fifth century BC, it was bound to collide with
It never quite made it into Europe,
more cheering. Since Hiroshima and Naga-
the sort of institution the Catholic church
though. Muslims will please excuse the next
saki, nuclear weapons seem to have made
had become by 1517.
pair of dates. In 732, at Poitiers, Charles
men a little more cautious about risking war
By the time Luther took his stand at
Martel stopped Islam's left hook into Eu-
of any sort; but place no large bets on it.
Wittenberg, the church was suffering from
rope, by the Moors through Spain. Almost a
Then take printing (1456, the Guten-
all the symptoms of monopoly authoritar-
millennium later, in 1683, at Vienna, Jan
ianism. It had stopped producing new ways
Sobieski stopped its right hook, by the
of meeting its people's needs; its leaders
Turks through the Balkans. These are not
were spending much of their time in a brutal
just European dates. If either of those battles
competition for personal power; it was cor-
had gone the other way, the great new fire-
rupt (Luther's breaking-point was the sale of
work display of politics, economics, science
indulgences). Two years after Wittenberg,
and popular culture that has arisen out of
Luther repeated his defiance in a famous de-
Euro-America in the past few centuries—
bate at Leipzig, a city that in 1989 has seen
which almost everybody else seems to want
another bad case of monopoly authoritar-
to imitate-might never have happened.
ianism defied by those who insist on decid-
The dawn wind
ing for themselves. So began the Reforma-
tion, which took much of Christendom out
After the fight at Poitiers, a very long pause.
of the Catholic church, led the Catholics
China went its way, changing dynasties ev-
into a counter-reformation of their own,
ery now and again, and polishing its own
and changed the future of Euro-America.
high private culture, without any apparent
Once this had happened in religion, it
wish to share that culture with the rest of the
was going to spread into everything else.
world. India was going through a confused
The other side of the coin to man's growing
patch, and its Hindu religion and arts were
confidence in his own judgment was his
also not for export. Meanwhile, Europe la-
growing confidence in his ability to exam-
boriously reassembled itself. Then, in what
ine, measure and predict the physical world
Kipling called the dawn wind, came the first
around him. Examination and measure-
intimations of the astonishing sequence of
ment led Galileo to conclude that the earth
inventions, intuitions and breakings-free
did indeed go round the sun; and although,
that introduced the modern world.
There stood Luther
in 1633, he recanted under threat of tor-
THE ECONOMIST DECEMBER 23 1989
15
GREAT YEARS OF HISTORY
ture, kindly myth gave Galileo the muttered
place it. No general rule applies, except that
poleon turned out to be an old-fashioned
last word: eppur si muove.
people must be free to make and re-make
sort of dictator, and he also lost a. war: a
Not long afterwards, in 1666, that fall-
their own rules.
ing apple at Woolsthorpe set similar pro-
combination that helped France to struggle
relatively soon out of the mess that 1789 had
cesses to work in Newton's mind; the result
A two-century cul de sac
was the theory of gravity. Between them,
brought about. Russia and the empire it cre-
The eighteenth century's other revolution-
Galileo and Newton have as good a claim as
ated had to wait for 70 years before it found
ary year was 1789, when France revolted
anybody to be the fathers of modern sci-
a leader willing to admit to second thoughts.
against king and nobles; but that revolution
ence. The quality they shared was objectiv-
The upheaval of 1989 is the beginning
went off in a different direction. The eigh-
of the end of Lenin's 1917 revolution. It
ity, an insistence on the right to refer any
teenth century, "the Enlightenment", was
issue to detached inspection. Authoritar-
may also be the end of the wider error that
an eerily self-confident time. In some ways-
ians loathe objectivity, because it deprives
began exactly two centuries ago: the notion
in its music, its code of civilised conduct, its
them of their claim to lay down the law.
that politics is a science, that people can be
rather cerebral poetry and drama-it was a
Politics was one of the last areas of life to
governed out of a laboratory.
high point of European culture. But it was
yield to the new approach, for the good rea-
And the bright white space on the page,
also the century that produced the Idea. By
son that politics is where authoritarians
thus rubbed clean to make way for some-
this time the liberation from pre-fifteenth-
have most to lose. Nevertheless, by the eigh-
thing new? The puzzle of 1989 is that no-
century constraints on the human mind was
teenth century it was having to be admitted
body seems to have any clear idea what the
so complete that some people, particularly
that if men could claim freedom in religion
next entry in the ledger might be. For the
in France, got over-confident. They thought
they were going to demand it in politics too.
first time in centuries, no novel political idea
Unfortunately, getting hold of freedom
proved unexpectedly tricky. The last quar-
ter of the eighteenth century contained two
years that stand for two different sorts of po-
litical revolution. Until recently most people
had thought one of these was better than
the other. It is now becoming clear that
CHARLES
most people had got it wrong way round.
The first revolutionary year-the rather
humdrum one, it used to be thought-was
BOSTON
1775, when the American colonists set
about removing the British so that they
could govern themselves. The Americans
were fighting for the simple principle that
no small group of men could write the laws
for a much larger number of people, espe-
cially if the small group lived in a country far
away. The Americans wanted to run their
own lives, in whatever way a majority of
them saw fit. This is liberal democracy, plus
self-determination.
The Americans won their point, and
A shot still heard
the shot fired at Lexington is still reverberat-
ing round the world. The European revolu-
they could work out, with the force of scien-
tions of 1848 were fought on the same prin-
tific certainty, a set of general rules for the
urgently offers itself. The apparent triumph
ciple, and though they mostly failed they
made it easier for democracy to come to
well-being of mankind. Apply those rules,
of the individual over ideology presumably
leaves free-market democracy as the world's
these countries by other means later on. The
and a new world would have begun.
chief politico-economic system. Since na-
post-1945 freeing of the colonial empires
The 1789 revolution, after a generous
ture abhors a uniformity, the sub-categories
start, soon degenerated into the madnesses
was carried out in the name of self-deter-
of free-market democracy will doubtless now
mination and liberal democracy, though it
of ideological certainty. Not everybody
achieved little of the second. And in 1989
agreed what the new rules were, so the slow-
compete with each other more vigorously.
None of this, though, is new.
minded had to be coerced. This worried
yet another echo from Lexington has been
In fact, it would be odd if politics or eco-
crashing, this time more efficiently, round
some of the makers of the revolution, so ter-
ror had to be applied to them too. By 1793
nomics were the issue that led to history's
Eastern Europe.
next great year. They were the subject of the
The American model has one draw-
royal autocracy had been replaced by revolu-
last argument, which has just been settled.
back. It tends to produce a lot of nation-
tionary autocracy. It was a process to be-
The next argument will probably be about
states, and a nation-state is no less keen on
come wearily familiar again after 1917,
something different: something out there in
asserting its national interests when it is a
when another revolution driven by a similar
the misty ground beyond the now routine
democracy. This makes for an abrasive
demon of an Idea took place in Russia. The
chief difference in Russia was that Lenin
organisation of everyday life. Muslim funda-
world; parts of Eastern Europe may soon be
mentalists know what they think the next
feeling the awkward side of liberated nation-
had prefaced his revolution by announcing
hundred years will be about. So do the
alism. For government by the consent of the
that it would all be done by a single, certain-
of-itself party, so the arrival of the new au-
pushy new sects on the fringes of Christian-
governed, though, nothing has yet been in-
ity. Neither of them looks quite like the
tocracy took no time at all.
vented to beat this definition of democracy.
bringer of the future. But they may be point-
The majority decides how it wants to run the
France, and its neighbours, were luckier
than Russia and its neighbours. The chaos
ing in the right direction. Unless, that is, the
place-with luck, being gentle to the minor-
end of history really has arrived. How unlike
ity-until a new majority takes shape to re-
of the 1790s made an impatient general
history that would be.
think he had better get a grip on France. Na-
16
THE ECONOMIST DECEMBER 23 1989
November 6, 1989
MEMORANDUM FOR ROGER B. PORTER
THROUGH:
JIM PINKERTON
FROM:
WILLIAM L. EAGLE
EMILY M. MEAD
SUBJECT:
Summary of the President's accomplishments.
This memo is our revised synthesis of the OPD staff
summaries (attached for your examination) of the President's
accomplishments that you requested.
Prosperity
The United States is now in its 84th month of economic
expansion.
Real economic growth has been 2.9 percent.
Since the President has taken office, there have been 1.9
million new jobs created -- an average of 209,000 per month.
Personal income has risen by over $200 billion since January
an average of $800 per person.
The President is forcefully promoting the opening of world
markets through the Super 301 provision of the Omnibus Trade
and Competitive Act of 1988.
The Administration has vigorously maintained an
international commitment to an ambitious Uruguay Round of
trade negotiations and has reached an international
consensus through the Steel Trade Liberalization Program.
Fiscal Responsibility
President Bush submitted a budget which met the Gramm Rudman
targets for FY90.
As promised, the President has held the line on taxes.
-2-
The President successfully negotiated a 27 percent increase
in the minimum wage coupled with a training wage provision.
The President is holding his ground on capital gains.
The President has addressed the savings and loan crisis,
assuring the American people that their savings will be
secure and free from further reckless, corrupted
mismanagement.
Environment
The President presented the first revision of the Clean Air
Act in over ten years calling for mandated reductions in
destructive emissions which cause acid rain, urban ozone and
toxic air pollution.
The President's budget included $710 million for the Clean
Coal Technology Program, and $315 million for the Superfund
Cleanup.
The President also banned the export of hazardous waste and
implemented a medical waste tracking program to keep needles
off our beaches.
While maintaining his commitment to "no-net-loss" of
wetlands, the President has also presided over a driftnet
fishing agreement with several Asian nations, as well as an
international ban on the trade of African elephant ivory.
The President has postponed oil drilling lease sales off
environmentally sensitive areas of the California and
Florida coasts.
Crime and Drugs
The President sent The Comprehensive Violent Crime Control
Act of 1989 to Congress, which included additional needed
funds for federal enforcement, an expansion of federal
prison capacity, augmentation of prosecution personnel, and
a ban on certain semi-automatio weapons.
The President unveiled his National Drug Control policy
calling for increased spending of nearly $8 billion for
education, treatment, enforcement and interdiction.
-3-
Conforming to this plan, the Department of Housing and Urban
Development has taken measures to provide for drug free
public housing.
Education
In February, the President proposed his Educational
Excellence Act of 1989, focusing on seven initiatives,
including merit schools, improved math and science
education, and alternative certification for teachers.
As promised, the "Education President" summoned the
governors to a national summit on education in which they
addresed the problems of the nation's educational system.
The summit conferees issued a joint statement laying the
groundwork for educational reform in America based on the
President's principles: the recognition of excellence;
addressing need, flexibility and choice; and ensuring
accountability.
Kinder, Gentler America
Consistent with his call for "A kinder and gentler America,"
the President has transmitted the Working Family Child Care
Assistance Act of 1989 which provides a refundable tax
credit for child care and places choice in the hands of
parents to decide who best can care for their children.
The President requested an additional $250 million for the
Head Start program.
The President has requested full funding for the McKinney
Act to assist homeless families and the mentally ill.
The President has reauthorized the Low Income Opportunity
Board, coordinating federal agencies, and assisting states
in better utilizing federal money to aid the low-income
population.
The Americans with Disabilities Act will provide
unprecedented protection against discrimination for persons
with disabilities -- perhaps the most significant expansion
of civil rights laws in the past two decades.
-4-
The President called upon Congress to reauthorize the
Commission on Civil Rights.
The President signed the Whistleblower Protection Act of
1989 to strengthen the rights of employees in reporting
misdeeds and mismanagement.
To combat infant mortality rates, the President has
requested the Congress to expand Medicaid eligibility of
pregnant women, as well as provide for coverage of childhood
immunizations.
The President has also asked Congress to augment tax credits
relating to adoption expenses.
Though the promotion of wider availability of experimental
and therapeutic drugs such as AZT, the President has
demonstrated his commitment to the eradication of the HIV
virus and AIDS.
Invest in our Future
Concerned with the economic difficulty of our inner cities,
the President has submitted amendments to the JTPA as well
as a proposal to promote enterprise zones.
The President has called for the development of a National
Energy Strategy to provide a plan for a secure and abundant
and environmentally safe energy supply for the nation.
Toward that end, the President ordered the decontrol of
natural gas prices.
The President has made a commitment to the continued
exploration of space through the creation of the National
Space Council, chaired by the Vice President.
In a bold new initiative, the President has proposed the
deployment of Space Station Freedom, the establishment of a
permanent presence on the moon, and a manned mission to
Mars.
Reform
The President has made proposals to Congress for
comprehensive reforms in campaigns and elections, and ethics
in government.
-5-
The President issued an executive order on ethical conduct
covering the employees of the executive branch.
The Office of National Service has been energized by the
President's founding of the Points of Light Initiative to
identify, enlarge, and duplicate successful community
service programs throughout the nation.
The Secretary of Housing and Urban Development has
implemented departmental reform programs to eliminate
discretionary funding, mandate documented accountability,
and increase powers of the Inspector General.
#
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
markerse
Date: 12-17-90
FOR: David Demarest
FROM: ANDREW H. CARD, Andy
Action
Your Comment
Let's Talk
FYI - for your
SOTU speechwriting
team.
MITCHELL E. DANIELS, JR.
12/5
andy F4I
a little overstated,
on purpose.
Hope its somewhere
near you own Riching.
NO
12/5
Lilly
Eli Lilly and Company
Lilly Corporate Center
Indianapolis, Indiana 46285
Mitchell E. Daniels, Jr.
Vice President
Corporate Affairs
bcc: Mr. Andrew Card, Jr.
December 5, 1990
The Honorable John Sununu
Chief of Staff
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear John:
Thank you for the opportunity to make a few modest
proposals. I'll be concise, and I'll confine myself, with
one postscript, to the domestic side.
My recommended premises for the 1991 SOTU and beyond are:
1. Don't brag on 1990 - Let's not try to persuade the
country that this was a great year, especially as
regards the budget. Someone in OMB may sincerely
believe it, but nobody out here does. Far better to
use the commonly understood shortcomings of 1990 as a
predicate for a new program in 1991.
2. Stand for bold change The public is disgusted with
the status quo and will welcome a departure from
business as usual. It may not know what sort of
departure until one side presents one, which is a
reason for the President to get there first. If he is
left as the defender of things as they are, we stand
to lose further ground.
3. Confront the Congress - Ok to do so via the sorrow-not-
anger route, but, as 1990 showed, the President's
courtesy is never reciprocated; Miss Congeniality never
becomes Miss America.
Rhetorically, I recommend treating 1990 as the last test
drive of the old family jalopy. As a product of the
Congress, and a devoted friend of the good people who
comprise it, the President did not want to believe that its
flaws are institutional and structural; but, he now accepts
that they are. It's time to make a trade in on a new model
budget process, campaign process, and a new model concept of
what being a legislator means. We also need to trade in
several key institutions--education, health care, legal--on
new models better suited to the competitive world of today.
As to specifics:
I'd position the President as having paid in advance,
through his agreement to new taxes, for changes
Congress has yet to deliver. Where are the real
spending cuts, budget reform, and entitlement change?
Define the "broken pledge" on taxes as a sincere, good
faith effort to meet Congress in the middle--now it's
Congress' turn to come through.
Secondly, I would cast several new legislative
proposals in the language of consumer sovereignty. We
have the best educated populace in world history, and
That oher "people
we trust them to make basic choices about their health,
shelter, and children's education, etc.
with means always have
a choice"
To give expression to these themes, I'd make proposals like
these:
1. Scrap the "current services" concept. An increase is
an increase and a cut is only a cut when it means
less, not more. Send up a budget that labels things
accordingly.
2.
Propose a sequester. Recommend, among your budget
strategies, a modest sequester across accounts (maybe
including some outside Gramm-Rudman.) Congress will
holler that 5%, or 4%, or 3% of existing budgets can't
be cut, but nobody else thinks that. And it's the one
sure way to get real cuts, especially in the out years.
3.
Propose completely voucherized housing. The
public's money should go to poor families, not rich
developers.
4. Propose ending Title I and/or other federal funds to
states that deny families (or at least poor familes) a
full and free choice of schools.
5.
Indict the American legal system. Restate the call for
federal product liability legislation, citing a couple
ludicrous examples. Call for the "English rule" of
legal fees, or other common sense changes. (Consider
dispatching the Vice President and Attorney General on
a sustained national campaign to press this theme.)
6.
Propose that Secretary Sullivan's study of a new
health care policy consider shifting the tax benefit
(and the responsibility) of choosing health insurance
from employers to the individual consumer. (This
would also restore fairness to the system: we
currently subsidize the lucky employees of qualifying
companies to the extent of $60 billion/yr.)
7.
Propose an end to PACs, period.
8.
Tell Congress that you expect at least a 5 percent
(nominal) cut in their own legislative appropriations
bill or you won't sign it. Cite the 1990 California
initiative slashing legislative budgets as evidence
that the time is right. (Q. If the House of Commons
can support 650 members with less than 1,000 staff, why
do 535 Congressmen need 30,000 assistants?)
9.
Issue an Executive Order requiring all agencies and
departments to publish monthly contacts from
Congressmen and their offices. Let the sunshine fend
off future Charles Keatings.
10. Regretfully, call for Congress to limit its own terms.
Yes, the nation might occasionally lose, at least for a
time, the services of a great American. But what about
the thousands of great Americans who will never get the
chance to serve under today's noncompetitive system?
Challenging Congress on its own turf, on national
television, would be dramatic and would set a strong tone
for the last two years.
In sum, I believe the President should look back on 1990 as
the year of the old college try, during which he did his
best to make the old arrangements produce in the public
interest, but ultimately proved to himself that some
fundamental change is in order. The public senses that such
change is needed, and the President can be--must be--the
first agent to arrive with a plausible prescription.
Oh, one more thing.
Please
no capital gains.
Sincerely,
mitel
MED:mb
P.S. I've left out foreign policy because the President is
the acknowledged master and because everything seems well in
hand, politically. Just one observation. Even if the Gulf
situation goes very well, I think we have a major exposure
on the cost and burden-sharing issue. The perception that
we're carrying the military burden is aggravated by the
impression that the oil producers are getting rich on $35
oil while we protect them through even larger federal
deficits.
Why not a major "private placement" of T-bills, at
concessionary rates, with the Saudis and others who are
enjoying tens of billions in increased revenues? They could
recycle the money to finance their own defense, alleviate
the pressure on interest rates here, and help with our
deficit at least in terms of debt service. Even a
relatively small deal would carry a real symbolic impact.
2449
November 3, 1989
MEMORANDUM FOR JIM PINKERTON
FROM:
BRAD MITCHELL
SUBJECT:
Science and Technology Accomplishments
SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY POLICY
Reinvigorated and Expanded the Office of Science and
Technology Policy
The President has designated the Director of the Office of
Science and Technology Policy Assistant to the President for
Science and Technology. The President obtained a full 82
percent increase in the OSTP budget, reflecting the importance
he places on the scientific and technological advice provided
by OSTP.
Doubling the National Science Foundation Budget by 1993
The President's NSF budget continues to increase at a rate
that will enable the NSF's budget to double by 1993. These
increases will allow the NSF to support the Engineering
Research Centers, Advanced Scientific Computing Centers, and
the 11 interdisciplinary Science and Technology Centers
established in 1989.
Improving Science Education
The President unveiled the Educational Excellence Act of
1989 in April of this year. Included in this package is the
National Science Scholars program. The National Science
Scholars program would encourage achievement in the sciences by
providing scholarships to graduating high school students who
have excelled in the sciences, mathematics or engineering. A
group of 570 scholars would be selected each year with each
scholar receiving up to $10,000 a year for each year of their
undergraduate education.
November 3, 1989
MEMORANDUM FOR JIM PINKERTON
FROM:
BRAD MITCHELL
SUBJECT:
Space Accomplishments
SPACE EXPLORATION
Established the National Space Council
On April 20, 1989 the President demonstrated the importance
he attaches to the development of space by signing an Executive
order establishing the National Space Council. President Bush
named the Vice President chairman of the Council. The
President charged the Council with bringing "coherence and
continuity and commitment to our efforts to explore, study and
develop space.
Under the leadership of the Vice President, the Council has
already produced positive results. The Council resolved a
long-standing policy debate surrounding the Landsat satellite
system, reshaped the National Aerospace Plane (NASP) program
and is developing an action plan for a moon base and a manned
mission to Mars.
Bold Exploration Initiative
The President tasked the Council with developing "concrete
recommendations to chart a new and continuing course to the
moon and Mars and beyond". The Council is currently
developing an options package for the President.
Investing Resources
The President ensured the adequate funding for space
activities and obtained a 14 percent budget increase for NASA
programs. The President also secured a 100 percent increase in
the NASA budget for Space Station Freedom.
Accomplishments: Education
Four Education Principles
President Bush established four principles which are the
foundation for his Administration's education policy and
accomplishments:
- Recognition of excellence
- Addressing need
- Flexibility and choice
- Ensuring accountability
These principles have provided the basis for the President's
progress toward improving educational quality for all Americans,
most notably through the Education Excellence Act of 1989 and
the historic President's Education Summit with Governors.
Educational Excellence Act of 1989
The Educational Excellence Act of 1989, transmitted to Congress
on April 5, 1989, outlines seven initiatives to foster excellence
in American education and spur educational reform.
Presidential Merit Schools: A program to give cash awards
to public and private elementary and secondary schools which
have improved the quality of education of their students.
Magnet Schools of Excellence: A program to support the
establishment or enhancement of magnet schools, which
increase parental choice.
Alternative Certification of Teachers and Principals: A
program to encourage states to develop or expand flexible
certification systems.
President's Awards for Excellence in Education:
Presidential awards for excellent private and public school
teachers.
National Science Scholars: Scholarships to encourage
students to pursue the sciences in postsecondary education.
Drug-Free Schools Urban Emergency Grants: Grants for urban
districts to develop comprehensive approaches to combatting
drugs and related problems.
Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs): A
bill to strengthen HBCUs through matching grants. In
addition, the President signed an Executive Order providing
technical assistance to HBCUs and expanding opportunities
for HBCU students.
-2-
The President's Education Summit with Governors
The President's Education Summit with Governors was held on
September 27 and 28 in Charlottesville, Virginia. The calling of
the Summit fulfilled a commitment made during the campaign and
was the third time in history a President has called on the
nation's Governors to address a single issue of importance to the
Nation. The Summit brought together the President, his Cabinet,
and the Governors in working groups and plenary sessions to focus
on issues including choice and restructuring, teaching, the
learning environment, governance, a competitive workforce and
life-long learning, and postsecondary education.
At the conclusion of the Summit, the Governors and the President
issued a "Joint Statement" committing to four objectives to
provide the groundwork for education reform in America:
- national education goals;
- increased flexibility in the use of Federal funds;
- state-by-state restructuring of the education system;
- measurement of progress.
A commitment was made to address the issues of national goals and
increased flexibility in early 1990. The President and the
Governors stressed the need for parents, teachers, principals,
corporate leaders, and other Americans to become personally
involved in the process of education reform.
At the Education Summit, the President delivered a convocation
address which has been widely praised for its vision of America's
future. He described an education system which is "unafraid of
diversity,' in which "parents are full partners in the education
of their children," and which "never settles for the minimum."
President's Education Policy Advisory Committee
On June 5, 1989, in a speech to the business community, the
President announced his intention to form the President's
Education Policy Advisory Committee (PEPAC), the first such
committee he announced as President. The committee's membership
was announced in mid-October and includes representatives from
education, business, labor, and media. The PEPAC will be chaired
by Paul O'Neill, Chief Executive Officer of Alcoa, and will
advise the President directly on issues related to education
policy.
-3-
The Commitment of the Administration
The President has made it clear that education is a priority for
his entire Administration. Mrs. Bush's leadership in literacy,
Secretary of Education Lauro Cavazos's leadership in choice, and
the efforts of other Administration officials have contributed to
the foundation which has been established for excellence in
education.
ACCOMPLISHMENTS OF THE BUSH ADMINISTRATION
KEEPING THE ECONOMY STRONG
00
Steel Trade Liberalization Program. The Administration
successfully implemented the President's program 1) to
extend steel voluntary restraint agreements until March 31,
1992, and 2) to reach an international consensus eliminating
subsidies and increasing market access. The program
represents a major step toward returning market principles
to international trade in steel.
00
Uruguay Round. The Administration has been the prime mover
in maintaining international commitment to an ambitious
Uruguay Round of trade negotiations. The Round would
reduce barriers to trade in both goods and services. For
the first time, barriers to trade in agriculture would be
reduced. Negotiations are to be completed by the end of
1990.
00
The Brady Plan. In March, the Administration launched the
Brady Plan for addressing the international debt situation.
The plan set a new direction for the debt strategy by
emphasing reductions in debt and debt servicing levels.
Previous plans had emphasized new lending. The most
successful case under the Brady Plan has been the
rescheduling agreement concluded in late summer between
Mexico and its commercial banks.
00
Opening Foreign Markets. The Super 301 provision of the
Omnibus Trade and Competitiveness Act of 1988 required the
Administration to identify foreign countries that maintain
barriers to U.S. exports, and to negotiate the elimination
of those barriers. The Administration implemented a
strategy last may that has avoided potentially serious
foreign policy problems while securing more open markets
abroad. In the most difficult case, Japan, we complemented
the Super 301 action with the Structural Impediments
Initiative, intended to address deep-seated systemic
practices in Japan's economy that have the effect of keeping
imports out.
00
Mexico. During President Salinas' October visit to
Washington, the two countries agreed on a framework for
negotiating the elimination of a wide range of bilateral
trade barriers.
November 3, 1989
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
November 3, 1989
MEMORANDUM FOR JIM PINKERTON
FROM:
LARRY LINDSEY
it
SUBJECT:
Accomplishments in Domestic Economic Policy
Continued the longest peacetime expansion in American
history.
-
Real economic growth has been 2.9 percent since Bush
took office.
-
November is the 84th month of this expansion.
-
1.9 million jobs have been created since George Bush
became President, an average of 209,000 each month.
-
Personal income has risen more than $200 billion since
Bush took office, or roughly $800 for every man, woman,
and child.
Enacted a 27 percent increase in the minimum wage coupled
with a training wage provision. This will increase the
wages of low income families while minimizing the job loss
associated with less carefully structured minimum wage
increases.
Enacted comprehensive legislation to rescue our savings and
loan institutions. The legislation will assure that
depositors do not lose any of the money they entrusted to
savings and loans, will toughen regulations and capital
requirements so that problems will not recur, and will
punish wrongdoers who defrauded their depositors.
Held the line against tax increases for the FY90 budget.
This occurred in spite of repeated calls by some in Congress
for tax increases.
Achieved the Gramm Rudman targets for FY90, lowering our
deficit to less than 2 percent of GNP, from over 5 percent
in 1986.
Decontrolled natural gas pricing. George Bush became the
first President since Eisenhower to have a completely
deregulated energy industry.
Held an Education Summit with Governors. This was the first
Ed
summit held since the 1930s between the President and the
nation's governors and highlighted education as an urgent
priority. The governors and the President concurred that
accountability, flexibility, and choice were all important
reforms to strengthen education, and that increased funds
were not the answer.
Submitted an Enterprise Zone proposal to the Congress to
revitalize our nation's inner cities.
Proposed amendments to the Job Training Partnership Act
which will target this valuable program on those with the
greatest need. Increased funds will go to those who have
both a skill deficiency and are in poverty.
Achieved passage of a capital gains tax reduction by the
House of Representatives and achieved support for such an
initiative by a majority of the members of the Senate.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
November 3, 1989
MEMORANDUM FOR JIM PINKERTON
FROM:
DOREEN TORGERSON
HANNS KUTTNER
SUBJECT:
President Bush's First-Year Accomplishments in
Health and Human Services
Per Roger's request, here are our submissions for the
President's first-year accomplishments in Health and Human
Services. These are not in any particular order. Please contact
us if we can be of further assistance.
Homeless
The President's commitment to reducing homelessness is clear.
He requested full-funding of McKinney Homeless Assistance Act
programs for FY 1990 ($746 million). In addition, the President
requested $50 million for an initiative to reduce homelessness
through public-private partnerships. Unfortunately, Congress has
failed to match the President's commitment in FY 1990
appropriations.
Adoption
The President's accomplishments in the area of adoption are
significant. In September, the President sent two legislative
proposals to Congress designed to encourage adoption of special
needs children. The first permits adoptive parents to deduct
$3000 from taxable income for adoption-related expenses. The
second reimburses Federal employees who adopt up to $2000 for
expenses. In addition, the President has directed all Federal
agencies to develop plans for supporting and promoting adoption
of special needs children (e.g., flexible leave).
Head Start
The President is succeeding in giving our nation's needy
preschoolers a head start in life. His FY 1990 budget request
includes a $250 million increase for Head Start to be used for
expanding participation to 95,000 eligible children. It does not
look like Congress will fully deliver onthis commitment in its FY
1990 appropriation.
-2-
Medicaid
President Bush has taken concrete steps toward improving health
care for at-risk populations and decreasing infant mortality.
This year he asked Congress to raise mandatory Medicaid
eligibility for pregnant women and infants to 130 percent of the
poverty level. In addition, he requested an expansion of
Medicaid coverage of immunizations for all children ages 0 to 5
who are eligible for Food Stamps.
AIDS
The President has made combatting AIDS a national priority. New
drugs entering the market this year, namely AZT, are holding
promise for people infected with the AIDS virus. As we enter a
new decade, the treatment picture looks much better.
Low Income Opportunity Board
To continue progress in the area of welfare reform, the President
re-instated this welfare policy coordinating unit established
under President Reagan as the Interagency Low Income Opportunity
Advisory Board. The Board enhances interagency coordination of
Executive Branch activities designed to lift low-income Americans
up from dependency, and assists States that seek to demonstrate
more effective approaches for using Federal dollars to serve the
low-income population.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
November 3, 1989
MEMORANDUM FOR JAMES PINKERTON
FROM:
NANCY A. MALOLEY
PAUL D. ROELLIG
SUBJECT:
Presidential Initiatives
Clean Air Act. On June 12, the President announced proposals to
reduce emissions which cause acid rain, urban ozone and toxic air
pollution. The proposals, the first major overhaul of the Clean
Air Act to be proposed by an Administration in over a decade,
calls for a 10 billion ton reduction in SO2 emissions by the year
2000, a 2 million ton reduction in NOx, and a 40 percent
reduction in emission of volatile organic compounds which cause
urban smog, and a reduction of 75 to 90 percent in air toxic
emissions. These reductions will also help to curb any increase
in global warming resulting from fossil fuel combustion. The
proposal also calls for use of alternative fuels in one million
vehicles by 1997. Alternative fuels, while reducing ozone
precursors, will also reduce the toxic aromatics which come from
conventional gasoline. The President submitted a comprehensive
clean air bill to the Congress on July 21 embodying the proposals
announced on June 12.
Clean Coal Technologies. The President proposed $710 million in
FY 1990 for the Clean Coal Technology Program.
Medical Waste. On March 10, the Department of Justice and EPA
implemented a medical waste tracking program to track medical
wastes to ensure proper disposal and prevent ocean pollution.
Superfund Cleanup. The President's budget proposed $315 million
to pursue an aggressive cleanup schedule of toxic waste sites;
the Administration has opposed Congressional efforts to cut the
Superfund budget to $150 million. On June 14, EPA Administrator
Reilly, following the President's direction, concluded a
Management Review of the Superfund Program. The agency has
decided to add five hundred people to the enforcement staff to
ensure that sites are cleaned up.
National Energy Strategy. The President announced the
development of a National Energy Strategy and the Department of
Energy is actively working to complete the report sometime in
1990. The strategy will have as one component a plan to
reconcile the need for a secure, abundant energy supply with
environmental protection.
Global Climate Issues. Through its position as chairman of the
Response Strategies Working Group of the Intergovernmental Panel
on Climate Change (IPCC) the U.S. has called for initial
discussions potentially leading toward a convention on global
climate change. Also, the President proposed an increase in
global environmental research for FY 1990 of 43 percent, or over
$190 million. In addition, the Clean Air Act initiatives and
Clean Coal Technology Program will play a significant role in
controlling greenhouse gas emissions. The President called for a
world wide phase-out of ozone-depleting chlorofluorocarbons by
the year 2000, if safe substitutes are available.
Hazardous Waste Exports. On March 10, the President called for a
ban on the export of hazardous waste unless the receiving country
agrees to its proper disposal through a bilateral agreement.
Natural Gas Deregulation. On July 26, the President signed into
law the Wellhead Decontrol Act of 1989, which ends all remaining
price controls on natural gas.
Driftnet Fishing Agreements. The Administration successfully
persuaded Japan, Taiwan and Korea to enter into driftnet fishing
agreements to monitor driftnet practices and enforce laws
prohibiting the take of U.S. origin salmon.
Ban on African Elephant Ivory. On June 5, the Administration
announced a ban on the importation of African elephant ivory into
the United States.
Offshore Oil Drilling. The President postponed lease sales of
offshore oil and gas development in environmentally sensitive
areas off the coasts of California and Florida. The President
set up a task force to examine the issues and report back to him
in January of 1990.
Wetlands. The President has called for a national goal of "no-
net-loss" of wetlands. Consistent with that pledge, an
interagency task force has been convened and is meeting to
develop recommendations to meet that goal.
NYT here 1970
STATE OF THE UNION MESSAGES
Congress
Message
Delivered
Convened
Delivered
in Person
ROOSEVELT
3/9/33
1/3/34
1/3/34
Yes
1/3/35
1/4/35
Yes
1/3/36
1/3/36
Yes
9:00 pm
1/5/37
1/6/37
Yes
1/3/38
1/3/38
Yes
1/3/39
1/4/39
Yes
1/3/40
1/3/40
Yes
1/3/41
1/6/41
Yes
1/5/42
1/6/42
Yes
1/6/43
1/7/43
Yes
1/10/44
1/11/44
No
1/3/45
1/6/45
No
2 cols
TRUMAN
1/14/46
1/21/46
No
1/3/47
1/6/47
Yes
1/6/48
1/7/48
Yes
9
Yes
Pres Econ Rept 1/7/49 ABM 1/10
ABM 1/12/48
1/3/49
1/5/49
6
1/3/50
1/4/50
Yes
81/2
Pres 4am Rept 1/6/50 ABM 1/9/5
1/3/51
1/8/51
Yes
6'12
Preo Elon Rept 1/12/51 ABM 1/15/5
1/8/52
1/9/52
Yes
8
Pres Econ Rept 1/16/52 ABM 1/21/
NEOPLANT
1/3/53
1/7/53
No
(Farewell Address to Nation from
Oval Office on 1/15/53) 5 1/2
single
1958
EISENHOWER
1/3/53
2/2/53
Yes
22
1/6/54
1/7/54
Yes
16'12
ABM 11/21/54
1/5/55
1/6/55
Yes
23:12
ABM 1/17/55
1/3/56
1/5/56
No
1/3/57
1/10/57
Yes
13
ABM 1/16/57
1/7/58
1/9/58
Yes
14
ABM 1/13/58
1/7/59
1/9/59
Yes
14
ABM 1959
1/6/60
1/7/60
Yes
15
1/3/61
ABM 1/18/60
1/12/61
No
(Farewell Address to Nation from
Oval Office on 1/17/61) 5
Reco
2 cole
KENNEDY
1/3/61
1/30/61
Yes
9
Spec Mersage to Long: Brog for Ewn
1/10/62
1/11/62
Yes
10'12
ABM /18/62 spee
1/9/63
1/14/63
Yes
8
ABM 1/17/63 to long or R
Fascal Pc
3/24/6
2 cols
JOHNSON
1/7/64
1/8/64
Yes
6
ABM 1/21/64
1/4/65
1/4/65
Yes
9:00 pm
81/2
1/10/66
1/12/66
ABM 1/25/65
Yes
9:00 pm
1/10/67
1/10/67
Yes
9:30 pm
1/15/68
1/17/68
Yes
9:00 pm
1/3/69
1/14/69
Yes
9:00 pm
(No Farewell Address)
NIXON
1/3/69
(On 4/14/69 he announced he would
1/19/70
1/22/70
Yes 12:30 pm
not send a SOU Message)
1/21/71
1/22/71
Yes
9:00 pm
1/18/72
1/20/72
Yes 12:30 pm
1/3/73
2/2/73*
No
1/21/74
1/30/74
Yes
9:00 pm
FORD
1/14/75
1/15/75
Yes
1:00 pm
1/19/76
1/19/76
Yes
9:00 pm
1/4/77
1/12/77
Yes
9:00 pm
(No Farewell Address)
*
This transmittal was the first of a series of messages on the State of the Union
anchors/cross - used before ?
amily college savings plan - campaign ?
1900 quote?
4
Introduction
mines, mills, and workshops." It concluded its diagnosis by asserting,
"in America, unbounded prosperity may be looked forward to during
our forward march, making us the foremost Nation of the world."
Much the same theme dominated the State of the Union addresses
by President William McKinley on December 3, 1900, and Theodore
Roosevelt on December 2, 1902. But Roosevelt also noted that "there
are many problems for us to face at the outset of the twentieth
century-grave problems abroad and still graver at home." But he,
83-2408
too, reiterated the theme that "never before has material well-being
been so widely diffused among our people
Of course, when the
conditions have favored the growth of so much that was good, they
have also favored somewhat the growth of what was evil.
The
Marin Strmecki
evils are real and some of them are menacing, but they are the
outgrowth, not of misery or decadence, but of prosperity."
Press editorials echoed this mood. Faith in democracy and con-
fidence in America were seen as one. The North American Review, in
an article entitled "The Burden of the Twentieth Century," focused
on the question of the future of democracy and confidently asserted,
"It is to America, and to America alone, that we must look.
It is
a question the importance of which, to the future of humanity, cannot
be exaggerated. Would that in the year 1999 or 2000 one could come
back to earth, in order to hear the answer. May it be favorable to
democracy. And may it be final!" And The Washington Post greeted
the new century on January 1, 1900, with a triumphant reaffirmation
of the American mission in its overseas imperial possessions, adding
exultantly, "they are ours, and all talk of anti-expansion is as idle as
the chatter of magpies."
On the European continent, the mood was no less confident, the
view of the future similarly benign. In Great Britain, optimistic jin-
goism characterized the assessment offered by the London Times (wel-
coming the new century more correctly on January 1, 1901): "We
have a reasonable trust that England and her sons will emerge trium-
phant from that ordeal at the end of the Twentieth Century as at the
end of the Nineteenth, and that then and for ages to come they will
live and prosper one united and Imperial people, to be 'a bulwark
for the cause of men'." More serious judgments, however, focused
on the longer-range threat to British primacy posed by the rise of
American industrial prowess, with The New York Times on December
January 23, 1990
MEMORANDUM TO CHRISS WINSTON
FROM:
James Klug
RE:
State of the Union Suggestions
NAME:
SUGGESTIONS:
Adm. James D. Watkins
Cleanup of the nuclear weapons
complex and a new conservation and
renewable energy initiative.
Emphasis on math and science
education.
Edward Timperlake
Need for a new blueprint to
(Veterans Affairs)
guide the Department of Veteran
Affairs into the future.
Evan J. Kemp
Support the passage of the
(Equal Employment
Americans with Disabilities Act.
Opportunity Commission)
("Would WOO disabled Democrats and
hold disabled Republicans. ")
EPA
Discuss Alternative Fuels Program
to combat auto pollution. Commit to
finding solution to the factories
and plants emitting toxic air
pollution.
Bill Kristol
Product liability and product
(OVP)
liability reform legislation.
Bobbie Kilberg
Address U.S.-Israel relations and
Sarah Decamp
Soviet Jewry and call for repeal of
(Anti-Defamation League)
U.N. "Zionism is Racism"
resolution. Speak out strongly
against racism and anti-semitism
and reiterate intolerance of
bigotry and prejudice.
James W. Cicconi
"Competitiveness Package" that
includes proposals for capital
gains, a permanent R&D tax credit,
and a plan to boost domestic
savings.
Charlie Black
Focus on government ethics, a
(Black, Manafort, Stone
strong restatement of tax pledge,
& Kelly)
focus on campaign reform, talk drug
Public Affair Company
issue with emphasis on crime,
foreign affairs with emphasis
on the hard challenges ahead.
Spencer Geissinger
Use "Drug Abuse is Life Abuse"
(Drug Abuse is Life Abuse)
program as an example of community
education and involvement in
combating drug use.
Jerry J. Jasinowski
Innovation, continued growth
(National Association
and job creation through of
Manufacturers)
technology, capital, quality and
trade.
American Association
Recommend topics of discussion
of School Administrators
concerning education including:
greater availability of early
education, higher standards for
high school curriculums, better
technologies available to teachers,
and more funding for "programs of
hope" such as Head Start and
Chapter 1.
Mark Nelson
Restore an environment in
(Sematech)
America that allows our free
enterprise system to flourish.
Refer to Sematech's success in
battling the Japanese in the
semiconductor industry.
Paul Weyrich
Rededication to "empowering all
Americans to be able to live the
American Dream." "
Nick Calio
Adopt a balance budget amendment
(Recommendations from House
to Constitution, reduce
Republicans for S of U)
capital gains tax, complete
"Americans with Disabilities"
Legislation, revise farm bill,
rebuild infrastructure by creation
of Presidential Blue Ribbon panel
called "America 2000," enact of
Kemp's Housing Initiatives and
Reform, support Yuetter's Rural
Development package, support Child
Care legislation, enact
Crime package, enact Education
Initiatives and Education Reform
proposal, support legislation to
clean up America's environment and
support oil spill legislation,
begin a reformation of America's
health care system mentioning
cancer and aids research, enact
space agenda.
Sen. Pete Domenici
Repeat and build upon theme of
kinder, gentler nation.
Continue commitment to working
poor, and highlight domestic
programs. Mention Earned
Income Tax Credit that rewards
working poor.
Rep. Bob Michel
Debunk myth of peace dividend, call
Congress
for Congressional action on war on
drugs, crime package, child care,
capital gains tax cut, education,
major campaign reform, clean air
legislation, and a reduction of
budget deficit.
Rep. Newt Gingrich
Give vision and language of
Congress
change to maximize party chances in
90 and 92. Discuss increased
involvement of state, county and
local governments in issues such as
drugs and violent crime, school
reform, health care and housing.
Discuss lowering cost of investment
capitol and the training of Latin
American police forces to fight
drugs.
Rep. Thomas Petri
Discuss EITC/child care, health
Congress
care reformation, competition in
education, prison overcrowding,
downsizing of military and civilian
bureaucracy, major overhaul of
transportation infrastructure,
progress toward balance budget.
Rep. Bill Gradison
Discuss comprehensive health care
Congress
policy, a free trade agreement with
the EEC in 1992, and unresolved
issues of the Tax Reform Act of
1986 including a reduction in
payroll taxes, integration of
corporate and individual income
taxes, and expensing of capital
investments.
Rep. John Hammerschmidt
Stress the need for a rebuilding
Congress
of crumbling public facility
infrastructure.
Rep. Arthur Ravenel
Stress a strong environmental
Congress
agenda.
Rep. Bill Emerson
Comment on agriculture.
Congress
Rep. Michael Oxley
"The two issues that will most
Congress
differentiate the two parties and
help the GOP in 90 and 92 are drug
abuse and crime. Discuss Emergency
Drug Abuse Treatment Expansion Act,
Forfeiture Amendments Act, and
the Assault Weapon Crime Act of
1989.
Rep. Bill Frenzel
Abandon position on abortion in
Congress
cases of rape and incest, give
priority to achievement of the
Gramm-Rudman targets, continue
ethics reforms, discuss a new
international policy to replace
current containment policy, no new
tax proposals!
Rep. Edward Roybal
Long-term nursing and home health
Congress
care found in the Older Americans
Long-term Care Insurance Act.
Rep. Matthew Rinaldo
Discuss catastrophic health care
Congress
coverage for senior citizens and
the Americans with Disabilities
Act.
Rep. Charles Hatcher
Welfare System Reforms, food stamp
Congress
programs and the "Aid to Families
With Dependent Children Program.' "
Rep. Peter Smith
Defense cuts, school restructuring,
Congress
child care, clean air bill,
infrastructure improvement,
environmental issues including
wetlands, groundwater and clean
water protection.
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
February 9, 1989
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE JOINT SESSION OF CONGRESS
The Capitol
Washington, D.C.
9:07 P.M. EST
Q
THE PRESIDENT: Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, and
distinguished members of the House and Senate, honored guests, and
fellow citizens. Less than three weeks ago, I joined you on the West
Front of this very building -- and looking over the monuments to our
proud past -- offered you my hand in filling the next page of
American history with a story of extended prosperity and continued
peace. And tonight, I'm back to offer you my plans, as well. The
hand remains extended, the sleeves are rolled up, America is waiting,
and now we must produce. Together, we can build a better America.
It is comforting to return to this historic Chamber.
Here, 22 years ago, I first raised my hand to be sworn into public
life. so tonight, I feel as if I'm returning home to friends and I
intend -- (applause.) And I intend, in the months and years to come,
to give you what friends deserve: frankness, respect, and my best
judgment about ways to improve America's future.
In return, I ask for an honest commitment to our common
mission of progress. If we seize the opportunities on the road
before us, there'll be praise enough for all. The people didn't send
us here to bicker. And it's time to govern.
And many presidents have come to this Chamber in times of
great crisis. War and depression, loss of national spirit. And
eight years ago, I sat in that very chair as President Reagan spoke
of punishing inflation and devastatingly high interest rates and
people out of work, American confidence on the wane. And our
challenge is different.
We're fortunate -- a much changed landscape lies before
us tonight. So I don't propose to reverse direction. We're headed
the right way. But we cannot rest. We're a people whose energy and
drive have fueled our rise to greatness. And we're a forward-looking
nation -- generous, yes, but ambitious, as well -- not for ourselves,
but for the world. Complacency is not in our character -- not
before, not now, not ever. (Applause.)
And so tonight, we must take a strong America and make it
even better. We must address some very real problems. We must
establish some very clear priorities. And we must make a very
substantial cut in the federal budget deficit. (Applause.)
Some people find that agenda impossible. But I'm
presenting to you tonight a realistic plan for tackling it. My plan
has four broad features: attention to urgent priorities, investment
in the future, an attack on the deficit, and no new taxes.
(Applause.)
This budget represents my best judgment of how we can
address our priorities. There are many areas in which we would all
like to spend more than I propose; I understand that. But we cannot
until we get our fiscal house in order.
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Next year alone, thanks to economic growth, without any
change in the law, the federal government will take in over $80
billion dollars more than it does this year. That's right -- over
$80 billion in new revenues, with no increases in taxes. And our job
is to allocate those new resources wisely.
We can afford to increase spending by a modest amount,
but enough to invest in key priorities and still cut the deficit by
almost 40 percent in one year. And that will allow us to meet the
targets set forth in the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings law. But to do that,
we must recognize that growth above inflation in federal programs is
not preordained; that not all spending initiatives were designed to
be immortal. (Applause.)
I make this pledge tonight: My team and I are ready to
work with the Congress, to form a special leadership group, to
negotiate in good faith, to work day and night -- if that's what it
takes -- to meet the budget targets, and to produce a budget on time.
We cannot settle for business as usual. Government by
continuing resolution -- or government by crisis -- will not do. And
I ask the Congress tonight to approve several measures which will
make budgeting more sensible. We could save time and improve
efficiency by enacting two-year budgets. (Applause.) Forty-three
governors have the line-item veto. President's should have it, too.
(Applause.) And the very least -- at the very least, when a
President proposes to rescind federal spending, the Congress should
be required to vote on that proposal -- instead of killing it by
inaction. (Applause.)
And I ask the Congress to honor the public's wishes by
passing a constitutional amendment to require a balanced budget.
(Applause.) Such an amendment, once phased in, will discipline both
the Congress and the Executive Branch.
Several principles describe the kind of America I hope to
build with your help in the years ahead. We will not have the luxury
of taking the easy, spendthrift approach to solving problems --
because higher spending and higher taxes put economic growth at risk.
Economic growth provides jobs and hope. Economic growth enables us
to pay for social programs. Economic growth enhances the security of
the nation. And low tax rates create economic growth.
I believe in giving Americans greater freedom and greater
choice -- and I will work for choice for American families, whether
in the housing in which they live, the schools to which they send
their children, or the child care they select for their young.
(Applause.)
You see, I believe that we have an obligation to those in
need, but that government should not be the provider of first resort
for things that the private sector can produce better. I believe in
a society that is free from discrimination and bigotry of any kind.
(Applause.) And I will work to knock down the barriers left by past
discrimination -- (applause) -- and to build a more tolerant society
that will stop such barriers from ever being built again.
I believe that family and faith represent the moral
compass of the nation -- and I'll work to make them strong, for as
Benjamin Franklin said, "If a sparrow cannot fall to the ground
without His notice, can a great nation rise without his aid?"
And I believe in giving people the power to make their
own lives better through growth and opportunity. And together, let's
put power in the hands of people. (Applause.)
Three weeks ago, we celebrated the Bicentennial
Inaugural, the 200th anniversary of the first presidency. And if you
look back, one thing is so striking about the way the Founding
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Fathers looked at America. They didn't talk about themselves. They
talked about posterity. They talked about the future.
And we, too, must think in terms bigger than ourselves.
We must take actions today that will ensure a better tomorrow.
(Applause.) We must extend American leadership in technology,
increase long-term investment, improve our educational system, and
boost productivity. These are the keys to building a better future.
And here are some of my recommendations:
I propose almost $2.2 billion for the National Science
Foundation to promote basic research and keep us on track to double
its budget by 1993. (Applause.)
I propose to make permanent the tax credit for research
and development. (Applause.)
I've asked Vice President Quayle to chair a new Task
Force on Competitiveness. (Applause.)
And I request funding for NASA and a strong space program
-- an increase of almost $2.4 billion over the current fiscal year.
We must have a manned space station; a vigorous, safe space shuttle
program; and more commercial development in space. The space program
should always go "full throttle up" -- and that's not just our
ambition; it's our destiny. (Applause.)
I propose that we cut the maximum tax rate on capital
gains to increase long-term investment. (Applause.) History is
clear -- history on this is clear; this will increase revenues, help
savings, and create new jobs. (Applause.) We won't be competitive
if we leave whole sectors of America behind. This is the year we
should finally enact urban enterprise zones and bring hope to the
inner cities. (Applause.)
But the most important competitiveness program of all is
one which improves education in America. When some of our students
actually have trouble locating America on a map of the world, it is
time for us to map a new approach to education. (Applause.)
We must reward excellence and cut through bureaucracy.
We must help schools that need help the most. We must give choice to
parents, students, teachers, and principals; and we must hold all
concerned (Applause.) accountable. In education, we cannot tolerate mediocrity.
I want to cut that dropout rate and make America a more
literate nation. (Applause.) Because what it really comes down to
is this: the longer our graduation lines are today, the shorter our
unemployment lines will be tomorrow.
So- tonight I'm proposing the following intitiatives:
The beginning of a $500-million program to reward
America's best schools -- "merit schools."
The creation of special presidential awards for the best
teachers (Applause.) in every state -- because excellence should be rewarded. --
The establishment of a new program of National Science
give this generation of students a special incentive to excel in
Scholars, one each year for every Member of the House and Senate, to
science and mathematics. (Applause.)
The expanded use of magnet schools, which give families
and students greater choice; and a new program -- to encourage
fields teach in our classrooms. (Applause.)
"alternative certification" which will let talented people from all
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I've said I'd like to be the "Education President." And
tonight, I've asked you to join me by becoming the "Education
Congress."
(Applause.)
Just last week, as I settled into this new office, I
received a letter from a mother in Pennsylvania who had been struck
by my message in the Inaugural Address. "Not 12 hours before,' she
wrote, "my husband and I received word that our son was addicted to
cocaine. He had the world at his feet. Bright, gifted, personable.
He could have done anything with his life. And now he has chosen
cocaine."
"And please," she wrote, "find a way to curb the supply
of (Applause.) cocaine. Get tough with the pushers. Our son needs your help.'
My friends, that voice crying out for help could be the
voice of your own neighbor, your own friend, your own son. Over 23
million Americans used illegal drugs last year -- at a staggering
cost to our nation's well-being.
Let this be recorded as the time when America rose up and
said "no" to drugs. The scourge of drugs must be stopped. And I am
asking tonight for an increase of almost a billion dollars in budget
outlays to escalate the war against drugs. (Applause.) The war must
be waged on all fronts. Our new drug czar, Bill Bennett, and I will
be shoulder-to-shoulder in the Executive Branch leading the charge.
Some money will be used to expand treatment to the poor
and to young mothers. This will offer the helping hand to the many
innocent victims of drugs -- like the thousands of babies born
addicted, or with AIDS because of the mother's addiction.
Some will be used to cut the waiting time for treatment.
Some money will be devoted to those urban schools where the emergency
is now the worst. And much of it will be used to protect our
borders, with help from the Coast Guard, and the Customs Service, the
Departments (Applause.) of State and Justice, and yes, the U.S. military.
I mean to get tough on the drug criminals. And let me be
clear: this President will back up those who put their lives on the
line every single day -- our local police officers. (Applause.)
My budget asks for beefed-up prosecution, for a new
attack on organized crime, and for enforcement of tough sentences --
and for the worst kingpins, that means the death penalty.
(Applause.) I also want to make sure that when a drug dealer is
because prisons are too full.
convicted, there's a cell waiting for him. And he should not go free
convicted, you will do time.
And so let the word go out: If you're caught and
But for all we do in law enforcement, in interdiction and
treatment, we will never win this war on drugs unless we stop the
demand for drugs. So some of this increase will be used to educate
the young about the dangers of drugs. We must involve the parents.
We must involve the teachers. We must involve the communities. And
my friends, we must involve ourselves -- each and every one of us in
this concern. (Applause.)
One problem related to drug use demands our urgent
attention and our continuing compassion. And that is the terrible
tragedy of AIDS. I'm asking for $1.6 billion for education to
prevent the disease -- and for research to find a cure.
If we're to protect our future, we need a new attitude
about the environment. We must protect the air we breathe. I will
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send to you shortly legislation for a new, more effective, Clean Air
Act. It will include a plan to reduce, by date certain, the
emissions which cause acid rain -- (applause) -- because the time for
study alone has passed, and the time for action is now. (Applause.)
We must make use of clean coal. My budget contains full
funding, on schedule, for the clean coal technology agreement that
we've made with Canada. (Applause.) We've made that agreement with
Canada and we intend to honor that agreement.
We must not neglect our parks. So I'm asking to fund new
acquisitions under the Land and Water Conservation Fund. We must
protect our oceans. And I support new penalties against those who
would dump medical waste and other trash into our oceans.
(Applause.) (Applause.) The age of the needle on the beaches must end.
And in some cases, the gulfs and oceans off our shores
hold the promise of oil and gas reserves which can make our nation
more secure and less dependent on foreign oil. And when those with
the most promise can be tapped safely, as with much of the Alaska
National Wildlife Refuge, we should proceed. (Applause.) But we
must use caution. We must respect the environment.
And so tonight I'm calling for the indefinite
postponement of three lease sales which have raised troubling
questions -- two off the coast of California, and one which could
threaten the Everglades in Florida. (Applause.) Action on these
three lease sales will await the conclusion of a special task force
set up to measure the potential for environmental damage.
I'm directing the Attorney General and the Administrator
of the Environmental Protection Agency to use every tool at their
disposal to speed and toughen the enforcement of our laws against
toxic waste dumpers. (Applause.) I want faster cleanups and tougher
enforcement of penalties against polluters.
In addition to caring for our future, we must care for
the elderly, the vulnerable, and the poor.
those around us. A decent society shows compassion for the young,
Our first obligation is to the most vulnerable --
budget recognizes this. I ask for full funding of Medicaid --
infants, poor mothers, children living in poverty -- and my proposed
increase of over $3 billion -- and an expansion of the program to an
include (Applause.) coverage of pregnant women who are near the poverty line.
burden of child care. Our help should be aimed at those who need it
I believe we should help working families cope with the
most -- low-income families with young children. I support a new
child care tax credit that will aim our efforts at exactly those
at families -- without discriminating against mothers who choose to stay
home. (Applause.)
this -- the overwhelming majority of all preschool child care is now
Now, I know there are competing proposals. But remember
provided by relatives and neighbors and churches and community
help. Parents should have choice. (Applause.)
groups. Families who choose these options should remain eligible for
And for those children who are unwanted or abused
whose to parents are deceased, we should encourage adoption. I propose or
to reenact the tax deduction for adoption expenses, and to double it
parents who love them.
$3,000. (Applause.) Let's make it easier for these kids to have
in this budget, Social Security is fully funded, including a full
We have a moral contract with our senior citizens. And
cost-of-living adjustment. We must honor our contract.
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We must care about those in the shadow of life, and I,
like many Americans, am deeply troubled by the plight of the
homeless. The causes of homelessness are many, the history is long.
But the moral imperative to act is clear.
Thanks to the deep well of generosity in this great land,
many organizations already contribute. But we in government cannot
stand on the sidelines. In my budget, I ask for greater support for
emergency food and shelter, for health services and measures to
prevent substance abuse, and for clinics for the mentally ill.
(Applause.) And I propose a new initiative involving the full range
of government agencies. We must confront this national shame.
There's another issue that I've decided to mention here
tonight. I've long believed that the people of Puerto Rico should
have the right to determine their own political future. Personally,
I strongly favor statehood. But I urge the Congress to take the
necessary steps to allow the people to decide in a referendum.
Certain problems, the result of decades of unwise
practices, threaten the health and security of our people. Left
unattended, they will only get worse -- but we can act now to put
them behind us.
Earlier this week, I announced my support for a plan to
restore the financial and moral integrity of our savings system. I
ask Congress to enact our reform proposals within 45 days. We must
not let this situation fester. (Applause.) We owe it to the savers
in this country to solve this problem. (Applause.)
Certainly, the savings of Americans must remain secure.
Let me be clear. Insured depositors will continue to be fully
protected. But any plan to refinance the system must be accompanied
by major reform. Our proposals will prevent such a crisis from
recurring. The best answer is to make sure that a mess like this
will never happen again.
The majority of thrifts in communities across the nation
have been honest. They've played a major role in helping families
achieve the dream of home ownership. But make no mistake -- those
who are corrupt, those who break the law, must be kicked out of the
business and they should go to jail. (Applause.)
We face a massive task in cleaning up the waste left from
decades of environmental neglect at our America's nuclear weapons
plants. Clearly, we must modernize these plants and operate them
safely. That's not at issue -- our national security depends on it.
But beyond that, we must clean up the old mess that's been left
behind -- and I propose in this budget to more than double our
current effort to do SO. This will allow us to identify the exact
nature of the various problems so we can clean them up -- and clean
them up we will. (Applause.)
We've been fortunate during these past eight years.
America is a stronger nation than it was in 1980. Morale in our
Armed Forces has been restored. Our resolve has been shown. Our
readiness has been improved. And we are at peace. There can no
longer be any doubt that peace has been made more secure through
strength. (Applause.) And when America is stronger, the world is safer.
Most people don't realize that after the successful
restoration of our strength, the Pentagon budget has actually been
reduced in real terms for each of the last four years. We cannot
tolerate continued real reduction in defense. In light of the
compelling need to reduce the deficit, however, I support a one-year
freeze in the military budget -- something I proposed last fall in my
flexible freeze plan.
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And this freeze will apply for only one year, and after
that, increases above inflation will be required. I will not
sacrifice American preparedness, and I will not compromise American
strength. (Applause.)
I should be clear on the conditions attached to my
recommendation for the coming year:
The savings must be allocated to those priorities for
investing in our future that I've spoken about tonight.
This defense freeze must be a part of a comprehensive
budget agreement which meets the targets spelled out in
Gramm-Rudman-Hollings law without raising taxes, and which
incorporates reforms in the budget process.
I have directed the National Security Council to review
our national security and defense policies and report back to me
within 90 days to ensure that our capabilities and resources meet our
commitments and strategies.
I'm also charging the Department of Defense with the task
of developing a plan to improve the defense procurement process and
management of the Pentagon -- one which will fully implement the
Packard Commission report. (Applause.) Many of these changes can
only be made with the participation of the Congress -- and SO I ask
for your help.
We need fewer regulations. We need less bureaucracy. We
need multiyear procurement and two-year budgeting. And frankly, --
and don't take this wrong -- we need less congressional
micromanagement of our nation's military policy. (Applause.) I
detect (laughter.) a slight division on that question, but nevertheless --
Securing a more peaceful world is perhaps the most
important priority I'd like to address tonight. You know we meet at
a time of extraordinary hope. Never before in this century have our
values of freedom, democracy, and economic opportunity been such a
powerful and intellectual force around the globe.
Never before has our leadership been so crucial, because
America. while America has its eyes on the future, the world has its eyes on
And it's time of great change in the world -- and
especially in the Soviet Union. Prudence and common sense dictate
that we try to understand the full meaning of the change going on
there, review our policies and then proceed with caution. But I've
personally assured General Secretary Gorbachev that at the conclusion
of such a review we will be ready to move forward. We will not miss
any opportunity to work for peace.
The fundamental facts remain that the Soviets retain a
very powerful military machine, in the service of objectives which
are still too often in conflict with ours. So let us take the new
be strong. (Applause.)
openness seriously. But let's also be realistic. And let's always
There are some pressing issues we must address: I will
vigorously pursue the Strategic Defense Initiative. (Applause.) The
security as never before.
spread and even use of sophisticated weaponry threatens global
Chemical weapons must be banned from the face of the
Earth, never to be used again. (Applause.) And, look, this won't be
easy. Verification -- extraordinarily difficult. But civilization
and human decency demand that we try.
And the spread of nuclear weapons must be stopped. And
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I'll work to strengthen the hand of the International Atomic Energy
Agency. Our diplomacy must work every day against the proliferation
of nuclear weapons.
And around the globe, we must continue to be freedom's
best friend. And we must stand firm for self-determination and
democracy in Central America -- including in Nicaragua. (Applause.)
It is my strongly held conviction that when people are given the
chance, they inevitably will choose a free press, freedom of worship,
and certifiably free and fair elections.
We must strengthen the alliance of the industrial
democracies -- as solid a force for peace as the world has ever
known. And this is an alliance forged by the power of our ideals,
not the pettiness of our differences. So let's lift our sights -- to
rise above fighting about beef hormones to building a better future,
to move from protectionism to progress.
I've asked the Secretary of State to visit Europe next
week and to consult with our allies on the wide range of challenges
and opportunities we face together -- including East-West relations.
And future. I look forward to meeting with our NATO partners in the near
And I, too, shall begin a trip shortly -- to the far
reaches of the Pacific Basin, where the winds of democracy are
creating force. new hope, and the power of free markets is unleashing a new
When I served as our representative in China 14 or 15
witnessed since then. But in preparing for this trip, I was struck
years ago, few would have predicted the scope of the changes we've
his by something I came across from a Chinese writer. He was speaking of
America, tonight.
country, decades ago, but his words speak to each of us, in
goodness and mercy and kindness."
"Today," he said, "we're afraid of the simple words like
rediscover those words.
My friends, if we're to succeed as a nation, we must
In just three days, we mark the birthday of Abraham
Lincoln -- the man who saved our Union, and gave new meaning to the
word it opportunity. Lincoln once said: "I hold that while man exists,
in ameliorating that of mankind."
is his duty to improve not only his own condition, but to assist
It is this broader mission to which I call all Americans.
others. Because the definition (Applause.) of a successful life must include serving
left out -- I ask you tonight to give us the benefit of your talent
And to the young people of America, who sometimes feel
Service and energy to America. through a new program called "YES," for Youth Entering
ultimate end of your work -- to make a better product, to create
To those men and women in business -- remember the
temptation of quick and easy paper profits.
better lives. I ask you to plan for the longer-term and avoid that
To the brave men and women who wear the uniform of
United States of America -- thank you. Your calling is a high the --
your liberty. service. And I want you to know that this nation is grateful for
(appplause.) To be the defenders of freedom and the guarantors one of
provide. We will work with you to open foreign markets to American you
To the farmers of America, we appreciate the bounty
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agricultural products. (Applause.)
And to the parents of America, I ask you to get involved
in your child's schooling. Check on the homework. Go to the school,
your child's future on the line, it's America's.
meet the teachers, care about what is happening there. It's not only
To kids in our cities -- don't give up hope. Say no to
drugs. Stay in school. And yes, "Keep hope alive."
To those 37 million Americans with some form of
disability you belong in the economic mainstream. We need your
talents in America's workforce. Disabled Americans must become full
partners in America's opportunity society. (Applause.)
To the families of America watching tonight in your
living rooms: Hold fast to your dreams, because ultimately America's
future rests in your hands.
And to my friends in this Chamber, I ask your cooperation
to keep America growing while cutting the deficit. That's only fair
to those who now have no vote -- the generations to come.
understand that a time of peace and prosperity is not the time to
Let them look back and say that we had the foresight to
rest, but a time to press forward -- a time to invest in the future.
And let all Americans remember that no problem of
human-making is too great to be overcome by human ingenuity, human
energy, and the untiring hope of the human spirit. I believe this.
I would not have asked to be your President if I didn't.
begins, and I ask the Congress to come forward with your own
And tomorrow, the debate on the plan I've put forward
proposals. Let's not question each other's motives. Let's debate.
Let's negotiate. But let us solve the problem. (Applause.)
speeches -- (laughter and applause.) -- but tonight is one of
Recalling anniversaries may not be my specialty in
note. On February 9, 1941, just 48 years ago tonight, Sir Winston some
Churchill took to the airwaves during Britain's hour of peril. He'd
Longfellow's famous poem: "Sail on, oh Ship of State! Sail Oh
received from President Roosevelt a hand-carried letter quoting
Union, strong and great! Humanity with all its fears, with all on, the
hopes of future years, is hanging breathless on thy fate!"
to a nation at war, but he directd his words to Franklin Roosevelt.
And Churchill responded on this night by radio broadcast
"We shall not fail or falter,' he said. "We shall not weaken or
tire. Give us the tools, and we will finish the job."
fortitude is just as great.
less immediate, but the need for perseverance and clear-sighted may
Tonight, almost half a century later, our peril be
we're bound by constraints, threatened by problems, surrounded
There are voices who say that America's best days have passed; that
Now, as then, there are those who say it can't be done.
troubles full which limit our ability to hope. Well, tonight, I remain by
of hope. We Americans have only begun on our mission of
-- goodness and greatness. And to those timid souls, I repeat the plea
give us the tools, and we will do the job.
(Applause.)
Thank you. God bless you and God bless America.
END
9:56 P.M. EST
Ideas
JAMES BRYCE AND
Author James Bryce (1838-
1922), here portrayed in
AMERICA
middle age, became ambas-
sador to Washington and an
early advocate of the League
"A presidential election in America," observed James Bryce, "is some-
of Nations after World
War I.
thing to which Europe can show nothing similar." For three months, the
British visitor wrote, "processions, usually with brass bands, flags,
badges, crowds of cheering spectators are the order of the day and
night
" In 1888, the year that the Republicans' Benjamin Harrison
narrowly vanquished the Democrats' Grover Cleveland, Bryce's mam-
moth portrait of The American Commonwealth was published on both
sides of the Atlantic. Here, Morton Keller assesses this oft-quoted clas-
sic on U.S. politics, and its peripatetic Victorian author.
He came to the United States in search of an answer. He found a society
by Morton Keller
uniquely, passionately dedicated to the values of individual liberty and freedom of
voluntary association. But, Tocqueville observed, it was also a society that im=
posed order (including the order of black slavery) through a conformity imposed
by public opinion: a tyranny of the majority comparable, in his mind, to the
During the summer of 1870, two young British barrister-intellectuals, James
tyranny of royal authority under the ancien régime.
Bryce and Albert V. Dicey, embarked on a voyage of discovery to the United
Tocqueville's account of America's early 19th-century public and private
States. Out of this trip (and two later visits) came one of the most widely read
institutions, and the values and manners of its people, is to this day the most
books ever written about America, Bryce's The American Commonwealth.
profound of all inquiries into our society. More than that, Democracy in America
Bryce and Dicey were following in famous footsteps. Forty years earlier,
remains a seminal text on the strengths and deficiencies of democracy as a
another pair of young lawyers, Alexis de Tocqueville and his friend Gustave de
system of political organization.
Beaumont, also undertook a journey to America. That visit resulted, of course,
And what of Bryce and The American Commonwealth 40 years later?
in Tocqueville's great Democracy in America (1835, 1840).
What led this enormously bright, learned, energetic Scots-Irishman to set out
Bryce and Tocqueville had the same subject: the nature of American insti-
for the United States in 1870 (and again in 1881 and 1883-84)? What prompted
tutions, most particularly the country's politics and government. Both came to
him to make American government and politics his chief intellectual interest for
the New World as men of letters and public affairs, and as 19th-century Euro-
almost 20 years, to produce a three-volume study, over 1,800 pages in the first
pean Liberals. In that turbulent experiment across the Atlantic, each sought
edition, and then doggedly to add, revise, and amend on a large scale in three
answers to the most compelling political question of their time: What was, and
succeeding editions? (Tocqueville never returned to the United States after his
what would be, the character of a young society whose guiding principles were
1830 visit, never revised Democracy in America, and showed little further
individual freedom, political liberty, and democratic government?
interest in the new society he had so tellingly described.)
Tocqueville called himself "a liberal of a new kind"; one who combined "a
The answer lies in the kind of man that Bryce was, and in the purpose of
lively and rational passion for liberty" with an equally strong belief in the virtues
The American Commonwealth. He criticized Tocqueville for having too philo-
of social order. (He came from a royalist family; his father narrowly escaped
sophical a purpose: "It is not democracy in America he describes, but his own
Robespierre's guillotine.) How to combine the two? That, as he saw it, was the
theoretic view of democracy illustrated from America."
great problem facing modern political philosophy.
Bryce, by contrast, sought knowledge directly and massively accumulated,
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and then turned to systematic analysis. His was a positivist, Victorian intellectual
besotted by exotic places: The one major country whose politics and government
style exemplified in the work of both Karl Marx and Charles Darwin. (Late in
he never systematically examined was Great Britain.
life, Bryce recalled that reading Darwin's Origin of Species was one of the most
Small wonder that he did not find time to marry until he was 51. He never
exciting intellectual experiences of his youth.) In spirit and approach, The Amer-
had children.
ican Commonwealth resembles other pioneering works of its time such as
It would be no distortion to regard The American Commonwealth as both
Walter Bagehot's The English Constitution (Bagehot, like Bryce, subscribed to
a Victorian travel book and a work of Victorian social science. It is the account of
"the cardinal value of occasional little facts") and Woodrow Wilson's Congres-
a journey through the world of late-19th-century American politics and govern-
sional Government.
ment by an exceptionally urbane, well-informed, sharp-eyed visitor. One of
Bryce's reviewers said, not unjustly, that his book attained everything that was
possible with a camera.
And indeed, by amassing a mountain of facts, Bryce hoped to demonstrate
how the people of the world's leading democracy governed themselves.
Bryce was an inveterate collector-of facts, experience, people. Philoso-
But there was, of course, no way of avoiding the generalizing for which he
pher William James once said that to Bryce, "all facts were born free and equal."
criticized Tocqueville, however different their conclusions were. "The general
And he led one of those breathtakingly active, productive Victorian lives that so
theory I have tried to set forth," he declared, "is that in the U.S. the impression
astonish us today. He was born in Belfast and raised in Glasgow, the child of
of the direct governing power of opinion, as apart from legal machinery, is far
vigorously intellectual Scots-Irish Presbyterian parents. His father was a
stronger than in Europe; and that while there is very little abuse of power by the
teacher. He entered Trinity College, Oxford, in 1857, successfully insisting on
majority [here he takes issue with Tocqueville], there is, at least in the realm of
his right as a Dissenter not to subscribe to the Thirty-Nine Articles of the
thought, too much disposition to believe the majority right. But possibly I have
Anglican Church. Bryce was an academic prodigy, gathering up prizes, firsts,
strained the facts to prove the theory."
and fellowships as if they were collectibles. He then read law at Lincoln's Inn-
at the same time writing a short history of the Holy Roman Empire that won
him an international reputation. In 1870, at the age of 32, Bryce was appointed
$
Regius Professor of Civil Law at Oxford, a well-paid sinecure that he held until
-1893; he served as a member of Parliament for a quarter of a century and
Bryce claimed that five-sixths of his data came from observation and from
occupied three cabinet posts; he was British ambassador to the United States
conversations with Americans. He traveled everywhere: not only to New Eng-
from 1907 to 1913; he was created a viscount in 1914; he served on govern-
land and the Northeast but also to the upper Midwest, the Pacific Coast, the
ment commissions looking into British education, German atrocities in World
South. In particular, he relied on the knowledge and insight of experts. He said
War I, and the reform of the House of Lords.
that he tried "simply to piece together and reproduce the best views of the best
Bryce's avocations were no less numerous. He traveled to (and wrote a
American observers as I picked them up." On his first day in America, he looked
book about) every inhabited continent; by his own account in 1907, he had
up E. L. Godkin, editor of The Nation and the New York Evening Post, who
visited every country and capital in Europe, plus Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, South
became perhaps his most influential source. (He failed to acknowledge Godkin's
Africa, India, Asia Minor, the Greek isles, Transcaucasia, Mexico, Cuba, Ja-
aid in the preface to his first edition, an omission that the latter did not take well.
maica, almost all of the United States and Canada-"also Iceland." Soon he
Bryce explained that if he had properly recognized Godkin, critics would have
added Australia and New Zealand, Japan, China, and Siberia to his itinerary. He
said "(not without truth) that I was reproducing the Evening Post and Mug-
swam in every body of water and climbed every mountain within reach (includ-
wump view.")
ing Ararat, which he proudly, if erroneously, believed he was the first European
Other notables of the Northeast, such as Harvard's President Charles W.
to ascend); he botanized with near-professional skill, discovering 13 new species
Eliot (who remained a lifelong friend), Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., economist and
of plants in South Africa alone. Like so many Victorian intellectuals, Bryce was
financier Edward Atkinson, and the rising young politician Theodore Roosevelt,
also guided him. James Angell, president of the University of Michigan, and
Morton Keller, 59, is professor of history at Brandeis University. Born in
Washington Gladden, congregational minister and social reformer, advised him
Brooklyn, New York, he received a B.A. from the University of Rochester
on the intricacies of Midwestern politics; Thomas M. Cooley, the judge and
(1950), and an M.A. (1952) and a Ph.D. (1956) from Harvard. He is the
treatise writer, introduced him to the powerful constraints on state activism
author of several books, including The Art and Politics of Thomas Nast
imposed by the Constitution and the political culture; historian Henry C. Lea
(1968), Affairs of State: Public Life in Late Nineteenth Century America
instructed him on the politics of Pennsylvania, with its railroad barons, coal
(1979), and Parties, Congress and Public Policy (1985). He is currently work-
towns, and party patronage.
ing on a sequel to Affairs of State entitled The Pluralist Polity: Public Life in
Bryce had the gifted traveler's knack of being in the right place at the right
the Early Twentieth Century.
time. On his first visit to America in 1870, he managed to meet most of the
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surviving lights of New England transcendentalism and the antislavery move-
ment: Emerson, Longfellow, James Russell Lowell, Samuel Gridley and Julia
A BRYCE SAMPLER
Ward Howe, Thomas Wentworth Higginson, the elder Oliver Wendell Holmes.
His first direct exposure to American politics was at the 1870 New York State
On the American Character:
Democratic convention in Rochester, where he was able to see the regnant
Tweed Ring and Tammany in full bloom.
"They are a hopeful people. Whether or no they are right in calling themselves a
The book that came out of Bryce's attentive listening, seeing, and reading
new people, they certainly seem to feel the bounding pulse of youth. They see a
was an exceptionally detailed, informed picture of late-19th-century American
long vista of years stretching out before them, in which they will have time enough
government and politics. Much of Parts I and II of The American Common-
to cure all their faults, to overcome all the obstacles that block their path."
wealth, dealing with national and state government, may seem stilted and out-
of-date when read today. But one chapter tried to answer a question that was
On the Separation of Powers:
germane before and after the Civil War, and is very much alive in our own time:
"Why Great Men Are Not Chosen President." Bryce concluded that "great men
"[The Founding Fathers] so narrowed the sphere of the executive as to prevent it
are rare in politics; the method of choice may not bring them to the
from leading the country, or even its own party in the country, except indeed in a
top; they are not, in quiet times, absolutely needed": not far from the present
national crisis, or when the president happens to be exceptionally popular. They
state of understanding.
sought to make members of Congress independent, but in doing so they deprived
them of some of the means which European legislators enjoy of learning how to
administer, of learning even how to legislate in administrative topics. They con-
demned them to be architects without science, critics without experience, censors
without responsibility."
Part III of The American Commonwealth (23 chapters, more than one-
fifth of the first edition) discusses "The Party System"; here it comes alive.
On American Women:
Bryce's perceptive description of party politics as practiced in the Gilded Age
"The respect for women which every American man either feels or is obliged by
was the first, and in many ways remains the best, analysis ever written of the
public sentiment to profess has a wholesome effect on his conduct and character,
distinctive American system. Everything-bosses and machines, how they work
and serves to check the cynicism which some other peculiarities of the country
and what they do; the machinery of elections; the color and passion of cam-
foster. The nation as a whole owes to the active benevolence of its women, and
paigns; the role of money and corruption-came within his view. Long before
their zeal in promoting social reforms, benefits which the customs of Continental
Moisey Ostrogorsky, Max Weber, and other European social scientists, Bryce
Europe would scarcely have permitted women to confer."
recognized that "the spirit and force of party has in America been as essential to
the action of the machinery of government as steam is to a locomotive en-
On Politics and Sports:
gine
In America the great moving forces are the parties. The government
counts for less than in Europe, the parties count for more."
"Even now business matters so occupy the mind of the financial and commercial
He held that American party politics historically embodied the conflict of
classes, and athletic competitions the minds of the uneducated classes and of the
two "permanent oppositions": between centralized and localized government
younger sort in all classes, that political questions are apt, except at critical mo-
and "between the tendency which makes some men prize the freedom of the
ments, to fall into the background."
individual as the first of social goods, and that which disposes others to insist on
checking and regulating his impulses." In short, he discovered in America the
On Presidential Elections:
same tension between "the love of liberty" and "the love of order" that so
intrigued Tocqueville.
"If the presidential contest may seem to have usually done less for the formation of
political thought and diffusion of political knowledge than was to be expected from
It might seem surprising that Bryce identified more closely with the Hamil-
the immense efforts put forth and the intelligence of the voters addressed, it
ton-Federalist-Republican than the Jefferson-Jackson-Democratic tradition. But
nevertheless rouses and stirs the public life of the country. One can hardly imagine
it was a measure of the difference then between British and American political
what the atmosphere of American politics would be without this quadrennial storm
culture that Bryce, a member of the radical wing of mid-19th-century British
sweeping through it to clear away stagnant vapours, and recall to every citizen the
Liberalism, was most comfortable with the more conservative sector of contem-
sense of his own responsibility for the present welfare and future greatness of his
porary American politics.
country. Nowhere does government by the people, through the people, for the
In truth Bryce had little interest in American history (for which Woodrow
people, take a more directly impressive and powerfully stimulative form than in the
Wilson, who reviewed the book when it appeared, chided him). Rather, his
choice of a chief magistrate by 15 millions of citizens voting on one day."
primary interest was in the American party politics of his own time, the 1870s
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and '80s. And here, to his displeasure, he found that "neither party has any
To the end of his long life he was firm in the belief that "America marks
principles, any distinctive tenets
Both have certainly war cries, organiza-
the highest level, not only of well-being, but of intelligence and happiness, which
tions, interests enlisted in their support. But those interests are in the
the race has yet attained." His Scots-Irish Liberalism drew him powerfully to
the relative lack in America of pauperism, class distinction, and class hatred, and
main
getting or keeping the patronage of the government. Tenets and poli-
cies, points of political doctrine, and points of political practice, have all but
the diffusion of wealth among small proprietors.
All has been lost, except office or the hope of it."
It is not surprising that his book was immensely popular in the United
vanished
This disillusioned judgment appears to be at odds with his generally positive
States during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. About a quarter of a million
view of American institutions, and needs explaining. There was more to
copies of its several editions and a widely used school abridgement were sold. It
Bryce-and to The American Commonwealth-than facts, facts, facts. Both
had less success in England (where one reviewer took Bryce to task for ignoring
his letters and his masterwork had a strongly didactic tone; his book is as much
"the malaria, catarrh, earthquakes, blizzards and tornadoes" that "fill the ceme-
the product of a moral and political philosophy as is Tocqueville's Democracy in
teries" of America).
But he was no Pangloss. By the time of The American Commonwealth's
America.
Bryce believed in Liberalism, the classic 19th-century Liberalism of John
appearance in 1888, the post-Civil War euphoria of Bryce and his American
Bright and William Gladstone, of free trade, free speech and press, personal
friends had substantially diminished. He strongly shared Godkin's distaste for a
liberty, and responsible leadership. This notably genial, gregarious man had his
political system dominated by machines and bosses (though he recognized more
hates, chief among them illiberal regimes: the Turkish oppressors of Bulgars and
acutely than did upper-class American reformers that most professional politi-
Armenians, and, later, the Kaiser's Reich in World War I.
cians played a necessary role in American public life).
Perceptively he observed that while Englishmen spoke of "politicians,"
Americans called them "the politicians," thus bestowing on them the character
of a distinct social group. He ranked public men in an elaborate hierarchy of
moral and intellectual qualities, descending from "the non-professional or Outer
For one holding such views, a close look at the United States of 1870 was
Circle politicians, those who work for their party without desiring office," down
irresistible. (Bryce toyed initially that year with a plan to cross the Channel and
to the large, immigrant-dominated cities: "As there are weeds that follow hu-
observe the Franco-Prussian War, but the lure of America was too great.) After
man beings, so this species thrives best in cities, and even in the most crowded
a civil war fought-and won-for the preservation of the Union and the aboli-
parts of cities. It is known to the Americans as the 'ward politician."
tion of slavery, the United States was, in European Liberal eyes, the Golden
Bryce's condemnation of city politics and government as the great failure of
Land. John Bright (with Gladstone one of the patron saints of Bryce's Liberal-
American civilization is perhaps his most famous aperçu. But he had little more
ism) called the North's victory "the event of the age. The friends of freedom
use for state governments, which he dismissed as "perennial fountains of corrup-
everywhere should thank God and take courage." The prevailing mood is evi-
tion"; state legislators "can barely read the Constitution, and the nature of its
dent in the English novelist-poet George Meredith's 1867 "Lines to a Friend
legal operation is as far beyond them as the cause of thunder is beyond cats." He
[John Morley] Visiting America," which spoke of:
devoted a chapter of his book to explaining "Why The Decent Men Do Not Go
Into Politics."
The strange experimental land
Where men continually dare take
Niagara leaps;
There was much about American politics during the 1870s and '80s to
Adieu! bring back a braver dawn
To England, and to me, my friend.
repel a British (or American) Liberal intellectual. The Civil War era had been
dominated by great issues of national identity and human freedom. Intellectuals
Bryce then and later was distinctly more optimistic about the present
and publicists were intoxicated by that political atmosphere. Godkin, who, like
health and future prospects of the country than were his American friends such
Bryce, was of Irish Protestant origins and immigrated to America in 1856,
wrote to a friend during the war: "I am duly thanking Heaven that I live here
as Godkin and Holmes. He says in The American Commonwealth: "A hundred
times in writing this book have I been disheartened by the facts I was stating: A
and in this age." In 1865 he founded The Nation as an organ designed to apply
hundred times has the recollection of the abounding strength and vitality of the
to postwar issues the Liberal spirit of the crusades for antislavery and the Union.
The chaos and disillusionment of Reconstruction, and the increasing domi-
nation chased away these tremors." He told Godkin, "Having criticized the
machinery of government and the party system rather more sharply than I quite
nation of the political system by machines and bosses, was a profound shock to
like-but feeling bound to do so-I have sought in describing public opinion to
the ideological Liberals of the Civil War era. The work of Thomas Nast, the pre-
eminent political cartoonist of his time, vividly portrays the change in political
set out the better side of the people and of politics."
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JAMES BRYCE
generations. During the 1860s, Nast, with great power, portrayed the antislav-
and conservatives, in black racial inferiority. And his faith in the assimilative
ery, Unionist creed of Republicanism and Liberalism. In the same spirit, he
power of the nation was strong: "The future of America will be less affected by
created his famous images of the rapacious Tammany tiger and the gross,
the influx of new blood than any one who has not studied the American democ-
porcine Boss Tweed. But as the politics of organization superseded the politics of
racy of today can realize."
ideology, Nast produced what came to be the accepted symbols of the major
In later years Bryce observed with growing alarm such developments as
parties: the Republican elephant and the Democratic donkey. These were docile
imperialism and the pre-World War I arms race, the rise of Big Business,
beasts, without strong symbolic meaning-eloquent embodiments of a politics
organized labor, and, at home, socialism. These trends threatened to consign his
that relied more on organization and sentiment than on ideology and purpose.
classic 19th-century Liberalism to the dustbin of history. But he never gave way
During the decades that followed, a running battle continued between po-
to the pessimism and despair that swept over Godkin or Henry Adams (who on
liticos and genteel reformers. Bryce fully shared the distaste for party politics
renewing his acquaintanceship with Bryce in the early 1900s found his Liberal-
felt by most of his American friends. His own career in British politics was not
ism naive). He wrote to an American friend in 1903: "The truth is that when I
unlike theirs. He never attained influence in Parliament or government com-
go to America I always see much that is depressing and disgusting, but I see also
mensurate with his abilities or reputation; and his dislike of British political
that many of the evils which I saw formerly have not increased, or are even
professionals such as Joseph Chamberlain (who always referred to Bryce as
diminishing; and I see also more clearly than before how grand are the evils
"Professor") or Randolph Churchill matched Godkin's hatred of spoilsmen Ros-
arising around us in England. Hence it seems right to allow a wide margin in
coe Conkling and William McKinley.
America for the action of the representative forces which have often proved
stronger than was expected."
To the end-he died in 1922 at the age of 84-Bryce remained what he
had always been, an archetypal Gladstonian Liberal. He was also widely re-
garded as the most learned, knowledgeable, polymathic Briton of his time. The
The final sections of The American Commonwealth are given over to
English journalist A. G. Gardiner wrote in 1913: "If one were asked to name the
extended discussions of public opinion and-in the spirit of Tocqueville-Ameri-
greatest living Englishman, I think it would be necessary to admit, regretfully,
can social institutions. Bryce's analysis of public opinion in America lies some-
that he was a Scotsman born in Ireland."
where between Tocqueville's view of it as an independent force exercising all-
And yet there is a disparity between Bryce's qualities and his overall
powerful sway over American public life, and the more modern view (expressed
achievement-a gap evident in the book whose centennial we celebrate. Its
by Walter Lippmann in Public Opinion, 1922) that it is a compound of the
description of the late-19th-century American polity assures it immortality. But
irrationality of the masses and manipulation by powerful vested interests. Bryce
we do not find in it the more profound insights into the nature of American
recognized that popular opinion was a significant reality in American public
society that Tocqueville's work continues to provide. The reason is that Bryce
life-politicians ignored it at their peril-but that it was also subject to the
never was able to transcend his Liberalism as Tocqueville did. For all its rich
influence of leadership.
detail, its recurrent, oft-quoted insights, the fact remains that while Bryce's
Most Americans, he thought, were influenced by sentiment rather than by
book wonderfully illuminates its subject, it never takes the reader to a new level
informed opinion. But he still had faith in the judgment of the majority: "The
of understanding.
masses of the People are wiser, fairer, and more temperate in any matter to
Nevertheless, on its own terms, The American Commonwealth remains a
which they can be induced to bend their minds than most European philosophers
national treasure: a vivid, affectionate, informed portrait of how we were gov-
have believed it possible for the masses of the people to be." Nor did he have
erned-and governed ourselves-a century ago.
any great faith in the wisdom of the well off: "The possession of property does
more to make a man timid than education does to make him hopeful." Pre-
dictably, he believed that the best hope for American public life lay in the
leadership of "the group of classes loosely called professional men"; the edu-
cated, public-spirited men who were his closest American friends; indeed, the
"class" to which he himself belonged. Over the past 100 years, many an Ameri-
can Liberal reformer has felt the same way.
Bryce dealt also with a variety of social groups and institutions, ranging
from the bar and the universities to Wall Street and the situation of American
women. He shared the conventional view of his time that blacks and women
should not participate in politics. He lumped together blacks and recent immi-
grants as a social "residuum" whose views were neither worthwhile nor signifi-
cant. But he never gave voice to the then prevailing belief, shared by Liberals
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