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C.S.C.E. Ministerial 10/1/90 [OA 6896]
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C.S.C.E. Ministerial 10/1/90 [OA 6896]
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Records of the White House Office of Speechwriting (George H. W. Bush Administration)
Speech Backup Chronological Files
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Originally Processed With FOIA(s):
FOIA Number:
S; 2003-0373-F; 2004-0248-F; 2008-1259-F
S
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
Library Staff.
Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting, White House Office of
Series:
Speech File Backup Files
Subseries:
Chron File, 1989-1993
OA/ID Number:
13731
Folder ID Number:
13731-006
Folder Title:
C.S.C.E. Ministerial 10/1/90 [OA 6896]
Stack:
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G
26
20
7
5
Ken Pitterle
647-8050
McGroarty/Dooley
September 26, 1990
5:00 pm
[CSCE.UN]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: C.S.C.E. MINISTERIAL
NEW YORK CITY, NEW YORK
OCTOBER 1, 1990
3:00 PM
Baker intro
Exec Sec CSCE-R
Amb Ront. Frowick
[Introductory acknowledgements.] It is a pleasure to
welcome all of you to the United States -- and my great honor to
host this, the first-ever C.S.C.E. Ministerial held on American
soil. //
Welcome also to all our guests -- from more than 80 nations
1
across the globe. Your presence here today reminds us that the
concerns that bring the nations of Europe and North America
together affect the future of peace and freedom not only across
the Atlantic -- but around the world. ///
In this past year, we've witnessed a world of change -- and
even now a new world continues to unfold before our eyes. //
Moments ago -- right here in this building -- I looked on as the
delegates of the Four Powers in Germany formally relinquished the
diff area
rights and responsibilities they had held for 45 years. ///
With those final strokes of the pen ends an era of discord and
division -- a dark chapter in the history of Europe, and the
world. ///
Mr. Genscher and Mr. de Maiziere: No longer is your nation
-- so long divided East from West -- a symbol of Cold War and
conflict. // No longer is Germany one nation split between two
Interestmental
Dep Exec Sec - John Evans
Sec Baker - Chairman @that time
John Maresca - Dep chair @ that time
chart of Puplomm
amb rank for CFE
whind stoff of Exic see
side-
Interp -
2
worlds. /// We rejoice with you and the German people that your
nation is united once more. //
Germany's long-awaited day of celebration is merely the most
recent in a chain-reaction of changes this past year that
transformed a continent -- and swept away forever an era of
discord and division. //
This transformation is testimony to the power of the
principles in the founding charter of the CSCE -- the Helsinki
Final Act. // There -- in the human rights and fundamental
freedoms set down in Helsinki 15 years ago -- we find the cause
and catalyst of what I call the Revolution of 89. //
In the darkest days of dictatorship, those principles blazed
forth -- a bright star, inspiring ordinary men to extraordinary
acts. // Think of Walesa, the father of Solidarity. // Of
Sakharov and Sharansky -- of their unflinching humanity in the
face of repression. // Of Havel and Mazowiecki [Mah-zo-VYET-
ski]: not so very long ago political prisoners -- now President
and Prime Minister of our newest democracies. // Think of all
the millions of ordinary men and women: at long last, free to
speak their minds -- free to live, work and worship as they wish.
///
CSCE shares in this monumental triumph of the human spirit.
/// Our challenge now is to keep pace with the tremendous
political transformations that have changed the face of Europe -
- to create a CSCE that can remain at the cutting edge of change,
and consolidate these great gains for freedom. In Eastern and
3
Central Europe -- a CSCE capable of helping hard-won democracy
take root and draw strength. // And in those nations where
democracy remains a dream -- a CSCE that continues to stand fast
for the principles of freedom that promise life and hope. //
The outlines of this new CSCE are already becoming clear.
In July, at the London NATO summit, the leaders of the Atlantic
Alliance put forward a series of proposals aimed at strengthening
the CSCE -- and channeling its energies in new directions.
We urge the member nations of the CSCE:
**
To create a Center for the Prevention of Conflict -- to
build on the CSCE's success in establishing confidence and
security-building measures that have done so much to reduce the
risk of war by accident or miscalculation. //
**
To establish a small permanent secretariat to serve the CSCE
-- one that could support an accelerated schedule of CSCE
consultations and review conferences. ///
**
To create a CSCE elections office -- to foster free and fair
elections: the fundamental democratic principle from which all
others follow. ///
**
And finally, to invite member nations to convene an
"Assembly of Europe": a parliament where the growing family of
democracies, [old and new], can chart a common course towards
this new Europe, whole and free. ///
I urge the ministers to make this meeting a milestone in the
history of the CSCE -- one that shapes this institution to meet
the changing needs of the new Europe. ///
4
And let me mention one more area where rapid progress is
critical: the on-going negotiations on Conventional Forces in
Europe. //
An agreement to reduce conventional forces remains the
cornerstone of a new security architecture for Europe. For that
reason, the United States believes a conventional arms accord is
an essential prerequisite to a CSCE Summit. // And in spite of
the very real progress our negotiators report, difficult
decisions and complex arms issues remain unresolved. //
So today, I call on all the Ministers gathered here to take
this message to the negotiators now working in Vienna: We must
redouble our efforts in the weeks ahead. // We must resolve
outstanding issues and reach agreement -- so that a Summit can be
held this year. ///
Fifteen years ago -- in a Europe divided East from West --
the CSCE offered a vision of a Europe united -- whole and free.
/// Today -- with that new Europe within reach -- the CSCE
remains central to all that Europe can become. ///
Once again, welcome. // May the spirit that has carried
Europe forward guide your discussions -- and may you meet with
every success.
# # #
"Wenn ich vom Frieden in der Welt und in Europa spreche,
dann muß ich auf die Teilung Deutschlands zurückkommen. Die
Teilung Deutschlands wird eines Tages - das 1st unsere feste
Überzeugung - wieder verschwinden ... Diese Teilung Deutschlands
ist durch Spannungen herbeigeführt worden, die zwischen den
Siegermächten entstanden sind. Auch diese Spannungen werden
vorübergehen. Wir hoffen. daß dann der Wiedervereinigung mit
unseren Brüdern und Schwestern in der Ostzone und in Berlin nichts
mehr im Wege steht."
(Regierungserklärung 20. September 1949)
*****
"Eine Lösung der deutschen Frage ist nicht möglich allein zwischen
uns und dem Gegner, der uns bedrückt; eine Lösung dieser Frage ist
nur möglich mit Hilfe unserer Freunde. Und wir danken Gott, daß
wir wieder Freunde in der Welt gefunden haben ... Gerade diese
Freundschaft in Europa, außerhalb Europas, mit den Vereinigten
Staaten, mit allen freien Völkern der Welt, gibt uns erst ein
Recht, mit Sicherheit zu erwarten, daß eines Tages auch die
Wiedervereinigung in Freiheit erfolgen wird."
(Ansprache 15. Oktober 1963)
80 ministers of 9 guests
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
ea.
1 7800
LSCE time place?
FM's ?
Oct 1-4 powers
when where ?
on UN grounds ?
Mon, Oct. /
3:05 - 3:30 p.m.
Jacob Javits Center
34th + Huds on -
Bract Blakeman
Woldorf Astoria
Doug McKenzie
Dan Durkin
MaH Smith 789-7825
To
Peggy
To
Peggy
Date
9/26 Time
Date
9/26 Time 10:30
WHILE YOU WERE OUT
WHILE YOU WERE OUT
M
ARTX Whamson Andrew Ecodman
M
Dan Durkin
of
State Dept.
647-2005
of Eric Noheog 212-768-4400 ext. 7711
Phone
Phone
Area Code
Number
Extension
Area Code
Number
Extension
TELEPHONED
PLEASE CALL
TELEPHONED
PLEASE CALL
CALLED TO SEE YOU
WILL CALL AGAIN
CALLED TO SEE YOU
WILL CALL AGAIN
WANTS TO SEE YOU
URGENT
WANTS TO SEE YOU
URGENT
RETURNED YOUR CALL
RETURNED YOUR CALL
Message
Message
Karen Linda Grooms DeWan - 35 speakes
212/223-4375
Wendy
Operator
Andrew Goodmandy Operator
Mike Guest
AMPAD
AMPAD
Pres cont.
opens
EFFICIENCY®
8050
23-020
23-020
2:45 EFFICIENCY® before Conf starts
letter yest. to long.
by end of Oct?
suspens's 4 power rights
for Berlin + Gerasa
whole - pending
Hurd
rat of treaty
du Mag
Treaty on Final
Genscher
Settlement w/Respect
PM deMazier (?)
to ber
booted F.M.
6 sign - 5 ratify
make Ger sovereign upon sig.
Declaration Suspending the
sady
Op of Quadro -Partive
Rights & Resps.
Administration of George Bush, 1990 / May 12
the Boy and Girl
gregations, and too
the truth. That's how vital our liberty is to
us; of course, to my dear friend, your Gov-
to possibly name.
the oppressed. That's why America truly is
ernor, Carroll Campbell, who's a tremen-
ing to Hugo, and
a point of light for the world.
dous partner in our national crusade for ex-
But no one had
And no star in this American constellation
cellence in education. I also want to say
cause Strom and I
burns brighter than the State of South Caro-
how pleased I am to be on this stage with
there together just
lina. After all, historic changes are occur-
Archbishop Iakovos, one of the great
-no one had time
ring around the world because of American
church leaders of today.
long as one neigh-
leadership, leaders like your great Senator
I know, looking around, that tickets were
r needed a helping
that stands for something, Strom Thur-
hard to come by today. It wasn't simply
days of wind and
mond. When America needed to be pro-
parking. Barbara's here. [Laughter] Thank
g months of clean-
tected during the Cold War years, Strom,
goodness she's getting an honorary degree
up that followed,
rock-solid, standing for freedom-we'll
there because it was the only way I could
never forget it. This country owes him a
a point of light,
get her a seat in this big place. [Laughter]
shining example of
great vote of gratitude. We need his hard-
But thank you for honoring her.
won wisdom and leadership, really, as never
before.
And she's in great company, as am I, with
the greatest coun-
Today it's been my special honor to
today's other recipients of honorary de-
American way. You
appear on and try to help honor someone
grees. I don't know how many of you have
of openness and
who embodies South Carolina's determina-
heard me speak before, but being on stage
in South Carolina
tion, courage, and just plain old common
with Andrew Lloyd Webber is about as
n of hope for the
sense. And of course; I'm talking again
close as I'll ever get to a dramatic presenta-
g time-to see the
about Carroll Campbell. He's been a great
tion. [Laughter] Congratulations to you, sir.
and for freedom
Governor, and with your support, he can
And to Michael Eisner: The success that
around the world,
bring an even greater future for South
he's achieved at Disney is the envy of
ust in the last 12
Carolina.
CEO's worldwide. His secret's simple: Just
no more exciting
Thank you for this magnificent turnout,
surround yourself with the best and the
President of the
this fantastic support for a great Governor.
brightest-Dopey, Dumbo, Goofy. [Laugh-
ig this last year of
God bless the United States of America.
ter] But what you may not know, and you
mocracy and free-
Thank you very, very much.
should, is I salute him, too, for his commit-
ment to this concept of Points of Light, the
lous stories. I wish
Note: The President spoke at 7:12 p.m. at
best impulse of America-and Michael
look on the Presi-
the Governor's Mansion. In his opening re-
Eisner exemplifies it-one American willing
face, Vaclav Havel,
marks, he referred to Governor Campbell's
to pitch in and help another. He's a great
I thought it would
wife, Iris, and sons, Carroll and Mike; Les
American.
e Lincoln Bedroom
Tindal, South Carolina Commissioner of
Now to you all. I've saluted-hope I
bedroom in which
Agriculture; Dick Greer, chairman of the
have-your faculty. I should; they're out-
the Emancipation
Re-Elect Governor Campbell Committee;
standing-the trustees and those who
ok on his face, as a
and Lee Atwater, chairman of the Republi-
govern this great institution, and to the
I dying, or living-
can National Committee.
class who I'm here to help these others
stood out there,
honor. You've gone to school for 4 years;
reedom. It just was
arvelous symbol of
the last thing you want to hear is a long
lecture. But I wanted to use this great uni-
of a man living in
Remarks at the University of South
versity as a forum for some serious foreign
rrest by possessing
Carolina Commencement Ceremony in
policy observations. I've chosen to make
e considered to be
Columbia, South Carolina
each of several commencement speeches
ersive weapon: a
May 12, 1990
this spring a reflection on democratic
aper. This coura-
change. Last week, at Oklahoma State, I
ralled that he not
Thank you, President Holderman, distin-
focused on the new role of our Atlantic alli-
read it every day
guished officials of this wonderful universi-
ance. Yesterday, down in Texas, at Texas
ized it, and he sa-
ty. My special respects to two great United
A&I, I spoke about technology and the vast
lews and the free-
States Senators, Senators Strom Thurmond,
frontier of space. This morning, I want to
even the advertise-
Fritz Hollings, over here-I'm proud to be
talk about a frontier of a different sort,
ry the world is for
with them today-and to Representatives
about the new world of freedom opening
Floyd Spence and Elizabeth Patterson, with
up in Eastern Europe.
755
May 12 / Administration of George Bush, 1990
Now, that's pretty serious business, but
up charge: walking on flower beds. We will
I'm going to ask you to bear with me, but
never know how many dissidents were pun-
telling you I do remember a graduation at
ished as common criminals and how many
Yale, where the graduation speaker got
millions of others were frozen by fear into
up-my alma mater-Y is for youth. That
silence and submission.
took 20 minutes. A is for altruism; young
That's the legacy, the landscape of moral
people be altruistic. Another 32 minutes. L
destruction. The tragic consequence of four
for loyalty. Brushed that one off in about 18
decades of Communist rule: a breakdown of
minutes. E obviously for excellence. An-
trust. From ancient times, the great minds
other 32 minutes. When he left, one stu-
have recognized the link between the law
dent left, praying. And the speaker walked
and trust. As Aristotle wrote: "Law is a
down. "I see you're giving thanks to the
pledge that the citizens of a state will do
Lord." He said, "Yes, sir, I am. I'm giving
justice to one another"-the bond that
thanks that I did not go to the University of
makes the collection of individuals into a
South Carolina." [Laughter]
community, into a nation.
So, bear with me, because we are living
Fortunately, the moral destruction in
in exciting times. In the past year, one
Eastern Europe, as you all know, was not
nation after another has pulled itself out
from under communism, onto the threshold
complete. Individuals somehow managed to
of democracy. Each has endured great suf-
maintain an inner strength, their moral
fering, tremendous economic damage.
compass; to sustain the will to break
We've all seen the images of long lines and
through the regime's wall of lies. They did
empty shelves. But what we can't see so
so, as Vaclav Havel [President of Czechoslo-
easily, what's beneath the surface but no
vakia] put it, by the simple act of "living in
less real, is the moral damage, the deep
truth." They created "flying universities,"
scars on the spirit left by four decades of
where lecturers taught in private homes.
Communist rule.
They formed underground publishing
Because in these regimes, the human
houses and groups to monitor human rights,
spirit was subject to systematic assault. Reli-
an authentic civil society beyond the reach
gion, morality, right and wrong-any chal-
of the ruling establishment. And today the
lenge to the rule of the state became the
builders of those civil societies no longer
enemy of the state. Believers were perse-
live underground. They are the new leaders
cuted, churches and cemeteries razed. Citi-
of Eastern Europe. And they've begun to
zens were turned one against the other, en-
build, on the ruins of Communist rule,
listed into the ranks of the regime's inform-
democratic systems based on trust.
ers. Nothing stood outside the reach of the
Today I want to focus on how America
regime, not even the past. History-well, it
can help these nations secure their free-
was rewritten to suit the needs of the
doms, become a part of a Europe whole
present-yesterday's heroes airbrushed
and free. Early this year, in the State of the
from the pages of history. Milan Kundera,
Union, I talked about America's role as a
the Czech author, called it organized for-
shining example, about the importance of
getting.
America not as a nation but as an idea alive
Of course, these nations had laws. They
in the minds of men and women every-
had courts. They had constitutions. All in
where. And that idea was, without doubt, a
service to the state. They had, in name at
guiding force in the Revolution of 1989.
least, rights and freedoms; in reality, the
Let me share a story with you about a
empty shell of liberty-not the rule of law
recent American visitor to Romania who
but the perversion of law: rules made not to
asked the people she met what they needed
serve the will of the people but the whim
now, what was most important to them.
of the party. That's how in Romania the law
This simple question produced some unex-
made it illegal for three or more people to
pected answers. In Timisoara, one woman
have a conversation in the street. That's
pulled from her purse a worn copy of TV
how in another country a man whose so-
Guide, an issue from July 1987, containing a
called crime was teaching others about reli-
bicentennial copy of the United States Con-
gion was jailed for 6 months. The trumped-
stitution. And she held it out to the Ameri-
756
Administration of George Bush, 1990 / May 12
ower beds. We will
can visitor. And she said, "What we need is
credits and loan guarantees for purchasing
issidents were pun-
more of these."
machinery, technology, and services from
als and how many
And there on the streets of Timisoara-in
American suppliers.
rozen by fear into
a country where food is in short supply,
And second, the United States will work
where homes are without heat and streets
to help ensure free and fair elections in
landscape of moral
dark at night-there a woman pins her
Eastern Europe. And next week, we'll send
onsequence of four
hopes on our Constitution. What that Roma-
a Presidential delegation to observe the
le: a breakdown of
nian woman wanted, what all the nations of
elections in Romania and another team to
S, the great minds
Eastern Europe aspire to, is democratic life
next month's elections in Bulgaria.
: between the law
based on justice and the rule of law.
Third, America will work to broaden the
wrote: "Law is a
Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary
mandate of the CSCE, the Conference on
of a state will do
stand now, in the spring of 1990, as Amer-
Security and Cooperation in Europe. Less
ica stood in the summer of 1787. Who will
'-the bond that
than a month from now, as one of the 35
be their Franklins, their Washingtons, their
individuals into a
nations of the CSCE, the United States will
Hamiltons, their Madisons, their men and
take part in a conference on human rights,
women of towering genius, the nation
al destruction in
including free elections, political pluralism,
builders who will set in place the firm foun-
all know, was not
and the rule of law. And I've instructed
dations of self-government? Some of them
ehow managed to
Ambassador Max Kampelman, head of our
we know by name, the heroes of the Revo-
gth, their moral
lution of '89. But for Eastern Europe's con-
delegation, to seek a new consensus on
e will to break
stitution builders, the work has only now
these cornerstones of freedoms, rights, and
I of lies. They did
begun because the fate of freedom depends
democracy. As I said last week at Oklahoma
dent of Czechoslo-
not just on the character of the people who
State University, we must work within the
e act of "living in
govern but whether they themselves are
CSCE to bring Eastern Europe's new de-
ing universities,"
mocracies into this commonwealth of free
governed by the rule of law.
n private homes.
And just as the framers of our own Con-
nations.
bund publishing
stitution looked to the lessons of history,
Fourth and finally, we will work to
itor human rights,
Eastern Europe's new democracies will look
strengthen the foundations of free society in
beyond the reach
to their own parliamentary past, to Eu-
Eastern Europe. And I am pleased to an-
it. And today the
rope's example and, of course, to our own
nounce today the creation of a Citizens De-
cieties no longer
American Constitution. And that's why we
mocracy Corps. Its first mission: to establish
e the new leaders
must export our experience, our two cen-
a center and a clearinghouse for American
they've begun to
turies of accumulated wisdom on the work-
private sector assistance and volunteer ac-
Communist rule,
ings of free government.
tivities in Eastern Europe. We know the
on trust.
Already we're actively engaged with
real strength of our democracy is its citi-
on how America
Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union with
zens, the collective strength of individual
ecure their free-
an ongoing series of exchanges bringing ju-
Americans. We're going to focus that
a Europe whole
rists and parliamentarians, political leaders
energy where it can do the most good.
1 the State of the
here to the United States to meet their
America has much to contribute, much it
erica's role as a
American counterparts. And today I'm
can do to help these nations move forward
e importance of
pleased to announce four new initiatives,
on the path to democracy. We can help
t as an idea alive
four steps that the United States will take to
them build political systems based on re-
1 women every-
support democratic development in Eastern
spect for individual freedoms; for the right
without doubt, a
Europe.
to speak our mind, to live as we wish, and
tion of 1989.
First, America will continue to act to ad-
to worship as our conscience tells us we
ith you about a
vance economic freedom. In the past year,
must; systems based on respect for property
0 Romania who
we've committed more than $1 billion in
and the sanctity of contract; laws that are
hat they needed
direct economic assistance to Eastern
necessary not to amass fortunes, not to
ortant to them.
Europe. We've extended loans and credits,
build towers of gold and greed, but to pro-
iced some unex-
opened our markets through most-favored-
vide for ourselves, for our families; systems
ara, one woman
nation status, and promoted American in-
that allow free associations-trade unions,
orn copy of TV
vestment. And today I'm pleased to an-
professional groups, political parties-the
187, containing a
nounce yet another economic initiative:
building blocks of a free society. We've got
lited States Con-
The Export-Import Bank will provide
to help the emerging democracies build
it to the Ameri-
Poland a new line of medium-term export
legal systems that secure the procedural
757
May 12 / Administration of George Bush, 1990
rights that preserve freedom and, above all,
streets of Plzen, to the sounds of "The Star-
a system that supports a strict equality of
Spangled Banner," to a hero's welcome.
rights, one that guarantees that all men and
Those GI's, my generation, were your age
women, whatever their race or ancestry,
in 1945. And now it falls upon you, the
stand equal before the law.
graduating class of this great university, to
In this century, we've learned a painful
uphold our American ideals not in times of
truth about the monumental evil that can
war, thank God, but in a time of tremen-
be done in the name of humanity. We've
dous excitement, helping these nations
learned how a vision of Utopia can become
secure the freedom that your fathers and
a hell on Earth for millions of men and
grandfathers fought for, the freedom mil-
women. We've learned, through hard expe-
lions only dreamed of until today.
rience, that the only alternative to tyranny
Once again, it's been my honor to share
of man is the rule of law. That's the essence
this special day with you, your families, and
of our vision for Europe: a Europe where
your friends. Thank you, and may God bless
not only are the dictators dethroned but
this great university and the class of 1990.
where the rule of law, reflecting the will of
Thank you all very, very much. Thank you.
the people, ensures the freedoms millions
have fought so hard to gain.
Note: The President spoke at 11:25 a.m. at
There is still work to be done. In the
Carolina Coliseum on the campus of the
Baltic States, where people struggle for the
university. In his remarks, he referred to
right to determine their own future, we
James B. Holderman, president of the uni-
Americans, so free to chart our own course,
versity; Archbishop Demetrios A. lakovos of
identify with their hopes and aspirations.
the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of North
For, you see, we're committed to self-deter-
and South America; composer Andrew
mination for Lithuania and Latvia and Esto-
Lloyd Webber; and Michael D. Eisner,
nia. And ultimately, the Soviet Union itself,
chairman and chief executive officer of the
now committed to openness and reform,
Walt Disney Co.
will benefit from a Europe that's whole and
free. Democracy and freedom threaten ab-
solutely no one.
We sometimes hear today that with free-
dom's great triumph-and, oh, what excit-
White House Fact Sheet on the
ing times we're living in-that America's
Citizens Democracy Corps
work is done. Nothing could be further
May 12, 1990
from the truth. I want to close today with a
story about the enduring power of the
The President announced today the cre-
American idea and the unfinished business
ation of a Citizens Democracy Corps. The
that awaits the generation that you proudly
objective of this major new program is to
represent.
support democratic change and market-ori-
It's about a town called Plzen in Czecho-
ented economic reform in Eastern Europe
slovakia; a town that just last week celebrat-
by mobilizing and coordinating American
ed the day, 45 years ago, when it was liber-
private sector initiatives.
ated by American troops. Of course, within
Since the President's historic visits to
a few short years, Plzen's dream of freedom
Poland and Hungary and the revolutions of
vanished behind the Iron Curtain, and with
1989, private Americans and voluntary or-
it, the truth about that day back in 1945. A
ganizations have stepped forward with ex-
generation grew up being taught that Plzen
traordinary generosity with offers to assist
had been freed not by your fathers and
the process of democratic change in East-
granddads in the United States Army but by
ern Europe. To make best use of the enor-
Soviet soldiers dressed in American uni-
mous energy and creativity of the American
forms. But the people of Plzen knew better.
private sector, the President supports the
They never forgot. And today, finally free
creation of a new center to promote these
to speak the truth, the town invited their
volunteer initiatives and match them with
true liberators back. After 45 long years,
requests for assistance from Eastern
those old American soldiers returned to the
Europe.
758
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FAX
United States Department of State
Washington, D.C. 20520
To:
Reggy Dooley
From: PA/PRS
(647-2492)
Date: 9/25/90
PLEASE DELIVER IMMEDIATELY
Following this cover sheet, there will be: 8 pages.
Facsimile Transmission
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U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Office of the Assistant Secretary/Spokesman
For Immediate Release
June 11, 1990
PR NO. 81
ADDRESS BY
THE HONORABLE JAMES A. BAKER, III
SECRETARY OF STATE
BEFORE THE
CONFERENCE ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE
CONFERENCE ON THE HUMAN DIMENSION
COPENHAGEN, DENMARK
JUNE 6, 1990
I want first to extend to the Danish government and to the
Danish people our sincere gratitude for their very gracious
welcome and for making our stay in Copenhagen very pleasant and
very successful.
My friends, we are present at the creation of a new age of
Europe. It is a time of discussion of new architectures,
councils, committees, confederations, and common houses. These
are, no doubt, very weighty matters.
But all the deliberations of statesmen and diplomats, scholars
and lawgivers, will amount to nothing if they overlook or
forget a very basic premise. This premise, of course, is that
"all men are created equal, they are endowed by their Creator
with certain unalienable Rights, that among these, are Life,
Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness." And it is "to secure
these Rights, secure them, that Governments are instituted
among them, deriving their just powers from the consent of the
governed." And that, my friends, is why we are here.
Human rights is a modern phrase. But it recalls the words --
and the spirit -- of committed men and women throughout
Europe's history. The codes of King Canute. The Magna Carta.
The Bill of Rights. The Declaration on the Rights of Man. The
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. And, yes, the Helsinki
Final Act.
At times over the years, these words could not be heard because
of yelling crowds, prison gates, and secret police. At times,
these words have been burned and at times they have banned.
But they kept returning on the lips of successor generations.
They could not be destroyed, because they are in the soul of
man.
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The very ideas that so stirred Jefferson and Montesquieu
resonate today in the words of Havel and Geremek. They echo in
our collective historical memory, and they illuminate our path
to the future.
Time and again, we have seen how government's contempt for
human dignity led to suffering on an unprecedented scale. Each
generation, including our's, has learned what our forefathers
discovered -- that it is to our collective peril that we close
our eyes to the suffering which is inflicted by intolerance and
by oppression. Thomas Jefferson put it this way 200 years
ago: We must swear "upon the altar of God, eternal hostility
against every form of tyranny over the mind of man."
And so, today, we, representatives of the people of 35 nations,
must rededicate ourselves to the cause of human rights; we must
reaffirm the democratic values that are our legacy from the
past.
We are now closer than ever, I think, to realizing CSCE's
long-cherished vision of a Europe that is whole and a Europe
that is free. But as we approach our work, as we consider
grand designs and institutional concepts, it is useful to find
our bearings by recalling another gathering 15 years ago. Then
the peoples of Central and Eastern Europe still lived in an
artificially divided Europe, isolated behind a wall -- a dark
curtain through which the light of world concern reached but
very, very dimly.
It was at that dark time that a band of intrepid men and women
in a small flat in Moscow risked their freedom to form the
first Helsinki monitoring group. They rejected the darkness of
tyranny, and they pledged to bring the denial of human rights
to light. Their leader, Yuri Orlov, who is with us now,
launched the Helsinki movement with a toast that was as
sardonic as it was defiant: "To the success," he said, "of our
hopeless cause!"
Dr. Orlov and his colleagues paid dearly for that pledge. They
all suffered. One by one, they were persecuted, arrested,
exiled. Some of them died. Yet, inspired by their selfless
example, one by one, others throughout the Soviet Union and
Central and Eastern Europe took up the spirit of Helsinki. And
one by one, these courageous men and women breathed life into
the Helsinki process. They infused the words with meaning.
Before long, these words inspired acts of bravery that
dictators and one-party states could never comprehend. In
Katowice, in Poland, democratic activists considered the Final
Act to be so important that they braved the blows of security
forces to distribute copies of it to their neighbors. And it
was to the Madrid meeting of Helsinki signatory states that
exiled Solidarity leaders appealed in the aftermath of martial
law, proclaiming that there can be no social peace without
social justice.
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Time and again, Czechoslovakia's Charter '77 cited the Helsinki
Final Act in defense of their unjustly persecuted countrymen.
They were persecuted for "living in truth," for accepting the
praiseworthy folly, as Vaclav Havel put it, of believing their
words and ideals could really make a difference. Now the
charter's original members -- President Havel and Foreign
Minister Dienstbier to name only two -- are leading the new
Czech and Slovak Federal Republic to democracy.
When Bucharest's beautiful old buildings were bulldozed and
entire villages were threatened by the whim of a dictator,
people turned to the CSCE human rights mechanism to spare
further destruction of Romania's priceless cultural heritage.
Just before the Berlin Wall fell, scores of East German
refugees sought to transit through Hungary to freedom. The
reforming Hungarian government, confronted with demands from
East German authorities to place old rules in the way of new
freedoms, turned to a different set of rules. The Hungarians
cited their CSCE obligations to justify the crucial act of safe
passage.
And it was the holding in Sofia of a CSCE environmental meeting
that coalesced the democratic opposition, precipitating the
movement that has now brought unprecedented change in Bulgaria.
As we leave the Cold War behind us, we confront again many
age-old national, religious, and ethnic conflicts that have so
sorrowed our common civilization. CSCE, NATO, the EC [European
Community], and other democratic institutions of Europe must
now play a greater part in deepening and broadening European
unity. We must ensure that these organizations continue to
complement one another and to reinforce one another.
The North Atlantic Treaty Alliance will continue to serve as
the indispensable guarantor of peace -- and, therefore, the
ultimate guardian of democracy and prosperity. The Alliance
will work to lock in stabilizing arms control agreements, to
reshape its defensive strategy to meet fundamentally changed
conditions, and to build bridges of political cooperation to
the newly emerging democracies of the East. As President Bush
stressed with President Gorbachev at last week's Washington
summit, we believe NATO will remain a cornerstone to both
military security and political legitimacy in the new Europe.
Working in concert, the G-24, the OECD [Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development], the European Community,
the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the
Council of Europe, the United States, and Canada can foster an
inclusive European order, involving Central and East European
nations and the Soviet Union in the new Europe by assisting
market-based reform and the building of democratic institutions.
The prospects for the fulfillment and protection of human
rights have never been greater. It is a time for CSCE to take
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on additional responsibilities -- but never at the price of
forgetting its fundamental purposes. If CSCE is to help build
a new Europe, a Europe different from all those empires and
regimes that rose and fell, it must build from the liberty of
man.
Three challenges lie before us:
First, we must ensure that the freedoms so recently won are
rooted in societies governed by the rule of law and by the
consent of the governed.
Second, we must ensure that all peoples of Europe may know the
prosperity that comes from economic liberty and competitive
markets.
Third, we must ensure that we are not drawn into either
inadvertent conflict or a replay of the disputes that preceded
the cold war.
CSCE is the one forum where our nations can meet on common
ground to channel our political will toward meeting these
challenges for the entire continent. CSCE's three baskets are
uniquely suited to today's political, economic, and security
challenges. Although it lacks military or economic power, CSCE
can resonate with a powerful and irresistible voice. It can
speak to Europe's collective concerns and interests. It can
become, if you will, my friends, "the conscience of the
continent."
Today, I would like to share with you our views on how a
strengthened CSCE can meet the first challenge that we face:
that of forging a deepened consensus on human rights, political
legitimacy through free elections, and the rule of law.
We are all familiar with the Danish author Hans Christian
Andersen's tale, The Emperor's New Clothes. Although written
over a century ago, it is an ageless parable. In it, imperious
authority cloaks itself in attractive falsehoods, deluding
itself in the process. But, in the end, the naked truth is
revealed by a small, insistent voice that refuses to be
hushed. It grows into a popular cry.
1989 was not kind to the Stalinist dictators who cloaked
themselves with false authority and ignored the insistent voice
and will of the people. Now in Central and Eastern Europe, the
emerging democracies are working to construct legitimate and
enduring political orders. CSCE can help by deepening our
consensus on the key building blocks of freedom -- the building
blocks of genuine elections, political pluralism, and the rule
of law.
The new social compacts between government and governed now
being written in Eastern and Central Europe must be constantly
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renewed through free elections. As we all know well, democracy
-- like CSCE -- is a process. Democracy evolves through
give-and-take, consensus-building, and compromise. It thrives
on tolerance, where the political will of the majority does not
nullify the fundamental rights of the minority.
The free-elections proposal that the United Kingdom and the
United States tabled last year in Paris has gathered strength
from the dramatic events of last fall and from the new
elections of this spring. In my recent travels to Eastern and
Central Europe, democratic activists enthusiastically supported
this proposal. They also emphasized the importance they attach
to the presence of international observers as their countries
undergo the new experience of elections. In February, in
Prague, I called upon the CSCE member states to send observer
delegations to the elections in Eastern and Central Europe.
And I am pleased to note that many states have now joined the
United States in doing SO.
Our revised proposal reflects our experience observing the
elections -- not only on voting day but also during the
electoral campaign. We welcome the strong support that our
text is receiving and we will work to see it adopted here in
Copenhagen. And when the 35 consider proposals to
institutionalize CSCE, I urge all to start with mechanisms to
ensure that governments are freely chosen by their people.
But first, of course, all countries here should embrace the
concept for free elections by conducting elections without
intimidation and without pressure, I am thinking specifically f
the elections to be held in Bulgaria in just a few days.
But free and fair elections alone do not ensure that the new
democracies are going to succeed. The irreducible condition of
successful democracy, beyond legitimate elections, is clear:
Fundamental individual freedoms must be guaranteed by
restraints on state power. Where these guarantees are absent,
there is really no true democracy. Indeed, where they are
absent, the risk of dictatorship always looms.
For this reason, the watchword of reformers everywhere is the
rule of law. As the late Andrei Sakharov said, democratic
change must be accomplished through democratic methods --
peacefully and through legal processes.
But what do we really mean by the rule of law? The law, after
all, has been used as a tool of repression in societies where
rulers make the rules to serve themselves as opposed to serving
the people. As President Bush stressed last month in a speech
at the University of South Carolina, the rule of law means the
supremacy of laws written through democratic processes, applied
in an equal fashion, and upheld by independent judiciaries.
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Therefore, we strongly support efforts at this meeting to set
forth for CSCE the elements of a democratic society operating
under the rule of law. In this regard, President Bush told
President Gorbachev how highly we value Soviet efforts to
institutionalize the rule of law, glasnost, and democratization
in the Soviet Union. To this same end, we are engaging in
cooperative technical efforts to strengthen democratic
political cultures and institutions in Central and Eastern
Europe.
A closing thought on our human rights agenda: As we turn to
the ambitious task of consolidating democracy in entire
societies, we must not lose sight of individual liberty, for
democracy begins and democracy ends with the citizen and his or
her individual rights. Despite the dramatic gains in human
rights that we witness today, men and women in some
participating states are still made to suffer because they want
to be free, they are still targets of intolerance, still cannot
emigrate, still may not exercise their full Helsinki rights.
So we must continue to press until CSCE's high standards of
human rights prevail throughout all of Europe, until they
extend to every individual.
Before turning to ways that we might strengthen CSCE, I would
like to say a word about the Baltic States. At the Washington
Summit, President Bush conveyed our very deep misgivings about
Soviet policy toward Baltic independence. He stressed again
our view that a systematic dialogue must be initiated so that
the aspirations of the Baltic peoples can be achieved.
The scope for meaningful cooperation in CSCE, mr. friends, is
widening, and our consensus is deepening in CSCE's human
dimension. But in order to have CSCE fulfill its potential in
this important area and in CSCE's other baskets, the Helsinki
process itself is going to have to be enhanced.
I recently shared with colleagues six ideas on how we can work
together to improve CSCE as a process by reinforcing CSCE's
organization.
First, the United States favors regular consultations among the
signatory states. Ministers may wish to meet at least once a
year, and their senior officials should convene at least twice
a year. Such exchanges will invigorate the CSCE as a forum for
high-level political dialogue.
Second, we support the holding of CSCE review conferences on a
more frequent basis, perhaps every two years, and with a fixed
duration of about three months.
Third, to ensure that the political commitments we make in CSCE
strengthen political legitimacy, we seek adoption in Copenhagen
and confirmation at the summit of the principle of free and
fair elections, political pluralism, and the rule of law.
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Fourth, we seek confirmation at the summit of the Bonn
Principles of Economic Cooperation. These principles make
clear our mutual commitment to the supportive relationship
between political liberty and economic liberty. Specifically,
35 nations will endeavor to achieve or maintain the free flow
of trade and capital, market economies with prices based on
supply and demand, and protection for all property, including
private property and intellectual property.
Fifth, CSCE can play a major role in dispute management. We,
therefore, hope that the CSCE summit will reinforce the mandate
of the January 1991 Valletta Conference on Peaceful Settlement
of Disputes so that that conference can achieve concrete
results. We also believe CSCE can foster military openness and
transparency through innovative proposals in the Vienna CSBM
[confidence- and security-building measures] talks, for
example, the proposal for a mechanism to request clarification
of unusual military activities.
In particular, we believe that CSCE should consider a mechanism
to improve communications among member states. Our approach
might be similar in essence, if not in structure, to the
mechanism that we have established in the human dimension area
as well as to the one which we plan to establish for the
conventional forces discussions [CFE]. We should find a way of
constructively addressing compliance questions with regard to
CSCE security obligations. This might include observations and
inspection reports in accordance with the Stockholm agreement.
We should provide for meetings to exchange information and to
discuss the implications of military activities or other
unusual occurrences having security implications.
And, sixth, I proposed that we begin preparatory work for a
possible CSCE summit through a meeting of officials this summer
-- so I am, of course, pleased that the 35 nations have now
agreed that our officials can meet next month in Vienna.
Also, I am very happy that the 35 have agreed to the offer of
the United States to host a CSCE ministerial meeting this fall
in connection with the United Nations General Assembly.
Then, at the CSCE summit, we would expect to sign a CFE
agreement, and President Gorbachev last week indicated that he
shared this view. AT the 35-nation summit, we would also
expect to review, record, and consolidate progress in all three
Helsinki baskets; to strengthen CSCE as a process; and, to plan
ahead for the 1992 review conference.
Our work, both before the Summit and during it, of course, also
must address the subject of institutionalizing CSCE.
Until now, CSCE has shown a remarkable ability to both reflect
and change with the times. I am confident that it will
continue to do so, provided we preserve the flexibility that
has made it effective. As we consider proposals for CSCE's
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development -- either for adoption at the summit or for
referral by the summit leaders to other upcoming meetings of
the CSCE -- the United States position will be guided by three
principles.
One, proposals should reinforce fundamental democratic and
market values.
Two, suggestions for new institutions should complement rather
than duplicate roles assigned to existing institutions and fora.
Three, proposals should result in a stronger transatlantic
process of dialogue and consultation regarding Europe's future.
The American delegation to this Copenhagen meeting, which is
headed by Ambassador Max Kampelman, which, of course, has the
complete confidence of President Bush and myself, will be
guided by these criteria.
My friends, I began my remarks with a tribute to the Helsinki
monitors who risked their lives and liberty to advance the
cause of freedom for others. Many have lived to see the dawn
of a much more hopeful day. Some of the monitors are with us
in this chamber, and many of them serve as elected
representatives of the newly emerging democracies of Central
and Eastern Europe. One of the founding monitors of Charter
'77 now honors us by leading the distinguished delegation from
the Czech and Slovak Federal Republic.
Ambassador Hajek, you - - and your courageous colleagues -- are
the very embodiment of CSCE's human dimension. You have given
this process a heart, a mind, and a searching conscience. When
many viewed CSCE with cynicism, you answered them with
dynamism. You taught us to raise our sights and raise our
voices.
The Danish author Isak Dinesen was another believer in the
power of the human will. One of her favorite mottos was Je
responderay! I will respond. She lived by that principle, and
she was proud to recount how occupied Denmark lived by it
during the dark days of the Second World War. The Danish
people took it upon themselves to save the entire Jewish
community of Denmark -- thousands men, women and children. By
honoring human dignity and the ties that bind all of us, by
their efforts and to the grace of God, they succeeded beyond
all expectation.
Their example is proof positive that commitment of will
matters, that responsibility to others matters, and that
individual freedoms to act and to think and to feel can shape
not only the moment but the very future of one's country.
These same strengths must shape Europe's future. Channeled
through CSCE, they can truly become the conscience of the
continent.
Thank you.