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Brazil / Background 12/01/90 [OA 8320] [2]
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Speech Backup Chronological Files
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Originally Processed With FOIA(s):
FOIA Number:
S; 2004-0734-F; 2009-1186-F
S
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
Library Staff.
Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting, White House Office of
Series:
Speech File Backup Files
Subseries:
Chron File, 1989-1993
OA/ID Number:
13740
Folder ID Number:
13740-009
Folder Title:
Brazil/Background 12/01/90 [OA 8320] [2]
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
G
26
21
1
7
10/30 9 a.m.
REVISED VERSION
PRESIDENTIAL SPEECH - BRAZIL
SETTING
O
I am delighted to begin my trip in Brazil, the largest
country of Latin America and the fifth largest in the
world. This is an immense land -- covering half of South
America and four time zones -- with a spirit to match. The
success of your economy (the world's eighth largest) and
your society is vital to the well-being of all nations in
the Americas.
Your 30-year old opace-age capital Brasilia symbolizes your
nation's energy, inventiveness and aspiration to
greatness I stand today in your congress, like ours, one
of three ndependent branches of government. I
am
impressed that so many members could appear today during
your congressional recess
STED.
I come to Latin America and to Brazil at a time of great
international change and promise. Events in Eastern Europe
and the Soviet Union may have garnered most of the
headlines so far. But North Americans are beginning to
understand that a political and economic revolution of
truly major proportions is occurring in the southern part
of this hemisphere. I have come because I wished to
witness this revolution and to pledge my country's
support to see it carried forward successfully
THE CHANGING HEMISPHERE
What is happening in the hemisphere marks this decade as
the most important of the 20th century for Latin America.
Its significance in fact compares with that of the age of
decolonization and political independence of the 19th
century. But in this case, the revolution has two sides --
both political and economic.
The political revolution reflects the aspirations of the
region's peoples for self-rule and a voice over decisions
that affect their lives. This stirring tide has swept away
almost all authoritarian rule in the region. It will lead
one day to the world's first completely democratic
hemisphere.
We see a future in which trade is free throughout the
Americas from Alaska to Argentina, where growing
opportunity, the benefits of technology and the fruits of
prosperity are shared by all. A future where there are no
more lost decades, where, instead, we forge a permanent
partnership between the United States and Latin Americac to
confront a new generation of challenges that know no
national boundaries: the scourge of drugs, new threats to
byall.
the global environment, and the spread of nuclear or
chemical weaponry. We have it in our power to build the
world's first completely democratic hemisphere- a hemisphere
that can serve as a model for the rest of the world of
friendship and cooperation between developing and industrial
nations. I am committed as President to work with you to
realize that bold vision.
Photo Copy Preservation
2
But running alongside -- perhaps sometimes less noticed --
is an equally profound change in the way in which the
peoples of Latin America have come to view the structure
and operation of their own economies. Many in Latin
America are now beginning for the first time to enjoy
economic as well as political democracy.
Revolutions, whether political or economic, are untidy.
They destroy special privilege. Along with new
opportunities, they create new uncertainties. They demand
special leaders to provide a steady compass in a storm of
change. In this respect, our hemisphere -- and your
country -- have proved fortunate. Your president, Fernando
Collor, represents a fresh breed of young leadership which
is sweeping across Latin America.
Since I first met President Collor last January, I have
come to value greatly our friendship. He and I have
discussed his wish to see Brazil take its rightful place
among the world leading industrial democracies. We in
the United States stand ready to help realize this goal.
President Collor has spoken of Brazil's rightful place at
the table of the first world. What is SO impor tant about
that table is that there is no limit to its size. Brazil
belongs there -- and SO do Argentina and Chile, Uruguay and
Venezuela. Getting there simply demands courage and a
willingness to make hard choices. Today's presidents of
these and other countries of the region have shown that
they understand this.
Latin America's political revolution grew from the grass
roots. Its still-uncompleted economic revolution must
essentially develop the same way -- from the demands and
efforts of your peoples for more efficent, market-driven
economies with a fairer distribution of benefits. But the
United States wishes to help. This is not simply altruism
-- in fact, we have a very large stake in your success.
In other words, we have a clear interest in the promotion
of economic as well as political democracy in the
hemisphere. Your gain will be our gain in terms of
expanding markets for our goods and technologies. Your
growth will provide new opportunities for investment by
U.S. companies. And expansion of economic opportunity for
the great mass of Latin America's peoples will pay enormous
dividends in terms of social and ecological stability for
the entire planet.
3
BILATERAL RELATIONSHIP
The United States has a profound national interest in
improving its relations with the countries of Latin America
in the years ahead. The problems that characterized the
past decade -- debt fatigue, the fragility of emerging
democratic institutions, a struggle for consensus on a
regional economic model, the growing drug menace -- have
also created a window of opportunity for strengthening the
US-Latin American relationship.
O
We are approaching the 500th anniversary of Columbus'
encounter with the New World. Eight years after Columbus
the first Portuguese squadrons under Pedro Alves Cabral
arrived in Brazil. We are both frontier societies and our
two youthful and vigorous nations have grown together. Our
relations have been strong and productive. But today,
nearing five centuries after Columbus and Cabral, we face a
series of challenges which offer great promise but which
will also test our ability to work cooperatively together.
Brazil has already taken major steps to meet these
challenges It celebrated its return to democracy last
year with the first popular election of a Brazilian
President in 29 years. Seventy million Brazilian voters
participated in one of the largest expressions of
democratic choice that the world has ever seen. Your
recent gubernatorial and legislative elections represented
one more major step in this process. I congratulate you
and the Brazilian people on these achiewements.
As the two largest countries of the hemischere, Brazil and
the U.S. have a special responsibility for leadership. Our
bilateral relations remain close and productive -- but, as
we approach the 21st century, I believe there is even more
that we can accomplish together in addressing a large and
expanding agenda of global issues. These issues touch
every one of us -- they include environmental doncerns: the
absolute need to eliminate the scourges of drugs and of
world's 1st
terrorism; arms control; poverty and human rights.
Darpl. demoer.
O
The problem of drugs affects both of our countries in
Remitt- free
similar ways. It ravages neighborhoods in both Rio de
Janeiro and Washington, D.C. I believe we now understand
trole, full sperch,
that we cannot make progress against this threat by
free bellets, free
pointing fingers of blame at each other.
markets
largest trading ctr.
in the will
lost
cold
challenges
drugs
evino
chem, merchase
4
Beyord Blame--
We in the U.S. recognize that we must do more to reduce
demand. You recognize that the spreading tentacles of the
drug industry threaten democratic society. Together, we
recognize that we must continue to increase cooperation to
protect our children -- the next generation.
President Collor has taken a strong lead here by using his
office to publicize the threat drugs pose to Brazil's
young. I pledge the full efforts of my government to
continue to lower our consumption and thus dampen
incentives to drug production. Further, as we both learn
better how to reduce consumption and treat drug addiction,
we can more fully share these lessons.
O
Brazil and the U.S. are also cooperating closely in efforts
to protect the global environment. Brazilian and U.S.
scientists work side by side to study biodiversity in the
Brazilian rain forest. Our space agencies cooperate in
remote sensing activities to measure the impact of human
settlement in the Amazon region. Our environmental
agencies are tackling together our common problems of urban
pollution and waste management.
I believe that the Brazilian people understand that Latin
See
America should not -- and need not -- make the same
Mr
mistakes that we did in more careless times: in destroying
large tracts of our forests, in creating air and water
EPA
pollution requiring large investments to correct, or in
al lowing development to override the human rights of native
populations. My country stands ready to cooperate with
Brazil and other countries of the hemisphere develop a new
and more sustainable economic model -- to allow development
without the human and economic costs of environmental
degradation.
You can be proud of Brazil's new leadership in these
fields. There is no better symbol of this than Brazil's
constitutional protections for indigenous peoples or its
offer to host the second U.N. conference on the environment
in 1992.
5
ECONOMIC REFORM/THE EAI
Thirty years ago, Juscelino Kubitschek, the president of
Brazil -- and the founder of Brasilia -- received here an
illustrious predecessor of mine named Dwight D.
Eisenhower. Gazing upon the new city of Brasilia, then
under construc Ike spoke of the towers rising on the
Brazilian plateau as "an epic worthy of this nation's vast
possibilities and aspirations.' Today we descendants of
these two great men come together again to undertake a
fresh and even more daunting task -- the construction of a
new economic relationship for the Western Hemisphere. I
have called this effort an "Enterprise for the Americas."
Its full realization will take far longer than the XX years
it took to build Brasilia. But with the drive of a
Kubitschek -- and the determination of an Eisenhower -- it
will happen.
I am speaking of a new relationship born of the triumph of
democracy in this hemisphere and directed towards the
necessary next step -- the essential task of raising the
standard of living and expanding the economic freedoms of
the peoples of Latin America.
President Collor and other Latin American leaders
understand that democracy is an economic asset. They
perceive that to give this asset value, a new vision is
needed, one which encourages innovation and competition and
which produces maximum opportunity for the individual.
Such a new vision requires a redefinition of institutions
and their relationship with the peoples they exist to
serve.
Your president put it well, I think, when he said in his
inaugural address: "It is not enough to govern for the
people; we must reconcile the government with the people,
the power with the citizenry and the State with the Nation.
But changes will not happen easily. They will require
difficult choices and sacrifices from all of us. Economies
which depended on protection and on state regulation must
open to competition and greater economic liberty. The
transition may for a time be painful for many --
unfortunately including some who already suffer from
poverty and deprivation.
6
But the results -- a growing economy and a sound currency
-- will lead to new opportunities and a welcome sense of
stability.
The major challenges that Latin America has faced over the
past decade has been economic adjustment. Development came
easily to the region in the 60s and 70s. Private
investment and bilateral, multilateral and private bank
lending were readily available. Economies were bouyant and
world demand was high. Conditions were tolerant of
mismanagement, inefficiency and protectionism.
o
This is no longer the case Latin America producers now
compete for capital and markets for Southeast Asia, with
the mediterranean countries of Europe and with aggressively
exporting industrialized countries. Eastern Europe has
president olk
added a new dimension to the demand for capital.
Latin America is already adjusting. Your exports are
drivender
the
rising. Fiscal reform is underway. So is privatization.
sportivate
from
Governments are doing away with subsidies which skew the
market. They are giving more attention to agriculture --
a
sector which, as we in the U.S. have discovered, can be a
quit,
started
few
powerful engine of development.
to oper confit
There is a rapidly growing consensus in the region about a
new model of Latin America development. It challenges
&
certain aspects of Latin America's traditional political
culture and institutions. As elsewhere in the world,
of
shifting human aspirations are creating new market
property
inkt
realities. Political systems too must modernize to keep
up.
Latin America will have to make further adjustments to
integrate into the international economy; yet they must do
SO if they are to compete on an equal footing with
Southeast Asia and emerging European economies, as well as
to take advantage of the European Market after 1992. We
are confident that you can and will succeed in this task.
We know that solutions must be found by Brazilians, by
Chileans, by Peruvians -- but we in the United States want
to help.
7
The Enterprise for the Americas concept that I have
proposed calls for a major hemispheric effort to bring our
nations closer together in the three key areas of trade,
investment and debt:
FARMERS
On trade, our first attention should be on successful
conclusion of the Uruguay Round negotiations in
Geneva. The Round, now in its final stages, holds out
a prospect of important trade benefits for Latin
America's economies The U.S. is aligned with Latin
America in fighting for an end to agricultural export
subsidies and new openings for developing country
an
econ to jump state New
global
exports. What is at stake is not just numbers. It
represents major new market opportunities and a higher
standard of living for the farmer in Mato Grosso, the
textile worker in Parana and the engineer in Sao
an
Paulo.
Howe beate
The Round and Bilateral Trade Agreements are the first
step; they create the necessary conditions for a
regime of eventual free trade encompassing all of
Latin America and the U.S. We see the Southern Cone
Common Market, now developing under the leadership of
President Collor and his fellow presidents in
neighboring countries, as a major further step towards
this goal.
On investment we look to Latin American governments,
where required, to lift the dead hand of state
control. Doing SO will allow your entrepreneurs to
invest, sell and adapt to changing economic
conditions. It will help provide meaningful and
well-paid jobs to your workers. It is the key to
lifting a large percentage of Latin America's peoples
out of the grinding poverty in which they live today.
Brazilians know what foreign investment can help
produce -- witness its contribution to the dynamism of
Sao Paulo and the $10 billion of U.S. investment
already in this country Just imagine what the result
could be in terms of jobs for your workers and goods
for your people if Brazilian dynamism were completely
unleashed!
8
--
On
debt we are prepared to work with Brazil and with
others in Latin America to write down and restructure
U.S. official debts contracted on concessionary
terms. These swaps have the potential of liberating
substantial resources for use in environmental
projects. I believe that this can be a very exciting
avenue of new collaboration between us. Specifically,
it can help Latin America's nations to develop and
prosper without undue ecological cost to the
communities and countryside upon which we depend and
within which our children will be raised.
-- Our new approach to official debt is intended to
complement commercial debt restructuring through the
Brady Plan. I understand the importance to Brazil --
and to the international financial community -- of
reaching a new agreement on commercial debt.
Continued access to global capital flows is vital to
your development. Although we do not sit at the table
of such negotiations, we stand ready to assist where
appropriate to ensure they reach fruition.
--
We have submitted a request to the Congress for
legislation that will give us the authorities we need
enviro ? 7 debt/rature? VISION
to implement these proposals.
Let me stress, my vision of an "Enterprise for the
Americas" is of a joint undertaking involving the effort
and imagination of all nations in this hemisphere. A great
Brazilian poet, Jose Bonifacio, once said that "Brazilians
are enthusiasts of a beautiful ideal. As we approach the
21st century, let us all hold fast to the "beautiful ideal"
of greater prosperity and freedom of choice for our peoples.
0
At the beginning of this address, I said that I had come to
Brazil and to Latin America as witness to a political and
an economic revolution in the hemisphere. The political
revolution was accomplished by brave and courageous efforts
by democratically-elected leaders such as you here in this
chamber. You are the pioneers -- you have shown that
change need not issue from the barrel of a gun. It can and
is taking place under the rule of law.
Mar.
9
It is now the time to complete this revolution by enacting
a matching economic bill of rights for Brazil and for all
the nations of Latin America. This will be in many ways a
harder task than writing constitutions or organizing
elections. But its objective will be similar -- the
unchaining of your economic possibilities to match your new
political freedoms. And its promise is to create a
hemisphere of new productivity, open markets and expanding
possibilities from Laborador to Lima, from Boston to Buenos
Aires, from Pittsburg to Porto Alegre. You and I together
are privileged to be witnesses together to such a vision as
we move towards the new century which can make it a reality.
Doc SEARABR 4345
10/30 9 a.m.
REVISED VERSION
PRESIDENTIAL SPEECH - BRAZIL
SETTING
I am delighted to begin my trip in Brazil, the largest
country of Latin America and the fifth largest in the
world. This is an immense land -- covering half of South
America and four time zones -- with a spirit to match. The
success of your economy (the world's eighth largest) and
of
your society is vital to the well-being of all nations in
Business
the Americas.
Luncheon
remarks
Your 30-year old capital Brasilia symbolizes your
nation's energy, inventiveness and aspiration to
greatness. I stand today in your congress, like ours, one
of three independent branches of government. I am
impressed that SO many members could appear today during
your congressional recess.
I come to Latin America and to Brazil at a time of great
international change and promise. Events in Eastern Europe
and the Soviet Union may have garnered most of the
headlines SO far. But North Americans are beginning to
understand that a political and economic revolution of
truly major proportions is occurring in the southern part
of this hemisphere. I have come because I wished to
witness this revolution -- and to pledge my country's
support to see it carried forward successfully.
THE CHANGING HEMISPHERE
What is happening in the hemisphere marks this decade as
the most important of the 20th century for Latin America.
Its significance in fact compares with that of the age of
decolonization and political independence of the 19th
century. But in this case, the revolution has two sides --
both political and economic.
The political revolution reflects the aspirations of the
region's peoples for self-rule and a voice over decisions
that affect their lives. This stirring tide has swept away
almost all authoritarian rule in the region. It will lead
one day to the world's first completely democratic
hemisphere.
2
O
But running alongside -- perhaps sometimes less noticed --
is an equally profound change in the way in which the
peoples of Latin America have come to view the structure
and operation of their own economies. Many in Latin
America are now beginning for the first time to enjoy
economic as well as political democracy.
O
Revolutions, whether political or economic, are untidy.
They destroy special privilege. Along with new
opportunities, they create new uncertainties. They demand
special leaders to provide a steady compass in a storm of
change. In this respect, our hemisphere -- and your
country -- have proved fortunate. Your president, Fernando
Collor, represents a fresh breed of young leadership which
is sweeping across Latin America.
Since I first met President Collor last January, I have
come to value greatly our friendship. He and I have
discussed his wish to see Brazil take its rightful place
among the world's leading industrial democracies. We in
the United States stand ready to help realize this goal.
O
President Collor has spoken of Brazil's rightful place at
the table of the first world. What is so important about
that table is that there is no limit to its size. Brazil
belongs there -- and so do Argentina and Chile, Uruguay and
Venezuela. Getting there simply demands courage and a
willingness to make hard choices. Today's presidents of
these and other countries of the region have shown that
they understand this.
O
Latin America's political revolution grew from the grass
roots. Its still-uncompleted economic revolution must
essentially develop the same way -- from the demands and
efforts of your peoples for more efficent, market-driven
economies with a fairer distribution of benefits. But the
United States wishes to help. This is not simply altruism
-- in fact, we have a very large stake in your success.
o
In other words, we have a clear interest in the promotion
of economic as well as political democracy in the
hemisphere. Your gain will be our gain in terms of
expanding markets for our goods and technologies. Your
growth will provide new opportunities for investment by
U.S. companies. And expansion of economic opportunity for
the great mass of Latin America's peoples will pay enormous
dividends in terms of social and ecological stability for
the entire planet.
3
BILATERAL RELATIONSHIP
The United States has a profound national interest in
improving its relations with the countries of Latin America
in the years ahead. The problems that characterized the
past decade -- debt fatigue, the fragility of emerging
democratic institutions, a struggle for consensus on a
regional economic model, the growing drug menace -- have
also created a window of opportunity for strengthening the
US-Latin American relationship.
We are approaching the 500th anniversary of Columbus'
encounter with the New World. Eight years after Columbus,
the first Portuguese squadrons under Pedro Alves Cabral
arrived in Brazil. We are both frontier societies and our
two youthful and vigorous nations have grown together. Our
relations have been strong and productive. But today,
nearing five centuries after Columbus and Cabral, we face a
series of challenges which offer great promise -- but which
will also test our ability to work cooperatively together.
Brazil has already taken major steps to meet these
challenges. It celebrated its return to democracy last
year with the first popular election of a Brazilian
President in 29 years. Seventy million Brazilian voters
participated in one of the largest expressions of
democratic choice that the world has ever seen. Your
recent gubernatorial and legislative elections represented
one more major step in this process. I congratulate you
and the Brazilian people on these achievements.
As the two largest countries of the hemisphere, Brazil and
the U.S. have a special responsibility for leadership. Our
bilateral relations remain close and productive -- but, as
we approach the 21st century, I believe there is even more
that we can accomplish together in addressing a large and
expanding agenda of global issues. These issues touch
every one of us -- they include environmental concerns: the
absolute need to eliminate the scourges of drugs and of
terrorism; arms control; poverty and human rights.
The problem of drugs affects both of our countries in
similar ways. It ravages neighborhoods in both Rio de
Janeiro and Washington, D.C. I believe we now understand
that we cannot make progress against this threat by
pointing fingers of blame at each other.
4
We in the U.S. recognize that we must do more to reduce
demand. You recognize that the spreading tentacles of the
drug industry threaten democratic society. Together, we
recognize that we must continue to increase cooperation to
protect our children -- the next generation.
President Collor has taken a strong lead here by using his
office to publicize the threat drugs pose to Brazil's
young. I pledge the full efforts of my government to
continue to lower our consumption and thus dampen
incentives to drug production. Further, as we both learn
better how to reduce consumption and treat drug addiction,
we can more fully share these lessons.
Brazil and the U.S. are also cooperating closely in efforts
to protect the global environment. Brazilian and U.S.
scientists work side by side to study biodiversity in the
Brazilian rain forest. Our space agencies cooperate in
remote sensing activities to measure the impact of human
settlement in the Amazon region. Our environmental
agencies are tackling together our common problems of urban
pollution and waste management.
I believe that the Brazilian people understand that Latin
America should not -- and need not -- make the same
mistakes that we did in more careless times: in destroying
large tracts of our forests, in creating air and water
pollution requiring large investments to correct, or in
allowing development to override the human rights of native
populations. My country stands ready to cooperate with
Brazil and other countries of the hemisphere develop a new
and more sustainable economic model -- to allow development
without the human and economic costs of environmental
degradation.
O
You can be proud of Brazil's new leadership in these
fields. There is no better symbol of this than Brazil's
constitutional protections for indigenous peoples or its
offer to host the second U.N. conference on the environment
in 1992.
5
ECONOMIC REFORM/THE EAI
Thirty years ago, Juscelino Kubitschek, the president of
Brazil -- and the founder of Brasilia -- received here an
illustrious predecessor of mine named Dwight D.
Eisenhower. Gazing upon the new city of Brasilia, then
under construction, Ike spoke of the towers rising on the
Brazilian plateau as "an epic worthy of this nation's vast
possibilities and aspirations. Today we descendants of
these two great men come together again to undertake a
fresh and even more daunting task -- the construction of a
new economic relationship for the Western Hemisphere. I
have called this effort an "Enterprise for the Americas."
Its full realization will take far longer than the XX years
it took to build Brasilia. But with the drive of a
Kubitschek -- and the determination of an Eisenhower -- it
will happen.
I am speaking of a new relationship born of the triumph of
democracy in this hemisphere and directed towards the
necessary next step -- the essential task of raising the
standard of living and expanding the economic freedoms of
the peoples of Latin America.
President Collor and other Latin American leaders
understand that democracy is an economic asset. They
perceive that to give this asset value, a new vision is
needed, one which encourages innovation and competition and
which produces maximum opportunity for the individual.
Such a new vision requires a redefinition of institutions
and their relationship with the peoples they exist to
serve.
Your president put it well, I think, when he said in his
inaugural address: "It is not enough to govern for the
people; we must reconcile the government with the people,
the power with the citizenry and the State with the Nation. "
But changes will not happen easily. They will require
difficult choices and sacrifices from all of us. Economies
which depended on protection and on state regulation must
open to competition and greater economic liberty. The
transition may for a time be painful for many --
unfortunately including some who already suffer from
poverty and deprivation.
6
But the results -- a growing economy and a sound currency
-- will lead to new opportunities and a welcome sense of
stability.
O
The major challenges that Latin America has faced over the
past decade has been economic adjustment. Development came
easily to the region in the 60s and 70s. Private
investment and bilateral, multilateral and private bank
lending were readily available. Economies were bouyant and
world demand was high. Conditions were tolerant of
mismanagement, inefficiency and protectionism.
This is no longer the case. Latin America producers now
compete for capital and markets for Southeast Asia, with
the mediterranean countries of Europe and with aggressively
exporting industrialized countries. Eastern Europe has
added a new dimension to the demand for capital.
Latin America is already adjusting. Your exports are
rising. Fiscal reform is underway. So is privatization.
Governments are doing away with subsidies which skew the
market. They are giving more attention to agriculture -- a
sector which, as we in the U.S. have discovered, can be a
powerful engine of development.
There is a rapidly growing consensus in the region about a
new model of Latin America development. It challenges
certain aspects of Latin America's traditional political
culture and institutions. As elsewhere in the world,
shifting human aspirations are creating new market
realities. Political systems too must modernize to keep
up.
Latin America will have to make further adjustments to
integrate into the international economy; yet they must do
so if they are to compete on an equal footing with
Southeast Asia and emerging European economies, as well as
to take advantage of the European Market after 1992. We
are confident that you can and will succeed in this task.
O
We know that solutions must be found by Brazilians, by
Chileans, by Peruvians -- but we in the United States want
to help.
7
The Enterprise for the Americas concept that I have
proposed calls for a major hemispheric effort to bring our
nations closer together in the three key areas of trade,
investment and debt:
On trade, our first attention should be on successful
conclusion of the Uruguay Round negotiations in
Geneva. The Round, now in its final stages, holds out
a prospect of important trade benefits for Latin
America's economies. The U.S. is aligned with Latin
America in fighting for an end to agricultural export
subsidies and new openings for developing country
exports. What is at stake is not just numbers. It
Brazil.
Business
represents major new market opportunities and a higher
Remarks
standard of living for the farmer in Mato Grosso, the
textile worker in Parana and the engineer in Sao
Paulo.
The Round and Bilateral Trade Agreements are the first
step; they create the necessary conditions for a
regime of eventual free trade encompassing all of
Latin America and the U.S. We see the Southern Cone
Common Market, now developing under the leadership of
President Collor and his fellow presidents in
neighboring countries, as a major further step towards
this goal.
On investment, we look to Latin American governments,
where required, to lift the dead hand of state
control. Doing SO will allow your entrepreneurs to
invest, sell and adapt to changing economic
conditions. It will help provide meaningful and
well-paid jobs to your workers. It is the key to
lifting a large percentage of Latin America's peoples
out of the grinding poverty in which they live today.
Brazilians know what foreign investment can help
produce -- witness its contribution to the dynamism of
Sao Paulo and the $10 billion of U.S. investment
already in this country. Just imagine what the result
could be in terms of jobs for your workers and goods
for your people if Brazilian dynamism were completely
unleashed!
8
-- On debt, we are prepared to work with Brazil and with
others in Latin America to write down and restructure
U.S. official debts contracted on concessionary
terms. These swaps have the potential of liberating
substantial resources for use in environmental
projects. I believe that this can be a very exciting
avenue of new collaboration between us. Specifically,
it can help Latin America's nations to develop and
prosper without undue ecological cost to the
communities and countryside upon which we depend and
within which our children will be raised.
-- Our new approach to official debt is intended to
complement commercial debt restructuring through the
Brady Plan. I understand the importance to Brazil --
and to the international financial community -- of
reaching a new agreement on commercial debt.
Continued access to global capital flows is vital to
your development. Although we do not sit at the table
of such negotiations, we stand ready to assist where
appropriate to ensure they reach fruition.
-- We have submitted a request to the Congress for
legislation that will give us the authorities we need
to implement these proposals.
VISION
o
Let me stress, my vision of an "Enterprise for the
Americas" is of a joint undertaking involving the effort
and imagination of all nations in this hemisphere. A great
Brazilian poet, Jose Bonifacio, once said that "Brazilians
are enthusiasts of a beautiful ideal." As we approach the
21st century, let us all hold fast to the "beautiful ideal"
of greater prosperity and freedom of choice for our peoples.
O
At the beginning of this address, I said that I had come to
Brazil and to Latin America as witness to a political and
an economic revolution in the hemisphere. The political
revolution was accomplished by brave and courageous efforts
by democratically-elected leaders such as you here in this
chamber. You are the pioneers -- you have shown that
change need not issue from the barrel of a gun. It can and
is taking place under the rule of law.
9
It is now the time to complete this revolution by enacting
a matching economic bill of rights for Brazil and for all
the nations of Latin America. This will be in many ways a
harder task than writing constitutions or organizing
elections. But its objective will be similar -- the
unchaining of your economic possibilities to match your new
political freedoms. And its promise is to create a
hemisphere of new productivity, open markets and expanding
possibilities from Laborador to Lima, from Boston to Buenos
Aires, from Pittsburg to Porto Alegre. You and I together
are privileged to be witnesses together to such a vision as
we move towards the new century which can make it a reality.
Doc SEARABR 4345
11/8/90
MEMORANDUM
CONFIDENTIAL/STADIS
TO:
S/P - Dennis Ross
ARA - Bernard Aronson
FROM:
S/P - Val Martinez
SUBJECT:
Speech for President Bush in South America
I have looked at the draft themes submitted by the Desks
for speeches by President Bush on his South American trip.
They all look very good and provide some valuable detail. I
remember, however, A/S Aronson observing some weeks ago that we
needed to work on the more symbolic elements of the President's
trip as well. I too think that this is very important. The
Latins, I believe, will be expecting some words from the
President on how we see the future of U.S.-Latin relations in
the years ahead, a broader vision of how we view our shared
hemisphere in these days of rapid international change.
To this end I have drafted a brief speech for the
President outlining how we see our hemispheric relations.
Given the President's call for trade, not aid, and given the
Latins' own willingness to forswear blaming us for all of their
problems, I think we should have the President speak with
clarity and frankness on what we offer to and what we expect
from our southern neighbors.
If such a speech is given, it should be given early in the
visit, probably in Brazil. The attached draft reflects this.
CONFIDENTIAL/STADIS
DECLASSIFIED
Department of State Guidelines
E.O. 12958, SEC 3.4 (B), July 21, 1997
By It NARA, Date 06/05/23
DRAFT SPEECH
PRESIDENT BUSH IN BRAZIL
The Legacy of the New World
Appropriate acknowledgments and thanks.
I am again very happy to be in Latin America, specifically, in
this great country of Brazil. I am always impressed by the
great cultural diversity and sheer physical beauty of the
region The New World, I think, has indeed been very good to
us.
As we approach the 500th anniversary of Columbus' discovery of
the Americas, it's a good moment to reflect on the legacy of
riti place in
this New World and our place in it. That legacy is richly
diverse; after all, here I am addressing Portugese-speakers in
behalf of
English, all because of an Italian sailing for Spain at the end
of the 15th century.
ie, under their patranage
(notto" spain)
We have now had half a millennium in this Hemisphere with which
to form our nations, to find our way in the world. I will be
the first to acknowledge that relations between the United
States and its sister republics have not always been the best.
Quarrels and misunderstandings have been all too frequent. I
wish now to address you in complete frankness; the importance
of our relations and our future merit it.
A new dawn for the new world
2
First and foremost, I firmly assert and sincerely believe that
what we have in common far outstrips what we have let come
Neareall Frantier Societies
between us in the past. All of us began as colonies, as
dependencies of European princes and powers. But even as
colonies one great principle was never far from the surface,
one latent ideal could never be crushed -- that of the
inviolable dignity of the individual and the absolute duty of
the state to respect that dignity. Whether it was the
courageous friar Las Casas arguing the rights of Indian peoples
before the courts of Spain or our own Puritan forefathers
seeking freedom of conscience, this ideal was always present.
We cannot pretend that we have not stumbled in pursuit of this
ideal, that it was often honored in the breach, if at all.
After all, this hemisphere's two largest republics -- the
United States and Brazil -- held human beings in chattel
slavery until well past the middle of the last century.
So let us be clear. I do not wish to romanticize our past or
offer utopias for our future. I do, however, wish to emphasize
that, despite our numerous false starts, this entire hemisphere
has represented the ideal of liberty to countless generations.
Further, just as individuals possess the God-given right of
their dignity and their liberty, so do sovereign nations. This
is what is meant by the rule of law, both within and among
nations. This is the very principle that is being so sorely
3
tested now in the Gulf, but that idea will triumph because good
men will see that it is not vanquished. But what does this
principle mean in practice for our hemisphere?
o
It means that all the nations of the New World must foster
the liberty of their citizens in the social, political and
economic spheres. This is our joint and solemn duty if we mean
what we say about the value of democracy.
o
It means that we must jointly -- and jealously -- guard our
liberties and convince those few in our hemisphere that deny
their citizens the most basic rights that change must come,
that the dead hand of tyranny knows no home in the New World.
o
It means that relations among our nations should cease to
be based on false or distorted images of one another; we must
begin to see each other as we are -- free nations in a free
hemisphere with much to offer each other.
It means that shared dangers -- the pestilence of narcotics
trafficking, for example must lead to shared
responsibilities in combatting them.
o
It means that we must allow our productive citizens to
& fair
trade with one another in as free an arena as possible.
a
4
o
It also means that shared economic opportunities must be
exploited on an equitable basis.
Again, let me be clear. We seek no advantage; nor do we offer
miracle solutions to debt and poverty. We believe the sister
republics of our hemisphere should instead cooperate with each
other on the basis of shared principles and mutual respect.
This was the spirit of my Enterprise for the Americas
Initiative announced on this past June 27.
The Initiative makes it clear that we believe we have an
obligation to foster investment where investment is valued and
protected; we believe we have an obligation to try and help on
the serious debt question in the spirit of equity and
responsibility; we believe we have an obligation to promote the
most liberal trade regime possible. I cannot emphasize enough
streetHening surro. pol. in Demoph.
the seriousness with which we hold these ideas.
I see the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative as but the
first step toward an end to the First World/Third World
INTRO
dichotomy that has too often distorted our political and
economic relations. Let us instead speak of the New World; let
us look for common values, not transitory disputes.
Not
new
geogs phy
new
new terrain,
afundent
offor:
Our cultures are all vibrant and astounding in their endless
creativity and depth. We do not wish to "Americanize" the
hemisphere. Such folly has no attraction no logic. We do
want to enter a new era of relations among nations in the New
World. We have all watched the Old World undergo a whirlwind
a quiel zevol. Rece in New world,
change; all of us need to change as well. We offer the hand of
friendship and trade; we expect only the same in return
I have met with many Latin and Caribbean leaders. I think all
of us have been struggling for a way to express what we see as
a new, more mature, relationship among Latin America, the
Caribbean and the United States. Our wide range of recent
talks with our hemispheric neighbors on everything from free
trade to the environment to tariffs reflect this sense of
possibility of a new dawn in the New World.
Friends, the Cold War, the East-West struggle, is nearing an
end. I submit that, in this hemisphere, we should also end the
rhetorical war between North and South. This New World has no
cause to stand divided. There is no reason why the promise of
mutual benefit cannot overcome the poison of needless
recrimination.
Yes, too many North Americans in the past assumed Latin America
was but an adjunct of the U.S. colossus, a ready ally in the
larger struggle with the totalitarian East. Yes, too many
Latins in the past assumed that North American actions and
interests were always wrong and deserving blanket condemnation.
6
But we here know better.
For our part, we know that there can be no community of
democratic nations in this hemisphere without the respect one
such nation owes another. You know you have our respect,
honestly held and sincerely expressed.
For your part, I believe that Latin America knows that the
United States seeks neither fear nor favor.
How, then, do we express this sense of possibility, this birth
of a new era in our relationship?
We do S/O by seeking the common heritage. Above all, the New
World has been the land of frontiers. All of us are frontier
nations. Most historians in the United States claim that our
frontier "died" around the turn of the century as our Western
plains were settled. This is true in one sense, but I would
argue that all of us remain frontier nations. The horizon
still holds great promise, the lure of timeless ideas and
immutable principles
linter onless
We in the United States are genuinely excited as we view
today's leaders in Latin America putting such ideas into
practice, breaking down barriers that have held back the real
strength and vibrancy of talented and industrious peoples.
Richard Weaver, a fine American essayist, once wrote a little
book with the title "Ideas Have Consequences." We are already
seeing the consequences of a revolution of mind as well as
policy. The countries I plan to visit in the days ahead are
all led by men of keen and far reaching vision. They know, as
do I, that bad ideas lead to dismal results, that to
collectivize the will of the nation can only lead to the
enslavement of its citizens.
This experiment has failed, and we have all witnessed its death
throes over the last year.
I therefore propose that the United States, Latin America and
the Caribbean embark on the joint project of making this New
World the first entirely free hemisphere men within
wholly democratic, fully free freed
nations and free commerce among them.
Let us strive to meet the 500th anniversary of the discovery of
this fruitful land with the full flowering of its rightful
legacy -- the resurgent and revivified idea of individual
liberty.
As I said on June 27 in announcing the Enterprise for the
Americas Initiative:
"Our challenge, the challenge of this new era of the Americas
is to secure this shared dream and all of its fruits for all
the people of the Americas -- North, Central, and South."
Let us now strive to meet that challenge.
Let us now speak of the New World instead of First and Third
Worlds.
Let us drop the hoary rhetoric of dependency theory and the
stifling weight of protectionism.
Let us respect the social, cultural and religious values of our
respective societies.
Let us always deal with one another on a basis of the respect
one free republic owes to another.
It is only in this way can we solve the many problems that
remain: debt, trade, investment, poverty, drugs, regional arms
control, the environment, nuclear non-proliferation.
To those in this hemisphere still resisting the tide of freedom,
especially Mr. Castro, we will welcome you to the party of
liberty the moment in which you break the chains of your own
long-suffering population. If you do not fear the heady
sensation of freedom then you need not fear us. If you do not
fear testing the will of your own people, then you need not fear
us. If you do not fear the spark of independence and dignity
that even the cruelest dictator cannot extinguish, then you need
not fear us.
9
I note that Mr. Castro is again rumbling about "socialism or
death. He implies a threat from the United States. But this
death threat does not come from us, it comes from the very
system that Castro has imposed on Cuba, for the deadly
totalitarianism of this system fosters the death of the soul,
the crushing of the citizen's individuality in the name of the
state. This is what we have always opposed and, again speaking
frankly, this is what all of us should oppose.
As I noted as I began this brief talk, we will soon celebrate
the 500th anniversary of the discovery of the Americas. This
celebration will also launch us toward the 21st century, a
frontier of promise and hope.
You have heard how we propose to enter that new century with
our close and valued friends of the New World. We ask all of
you to join us in ensuring that that new era be one of
untrammeled freedom and mutual prosperity.
Thank you very much.
11/8/90
MEMORANDUM
CONF IDENTIAL/STADIS
TO:
S/P - Dennis Ross
ARA - Bernard Aronson
FROM:
S/P - Val Martine:
SUBJECT:
Speech for President Bush in South America
I have looked at the draft themes submitted by the Desks
for speeches by President Bush on his South American trip.
They all look very good and provide some valuable detail. I
remember, however, A/S Aronson observing some weeks ago that we
needed to work on the more symbolic elements of the President's
trip as well. I too think that this is very important. The
Latins, I believe, will be expecting some words from the
President on how we see the future of U.S. -Latin relations in
the years ahead, a broader vision of how we view our shared
hemisphere in these days of rapid international change.
To this end I have drafted a brief speech for the
President outlining how we see our hemispheric relations.
Given the President's call for trade, not aid, and given the
Latins' own willingness to forswear blaming us for all of their
problems, I think we should have the President speak with
clarity and frankness on what we offer to and what we expect
from our southern neighbors.
If such a speech is given, it should be given early in the
visit, probably in Brazil. The attached draft reflects this.
CONF IDENTIAL/STADIS
DECLASSIFIED
Department of State Guidelines
E.O. 12958, SEC 3.4 (B), July 21, 1997
By It
NARA, Date 06/02/23
DRAFT SPEECH
PRESIDENT BUSH IN BRAZIL
The Legacy of the New World
Appropriate acknowledgments and thanks.
I am again very happy to be in Latin America, specifically, in
this great country of Brazil. I am always impressed by the
great cultural diversity and sheer physical beauty of the
region The New World, I think, has indeed been very good to
us.
As we approach the 500th anniversary of Columbus' discovery of
the Americas, it's a good moment to reflect on the legacy of
its place in
this New World and our place in it. That legacy is richly
diverse; after all, here I am addressing Portugese-speakers in
on behalf of
English, all because of an Italian sailing for Spain at the end
of the 15th century.
if, patranage
(not'to" spain)
We have now had half a millennium in this Hemisphere with which
to form our nations, to find our way in the world. I will be
the first to acknowledge that relations between the United
States and its sister republics have not always been the best.
Quarrels and misunderstandings have been all too frequent. I
wish now to address you in complete frankness; the importance
of our relations and our future merit it.
A New dawn for the new world
First and foremost, I firmly assert and sincerely believe that
what we have in common far outstrips what we have let come
weare all We Frontier Societics
between us in the past. All of us began as colonies, as
dependencies of European princes and powers. But even as
colonies one great principle was never far from the surface,
one latent ideal could never be crushed -- that of the
inviolable dignity of the individual and the absolute duty of
the state to respect that dignity. Whether it was the
courageous friar Las Casas arguing the rights of Indian peoples
before the courts of Spain or our own Puritan forefathers
seeking freedom of conscience, this ideal was always present.
We cannot pretend that we have not stumbled in pursuit of this
ideal, that it was often honored in the breach, if at all.
After all, this hemisphere's two largest republics -- the
United States and Brazil -- held human beings in chattel
slavery until well past the middle of the last century.
So let us be clear. I do not wish to romanticize our past or
offer utopias for our future. I do, however, wish to emphasize
that, despite our numerous false starts, this entire hemisphere
has represented the ideal of liberty to countless generations.
Further, just as individuals possess the God-given right of
their dignity and their liberty, so do sovereign nations. This
is what is meant by the rule of law, both within and among
nations. This is the very principle that is being so sorely
3
tested now in the Gulf, but that idea will triumph because good
men will see that it is not vanquished. But what does this
principle mean in practice for our hemisphere?
It means that all the nations of the New World must foster
the liberty of their citizens in the social, political and
economic spheres. This is our joint and solemn duty if we mean
what we say about the value of democracy.
o
It means that we must jointly -- and jealously -- guard our
liberties and convince those few in our hemisphere that deny
their citizens the most basic rights that change must come,
that the dead hand of tyranny knows no home in the New World.
o
It means that relations among our nations should cease to
be based on false or distorted images of one another; we must
begin to see each other as we are -- free nations in a free
hemisphere with much to offer each other.
o
It means that shared dangers -- the pestilence of narcotics
trafficking, for example -- must lead to shared
responsibilities in combatting them.
o
It means that we must allow our productive citizens to
&fair
trade with one another in as free an arena as possible.
9
4
O
It also means that shared economic opportunities must be
exploited on an equitable basis.
Again, let me be clear. We seek no advantage; nor do we offer
miracle solutions to debt and poverty. We believe the sister
republics of our hemisphere should instead cooperate with each
other on the basis of shared principles and mutual respect.
This was the spirit of my Enterprise for the Americas
Initiative announced on this past June 27.
The Initiative makes it clear that we believe we have an
obligation to foster investment where investment is valued and
protected; we believe we have an obligation to try and help on
the serious debt question in the spirit of equity and
responsibility; we believe we have an obligation to promote the
most liberal trade regime possible I cannot emphasize enough
& strenthening surro. pol. in Demisph.
the seriousness with which we hold these ideas.
I see the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative as but the
first step toward an end to the First World/Third World
INTRO
dichotomy that has too often distorted our political and
economic relations. Let us instead speak of the New World; let
us look for common values, not transitory disputes.
Not new geography
new terrain, new afundent offer
Our cultures are all vibrant and astounding in their endless
creativity and depth. We do not wish to "Americanize" the
hemisphere. Such folly has no attraction no logic. We do
want to enter a new era of relations among nations in the New
World. We have all watched the Old World undergo a whirlwind
a sciel zevol. Rese in new world,
change; all of us need to change as well. We offer the hand of
friendship and trade; we expect only the same in return
I have met with many Latin and Caribbean leaders. I think all
of us have been struggling for a way to express what we see as
a new, more mature, relationship among Latin America, the
Caribbean and the United States. Our wide range of recent
talks with our hemispheric neighbors on everything from free
trade to the environment to tariffs reflect this sense of
possibility of a new dawn in the New World.
Friends, the Cold War, the East-West struggle, is nearing an
end. I submit that, in this hemisphere, we should also end the
rhetorical war between North and South. This New World has no
cause to stand divided. There is no reason why the promise of
mutual benefit cannot overcome the poison of needless
recrimination.
Yes, too many North Americans in the past assumed Latin America
was but an adjunct of the U.S. colossus, a ready ally in the
larger struggle with the totalitarian East. Yes, too many
Latins in the past assumed that North American actions and
interests were always wrong and deserving blanket condemnation.
6
But we here know better.
For our part, we know that there can be no community of
democratic nations in this hemisphere without the respect one
such nation owes another. You know you have our respect,
honestly held and sincerely expressed.
For your part, I believe that Latin America knows that the
United States seeks neither fear nor favor.
How, then, do we express this sense of possibility, this birth
of a new era in our relationship?
We do SO by seeking the common heritage. Above all, the New
World has been the land of frontiers. All of us are frontier
nations. Most historians in the United States claim that our
frontier "died" around the turn of the century as our Western
plains were settled. This is true in one sense, but I would
argue that all of us remain frontier nations. The horizon
still holds great promise, the lure of timeless ideas and
immutable principles
linther onlyss
We in the United States are genuinely excited as we view
today's leaders in Latin America putting such ideas into
practice, breaking down barriers that have held back the real
strength and vibrancy of talented and industrious peoples.
Richard Weaver, a fine American essayist, once wrote a little
book with the title "Ideas Have Consequences." We are already
seeing the consequences of a revolution of mind as well as
policy. The countries I plan to visit in the days ahead are
all led by men of keen and far reaching vision. They know, as
do I, that bad ideas lead to dismal results, that to
collectivize the will of the nation can only lead to the
enslavement of its citizens.
This experiment has failed, and we have all witnessed its death
throes over the last year.
I therefore propose that the United States, Latin America and
the Caribbean embark on the joint project of making this New
World the first entirely men within
democratic, fully free free.
nations and free commerce among them.
Let us strive to meet the 500th anniversary of the discovery of
this fruitful land with the full flowering of its rightful
legacy -- the resurgent and revivified idea of individual
liberty.
As I said on June 27 in announcing the Enterprise for the
Americas Initiative:
"Our challenge, the challenge of this new era of the Americas
is to secure this shared dream and all of its fruits for all
the people of the Americas -- North, Central, and South. "
8
Let us now strive to meet that challenge.
Let us now speak of the New World instead of First and Third
Worlds.
Let us drop the hoary rhetoric of dependency theory and the
stifling weight of protectionism.
Let us respect the social, cultural and religious values of our
respective societies.
Let us always deal with one another on a basis of the respect
one free republic owes to another.
It is only in this way can we solve the many problems that
remain: debt, trade, investment, poverty, drugs, regional arms
control, the environment, nuclear non-proliferation.
To those in this hemisphere still resisting the tide of freedom,
especially Mr. Castro, we will welcome you to the party of
liberty the moment in which you break the chains of your own
long-suffering population. If you do not fear the heady
sensation of freedom then you need not fear us. If you do not
fear testing the will of your own people, then you need not fear
us. If you do not fear the spark of independence and dignity
that even the cruelest dictator cannot extinguish, then you need
not fear us.
9
I note that Mr. Castro is again rumbling about "socialism or
death. He implies a threat from the United States. But this
death threat does not come from us, it comes from the very
system that Castro has imposed on Cuba, for the deadly
totalitarianism of this system fosters the death of the soul,
the crushing of the citizen's individuality in the name of the
state. This is what we have always opposed and, again speaking
frankly, this is what all of us should oppose.
As I noted as I began this brief talk, we will soon celebrate
the 500th anniversary of the discovery of the Americas. This
celebration will also launch us toward the 21st century, a
frontier of promise and hope.
You have heard how we propose to enter that new century with
our close and valued friends of the New World. We ask all of
you to join us in ensuring that that new era be one of
untrammeled freedom and mutual prosperity.
Thank you very much.
- 2 -
THE PRESIDENT'S SEPTEMBER 16-22 TRIP TO SOUTH AMERICA:
THEMES AND RELATED MATERIAL FOR SPEECHES
I. OVERVIEW
The President's major address in Brazil and his
speeches in Uruguay, Argentina, Chile and Venezuela
will provide him an unparalleled opportunity to stress
the theme of partnerships based on the principles of
free government and free enterprise. The speeches
should highlight what we and the Latins have done to
sustain the momentum towards stronger democratic
institutions and rational economic development, and
the challenges that face us in the future. We must be
forthright, however, in telling the Latins that even
though progress has been made, there is still a great
deal to do.
Governments and electorates in the five countries the
President will visit are showing new determination and
realism in pursuing economic opening and reform. If
these reforms continue, economic progress in which all
can participate becomes an attainable goal. The
President's Enterprise for the Americas initiative is
intended to give impetus to the economic restructuring
which has begun -- to greater and lesser degrees -- in
these five countries, and to sustain and deepen this
process in tangible ways. Development is not a single
event, but a continuous process of fundamental change;
not just investment or trade reform, but a reshaping
of the whole society and its world view.
In the economic sphere, open markets not only generate
growth to the benefit of all concerned, but also offer
participation, mobility, opportunity and empowerment
to all sectors of society. An overburdened state,
trying but failing to perform the work of the private
sector, is not the agent of social justice but rather
an obstacle
to development its attainment. and to Lotin merica, they are part of any
Just as change, competition and sound currencies are
essential to1 and successful economy, they are to Latin
American development. This is a lesson we in the U.S.
are constantly re-learning. As the pace of
technological change grows ever more rapid, only those
economies which welcome change and actively seek out
new opportunities will prosper.
The President's initiative offers a vision of where we
should aim to go over the next decade and what forms
- 3 -
our cooperation should take. It is not a detailed,
comprehensive plan for development, nor a set of
ready-made, short-term solutions to specific
problems. Its aims to establish a long-term
partnership, a process in which the details of our new
economic relationship will be developed through
consultation and accommodation.
Attached on Tabs A through E you will find memoranda
which describe the individual circumstances affecting
each of the five speeches and proposes themes which
should be incorporated into the President's remarks.
- 4 -
TAB A
BRAZIL (Sunday, September 16 - Monday, September 17)
Suggested Venue: still undetermined, most likely a
joint session of congress in Brasilia, but possibly a
business group in Sao Paulo.
Probably Audience: members of the Brazilian Congress,
selected members of the GOB, representatives of the
diplomatic corps, business interests.
Local Color: (1) Brasilia, a starkly modern planned
city, symbolizes Brazil's pioneering vision of the
future and its potential as a world economic and
political leader. President Eisenhower, whose
centenary we celebrate this year, visited Brasilia in
1960, prior to its formal inauguration as the new
capital of Brazil; (2) Sao Paulo, Latin America's
largest industrial city, embodies the region's
potential dynamism and projection toward world markets.
Themes for the Major Address:
--
As we approach the quincentenary of Columbus'
encounter with the new world, it becomes
increasing clear that in 1992 -- if not sooner --
the rest of the world will rediscover the
Americas.
--
After more than a decade of economic stagnation
and serious social and political problems the
region now appears on the threshold of sustained
economic growth, social development and a new
level of political maturity firmly rooted in
respect for democratic processes and
human/political rights.
-- Regretably, the only anomaly in this revolution
of freedom is Cuba, which still clings to
outmoded political and economic models that put
it more and more out of step with the rest of the
hemisphere. We are confident that eventually
Cuba too will realize the depth of the changes
that are occurring all around the world and
rejoin the inter-American community as a full
partner.
-- The old idea of a Western Hemisphere that is
different, separate and aloof from the corrupting
- 5 -
influences of the Old World must now give way to
a new vision of the Americas as full and equal
partners with the industrialized nations in the
forging of a more cooperative, more peaceful,
more interdependent world for the 21st century.
--
With democracy largely achieved, the region now
faces the challenge of its consolidation and
deepening. This will require both economic
growth and social modernization We are prepared
to help in this process.
In the face of this daunting task we have the
advantages of a young, vigorous population and
abundant natural resources.
We in the Western Hemisphere appear to be
reaching a new understanding of the proper
parameters of state authority over the individual
and the economy.
--
One of the most difficult steps remaining in
setting these parameters is the creation of a
sound currency and erasing the memory of
inflation. Success in this area is galvanizing
Germany's unity. Without it development in Latin
America is unlikely.
The balance between public and private sector
power will be different from country to country,
but throughout the hemisphere opportunities for
the individual to speak, act and work according
to his own conscience -- and to seek unlimited
economic horizons free from the stifling
intervention of the state -- now appear better
than they have been anytime in this century.
The Enterprise for the Americas (Iniciativa para
las Américas) announced on June 27 -- proposing
new ideas on trade, investment and debt -- is a
clear indication that the United States is ready
to be a full partner in this new American
revolution.
Brazil-Specific Themes for the Major Address:
Brazil, known for its economic miracle" in the
1960's and early '70s, is now a regional
political leader and major player in the
international economic arena.
- 6 -
President Collor's bold economic reform program,
which we applaud and follow with close interest,
can help serve as a catalyst in strengthening
Brazil's economy and world role.
With regard to the all-critical inflation hurdle,
the U.S. is prepared to provide technical
assistance and to encourage the multilateral
institutions to become involved in this area.
The challenge, however, is Brazil's.
The United States attaches great significance to
the 1992 U.N. -sponsored environmental conference
which will be hosted by Brazil and plans to work
closely with the GOB to insure maximum
effectiveness.
The U.S. endorses the establishment of an
international fund to assist less developed
countries to make the technological changes
necessary to reduce chloroflurocarbons emissions.
--
We are working with Brazil through both bilateral
and multilateral channels to address the major
threats to the world's environment and global
climate change.
President Collor's personal commitment to
combatting drug use will spur our joint narcotics
interdiction and education efforts.
Brazil and the United States share an intense
interest in the successful outcome of the Uruguay
Round of GATT.
--
As large nations with global interests, the
United States and Brazil have a common interest
in international peace and security issues.
--
We need to increase the level and frequency of
our discussions on the subject of global arms and
nuclear proliferation, particularly with regard
to regional instability.
Quotable Quotes:
(None provided by Embassy Brasilia.)
- 7 -
TAB B
URUGUAY (Tuesday, September 18)
Suggested Venue: a joint session of the Uruguayan
congress in Montevideo.
Probable Audience: members of the Uruguayan Congress,
selected members of the GOU, representatives of the
diplomatic corps.
Local Color: the Uruguay Round of the GATT was begun
here, making it particularly appropriate for the
President to note its successful implementation.
President Bush will be the first U.S. president to
visit Uruguay since Johnson participated in the
Meeting of American Chiefs of State at Punta del Este
in 1967.
Themes:
Two facets of the Enterprise for the Americas
initiative -- trade and investment -- are of
particular interest to Uruguay. In addition to
the successful completing of the Uruguay Round of
GATT, the U.S. is pleased that Uruguay and its
neighbors are actively considering the
elimination of reduction of barriers to free
trade through a regional trade agreement and
through strengthening of ALADI, the Latin
American Integration Association.
---
We also applaud President Lacalle's proposal for
a hemisphere capital market as a stimulus to
investment, and are encouraged by progress made
here and else where on bilateral investment
treaties.
--
President Lacalle's courageous implementation of
a wide range of structural reforms will improve
the economic environment, while other reforms
will reduce the size of the state, bring greater
stability to prices and to the currency, reform
or eliminate costly state monopolies, and
modernize labor relations to make Uruguay more
competitive on the international labor market.
We are also encouraged by clear signs that
Uruguay is willing to cooperate in controlling
international narcotics trafficking, particularly
money laundering and other types of criminal
financial activity.
- 8 -
Quotable Quotes:
"The economic relationship between Latin America and
the United States needs to be reconsidered. We do not
believe that the solution is more aid but rather more
trade, more investment
we would also like to point
out
that our countries are undertaking profound
transformations in their respective economies
creating in this way, a favorable climate for
investment. The restructuring of the state has been
undertaken as a necessary goal by almost all of the
American nations and it is proof of the will towards
change which guides the Latin American governments,
because we see and recognize that this is not a
one-way street. " (President Lacalle, OASGA, Asuncion,
June 1990)
- 9 -
TAB C
ARGENTINA (Wednesday, September 19)
Suggested Venue: a joint session of the Argentine
Congress in Buenos Aires.
Probable Audience: members of the Argentine Congress,
selected members of the GOA, representatives of the
diplomatic corps.
Local Color: President Bush will be the first U.S.
President to visit Argentina since Eisenhower in
1960. It comes at a time of a 180 degree shift in
Argentine attitudes toward the world at large,
including the United States, and the causes of their
national problems. Once the eight ranking economy in
the world, Argentina now ranks 58th. President Menem
speaks openly of his friendship and admiration for
President Bush. He seeks to integrate Argentina fully
into the international community while abandoning
statist, protectionist economic policies. The
magnitude of economic reform needed is greater in
Argentina than in the other countries the President is
visiting and resistance to Menem's efforts is strong.
Themes:
|
Argentina is enjoying one of the longest periods
of constitutional rule in its recent history and
the protection offered to human and civil rights
has increased.
Argentina led the hemispheric move away from
military governments to democracy in the 1980's.
The United States supports President Menem's
courageous economic reform program, including
restructuring of the public sector, and other
policies leading to a modern, growing,
market-oriented economy.
Economic reform will encourage greater individual
initiative, thereby improving the prospects of
prosperity for this and future generations.
The increasing attention paid to the
establishment of a sound currency merits hope and
further encouragement by those who have supported
Argentina's past efforts in this area.
- 10 -
President Menem's determination to divest
monopolistic enterprises, especially the
privatization of the national telephone system,
sets an example for the other nations of Latin
America.
The Bilateral Investment Treaty which we have
signed will encourage United States investors to
join Argentines in a cooperative partnership that
will result in greater productivity, more
exports, more jobs and a return to the level of
optimism and the standard of living that
Argentina enjoyed in the past.
The Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty we have signed
is a further step forward in our close
cooperation in the figlt against narcotrafficking
and other transnational criminal activity
In this spirit of reform and modernization, the
United States welcomes Argentina's decision to
help halt the proliferation of dangerous missile
systems and to cooperate more fully with the
international community in nuclear safeguards
within the spirit of the Tlatelolco Treaty.
As President Menem's economic reform policies
develop and are implemented, they may provide the
potential for voluntary, negotiated debt and debt
service reduction as a compliment to new
commercial bank lending.
Quotable Quotes:
"To take advantage of democratic experiences to propel
economic growth and progress is the principal
crossroads and challenge for our peoples and
governments.
"
"We Argentines must abandon this fabled mental
colonialism that tells us that all of our problems
come from elsewhere. Because if we think that way
we'll come to the conclusion that we have no solution
within our own means, by our decisions, by our
courage. The people will do it; through the people is
how its done. People think of opportunities rather
than excuses, of possibilities rather than risks, or
new horizons rather than old dangers.' " (President
Menem, Congress, May 1, 1990)
- 11 -
TAB D
CHILE (Thursday, September 20)
Suggested Venue: the GOC very much wants the
President to address a joint session of the Chilean
Congress at its new headquarters in Valparaiso. This
would pose logistical and security problems.
Alternative venues are the old congress building in
Santiago, the University of Chile and the Diego
Portales Building, headquarters of the previous
military government, all of which pose political
problems.
Probable Audience: in Valparaiso, members of the
congress, selected members of the GOC and
representatives of the diplomatic corps.
Local Color: After more than 16 years of estrangement
in U.S.-Chilean relations, the President's visit will
be interpreted by most observers as a strong
endorsement for democracy and for the kind of
market-oriented economic reforms that have made
Chile's economy one of the strongest in the region.
According to an independent study, Chile has
transferred twice the value of state-owned assets to
the private sector than has Britain, and in half the
time.
Themes:
--
Latin America, like Eastern Europe, is shedding
failed political and economic ideologies and
rediscovering the power of individual citizens
seeking their own and collective interests within
a free and open society.
I
The United States joins all Chileans in
celebrating the return to democracy and renewed
respect for the sanctity of individual liberties
and is ready to play an active, positive role in
this process.
--
Chile's economic achievements serve as a guide to
economic planners in other countries. Recent
economic growth is the envy of the rest of Latin
America, fully one third of national output is
devoted to international trade, a tribute to the
openness of the economy and the productivity of
the Chilean people.
- 12 -
Chile's uniformly low tariffs, simplified
investment rules, efficient procedures and honest
civil servants combine to give Chile a
significant advantage in the new, more integrated
world that faces us in the 21st century.
As a result, Chile stands to benefit more from
more open international markets than any other
country in Latin America.
Similarly, Chile's sound, innovative management
of is foreign debt, which appear overwhelming
only a few years ago, has been impressive and
serves a a model for the rest of Latin America.
Through hard work and sacrifice the debt has been
reduced from 14 billion to 5 billion dollars,
making Chile the first country in the region to
regain normal access to sources of international
finance.
Quotable Quotes:
"Chileans, with a tradition of democratic
institutions, of respect for human rights, of the rule
of law, have chosen to remake their society, based on
those values which honored their country in the past
at the same time we want to seek progress and
economic development, based on an open and competitive
system, in which all creative initiatives find space
for expression." (President Aylwin, Expomin 90, May
15, 1990)
"We need to grow if we want to overcome poverty. This
requires that we stimulate savings, investments,
creative initiative and the entrepreneurial spirit.
Government policies must reconcile the spirit of
social justice and the legitimate requirement to
satisfy essential needs with the unavoidable demand
for growth and development. (President Aylwin,
Inaugural Address, March 12, 1990)
- 13 -
TAB E
VENEZUELA (Saturday, September 22)
Suggested Venue: breakfast meeting of the
Venezuelan-American Chamber of Commerce (VENAMCHAM),
at the Hilton.
Probable Audience: members of VENAMCHAM and
representatives of other appropriate Venezuelan and
U.S. organizations.
Local Color: Venezuela is one of South America's most
stable democracies, with a long tradition of free,
openly contested elections and respect for civil and
political liberties. The oil bonanza is over,
however, and Venezuelans are adjusting to the new
reality of austerity. Although this has tempered
somewhat Venezuelans' image of themselves as regional
leaders, President Perez still aspires to play a
leading role in hemisphere affairs and can be counted
on to be generally supportive of U.S. interests.
Themes:
The VENAMCHAM venue is an ideal forum for
emphasizing the U.S. role as Venezuela's largest
market and, reciprocally, our role as its
principal supplier.
The recently concluded free trade agreement with
Canada, ongoing negotiations with Mexico for a
similar accord, and the recently announced
Enterprise for the Americas initiative bode well
for economic growth in the hemisphere and the
expansion of Latin American trade to
non-traditional markets.
Venezuela, which has implemented an innovative
economic reform program which includes reduction
of trade barriers, free market discipline and
export oriented growth, is poised to take
advantage of these opportunities.
Venezuela's role in international cooperation to
eliminate narcotics production and trafficking is
also important. Although not a producing
country, we need Venezuela's help in suppressing
transshipment, the uncontrolled use of precursor
chemicals and money laundering is crucial to
regional anti-narcotics efforts.
- 14 -
Quotable Quotes:
"President Bush has thrown down a positive challenge
to us Latin Americans, to which we cannot, nor should
we, respond with the same old suspicions which have
generally fed the misunderstandings of the past. If
we think what he prooses is easy, it is not. We have
to bridge that gap between out beliefs and
understanding of Latin America's realities and the
concepts that we still hold to with regard to the role
our peoples and economies must play in the wake of the
industrialized world. Yet never has the United States
taken an initiative of such enormous importance for
the region. The dialogue we are offered opens up
paths so far not explored. II (President Perez'
Independence Day address, July 5, 1990.)
- 15 -
Drafted:
ARA/PPC: WLofstrom 7-6374
Approved:
ARA : DMalpass
Cleared
ARA: WBrownfield
ARA/BR: MLore
ARA/SC: BOwens
ARA/AND : CShapiro
ARA/EPC: MHarrington
ARA/PPC: DSkocz
Document SEARAPPC 8450
7/6/90
44
Public Papers of the Presidents
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
45
to assist State enforcement actions, the Federal Government should have
For several reasons, Brasilia fascinates citizens of the United States.
authority to move more quickly and effectively in directing the applica-
In the first place, your decision to carve a beautiful city out of the
tion of control measures that will swiftly correct such intolerable pollution.
wilderness reminds us of our own decision many years ago to move the
bar
capital of our fledgling nation from Philadelphia to the District of
&
In accordance with the 1961 Budget Message, recommendations will be
submitted to the Congress for strengthening the enforcement provisions
of the Federal Water Pollution Control Act.
Columbia. In the second place, this pioneering venture recalls to our minds the
Third, the Federal Government should continue to provide modest
rolling advance of our own frontier-the winning of the American West-
United
financial assistance for the administration of control programs by States
a process which was barely accomplished when I was a youngster.
and interstate water pollution control agencies. Because such programs
Indeed, having now witnessed the speed with which Brasilia is being com-
more
2
rest upon a solid foundation of local cooperative action, they properly
pleted, I understand why Brazil itself is sometimes described as a "country
merit Federal encouragement and assistance. An extended life for this
in a hurry." Brasilia is an epic worthy of this nation's vast possibilities
and aspirations.
lid
program is recommended in the 1961 Budget.
Fourth, the Federal Government, through research and technical
And thirdly, one senses here a "boom" spirit not unlike that which
about
assistance, can be of material help in contributing to our knowledge of
pervaded frontier western communities in the United States such as my
water pollution-its causes, its extent, its impact and methods for its
boyhood town of Abilene, Kansas.
control. Increased Federal effort in this respect is also provided for in
It has been said, somewhat facetiously, that Brazil and the United
the 1961 Budget.
States-both influenced by the stern demands of the frontier-ought to
sign
These measures will provide Federal authority that accords with the
get along well together because each has so many of the other's faults.
on
proper Federal, State, and local roles in water pollution abatement. I
At least we are both willing to confess that we do have faults. And
urge their early consideration by the Congress.
of course we get along well because we have many of the same virtues-
we are, indeed, much alike. Our vast expanses of land have many simi-
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
larities in physiography and resources. Our constitutional systems and
NOTE: The veto message was released in Washington.
forms of government are similar. The people of both our countries have
various national origins, gaining strength from diversity. Both countries
45
Remarks at the Civic Reception for
are forever committed to democracy, human dignity, and freedom with
President Eisenhower in Brasilia.
justice.
Our common heritage will be emphasized for us when you inaugurate
February 23, 1960
your new capital next April 21-Tiradentes Day. It was in 1787, when
Mr. President, Dr. Pinheiro, citizens of Brasilia:
Thomas Jefferson, then our Minister in France, gave sympathetic counsel
to José Joaquim da Maia, emissary of Tiradentes and his little band of
I am most grateful for the cordial welcome you have extended to me.
Inconfidentes. Those Brazilian patriots-to recall the observation of
I am glad that my return to this hospitable land has taken place in this
Joaquim Nabuco-had their eyes fixed on the new democracy to the
magnificent new city, a living testimony to your own tireless efforts,
north at a time when, here, even to think of independence was a crime.
Mr. President, and a symbol of Brazilian progress. It is an inspiration
Your freedom and ours were won by men of dauntless courage and
to get this new glimpse of the vision and energy which characterize modern
passionate vision, and it is these qualities in our peoples today that will
Brazil and its leadership.
carry us forward to the brighter future so eloquently dramatized by this
Brasilia has captured the imagination of my fellow countrymen who
have visited here and, who, on their return home, have been lavish in
new city of the frontier.
To you, Dr. Pinheiro, and your thousands of associates, has been en-
their praise of the wonders they have seen.
60295-61-17
211
210
45
Public Papers of the Presidents
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
47
trusted the enormous task of transplanting the inspired dream of planners
efforts of all countries within the inter-American community in order
into reality. I congratulate you for the marvels you are fashioning.
that, through coordinated action, there may be an intensification of
And now to the workers assembled here and through them to all
measures capable of combating underdevelopment in the vast area of
Brazilian labor, I bring special greetings. May your toil be fruitful in
the American continents.
advancing Brazil's development and well-being. May your hands
3. The full implementation of the principles of political and economic
be firmly clasped with those of the workers of the United States and
solidarity contained in the Charter of the Organization of American States
the entire free world in the building of a richer life, in freedom, for
and in the Mutual Assistance Treaty of Rio de Janeiro.
yourselves, your children, and all generations to follow.
4. The recognition that economic advancement cannot be disassociated
I thank all of you here for the honor you today have done me and
from preservation of peace and democratic rights, and that the effort of
my country. This has been a moving and memorable experience.
each nation must be complemented by hemisphere action helping all
I thank you for the privilege of being here.
Americans to achieve the improved living standards which will fortify
NOTE: The President spoke at the Central
belief in democracy, freedom and self-determination of peoples. To this
Brazilian Cabinet, and U.S. Ambassador
Platform. Earlier, upon his arrival about
John M. Cabot.
end, the Presidents reaffirm their solidarity with the principles approved
I:45 p.m. at the Brasilia Airport, the
Dr. Israel Pinheiro, to whom the Presi-
President was met by President Juscelino
by all the nations of America within the scope of Operation Pan America
dent referred, was in charge of the con-
Kubitschek de Oliveira, members of the
struction of Brasilia.
and assure their wholehearted support to the Organization of American
States and to those other entities which already are formulating measures
46
Ч
Joint Statement of the President and
to help achieve these ends. This will pave the way to the realization of
the inter-American ideals, economic as well as political.
President Kubitschek of Brazil.
Acknowledging that joint efforts of the American nations have already
February 23, 1960
achieved much, but firm in the conviction that action still more fruitful
should be taken, the two Presidents are confident that the hemispheric
THE PRESIDENTS of the United States of Brazil and of the United
crusade for economic development will lead toward greater prosperity
States of America, Juscelino Kubitschek de Oliveira and Dwight D.
and harmony for all.
Eisenhower, meeting together in the new city of Brasilia, soon to be the
NOTE: This statement, released at Brasilia,
Lafer at the site of the monument com-
capital of Brazil, reaffirm the joint determination of the two nations to
was read by Secretary of State Christian
memorating President Eisenhower's visit
defend the following principles:
A. Herter and Foreign Minister Horacio
to Brasilia.
I. The democratic freedoms and the fundamental rights of man,
wherein are included the fight against racial discrimination and the
47
Message to the Congress Transmitting
repudiation of any attempt against religious freedom and of any limitation
Second Annual Report on U.S. Aeronautics and
on the expression of thought. These are inalienable conquests of civiliza-
tion which all free men have the duty to protect, bearing in mind the
Space Activities. February 24, 1960
sacrifices of the soldiers of both countries in the last war, and the need
to prevent repetition of the causes which led to the loss of SO many young
[Released February 24, 1960. Dated February 22, 1960]
and precious lives.
To the Congress of the United States:
2. The belief that the aspiration of the peoples of the Americas to
In accordance with Section 206(b) of the National Aeronautics and
an ever-improving way of life, moral and material, presents one of the
great challenges and opportunities of our time. This challenge should
Space Act of 1958, I am transmitting herewith the second annual report
on the Nation's activities in the fields of aeronautics and space.
be met by joining together, ever more closely and harmoniously, the
213
212
9
47
Public Papers of the Presidents
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
48
During 1959, the Nation's space effort moved forward with purpose
the United States as President-elect, I come here as the representative
and its accomplishments were many, as this report recounts. In the short
of 180 million citizens of the United States. They share with you
period of a single year, a program of great complexity and scope was
this fervent wish: that war and all forms of coercion be forever banished
aligned so that the scientists of many organizations in and out of Govern-
from the earth; that leaders of all nations hearken to the prayers of their
ment could pool and coordinate their knowledge and skills. Much in-
peoples for peace-for a peace founded on mutual respect, understand-
formation of far-reaching significance was acquired on the frontiers of
ing, and collaboration-a peace in which the race of armaments will
science and technology; substantial gains were made, ranging from ad-
give way to a constructive, cooperative attack against disease, ignorance,
vances in aircraft and space vehicle design to greatly improved under-
and poverty-a peace which makes neighborliness such as that enjoyed
standing of the environment in which our planet exists and by which its
by our two countries a reality throughout the world.
natural forces and life are conditioned.
It is impossible to enter Rio de Janeiro without feeling the inspiring
The year was also one of transition. The national space program
impact of this city's scenic grandeur. But Rio has more than natural
grew in breadth and depth-benefiting greatly from the tremendous
beauty.
efforts of the American scientists, engineers, and technicians who, in the
For decades this city has become a symbol of Brazil's cultural con-
short space of the past five years, have performed miraculously in develop-
tributions to the world.
ing United States rocket technology.
In the halls of Rio, great principles have been proclaimed, righteous
This Report details the steps taken during 1959 to establish a firm
determinations formed.
foundation for a dynamic program of space exploration, and it sum-
Here, in 1942, the Foreign Ministers of the American Republics
marizes the contributions of Federal agencies toward the paramount
voiced this hemisphere's determination to defend itself against a Fascist
goal: the conquest of space for the benefit of all mankind.
aggression. Here representatives of the Americas met in 1947 to pro-
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
claim in solemn treaty that an attack on one American Republic would
NOTE: The message and report, which
in House Document 349 (86th Cong., 2d
be an attack on all. That treaty has enabled the nations of this hemi-
were released in Washington, are printed
sess.).
sphere to live in peace, free of the fear that any one of them, however
weak or small, would have its independence challenged by any other,
48
Remarks Upon Arrival at the Naval
however strong or large.
Brazil and the United States have always lived together in peace and
Ministry in Rio de Janeiro. February 24, 1960
friendship. Constant cooperation has been mutually beneficial. I hope
that my brief visit here will emphasize the desire of my Government and
President Kubitschek, Your Excellencies, and citizens of Rio de Janeiro:
all the people of my country to strengthen bonds of friendship with you.
It is a privilege and a particular pleasure to meet again your distin-
We seek only greater understanding of one another, a mutual conviction
guished President and a privilege to return to this great country with
that all problems existing between us can be resolved to the benefit of both
which over the years we have enjoyed fruitful relations in a tradition
nations, and a lasting partnership in efforts to build a stronger, freer
of friendship.
hemisphere-a stronger, freer world.
When I visited Brazil in 1946, I came as a former commander of
Mr. President, I am grateful for the generosity of your welcome and
allied military forces to pay personal tribute to the gallant Brazilian
remarks, and to all of you, thank you very much.
people for their invaluable contributions to our common victory in World
NOTE: The President spoke at 11:22 a.m.
War II.
Now, in response to your President's gracious invitation and to my
long-held desire to reciprocate the courtesy which he did us in visiting
214
215
Theme Common volue
49
Public Papers of the Presidents
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
49
49
Address Before a Joint Session of the
in an agony of worldwide war. Many of your families, as of ours, paid
a heavy price in order that the rule of law and moral suasion might
Congress of Brazil.
February 24, 1960
Mr. President, Members of the Congress, though fellow citizens of the New
in
Brasiliz.
replace the rule of naked force. To pay homage to the gallant Brazilian
not
soldiers, airmen, and sailors who fought side by side with others of the
free world I came here 14 years ago. I know that your brave men, who
Probabale 3 POTUS
World, ladies and gentlemen:
knew the horrors of war, pray with me now, that their children and their
Mr. President, I think you must understand how deeply touched I
children's children will find a better way-so that in the future the deep,
am by the scene which here before me spreads. I see here represented
abiding desires of humanity will prevail over the arrogance and ambitions
in the members of this body the spirit, the intellect, and the character of
of misguided or willful leaders; that consultations will replace coercion;
the great Brazilian nation, a nation which is surging forward to heights
that mutual understanding will eliminate threat and crude accusation;
as yet unimagined, even by ourselves.
that the earth, casting aside the sterile use of resources for arms, will yield
Beyond this, I am grateful for the generous statements directed to
its rich bounty to all who are willing to work in freedom.
my country and to me by those who have preceded me today. I am
I am confident that I shall not be thought presumptuous in suggesting
proud that I have been invited the second time by the representative
that we-our two nations-could speak with a single voice. For our
body of Brazil to meet with them for a brief period, and I am more
basic ideas have a common inspiration: man, in his sonship under God,
proud of the fact that your spokesmen have greeted me and my country
is endowed with dignity, entitled to equality in all human and political
as a country and as an individual that with them work to support and
relations, and destined, through the employment of consecrated intelli-
forward the priceless values that make men free and fight those influences
gence, to shape a world harmonious with basic moral law. Adhering to
which tend or would want to regiment or enslave them.
these beliefs, we have established similar governmental systems; we have
It is, then, with a sense of singular honor that I come before you, the
constantly maintained friendly relations unmarred by a single explosive
elected representatives of the people of the United States of Brazil.
incident; and we have worked together to establish and strengthen the
But the warm glow of personal pleasure is tempered by the realization
Organization of American States, the United Nations, and other
that we share awesome responsibilities which this profoundly moving
cooperative international organizations.
[bring in the Gulf situation here?
occasion prompts me to discuss with you.
We of the United States admire Brazil for its enviable record of con-
If the burdens of my office permitted, I would travel to the largest
structive leadership in hemisphere and world affairs, and we salute your
cities and the remotest villages of all the Americas, to speak of these
statesmen who have played decisive parts in critical international situa-
responsibilities and of how, together, we may possibly bear them success-
tions, even some involving the United States and one or more of our
fully. Since I cannot do this, I trust that what I say here will be
sister Republics.
accepted by the governments and peoples of all the Western Hemisphere
Speaking with one voice, then-your country and mine-we would
nations as an expression of hope from the millions of my country to
say, I know, that the first responsibility of leadership in any nation is
the millions who constitute Latin America.
to work for the welfare of its own people, its own land. We would
It is fitting, I think, that I should do this here, at the beginning of
emphasize that heavy reliance must be placed upon the creative talents
my present journey, for you of Brazil and we of the United States of
of the people themselves, with government a helpful partner. While
America have always worked together for the spiritual unity and material
we recognize that success or failure in the whole domestic enterprise is
advancement of the hemisphere. If it were physically possible for us
largely a nation's own responsibility, we would look for any needed out-
to do so, I am sure we would speak with a single voice to all our neighbors
side temporary assistance to speed our development. Certainly my
of this vast continent.
country did this from its establishment as a free nation until late in the
Not long ago, you and we shared anxieties, suffering, and tragedy
nineteenth century. And in receiving and using these honors, our sov-
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
49
ereignty was not violated-nor was our self-reliance diminished.
of hemispheric cooperation and solidarity. You, like we, insist upon
You now are experiencing, primarily due to your own persistent labors,
freedom of choice for every country. And you, like we, aspire to the day
a remarkable industrial and economic growth. Yesterday, on what was
when poverty, hunger, illiteracy, and discrimination in all forms will
once a remote plateau, I saw your growth revealed in the stone and steel
become relics of the past.
of an emerging and magnificent new capital-a symbol of the vision and
In proposing Operation Pan America, Brazil has taken an important
sturdy confidence which characterize modern Brazil. This surging
initiative for the democratic development of the entire hemisphere. The
growth is evident everywhere in this seaport city of Rio, and tomorrow
high purpose of this imaginative proposal of your distinguished Presi-
I shall see what I am told is the most rapidly growing city in the world
dent-to attack the problem of underdevelopment by cooperative effort-
São Paulo.
is one which my government endorses. It is for this reason that we have
We of the United States are proud that our public and private agencies
joined with Brazil in requesting an early meeting of the Committee of
have responded to the best of their ability to your requests for temporary
Nine; this Committee should accelerate the formulation of the specific
assistance. United States public and private investments and loans in
projects needed to translate this plan into a working reality.
Brazil now total about two and a half billion dollars. To this could be
Permit me here to renew a pledge, which I have made repeatedly:
added the loans of international financial agencies which obtain the
the United States itself stands ready, and will continue to urge other free
major part of their funds from the United States.
nations to be ready to join in a gigantic effort: to devote substantial por-
These are mighty, but only supplemental aids. The time will come
tions of the savings made possible by disarmament to vast constructive
when Brazil, through its own efforts, will experience both the benefits
programs of peaceful development. We embrace this idea despite the
and the complexities of being a creditor nation, and others will be seeking
fact that we are now carrying such heavy burdens throughout the world
your help-a seeking which I know will not be unrewarded.
that our own internal and external financial situation requires great cau-
Our second responsibility is to all our good neighbors of this
tion in management-and incidentally, this aid includes significant vol-
hemisphere.
umes of public and private capital and technical assistance to Latin
We, Brazil and the United States, hold the common, burning convic-
America.
tion that relations among these sister nations must be characterized by
Pending that achievement, I assure you that my government, while
mutual respect, juridical equality, independence, respect for each human
honoring its commitments outside this hemisphere is in no mood to allow
being, regardless of his race, creed, or color, and a willingness to help
its special responsibilities among the American States to go by default.
one another promote the well-being of all our peoples.
Indeed, these commitments and responsibilities are part and parcel of the
Neither of us covets one acre of land from another. We do not wish
same problem-preserving the strength and unity of the free world.
to prosper at another's expense. We do not wish to impose our particular
This brings me to the third responsibility which we may speak of in
form of democracy upon another. Rather, fervently and persistently,
common voice-that which involves the larger world.
while avoiding all forms of intervention, we proclaim our hope that the
This is truly a time of fateful decision. Nations now possess power
nations of the hemisphere will each, according to its own genius and
SO terrible that mutual annihilation would be the only result of general
aspirations, develop and sustain free government. We pray that all of
physical conflict. War is now utterly preposterous. In nearly every
us will reject cruel tyranny, for tyranny is, in simple essence, the out-
generation the fields of earth have been stained with blood. Now, war
right denial of the teachings of Christ. May each of us in every appro-
would not yield blood-only a great emptiness for the combatants, and
priate way, and especially by example, work for the strengthening of
the threat of death from the skies for all who inhabit the earth. To strive
democratic institutions.
ceaselessly, honestly, and effectively for peace is today the imperative
You of Brazil have constantly shown your desire for the Americas to
responsibility of every statesman-of yours, of ours, of all countries.
be a community of free democratic nations, united by the common ideal
At the same moment of this great crisis, we face anew decisions involv-
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
50
ing tyranny or freedom, totalitarianism or democracy. Our shared view
dencia de la República, Servicio de Docu-
the Special Committee of the Council of
on this issue is so eloquent and SO clear that any words of mine would
mentación, Rio de Janeiro, 1958).
the Organization of American States to
not be enlightening.
The Committee of Nine, to which the
Study the Formulation of New Measures
President referred, is a subcommittee of
for Economic Cooperation (Committee
And, perhaps inseparable from the decision of freedom or slavery, we
of 21).
face the philosophic issue which today brings fear, misgiving, and mistrust
to mankind. In contrast to our adherence to a philosophy of common
sonship, of human dignity, and of moral law, millions now live in an
50
Remarks to the Members of the Supreme
environment permeated with a philosophy which denies the existence of
Court of Brazil. February 24, 1960
God. That doctrine insists that any means justifies the end sought by
the rulers of the state, calls Christianity the "sigh of the oppressed," and,
Mr. Chief Justice, Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States
in short, seeks to return mankind to the age-old fatalistic concept of the
of Brazil, and my Brazilian friends:
omnipotent state and omnipotent fate.
I have been privileged to call upon the President of the Brazilian Re-
You of Brazil and we of my country do not say that this philosophy
public. I have just completed a meeting with the legislative body of this
shall not be held; that peoples may not return to that unenlightened sys-
great country. Now it is my great privilege and honor to pay a call
tem of tyranny, if they so wish. We would feel a great sorrow for them,
upon the third branch-equal branch of equal status in the Brazilian
but we would respect their right to choose such a system. Here is the
Government.
key to our policy-the right to choose. Human beings everywhere,
To have been invited once before this august body was in itself a great
simply as an inalienable right of birth, should have freedom to choose
privilege and an honor. To have been invited back again, Mr. Chief
their guiding philosophy, their form of government, their methods of
Justice, is an honor that I consider almost unique.
progress.
It is my simple concept that the Supreme Court in a Federal Republic
But we-you of Brazil and we of the United States-would consider
exists to make certain that the rule of law will flourish and will not be
it intervention in the internal affairs of an American State if any power,
weakened by any processes that are not approved by the constitution
whether by invasion, coercion, or subversion, succeeded in denying free-
and as interpreted by that Supreme Court.
dom of choice to the people of any of our sister Republics.
In my country, the Supreme Court has attained a position in the minds
To work throughout the world for a guaranteed peace, free of all out-
of the average citizen of grandeur, almost of veneration.
side interference, and for rising levels of human well-being, in justice and
I have been examining the history of your Supreme Court. I see the
in freedom-this is the greatest of the responsibilities which you of Brazil
parallels, between its formation and its history, with our own. I know
and we of the United States now share.
from the picture you have in the window that you give the same respect
It is to confer with your distinguished President and his colleagues
to the memory of John Marshall that we do. I have also heard of a
about these bilateral but hemispheric and global problems that I am
great jurist of yours named Luís Barbosa who in your country and in
making my brief trip to Brazil and your neighbors in this great Southland.
his term took the same occasion as did John Marshall to assert the right,
May God cast his grace upon us and guide us in this noble purpose.
the absolute unchallenged right of the Supreme Court to place interpre-
Thank you very much.
tation upon any law, and to determine whether or not it was in conson-
NOTE: The President spoke at 4:38 p.m.
9, 1958, following the exchange of mes-
ance with the Constitution.
at the Tiradentes Palace in Rio de Ja-
sages between Presidents Eisenhower and
neiro. His opening words "Mr. Presi-
Kubitschek in May and June of that year
Clothed with this kind of responsibility and with this kind of authority,
dent" referred to Vice President Joäo
Goulart.
(see 1958 volume, this series, Item 133).
the Supreme Court stands as a true guardian of justice for the individual.
Operation Pan America was proposed
The memorandum of August 9, 1958, is
And I submit that the reason for republican or democratic government
by Brazil in a memorandum dated August
published in Operación Panamericana,
Compilación de Documentos II (Presi-
is to protect the individual in his rights which we-you and ourselves—
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
5I
believe are his, because of the fact of his creation, because he has been
5I
Toast by the President at a Dinner Given in
created in the image of his God. I can see, therefore, that the decisions
of such a body as this, its opinions, are more than mere decisions for
His Honor by President Kubitschek in Rio de
application in a particular case and to make certain that the rights of
a particular citizen have been protected, or that the law has not been
Janeiro. February 24, 1960
allowed to go astray in its application in some other branch of the govern-
Mr. President, Madame Kubitschek, distinguished guests, and friends:
ment. It is more important-the court is more important than merely
First, Mr. President, may I thank you sincerely for the generosity of
to do this. As I see it, the court is also a teacher. Because the real
your remarks about my country and about me, and for your generous
strength of democracy is in the hearts and minds and the understandings
hospitality toward me and to my party. I deeply regret that my wife
of people, not merely the august members of this great body.
could not be here to participate in this most gracious ceremony in which
In my country, and I think it is possibly true in yours, a man who
you and your lovely wife are the host and hostess. I think the reasons
has been honored by being given a chair in this body is thereby removed
that she could not come are known, but I assure you her regret is very
from partisan politics. Partisan politicians do much to inform our pub-
deep.
lic. Sometimes they merely try to influence. As I see it, the man now
Mr. President, this afternoon, in meeting with the assembled Congress
in this kind of position, with this authority, with this opportunity to study
of the United States of Brazil, I tried to outline the convictions that I
without bias, cannot merely influence, he can inform. And I say that
hold as to the common role that your country and mine have in the
in all forms of free government the only final force, the only final authority,
attempt to better the standards of living for all peoples, in order that
is public opinion. And if it be informed public opinion, then in truth
democracy and the freedom, of which you so eloquently speak, can be
democracy is truly working. If the rule of law is to be substituted for
thereby strengthened.
the rule of the sword, if persuasion is to take the place of fighting on
On this trip with me, as you know, are Secretary Herter, Assistant
the battlefield, then the kind of public opinion that I speak of must be
Secretary Rubottom, and the citizen members of the new United States
strong in all free nations.
Advisory Committee on Inter-American Affairs. The fact that these
And so I salute this body for the opportunity that belongs to each
gentlemen are accompanying me symbolizes the high importance we of
of you, because as a group we know that, just like in my own country,
my country attach to good relations with all the nations of Latin America.
this institution is venerated. Your words carry weight. And your words
I know that what we are all learning here, and shall observe throughout
will be heeded. Consequently, when you say we must substitute the rule
this trip, will be helpful to us as we seek constantly to work for
of law for force, all will heed, all will help-which is all important.
hemispheric solidarity.
So, Mr. Chief Justice, and Justices of the Supreme Court of Brazil,
I should say, Mr. President, that the strong feelings I felt about the
I come here to pay my respects, but those words are merely formalities
need for cooperation, which were the feelings that led me to make this
by themselves. My visit has a far deeper meaning to me than mere
trip, have been emphasized and greatly strengthened by the meetings
formality. I do want to pay my respects to this court and to its functions,
I have held with you and with your associates during the past hours that
and what I think it can and will do in helping Brazil toward the destiny
I have been able to spend in your great nation.
that is certain to belong to that nation as long as it lives in the institutions
The friendly relations of our two countries-now stronger and more
of freedom and pushes forward on the course that it is now pursuing.
meaningful than ever before-have an inspiring history. The beautiful
Thank you very much indeed.
home of the Brazilian Foreign Ministry reminds one of thrilling diplo-
NOTE: The President spoke in the Federal
Room of the Supreme Court building at
Rio de Janeiro. His opening words "Mr.
matic traditions.
Chief Justice" referred to Chief Justice
Here I should like to say if I mispronounce names, it's because of my
Luiz Galloti.
ignorance and not because of any intent. Itamaraty is symbolic of the
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
53
5I
Public Papers of the Presidents
I thank all of you for the warmth and cordiality of your welcome,
principles enunciated by Baron do Rio Branco, a great hero to us, as to
you. Here worked such dedicated statesmen as Joaquim Nabuco and
Governor and Mr. Mayor. Itis a real privilege to be here.
Afranio de Malo France, who stood resolutely for the abiding friendship
President of the Legislative Assembly,
NOTE: The President spoke at 9:45 a.m.
of our two countries. And here labored Oswaldo Aranha, a firm friend,
He was met by Governor Carlos Alberto
Dsembargador Joao Marcelino Gonzaga,
Carvalho Pinto, Mayor Adhemar de Bar-
President of the Court of Justice, and
whose recent passing is deeply mourned in the United States.
ros, Dr. Potado Rus de Mello Juqueira,
other officials.
I raise my glass in tribute to all who have in these halls worked so
patiently and gloriously for the principles of freedom, independence, and
abiding cooperation-and to you, President Kubitschek, both for your
53
Ч
Address by the President at a Luncheon
deeds of friendship and for your staunch support of inter-American
Given in His Honor in São Paulo.
solidarity.
Ladies and gentlemen: the President!
February 25, 1960
NOTE: The President proposed the toast at a dinner at the Itamaraty, the Foreign
Mr. President, Governor Carvalho Pinto, and other Governors here
Ministry in Rio de Janeiro.
present, ladies and gentlemen:
I am deeply grateful for the generous welcome my associates and I
52
Remarks Upon Arrival at Congonhas
have received in São Paulo. And I must personally express to you my
Airport, São Paulo, Brazil. February 25, 1960
deep gratitude for the warmth of the welcome with which you have
greeted me in this hall.
Mr. President, Governor Carvalho Pinto, Mayor de Barros, citizens of
This is my first visit to your great city, the industrial heart of Brazil.
São Paulo:
Here in your factories and workshops, much of the economic future of
Yesterday I referred to a rumor I have often heard-that São Paulo
Brazil is being forged. It is indeed a privilege to meet personally so
is the fastest growing city in the world-center of Brazilian commerce
many leaders of São Paulo's progressive government, industry, and
and industry. Certainly it is a sincere personal pleasure to have this
agriculture. I do not wonder, as I look around me and see what Paulista energy
opportunity today to witness firsthand the mighty achievements of this
fabulous community.
and intiative have achieved, that you take pride in your city and state,
In addition to seeing evidence of Brazil's remarkable economic and
and especially in the fact that in this area great opportunities exist for
industrial growth, I have another very special and, to me, deeply moving,
men of energy, talent, and initiative to carve for themselves important
mission to perform in your city. Later today, I shall have the honor of
places in the life of the nation. This country, like my own, provides op-
paying homage to those brave soldiers of Brazil who were my comrades-
portunities to all, however humble their origins and whatever the circum-
in-arms during World War II.
stances of their birth.
My nation-and all free nations-have reason to remember with grati-
Opportunity, without discrimination-this is one vital aspect of democ-
tude Brazil's partnership in two World Wars.
racy both in Brazil and the United States. The humblest may become
You made your bases available for our common cause-bases which
the highest-through his own efforts.
were truly springboards to victory. On land, sea, and air, Brazilian
Our societies are designed to permit everyone to pursue family welfare
cooperation was of inestimable value in defeating our enemies and pre-
and happiness in liberty, and also to promote the well-being of all, not
serving a way of life we cherish. Gallant Brazilian blood, shed with ours,
just a few, of the people.
must ever remind us of our solemn, common covenant to preserve the
We believe fervently that no one should be denied the chance for or
peace, with justice and freedom for all.
the fruits of self-betterment because of his race, his religion, sex, class, or
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
53
political beliefs. In short, in both our countries we make the concept
God than to the mere acquisition of material things. We see then that
of the dignity of the individual a living reality, knowing that, given a
production, to be praiseworthy, must serve these nobler ends. Faced
chance, each person is capable of running his affairs with wisdom,
with no other choice, you and we in the United States would choose
dedication, and due respect for the rights of others.
poverty in freedom, rather than prosperity in slavery.
At this point in history, our countries may differ in economic develop-
But of course we need make no such choice, for freedom in the long
ment, but this difference can and will disappear, for Brazil is on the
run yields also the most productive economic system ever devised by
march. It is today a universal Brazilian aspiration to develop the coun-
man. The reason for this is simple. Every human being is capable of
try's resources, to extend the blessings of education to all, to realize the
greatness. Given opportunity and responsibility, he will reach the
nation's immense potentialities. Let me say to you most earnestly that
heights. Controlled man may become an efficient automaton, but with
we pray for your success. And we rejoice in your progress not only be-
utopian
the limitations and the joylessness of men in lock-step parade.
cause you and we are friends but also because we know that the progress
The proponents of Marxism-Leninism seek to belittle the American
of Brazil and of all the nations which aspire to develop rapidly will make
system. They speak of the "exploited masses." Certainly anyone who
a happier and more peaceful world for everyone.
has studied history knows that capitalism, in its early stages, was often
Three hundred years ago there was little but forbidding wilderness in
exploitative. But it is ridiculous to pretend that conditions of the 18th
the United States of America. Great natural resources existed, as they
and early 19th centuries exist today in the economic life of the United
exist in Brazil. But there were no houses, transportation facilities, utili-
States.
ties, factories, institutions of learning and culture. A hundred years ago
Our socially-conscious private-enterprise system benefits all the people,
half our people were engaged in agriculture; industry was beginning to
owners and workers alike. It has resulted in high productivity, high
expand. Even 60 years ago there was not a single industrial research
consumption, high wages, and reasonable returns on investment.
laboratory in the United States. Today we have a mature, highly di-
Balanced progress is our watchword.
versified economy. This has been obtained by the hard work and frugal
São Paulo is, I think it can fairly be said, the outstanding example
management of the American people. And of course we are proud of
of Brazilian private initiative and of Brazilian balance in development.
what we have accomplished. But we take even greater satisfaction in
Here is a concentration of factories which produce much of what all
the means we have employed. All our progress has been protective of
Brazil consumes. You are now helping to provide the means by which
personal freedom, political freedom, economic freedom-in my judgment,
the remainder of Brazil will similarly progress. And the rewards of
inseparable elements of true liberty. Other nations have amassed wealth.
your production are indeed exciting.
However, in no nation, ancient or modern, totalitarian or free, have the
In freedom the Brazilian worker is happily demonstrating the joys of
rights of the individual been more zealously safeguarded.
life under a democratic system. He knows that you do not consider the
Sheer material wealth can of course be accumulated, and scientific
accumulation of wealth to be the privilege of a few-rather that the true
miracles can be achieved, by authoritarian methods. But let us not be
aim of production is to contribute to the greater well-being of the many.
misled by the boasts that fill the air. The production of goods-either
I wish that all the world could see what I have seen today in this
capital or consumer goods-is not an end in itself, nor is it a sound
city-a demonstration that a dynamic economy, based on private enter-
criterion for judging economic and governmental systems. Production
prise and free labor, redounds to the benefit of the worker, the consumer,
is only one element in the human enterprise on this earth. You and I
the public at large and the state which embodies their sovereign will.
believe that each of us is an inviolable spiritual entity, capable of reaching
I am sure that your workers, as ours in the United States, have attained
the heights of creative thought. Each is endowed with the right to build
positions of influence, honor, and prestige. Surely the old concept of
social and cultural institutions compatible with our finest instincts, and
"the exploited masses" deserves to be discarded, along with the idea of
more deeply devoted to the protection of human dignity and to love of
state omnipotence and the divine right of kings.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
I
55
I take real pleasure in noting the modest but significant contributions
which United States capital has made to the prosperity of São Paulo
54
Remarks at the Airport in São Paulo Upon
and Brazil. It cannot be coincidence that this area, in which foreign
Leaving for Rio de Janeiro. February 25, 1960
capital is most heavily concentrated, is also the most prosperous in Brazil.
We too benefited much from foreign capital in the period of our
Mr. President, Governor, and citizens of São Paulo:
development. Late in the 19th century, foreign investments in the United
As I say a friendly farewell to the leaders and people of São Paulo, I
States were as large as those in Brazil today. In fact, I think if we
want to express my warm thanks for the cordial welcome and the many
should take the price of today's dollars, the investments that then were
courtesies which have been extended to my associates and me during our
made in our country were many times the amount that I am just speaking
short stay here.
of. But at that time the revenue of our national government was only
I was greatly impressed by what I was able to see of your magnificent
one-third as great as yours is now.
city during the day. São Paulo, leader in Brazilian commerce and indus-
The contributions of United States private enterprise to Brazilian de-
try, is surely characterized by energy, growth, and the spirit of progress.
velopment are matched in other fields. We have sought to express our
You receive here each year vast quantities of goods, especially capital
friendship and our interest in your development through loans of the
goods, from the United States, and of course you ship a tremendous vol-
Export-Import Bank and other public lending institutions, through our
ume of products, especially coffee, to the United States. The two-way
Point IV work, the re-loaned funds derived from the sale of agricultural
trade of the United States and Brazil has long been of high importance
surpluses, our support of the international coffee pact, grants by our
to both countries. We are your major consumer; you a major customer
private foundations, and through the backing we have given President
of ours. I am glad to have learned in my conversations here today that
Kubitschek's imaginative Operation Pan America proposal.
there is a minimum of friction in these trade matters. And this is good
Within our financial and economic capacity, we shall continue to sup-
news.
port Brazilian development. In view of the modest part we have had
I might point out that we of the United States are the most insatiable
in your growth, it is, then, the more heartening to see the mighty con-
coffee drinkers in the world-indeed, we buy nearly 60 percent of your
tributions which São Paulo is making to the majestic future of our tradi-
coffee exports. And I doubt that you would have a surplus here if you
tional friend and ally, the United States of Brazil.
drank as much coffee as we do.
And in closing, I should like to repeat the sense of the quotation that
On leaving São Paulo, I want to say how happy I am to have met
the Governor took from Thomas Jefferson, the United States wants to
Governor Carvalho Pinto, the state and municipal authorities, and to
march forward as a true partner and brother to Brazil, as we seek
have been privileged to make a personal visit to this tremendous city.
earnestly toward that brightest goal of all mankind: peace with justice.
Thank you again, sincerely, for your cordiality, your kindness, and your
I thank you. Thank you again.
hospitality.
NOTE: The President spoke at 2:30 p.m.
Federation of Rural Associations of São
NOTE: The President's opening words
Kubitschek who accompanied him on the
at the Fasano Restaurant. He was joined
Paulo. Antonio de Visale, President of
"Mr. President" referred to President
return flight to Rio de Janeiro.
by President Kubitschek at the luncheon,
which was given by the Industrial Associa-
the São Paulo Federation of Industries,
introduced President Eisenhower.
tion, the Commercial Association, and the
55
Statement by the President Upon Leaving
Brazil. February 26, 1960
I MUST NOW say farewell to the leaders and people of this vast and
beautiful country. I do SO with a full heart weighed down by the tragic
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Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
I 57
accident which cost the lives of Brazilians and Americans yesterday.
56
4
Remarks Upon Arrival at Ezeiza Airport,
I wish, nevertheless, on leaving Brazil to express my deep gratitude
for the magnitude of the reception accorded me and my associates since
Buenos Aires. February 26, 1960
our arrival among you only a few days ago. I am beginning to under-
stand that sentiment which you Brazilians describe so poignantly with
Mr. President, Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen:
the word saudade.
With genuine pleasure and satisfaction, I greet you in friendship as I
I interpret the cordiality of your greeting as evidence of Brazilian
begin my visit in the Republic of Argentina.
friendship for my countrymen. I assure you that this friendship is
My pleasure is in realizing a long-cherished wish to view this beautiful
earnestly reciprocated.
land, and in returning officially the visit which your President and Mrs.
I saw your sparkling new capital at Brasilia-a symbol of Brazilian
Frondizi graciously made to my country.
progress.
My satisfaction derives from the knowledge that our commitment to
In São Paulo I saw firsthand the phenomenal development which fore-
common aspirations provides one stone in the structure of world peace.
casts Brazil's emergence as one of the world's new industrial giants.
I am especially happy that my visit occurs during the 50th anniversary
And here in your present capital of Rio de Janeiro old memories of
of your nation's valiant fight for freedom. With pride in our own long
unsurpassed scenic beauty and traditional Carioca hospitality have been
adherence to the democratic vision, we of my country salute you, and
rekindled.
welcome this opportunity to join our voices joyously with yours in your
During the past few days my associates and I have had an opportunity
meaningful celebration.
to talk with your distinguished President and other leaders of your coun--
I bring all of you the heartfelt good wishes of the Government and the
try. All of us hope and believe that these conversations will enable us
people of the United States of America. In the few days we shall be
to understand better not only Brazilian aspirations but also how our
here among you, we hope to meet many of you personally, to enjoy the
collaboration can become more effective to our mutual benefit.
grandeur of your world-famed capital, to visit several other of your beau-
As I proceed on this trip, I feel that a significant beginning in fulfilling
tiful cities, and, at least from the air, to obtain a panoramic perspective of
its purpose has been made here. My desire, in the countries I am visiting,
your vast and noble country.
is to emphasize the importance we of the United States attach to hem-
Al gran pueblo Argentino, Salud!
ispheric solidarity; to seek ways in which cooperation among the Ameri-
NOTE: The President spoke at II a.m.
Foreign Minister Diogenes Toboada, and
He was met by President Arturo Frondizi,
U.S. Ambassador Willard L. Beaulac.
cas may be even more fruitful, and to proclaim here as I have repeatedly
done in other areas the supreme desire of the United States to do all it
can to help bring about peace with justice, in freedom, to all humankind.
57
Remarks at the U.S. Embassy Residence in
For your friendship and your many kindnesses, I thank you, and now,
goodbye.
Buenos Aires Upon Receiving the Key to the City.
NOTE: The President left from Galeao
over Guanabara Bay. The Navy trans-
February 26, 1960
Airport, Rio de Janeiro, at 8 p.m.
port plane was carrying U.S. Navy bands-
In the opening paragraph the President
men and members of an anti-submarine
I AM DEEPLY HONORED not only for the presentation of this key,
referred to the collision of a U.S. Navy
team.
transport plane with a Brazilian airliner
The statement was released in Rio de
symbolic of the friendly spirit of your country for the United States, but
Janeiro.
for the generosity of the terms in which your Mayor has described the
ideals and democratic aspirations that bind his country with mine.
If I may be personal, I should like to tell you,a bit of a story. Forty-
five years ago now, I was just preparing to graduate from West Point-
230
231
(FROM BINDER/AETHLY)
state?
Draft Input for the President's Opening Speech in Brazil
ENVIRONMENT
cite mil alloc.fr an in Br.
General
cite Collois volid commitment to enviro. protection
-- Concern for the environment is sweeping across the Western
Hemisphere, from endangered coral reefs in the Caribbean and
ravaged forests along the Amazon, to urban pollution in Caracas,
Santiago, and Mexico City, where levels of air pollution exceed
health-based limits most of the year.
-- We know that the peoples and governments of Latin America
want to protect your ecological heritage. And, we note, with
pride and respect, the progress you are making.
Several Latin American nations have been playing leadership
roles in international negotiations on climate change and
depletion of the ozone layer. The Declaration of Brasilia in
1989 reflected the wisdom and dedication of this region to
conserving your natural resources. You have built on the Treaty
on Amazonian Cooperation to address several specific issues,
including forest management.
and your Constitution requires the fed. get eprorve the couiro. the common essented of cument
Brazil itself has demonstrated global leadership by offering future
to host the United Nations Conference on Environment and
generation
Development in 1992. That conference will mark the twentieth
anniversary of the landmark Conference on the Environment held in
Sweden in 1972. It will provide an important opportunity to
shape a new, comprehensive approach to environmental action and
cooperation for the twenty-first century.
Economics and Environment
-- We in the United States know that there can be no sustained
economic growth without respect for the environment. We know,
too, that there may be no greater impediment to protecting the
environment than poverty. The linkage is critical and it is
real.
--
Partly for that reason, I have proposed the special
environmental component of the Enterprise for the Americas. It
is the first time that official bilateral debt relief has been
associated with environmental protection.
-- Recourse to this relief could reduce a significant portion of
the Latin American debt owed to the United States. The interest
could be used for projects that protect the environment. The
result? Bigger budgets to expand parks, protect forests, and
fight pollution.
commitment to sustainable development.
(see (lebal doe)
-2-
-- Latin American countries owe governments in Europe and Japan
another $38 billion, beyond the $12 billion in public debt owed
the United States. We hope that other creditor nations will move
to convert a similar proportion of debt into funds for the
environment.
hasn't
Bazil
rejected
Pen,
on
-- If they do so, this major new commitment to debt-for-nature grounds
could serve to refocus the priorities of countries in Latin
shereit
America so rich in forests and species of plants and wildlife and
so burdened by debt.
-- Swapping debt for protection of natural resources is part of
a new wave of thinking about the relationship between development
and debt and the environment. Such agreements can help us define
and, ultimately, achieve sustainable economic growth. While they
cannot be a cure-all for debt, they can make a real dent in
degradation of the environment. For example, the interest alone
from the debt-for-nature swaps in Costa Rica is several times
more than the annual budget for that country's National Park
Service. Such swaps have more than doubled Costa Rica's
available resources for environmental programs.
-- Here in Brazil, a consortium of non-governmental
organizations has presented a proposal to the government for such
a debt-for-nature swap. Other Latin American countries are
either in the process of developing such proposals or are
implementing them. These are important undertakings. We support
and applaud them.
Bilateral Cooperation
-- I take pride, along with President Collor, in our expanding
partnership in behalf of the environment. We benefit from the
commitment of this nation, as with other new governments in the
region, to fight for the environment, not against it.
-- Just this last month, the U.S. Environmental Protection
Agency signed a new Memorandum of Understanding with the National
Secretariat for the Environment and the Brazilian Institute for
the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources. This agreement
will enable our two nations to put new vigor into our shared
commitment to address problems that challenge the entire
hemisphere.
-3-
-- The irreversible loss of wildlife -- of entire species -- is
deeply troubling. Many people in this hemisphere depend on the
forests for their livelihood. There is, of course, some
short-term gain to felling trees. But, in much of the tropics,
the soils thereafter erode under heavy rains that strip the land
of its productivity and create yet another disappointed farmer
and, all too often, an impoverished generation of environmental
refugees.
-- The costs of the loss of plant and animal species and their
derivative ingredients in agriculture, medicine, and industry are
beyond calculation. Ninety-five plants (39 from tropical rain
forests) yield chemical substances to produce 121 prescription
drugs. Thus, the rewards from reforestation can be just as
gratifying as the costs of deforestation are appalling.
-- Our two nations can help assure that we do not lose forever
the plant that could help fight cancer or the species of
perennial corn that can assure sustenance. I hope very much that
the internal agreement on forestry will be ready for signing at
the Brazil Conference in 1992. How fitting a place, the country
with the world's richest endowment of forests and wildlife to
NEW
consummate the treaty to protect the world's forests. We believe
progress will occur much faster if the forest agreement is
negotiated apart from the negotiations on a climate convention,
which only related to one of the many benefits forests confer --
carbon sequestration.
-- Our two nations, together, can provide international
leadership to meet the challenges of urban environmental blight.
We can create the models for preventing pollution, so that our
cities, home to the majority of our people, are no longer
repositories of hazardous waste and suffocating smog. They can,
instead, become healthful havens, where you and I and our
families enjoy our rightful claim to clean air and clear water.
Sunuan
heated. Reilly pressing. Some in W.N. wont to go slow
part of protocol, as girl for Co2 in Chimate Charge convention.
Really think we can Rod it off as Climate Charge competion,
by keeping on separate Pach.
Memorandum for all speechwriters and researchers
From Chriss Winston
Subject: Latin American trip
A short postscript to the meeting. Two of the gentlemen
attending this morning's meeting will serve as liaison for us at
State. They are Phil McLean (647-6754) and Andrew Sens (647-
3403)
They are anxious to help in any way and will contact embassies
for you if you prefer that to calling direct. Some of the
information you will need will probably be sensitive and the
embassies may prefer sending it by secure cable.
Also, over the next few weeks, you will receive, no doubt,
sensitive documents through Don Johnson of the NSC i.e. cables.
NSC had planned to "clean them up" for our use but I told him we
had a safe and would lock up all sensitive papers. This should
save us some time but, please, be careful of these papers and
make sure they are in the safe in my office every night.
Bernie Aronson told me after the meeting that they hope to have
the first bullets within two weeks. However, you each have a
document to get started.
Foreign Visitors to Congress Done
Epitacio da Silva Pessoa
1919
Jose Sarney Sept.11,1986
Quote Books/ Poetry Books Done
walt whitman
a poem to the Brazilian people heralding
the birth of the Republic in 1889
Eisenhowers Presidential Papers Done
1960, # 45
46
49
56
51
52
Dom Pedro
Ch. 10
Copy of Brazil file
Ref.
E173
Epitacioda Silva Pessoa
06
23June,1919
Library of (
V.I
WH
UNITED STATES
CAPITOL HISTORICAL SOCIETY
FOREIGN VISITORS
TO CONGRESS
André de Laboulaye, Ambassador of the Republic of France, addresses a Joint Session of the
SPEECHES AND HISTORY
Edited by MARY LEE KERR
U.S. Senate and House of Representatives on May 20, 1934.
Preface by EDMUND S. MUSKIE
Historical Note by FRED SCHWENGEL
VOLUME 1
1824 - 1956
KRAUS INTERNATIONAL PUBLICATIONS
A Division of The Kraus Organization Limited
Millwood, New York
Epitácio da Silva Pessoa, President-Elect of the
Federative Republic of Brazil
INTRODUCTION BY LINDA LEWIN
WHEN EPITÁCIO DA SILVA PESSOA
(1865-1943) addressed the U.S. Senate on June 23, 1919, he was
homeward bound from Europe, the first Brazilian chief of state to
visit this country since Emperor Dom Pedro II had made the
Philadelphia Centennial Exhibition the occasion for an extended
official tour. Epitácio had become president-elect in April, while
heading the Brazilian delegation to the Paris Peace Conference as
senior senator for his northeastern state of Paraíba. It was in such a
capacity that he met President Woodrow Wilson. On Wilson's
insistence, Brazil enjoyed very favored representation at the Peace
Conference, for it was the only Latin American- or non-European
-nation to gain three official delegates, a number that bestowed
equal rank with war-ravaged Belgium.
Thanks to Epitácio's expertise in constitutional and interna-
tional law (between 1900 and 1910 he had served as minister of
Justice, attorney general, and as a justice on the Supreme Court, as
well as writing the Code Project on International Law for the Third
Pan American Conference), Brazil played a significant supporting
role at Versailles in relation to the reparations issue. In the course
of presenting his country's claims for German ships seized in
Brazilian ports during the war, Epitácio both cooperated with
Wilson's representative, Norman Davis, and counted on the United
States to back up his position. He therefore took Wilson's side in his
fight against the opposition of the British and the French to his
determination not to surrender the advantageous naval tonnage the
United States had acquired from Germany during the war. Thus, in
his remarks to the Senate, Epitácio's reference to Brazil as the
"ancient friend" of the United States acknowledged that the rela-
tionship embraced their recent diplomatic agreement at Versailles,
a friendship "augmented by the stand taken by the United States
delegates at Paris
in favor of the interests and claims of Brazil as
an outcome of the world war."¹
'New York Times, June 24, 1919, p. 14.
123
124
FOREIGN VISITORS TO CONGRESS
As Brazil's long-term diplomatic interests were paramount,
Epitácio's brief remarks to the Senate-in tandem with lengthier
ones uttered during four days of official luncheons and banquets-
Epitácio
furthered what was by then for Brazil already a "special relation-
Federativ
ship" of close, personal diplomacy with the United States. His
affirmation on June 24 that Brazil "not only recognizes the Monroe
Address befc
Doctrine but has always recognized it" maintained the special
June 23, 19
relationship created between 1900 and 1912 as a reservoir of
personal friendship and mutual diplomatic support under the
guidance of Brazil's foreign minister, the Baron of Rio Branco (José
Maria da Silva Paranhos) and Joaquim Nabuco, Brazil's (and South
America's) first ambassador accredited in Washington, D.C.² At the
express all ]
me in this
same time, as the official guest of the United States, Epitácio was
offering Wilson tacit support for the Senate ratification of the
express my
extensive ai
Versailles Treaty. Indeed, ratification's great foe, Senator Henry
Brazil, the a
Cabot Lodge, escorted Epitácio onto the Senate floor-and on the
her heart th
very day when the newspapers announced both the decision of the
German National Assembly to accept the terms of the Peace of Paris
and President Wilson's imminent embarcation from Brest for the
United States. More fundamentally, however, Epitácio looked to the
postwar economic situation. As president of a nation precariously
dependent on the export of agricultural products, he underscored
that Brazil would see in "the energies and capacity of the United
States for trade" her own "widest possibilities for the development
of her trade and commerce."3
Consequently, thanks to Epitácio's good working relationship
with Wilson, Brazil continued to support the United States during
the interwar years at important Pan American conferences. In
homage to their brief but fruitful collaboration at Versailles,
millions of Brazilians have born the theretofore unknown name of
"Wilson" since 1919.
²Ibid.
³Ibid., June 25, 1919, p. 5.
Congressional R
onroe pecial ation- gthier IGRESS ount, ets- South (José His
Epitácio da Silva Pessoa, President-Elect of the
Federative Republic of Brazil
S.
Address before the U.S. Senate
June 23, 1919
oir of
er the
)
Gentlemen, I have no words to
express all my thanks for the honor you tender to me by receiving
At the
me in this House. It is not remarkable that I have no words to
io was
express my thanks, because my thanks are very great and very
of the
extensive and my English is very short. But I can assure you that
Henry
Brazil, the ancient friend in the life of the United States, will keep in
on the
her heart the memory of this cordial reception. [Great applause.]
L of the
of Paris
for the
1 to the
riously
rscored
United
opment
ionship
during
ices. In
rsailles,
name of
Congressional Record, 66th Congress, 1st Session, vol. 58, part 2, p. 1586.
125
Ref.
E173
Jose Sarney
U6
V.a
11 Sept 1986
Bettman
WH
UNITED STATES
CAPITOL HISTORICAL SOCIETY
FOREIGN VISITORS
TO CONGRESS
Madame Chiang Kai-shek of China addresses the U.S. House of Representatives on February
SPEECHES AND HISTORY
Edited by MARY LEE KERR
Preface by EDMUND S. MUSKIE
Historical Note by FRED SCHWENGEL
VOLUME 2
1956 - 1988
18, 1943.
KRAUS INTERNATIONAL PUBLICATIONS
A Division of The Kraus Organization Limited
Millwood, New York
O CONGRESS
I be selling
the others,
José Sarney, President of the Federative Republic
aliation for
I open and
of Brazil
those who
INTRODUCTION BY E. BRADFORD BURNS
wn. Some
tions, have
/ round of
rhaps also
more, not
BRAZIL RANKS IN EVERY SENSE AS
an international giant. It is the fifth largest nation of the world and
industries
the sixth most populous. It boasts one of the world's ten largest
otectionist
economies.
-industrial
After a relatively stable first-century of independence, Brazil
economies
experienced political, social, and economic restiveness from the
: advent of
1920s to the present. Accelerating efforts to develop economically
is the kind
and to democratize have sparked conflicts with firmly rooted,
American
traditional institutions.
ling under
After twenty-one years of military rule, José Sarney, a citizen
es should
and former governor of the state of Maranhão and for nearly three
g, and yet
decades active in the Brazilian congress as deputy and senator,
became the first president of the "Second Republic" on March 15,
burden of
1985. Under a civilian president, Brazil entered a new phase of its
his is done
political history. Sarney's ascendancy to the presidency was not
ation. The
without drama. An electoral college had selected him, the candidate
they had
of the Liberal Alliance party, to be vice president, and Tancredo
passed to
Neves, a member of the Brazilian Democratic Movement party, to
be president. On the eve of his inauguration, Neves suffered a heart
t econom-
attack and died, plunging Brazil momentarily into a political crisis.
phold the
The legal process triumphed. Vice President Sarney took the oath of
leaders in
office as president.
novation.
In his appearance before the U.S. Congress, approximately a
ochip and
year and a half after he assumed office, President Sarney recalled
peace and
the long and traditional friendship between the United States and
1 conduct
Brazil. Fittingly, he reminded his audience that his inauguration
punishes
opened a new period of hope and expectations, marked politically
the 1930's
by a return to democracy and freedom. He emphasized the need for
All major
economic development, "to banish the scourge of hunger from the
eating this
face of the earth."
she is the
His speech also signified the determination of a nation of 135
d. In your
million to exert international leadership and to maintain a relation-
ship of dignity with the hemisphere's superpower. A glance at a
1025
1026
FOREIGN VISITORS TO CONGRESS
world map indicates Brazil's strategic significance. It borders on all
but two of the eleven South American nations, dominates the South
Atlantic, and pushes a strategic finger at Africa. In short, location,
population, size, and economic vitality promise Brazil an increas-
ingly important voice in world forums.
This brief but significant speech of President Sarney advises the
U.S. Congress of Brazil's determination to redemocratize, to devel-
op economically, and to play an increasingly active role in interna-
tional leadership. He solicited U.S. cooperation and understanding
for the achievement of those challenging goals.
CONGRESS
on
all
the
South
José Sarney, President of the Federative Republic
location,
of Brazil
increas-
Address before a Joint Meeting of the U.S. Senate and House of
advises
the
Representatives
to
devel-
September 11, 1986
in
interna-
derstanding
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President,
Members of Congress, it is difficult for a statesman from any part of
the world to remain unmoved when received within these halls. It is
difficult not to remember the lessons of the history and of the
traditions of this Congress, since its origins in 18th-century Philadel-
phia, a Congress which has but one entrance and exit: The will of
the people, free elections.
This country has faced crises, savored moments of triumph,
and more than once tasted the bitterness of danger and mourning.
It has heard the trumpets sound notes of rejoicing, and has shed
bitter tears of sorrow. It has known the ravages of war and the
blessing of peace.
One institution has remained unchanged and resilient: The
United States Congress.
We should keep in mind what Brogan said. At the time the
Constitution was drawn up, there still ruled a French monarchy, a
Roman emperor, a Venetian republic, and a German republic, an
autocracy in St. Petersburg, a caliph in Constantinople, a divinely
invested Emperor in Peking, and a shogun in what was then a weak
and little-known Japan.
Times have changed, and rulers have changed, but the branches
of government in the United States, since the Presidency of George
Washington, have changed less than the forms of royal power in
place not long ago in Tibet.
"All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a
Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and
House of Representatives."
With these laconic words, the Founding Fathers devised the
structure of these two legislative Chambers.
The whole world was inspired by your example.
Congressional Record, 99th Congress, 2nd Session, vol. 132, no. 118, pp. H6605-H6608.
1027
1028
FOREIGN VISITORS TO CONGRESS
In how many parts of the world, over two centuries, have
dreamers, heroes, and martyrs not been drawn to the flame of your
ideas of self-government?
Two hundred years ago, my country, Brazil, was a European
colony. Since that distant time, the people of Brazil have felt close to
the United States.
In 1787, the young Brazilian, José Joaquim Maia sought out
Thomas Jefferson, then Minister Plenipotentiary in Paris, to ask his
support for our independence. Two years later, our hero,
Tiradentes, who dreamed of a free and republican Brazil, was
hanged, drawn, and quartered, his severed body hung for all to see,
in the streets and the roads, as a cruel example to smother the
dream of freedom, and to declare that it would not come forth in
our land.
Do you know what the King's agents found among the papers
that had set the heart of our martyr afire with the holy madness of
independence? The Constitution of the United States of America.
I have long been a legislator, a Representative and a Senator for
29 years. The Brazilian Congress was my school of political educa-
tion. I pay tribute to the United States Congress, knowing what it
represents. I am grateful for the kind gesture of this Joint Meeting of
the Senate and House of Representatives. I could not come to this
country without accepting this opportunity to renew faith in
democracy.
I know that this warm welcome is a sign of friendship with
Brazil.
Accept my gratitude, which I personally renew to Speaker
O'NEILL and convey to all the Members of the House of Representa-
tives and of the Senate, who have honored me with the invitation to
address this Joint Meeting.
Congress is a school for public life. It is greater than the sum of
all its Members. This institution is the sovereignty of the people. One
learns here to listen rather than to speak. To listen to all the voices,
all the groups of society, all the emotions, all the injustices. Here, all
decisions are questioned, and here are shaped the true sentiments
of the democrat, which can be summarized in an example that is
also yours: Benjamin Franklin. Frail at 81 years of age and unable to
sign his name to the Constitution, he asked James Wilson to read
what he had written for that occasion. What were his words?
"The older I become, the more I come to doubt my judgment,
and the more I respect the judgment of others!"
This is the belief of a true democrat: To respect the opinions of
others. Democracy has survived because it does not live by dogma,
absolute truths, or inquisitions of faith. It is nurtured by the creative
JOSÉ SARNEY (1986)
1029
CONGRESS
power of freedom of opinion, of initiative, of having, working,
es, have
informing, believing, not believing, loving, dreaming.
e of your
Only he who has lost freedom knows its true value. And knows
how difficult it is to regain it.
uropean
Brazil is a country of conciliation and dialog, a country that
close to
practices peace. The true name of peace is democracy, because
democracy is understanding, the capacity to find solutions other
1ght out
than the solutions of might. This is why democracies do not make
0 ask his
war on one another.
.r hero,
I am here in the United States at the invitation of President
zil, was
Ronald Reagan, who, with tenacity and leadership, governs this
II to see,
country at a time when the international situation raises great
ther the
concern.
forth in
The 18th century Nation of farmers has become the most highly
industrialized Nation in the world.
e papers
The country that sought at any price to avoid "foreign entangle-
dness of
ments" has become a world power with global responsibilities.
nerica.
In World War II, we fought as allies against Nazi-Fascism.
ator for
Throughout its history, Brazil has admired the vigor of American
1 educa-
democracy, the solidity of its institutions, the public spirit of its
what it
people, and the creativity of its artists, scientists, and intellectuals.
eeting of
Starting from different cultural backgrounds, Brazil and the
e to this
United States have grown together, both founded on shared values
faith in
forged by the period during which we stepped onto the stage of
history as independent nations: The values of the enlightenment,
hip with
from which we drew our unwavering faith in reason, truth, peace,
and concord.
Speaker
Members of Congress.
resenta-
That is the Brazil that I represent before you.
ation to
I have come here as the President of a country that has affinities
with the United States, and which, neither humbly nor arrogantly, is
sum of
quietly conscious of its place in history and its importance as the
ble. One
eighth largest economy of the Western world. I represent a great
voices,
Here, all
people, and I have come here to visit a great Nation. I bring you
greetings from my countrymen and the wishes of the Brazilian
timents
that is
people that this Nation will move onward in its course of greatness,
a course that is necessarily guided by justice.
hable to
to read
Brazil and the United States today come together in the practice
of democracy, which is not only the most just and humane form of
s?
government, but also the strongest and most efficient.
agment,
Brazil has experienced 20 years of institutional difficulties.
hions of
In only 17 months of democracy, the civilian government has
shown its ability to act with determination and courage. It dared to
dogma,
creative
abandon indexation, the speculative attitude of a whole generation.
1030
FOREIGN VISITORS TO CONGRESS
It reduced hyperinflation from over 200 percent a year to less than 1
percent per month. It spurred the economy to grow again at a rate
of 8 percent. It created hundreds of thousands of jobs. It restored
the value of wages. It launched agrarian reform. It is raising social
investment to 12.5 percent of gross domestic product, so that by the
century's end, we will have attained standards of living comparable
to those of southern Europe.
It has restored full political and trade union freedom. It has
called elections for a constitutional assembly, in which 69 million
Brazilians will cast their votes, a number larger than the population
of any Western country with the exception of the United States.
All of this has been accomplished without trauma, without
violence, and in keeping with the motto of the new republic:
Conciliation and change.
The same constructive attitude is the foundation of our interna-
tional conduct. Every facet of the new Brazil-political, economic,
social-should find an international response to reinforce and
foster it.
We strive for political peace and stability, economic growth and
expansion, and an end to hunger, disease, ignorance, and poverty.
We seek to play our part in the international system.
We have not come here to exact or demand from others what
we ourselves do not practice. Rather, we wish to be judged by our
actions, by what we are doing to achieve each of our goals.
Our relations of friendship and cooperation with 10 neighbor-
ing countries, along a border of more than 10,000 miles, strengthen
a world held together by the art of negotiation.
Overcoming the rivalry or indifference of the past, we are
building with Argentina a historic project of integration and devel-
opment, which has been joined by Uruguay.
Abandoning a narrow and distorted interpretation of sovereign-
ty, we have adhered to the international conventions on human
rights and against torture.
We are proposing that the South Atlantic, between South
America and Africa, be preserved as an area of peace and unity, free
from nuclear weapons, as has already been done, with our partici-
pation, in the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin
America.
We are a member of the group that supports a peaceful and
negotiated solution for Central America, and we have passed
legislation with effective sanctions against apartheid.
We are a mixed race nation, and the world's second largest
black nation, after Nigeria. We practice exemplary racial democ-
racy.
GRESS
JOSÉ SARNEY (1986)
1031
an 1
All Brazilians are united in the task of rebuilding our country.
rate
But we face a serious constraint-the volume of resources that
tored
the Brazilian economy has been transferring abroad yearly to
ocial
service a burdensome foreign debt.
y the
Last year, the sum of such transfers represented one-fourth of
rable
Brazil's gross domestic savings. It is clear that we cannot grow at the
necessary and desirable rate if this continues.
t has
It is a simple matter. To grow, we must import more and raise
illion
the investment rate.
ation
In so doing, we will be buying more agricultural and industrial
es.
goods from our chief trading partners, especially from the largest,
thout
the United States of America.
blic:
Our demand for imports will thus help to reduce the trade
deficit of this country.
erna-
Brazil has the potential for such cooperation. But at the same
mic,
time, we will be reducing our trade surplus. In recent years, Brazil
and
has maintained a trade surplus equivalent to nearly half its exports.
In relative terms, very few countries have performed so well.
1 and
With this surplus, we have been meeting our debt service
erty.
payments. If we reduce that surplus by increasing imports, we will
necessarily curtail our ability to transfer resources as debt repay-
what
ment. In other words, we will have to pay less for some time, to be
/ our
able to import more. This is the only way we can attain targeted
growth in the immediate future and reintegrate our country in the
ibor-
international economy in the medium and long term, without
then
crises, shocks, or disruption, thus fulfilling our steadfast commit-
ment to our people.
are
Latin America cannot survive on the poverty of a wage of $25
level-
per month. It is this criminal injustice that spawns social upheaval,
revolt, and the resort to violence.
eign-
We have proposed repeatedly, in the appropriate forums, a joint
man
effort by creditors and debtors. The high spreads charged by banks
and high real interest rates impede the growth of the debtor
outh
countries, and thus the enhancement of their ability to pay. Unsta-
free
ble interest rates and exchange fluctuations hamper their economic
rtici-
and social development planning, since they cannot forecast their
Latin
financial obligations and liquidity for the upcoming 6 months,
much less for the next year.
and
It is necessary to promote an understanding among the leaders
ssed
of creditor and debtor nations to reduce the magnitude of payments
now being made. This would allow the debtor countries to again
rgest
import more from the creditor countries, and their own growth
noc-
can, in turn, contribute to the recovery and normalization of the
world economy.
1032
FOREIGN VISITORS TO CONGRESS
For our part, we are still prepared to engage in such a joint
endeavor. But we must not wait until it is too late. We have urged
our industrialized partners to join us now in such an effort to
safeguard the financial health and stability of the Western World.
With respect to the larger question of rescuing man from
poverty and suffering, I recognize that we have been able to do little
beyond our borders. My government's priority has been to honor
our most important debt: The social and moral debt we owe our
own people. Still, we stand ready to do our part to even disparities of
wealth, fight disease and ignorance, and eradicate drug traffic. I
repeat here the appeal I made at the United Nations: That a
dedicated battle be waged to banish the scourge of hunger from the
face of the Earth.
Members of Congress,
On every aspect of the global agenda, Brazil stands for stability
and peace, conciliation, and balance. We are a country that gives,
that does not take away. A country that brings not problems, but
answers.
Our ability to forge our own solutions to challenges was
demonstrated by our peaceful transition to democracy, and by our
nonrecessive fight against inflation.
We are confident in our strength, while acknowledging that we
rely, as do all of us to some degree, on the forces and conditions of
the international system.
Brazil has everything to succeed. It has everything that is
needed to make the leap to full development in the near future.
There is ample investment opportunity in the country, open to
private domestic and foreign investors.
In addition to a robust economy, abundant resources, diligent
and skilled labor, and a modern infrastructure, investors will find
that we have sound legislation on the treatment of foreign capital.
For more than 20 years, our legislation, in addition to being fair
and flexible, has successfully guided our relations with foreign
companies that bring us their capital, their technology, and their
management skills. This relationship has been stable, transparent,
and dependable. With the return of economic growth and with the
political and social stability Brazil now enjoys, I am sure it will again
attract growing flows of investment to participate in the develop-
ment of our wealth.
Brazil's success threatens no one. It is rather a victory for those
who believe in the power of man's work to overcome backwardness
and underdevelopment.
Brazil's success will vindicate the Western values of pluralistic
and participatory democracy, of a free and open society, of a
IGRESS
JOSÉ SARNEY (1986)
1033
joint
creative market economy, in which the economic freedom of
urged
private enterprise is the guarantee of political freedom and the
ort to
driving force of development.
orld.
We strongly desire a high degree of cooperation with the United
from
little
States, the first country to recognize our independence, a country
with which we have cultural, political, and economic ties.
ionor
Cooperation that unites a superpower with global interests to a
e our
ies of
Latin American nation advancing toward development and assum-
ing greater responsibilities in the world.
ffic. I
hat a
For this relationship to prosper and grow stronger, each
side must have the maturity to accept as natural the difficulties
m the
that may arise, respect for the legitimate interests and view-
points of the other, and an ongoing openness to dialog and
understanding.
ability
This has been our tradition in the past, is our practice now, and
gives,
our expectation for the future.
S, but
*Members of Congress, now, as we look toward the third
millenium with the vitality and confidence of the youthful pioneer
was
societies of the Americans, in my rough English spoken as a
y our
Brazilian from the northeast of my country. I would like to
conclude by quoting the poet of democracy, the great Walt Whit-
at we
man.
ons of
He wrote a poem to the Brazilian people to herald the birth of
the Republic in 1889 that speaks to us still today. These are eternal
nat is
verses that evoke freedom and democracy as forcefully as the lines
ire.
of "When Lilacs Last in the Dooryard Bloomed":
en to
ligent
"Welcome, Brazilian Brother, thy ample place is ready;
A loving hand, a smile from the north, a sunny instant hail!
1 find
(let the future care for itself, where it reveals its troubles,
pital.
impedimentas,
ig fair
ours, ours the present throe, the democratic aim, the acceptance and
reign
the faith);
their
to thee to-day our reaching arm, our turning neck to thee from us the
expectant eye.
arent,
thou cluster free! Thou brilliant lustrous one! thou, learning well,
th the
the true lesson of a nation's light in the sky,
again
(more shining than the cross, more than the crown),
velop-
the height to be superb humanity."
those
God bless the United States. God bless the Americas.
dness
Thank you,
[Applause, the Members rising.]
alistic
of a
[A portion of President José Sarney's address was translated from Portuguese. *The
remainder of the address was delivered in English.]
P53200
F82
WH
WALT WHITMAN
COMPLETE POETRY AND
COLLECTED PROSE
Leaves of Grass (1855)
Leaves of Grass (1891-92)
Complete Prose Works (1892)
Supplementary Prose
THE LIBRARY OF AMERICA
646
LEAVES OF GRASS (1891-92)
SECOND ANNEX: GOOD-BYE MY FANCY
647
The Iliad, Odyssey, plots, doings, wanderings of Eneas,
The whispering air-even the mute crops, garner'd apples,
Hesiod, Eschylus, Sophocles, Merlin, Arthur,
corn,
The Cid, Roland at Roncesvalles, the Nibelungen,
Children's and women's tones-rhythm of many a farmer
The troubadours, minstrels, minnesingers, skalds,
and of flail,
Chaucer, Dante, flocks of singing birds,
An old man's garrulous lips among the rest, Think not we
The Border Minstrelsy, the bye-gone ballads, feudal tales,
give out yet,
essays, plays,
Forth from these snowy hairs we keep up yet the lilt.
Shakspere, Schiller, Walter Scott, Tennyson,
As some vast wondrous weird dream-presences,
The great shadowy groups gathering around,
A Twilight Song
Darting their mighty masterful eyes forward at thee,
As I sit in twilight late alone by the flickering oak-flame,
Thou! with as now thy bending neck and head, with
Musing on long-pass'd war-scenes-of the countless buried
courteous hand and word, ascending,
unknown soldiers,
Thou! pausing a moment, drooping thine eyes upon them,
Of the vacant names, as unindented air's and sea's-the
blent with their music,
unreturn'd,
Well pleased, accepting all, curiously prepared for by them.
The brief truce after battle, with grim burial-squads, and the
Thou enterest at thy entrance porch.
deep-fill'd trenches
Dr gather'd dead from all America, North, South, East,
A Christmas Greeting
West, whence they came up,
From wooded Maine, New-England's farms, from fertile
From a Northern Star-Group to a Southern, 1889-'90.
Pennsylvania, Illinois, Ohio,
WELCOME, Brazilian brother-thy ample place is ready;
From the measureless West, Virginia, the South, the
A loving hand-a smile from the north-a sunny instant hail
Carolinas, Texas,
(Let the future care for itself, where it reveals its troubles,
Even here in my room-shadows and half-lights in the
impedimentas,
noiseless flickering flames,
Ours, ours the present throe, the democratic aim, the
Again I see the stalwart ranks on-filing, rising-I hear the
acceptance and the faith;)
rhythmic tramp of the armies;)
To thee to-day our reaching arm, our turning neck-to the
million unwrit names all, dark bequest from
from us the expectant eye,
all the war,
Thou cluster free! thou brilliant lustrous one! thou, learning
special verse for you-a flash of duty long neglected-
well,
your mystic roll strangely gather'd here,
The true lesson of a nation's light in the sky,
name recall'd by me from out the darkness and death's
(More shining than the Cross, more than the Crown,)
ashes,
The height to be superb humanity.
eforth to be, deep, deep within my heart recording, for
many a future year,
Sounds of the Winter
mystic roll entire of unknown names, or North or
South,
SOUNDS of the winter too,
Estalm with love in this twilight song.
Sunshine upon the mountains-many a distant strain
From cheery railroad train-from nearer field, barn, house,
OFFICE OF CIVIL AND DEFENSE MOBILIZATION
LAW LIBRARY
PASHINGTON AREA
PUBLIC PAPERS OF THE PRESIDENTS
OF THE UNITED STATES
Dwight D. Eisenbower
1960-61
Containing the Public Messages, Speeches, and
Statements of the President
JANUARY I, 1960, TO JANUARY 20, 1961
44598
44
Public Papers of the Presidents
to assist State enforcement actions, the Federal Government should have
authority to move more quickly and effectively in directing the applica-
tion of control measures that will swiftly correct such intolerable pollution.
In accordance with the 1961 Budget Message, recommendations will be
submitted to the Congress for strengthening the enforcement provisions
of the Federal Water Pollution Control Act.
Third, the Federal Government should continue to provide modest
financial assistance for the administration of control programs by States
and interstate water pollution control agencies. Because such programs
rest upon a solid foundation of local cooperative action, they properly
merit Federal encouragement and assistance. An extended life for this
program is recommended in the 1961 Budget.
Fourth, the Federal Government, through research and technical
assistance, can be of material help in contributing to our knowledge of
water pollution-its causes, its extent, its impact and methods for its
control. Increased Federal effort in this respect is also provided for in
the 1961 Budget.
These measures will provide Federal authority that accords with the
proper Federal, State, and local roles in water pollution abatement. I
urge their early consideration by the Congress.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
NOTE: The veto message was released in Washington.
45
У
Remarks at the Civic Reception for
President Eisenhower in Brasilia.
February 23, 1960
Mr. President, Dr. Pinheiro, citizens of Brasilia:
I am most grateful for the cordial welcome you have extended to me.
I am glad that my return to this hospitable land has taken place in this
magnificent new city, a living testimony to your own tireless efforts,
Mr. President, and a symbol of Brazilian progress. It is an inspiration
to get this new glimpse of the vision and energy which characterize modern
Brazil and its leadership.
Brasilia has captured the imagination of my fellow countrymen who
have visited here and, who, on their return home, have been lavish in
their praise of the wonders they have seen.
210
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
45
ment should have
For several reasons, Brasilia fascinates citizens of the United States.
ecting the applica-
In the first place, your decision to carve a beautiful city out of the
colerable pollution.
wilderness reminds us of our own decision many years ago to move the
nendations will be
capital of our fledgling nation from Philadelphia to the District of
cement provisions
Columbia.
In the second place, this pioneering venture recalls to our minds the
0 provide modest
rolling advance of our own frontier-the winning of the American West-
rograms by States
a process which was barely accomplished when I was a youngster.
ise such programs
Indeed, having now witnessed the speed with which Brasilia is being com-
on, they properly
pleted, I understand why Brazil itself is sometimes described as a "country
ended life for this
in a hurry." Brasilia is an epic worthy of this nation's vast possibilities
and aspirations.
h and technical
And thirdly, one senses here a "boom" spirit not unlike that which
our knowledge of
pervaded frontier western communities in the United States such as my
methods for its
boyhood town of Abilene, Kansas.
) provided for in
It has been said, somewhat facetiously, that Brazil and the United
States-both influenced by the stern demands of the frontier-ought to
accords with the
get along well together because each has so many of the other's faults.
n abatement. I
At least we are both willing to confess that we do have faults. And
of course we get along. well because we have many of the same virtues-
ER
we are, indeed, much alike. Our vast expanses of land have many simi-
larities in physiography and resources. Our constitutional systems and
forms of government are similar. The people of both our countries have
for
various national origins, gaining strength from diversity. Both countries
are forever committed to democracy, human dignity, and freedom with
justice.
Our common heritage will be emphasized for us when you inaugurate
your new capital next April 21-Tiradentes Day. It was in 1787, when
Thomas Jefferson, then our Minister in France, gave sympathetic counsel
extended to me.
to José Joaquim da Maia, emissary of Tiradentes and his little band of
ten place in this
Inconfidentes. Those Brazilian patriots-to recall the observation of
tireless efforts,
Joaquim Nabuco-had their eyes fixed on the new democracy to the
S an inspiration
north at a time when, here, even to think of independence was a crime.
acterize modern
Your freedom and ours were won by men of dauntless courage and
passionate vision, and it is these qualities in our peoples today that will
ountrymen who
carry us forward to the brighter future so eloquently dramatized by this
been lavish in
new city of the frontier.
To you, Dr. Pinheiro, and your thousands of associates, has been en-
60295-61-17
211
9 45
Public Papers of the Presidents
trusted the enormous task of transplanting the inspired dream of planners
into reality. I congratulate you for the marvels you are fashioning.
And now to the workers assembled here and through them to all
Brazilian labor, I bring special greetings. May your toil be fruitful in
advancing Brazil's development and well-being. May your hands
be firmly clasped with those of the workers of the United States and
the entire free world in the building of a richer life, in freedom, for
yourselves, your children, and all generations to follow.
I thank all of you here for the honor you today have done me and
my country. This has been a moving and memorable experience.
I thank you for the privilege of being here.
NOTE: The President spoke at the Central
Brazilian Cabinet, and U.S. Ambassador
Platform. Earlier, upon his arrival about
John M. Cabot.
1:45 p.m. at the Brasilia Airport, the
Dr. Israel Pinheiro, to whom the Presi-
President was met by President Juscelino
dent referred, was in charge of the con-
Kubitschek de Oliveira, members of the
struction of Brasilia.
46
Ч Joint Statement of the President and
President Kubitschek of Brazil.
February 23, 1960
THE PRESIDENTS of the United States of Brazil and of the United
States of America, Juscelino Kubitschek de Oliveira and Dwight D.
Eisenhower, meeting together in the new city of Brasilia, soon to be the
capital of Brazil, reaffirm the joint determination of the two nations to
defend the following principles:
I. The democratic freedoms and the fundamental rights of man,
wherein are included the fight against racial discrimination and the
repudiation of any attempt against religious freedom and of any limitation
on the expression of thought. These are inalienable conquests of civiliza-
tion which all free men have the duty to protect, bearing in mind the
sacrifices of the soldiers of both countries in the last war, and the need
to prevent repetition of the causes which led to the loss of so many young
and precious lives.
2. The belief that the aspiration of the peoples of the Americas to
an ever-improving way of life, moral and material, presents one of the
great challenges and opportunities of our time. This challenge should
be met by joining together, ever more closely and harmoniously, the
212
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
9
47
ream of planners
efforts of all countries within the inter-American community in order
fashioning.
that, through coordinated action, there may be an intensification of
igh them to all
measures capable of combating underdevelopment in the vast area of
il be fruitful in
the American continents.
ay your hands
3. The full implementation of the principles of political and economic
lited States and
solidarity contained in the Charter of the Organization of American States
in freedom, for
and in the Mutual Assistance Treaty of Rio de Janeiro.
4. The recognition that economic advancement cannot be disassociated
e done me and
from preservation of peace and democratic rights, and that the effort of
xperience.
each nation must be complemented by hemisphere action helping all
Americans to achieve the improved living standards which will fortify
I U.S. Ambassador
belief in democracy, freedom and self-determination of peoples. To this
end, the Presidents reaffirm their solidarity with the principles approved
to whom the Presi-
charge of the con-
by all the nations of America within the scope of Operation Pan America
and assure their wholehearted support to the Organization of American
States and to those other entities which already are formulating measures
and
to help achieve these ends. This will pave the way to the realization of
the inter-American ideals, economic as well as political.
Acknowledging that joint efforts of the American nations have already
achieved much, but firm in the conviction that action still more fruitful
should be taken, the two Presidents are confident that the hemispheric
1 of the United
crusade for economic development will lead toward greater prosperity
and Dwight D.
and harmony for all.
, soon to be the
NOTE: This statement, released at Brasilia,
Lafer at the site of the monument com-
two nations to
was read by Secretary of State Christian
memorating President Eisenhower's visit
A. Herter and Foreign Minister Horacio
to Brasilia.
rights of man,
nation and the
47
I
Message to the Congress Transmitting
of any limitation
uests of civiliza-
Second Annual Report on U.S. Aeronautics and
ng in mind the
Space Activities. February 24, 1960
r, and the need
so many young
Released February 24, 1960. Dated February 22, 1960
he Americas to
To the Congress of the United States:
sents one of the
In accordance with Section (b) of the National Aeronautics and
hallenge should
Space Act of 1958, I am transmitting herewith the second annual report
moniously, the
on the Nation's activities in the fields of aeronautics and space.
213
49
Public Papers of the Presidents
49
У
Address Before a Joint Session of the
Congress of Brazil. February 24, 1960
Mr. President, Members of the Congress, fellow citizens of the New
World, ladies and gentlemen:
Mr. President, I think you must understand how deeply touched I
am by the scene which here before me spreads. I see here represented
in the members of this body the spirit, the intellect, and the character of
the great Brazilian nation, a nation which is surging forward to heights
as yet unimagined, even by ourselves.
Beyond this, I am grateful for the generous statements directed to
my country and to me by those who have preceded me today. I am
proud that I have been invited the second time by the representative
body of Brazil to meet with them for a brief period, and I am more
proud of the fact that your spokesmen have greeted me and my country
as a country and as an individual that with them work to support and
forward the priceless values that make men free and fight those influences
which tend or would want to regiment or enslave them.
It is, then, with a sense of singular honor that I come before you, the
elected representatives of the people of the United States of Brazil.
But the warm glow of personal pleasure is tempered by the realization
that we share awesome responsibilities which this profoundly moving
occasion prompts me to discuss with you.
If the burdens of my office permitted, I would travel to the largest
cities and the remotest villages of all the Americas, to speak of these
responsibilities and of how, together, we may possibly bear them success-
fully. Since I cannot do this, I trust that what I say here will be
accepted by the governments and peoples of all the Western Hemisphere
nations as an expression of hope from the millions of my country to
the millions who constitute Latin America.
It is fitting, I think, that I should do this here, at the beginning of
my present journey, for you of Brazil and we of the United States of
America have always worked together for the spiritual unity and material
advancement of the hemisphere. If it were physically possible for us
to do so, I am sure we would speak with a single voice to all our neighbors
of this vast continent.
Not long ago, you and we shared anxieties, suffering, and tragedy
216
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
49
the
in an agony of worldwide war. Many of your families, as of ours, paid
a heavy price in order that the rule of law and moral suasion might
replace the rule of naked force. To pay homage to the gallant Brazilian
soldiers, airmen, and sailors who fought side by side with others of the
ns of the New
free world I came here 14 years ago. I know that your brave men, who
knew the horrors of war, pray with me now, that their children and their
:eply touched I
children's children will find a better way-so that in the future the deep,
ere represented
abiding desires of humanity will prevail over the arrogance and ambitions
the character of
of misguided or willful leaders; that consultations will replace coercion;
ward to heights
that mutual understanding will eliminate threat and crude accusation;
that the earth, casting aside the sterile use of resources for arms, will yield
ents directed to
its rich bounty to all who are willing to work in freedom.
e today. I am
I am confident that I shall not be thought presumptuous in suggesting
e representative
that we-our two nations-could speak with a single voice. For our
and I am more
basic ideas have a common inspiration: man, in his sonship under God,
and my country
is endowed with dignity, entitled to equality in all human and political
to support and
relations, and destined, through the employment of consecrated intelli-
those influences
gence, to shape a world harmonious with basic moral law. Adhering to
these beliefs, we have established similar governmental systems; we have
before you, the
constantly maintained friendly relations unmarred by a single explosive
; of Brazil.
incident; and we have worked together to establish and strengthen the
y the realization
Organization of American States, the United Nations, and other
foundly moving
cooperative international organizations.
We of the United States admire Brazil for its enviable record of con-
el to the largest
structive leadership in hemisphere and world affairs, and we salute your
speak of these
statesmen who have played decisive parts in critical international situa-
ar them success-
tions, even some involving the United States and one or more of our
ay here will be
sister Republics.
tern Hemisphere
Speaking with one voice, then-your country and mine-we would
my country to
say, I know, that the first responsibility of leadership in any nation is
to work for the welfare of its own people, its own land. We would
he beginning of
emphasize that heavy reliance must be placed upon the creative talents
United States of
of the people themselves, with government a helpful partner. While
ity and material
we recognize that success or failure in the whole domestic enterprise is
possible for us
largely a nation's own responsibility, we would look for any needed out-
all our neighbors
side temporary assistance to speed our development. Certainly my
country did this from its establishment as a free nation until late in the
ng, and tragedy
nineteenth century. And in receiving and using these honors, our sov-
217
I
49
Public Papers of the Presidents
ereignty was not violated-nor was our self-reliance diminished.
You now are experiencing, primarily due to your own persistent labors,
a remarkable industrial and economic growth. Yesterday, on what was
once a remote plateau, I saw your growth revealed in the stone and steel
of an emerging and magnificent new capital-a symbol of the vision and
sturdy confidence which characterize modern Brazil. This surging
growth is evident everywhere in this seaport city of Rio, and tomorrow
I shall see what I am told is the most rapidly growing city in the world-
São Paulo.
We of the United States are proud that our public and private agencies
have responded to the best of their ability to your requests for temporary
assistance. United States public and private investments and loans in
Brazil now total about two and a half billion dollars. To this could be
added the loans of international financial agencies which obtain the
major part of their funds from the United States.
These are mighty, but only supplemental aids. The time will come
when Brazil, through its own efforts, will experience both the benefits
and the complexities of being a creditor nation, and others will be seeking
your help-a seeking which I know will not be unrewarded.
Our second responsibility is to all our good neighbors of this
hemisphere.
We, Brazil and the United States, hold the common, burning convic-
tion that relations among these sister nations must be characterized by
mutual respect, juridical equality, independence, respect for each human
being, regardless of his race, creed, or color, and a willingness to help
one another promote the well-being of all our peoples.
Neither of us covets one acre of land from another. We do not wish
to prosper at another's expense. We do not wish to impose our particular
form of democracy upon another. Rather, fervently and persistently,
while avoiding all forms of intervention, we proclaim our hope that the
nations of the hemisphere will each, according to its own genius and
aspirations, develop and sustain free government. We pray that all of
us will reject cruel tyranny, for tyranny is, in simple essence, the out-
right denial of the teachings of Christ. May each of us in every appro-
priate way, and especially by example, work for the strengthening of
democratic institutions.
You of Brazil have constantly shown your desire for the Americas to
be a community of free democratic nations, united by the common ideal
218
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
49
ninished.
of hemispheric cooperation and solidarity. You, like we, insist upon
persistent labors,
freedom of choice for every country. And you, like we, aspire to the day
y, on what was
when poverty, hunger, illiteracy, and discrimination in all forms will
stone and steel
become relics of the past.
f the vision and
In proposing Operation Pan America, Brazil has taken an important
This surging
initiative for the democratic development of the entire hemisphere. The
and tomorrow
high purpose of this imaginative proposal of your distinguished Presi-
in the world-
dent-to attack the problem of underdevelopment by cooperative effort-
is one which my government endorses. It is for this reason that we have
brivate agencies
joined with Brazil in requesting an early meeting of the Committee of
S for temporary
Nine; this Committee should accelerate the formulation of the specific
S and loans in
projects needed to translate this plan into a working reality.
o this could be
Permit me here to renew a pledge, which I have made repeatedly:
ich obtain the
the United States itself stands ready, and will continue to urge other free
nations to be ready to join in a gigantic effort: to devote substantial por-
time will come
tions of the savings made possible by disarmament to vast constructive
th the benefits
programs of peaceful development. We embrace this idea despite the
will be seeking
fact that we are now carrying such heavy burdens throughout the world
that our own internal and external financial situation requires great cau-
thbors of this
tion in management-and incidentally, this aid includes significant vol-
umes of public and private capital and technical assistance to Latin
urning convic-
America.
aracterized by
Pending that achievement, I assure you that my government, while
or each human
honoring its commitments outside this hemisphere is in no mood to allow
agness to help
its special responsibilities among the American States to go by default.
Indeed, these commitments and responsibilities are part and parcel of the
'e do not wish
same problem-preserving the strength and unity of the free world.
our particular
This brings me to the third responsibility which we may speak of in
d persistently,
common voice-that which involves the larger world.
hope that the
This is truly a time of fateful decision. Nations now possess power
n genius and
so terrible that mutual annihilation would be the only result of general
ay that all of
physical conflict. War is now utterly preposterous. In nearly every
ence, the out-
generation the fields of earth have been stained with blood. Now, war
every appro-
would not yield blood-only a great emptiness for the combatants, and
engthening of
the threat of death from the skies for all who inhabit the earth. To strive
ceaselessly, honestly, and effectively for peace is today the imperative
: Americas to
responsibility of every statesman-of yours, of ours, of all countries.
common ideal
At the same moment of this great crisis, we face anew decisions involv-
60295-61-18
219
49
Public Papers of the Presidents
ing tyranny or freedom, totalitarianism or democracy. Our shared view
on this issue is so eloquent and so clear that any words of mine would
not be enlightening.
And, perhaps inseparable from the decision of freedom or slavery, we
face the philosophic issue which today brings fear, misgiving, and mistrust
to mankind. In contrast to our adherence to a philosophy of common
sonship, of human dignity, and of moral law, millions now live in an
environment permeated with a philosophy which denies the existence of
God. That doctrine insists that any means justifies the end sought by
the rulers of the state, calls Christianity the "sigh of the oppressed," and,
in short, seeks to return mankind to the age-old fatalistic concept of the
omnipotent state and omnipotent fate.
You of Brazil and we of my country do not say that this philosophy
shall not be held; that peoples may not return to that unenlightened sys-
tem of tyranny, if they SO wish. We would feel a great sorrow for them,
but we would respect their right to choose such a system. Here is the
key to our policy-the right to choose. Human beings everywhere,
simply as an inalienable right of birth, should have freedom to choose
their guiding philosophy, their form of government, their methods of
progress.
But we-you of Brazil and we of the United States-would consider
it intervention in the internal affairs of an American State if any power,
whether by invasion, coercion, or subversion, succeeded in denying free-
dom of choice to the people of any of our sister Republics.
To work throughout the world for a guaranteed peace, free of all out-
side interference, and for rising levels of human well-being, in justice and
in freedom-this is the greatest of the responsibilities which you of Brazil
and we of the United States now share.
It is to confer with your distinguished President and his colleagues
about these bilateral but hemispheric and global problems that I am
making my brief trip to Brazil and your neighbors in this great Southland.
May God cast his grace upon us and guide us in this noble purpose.
Thank you very much.
NOTE: The President spoke at 4:38 p.m.
9, 1958, following the exchange of mes-
at the Tiradentes Palace in Rio de Ja-
sages between Presidents Eisenhower and
neiro. His opening words "Mr. Presi-
Kubitschek in May and June of that year
dent" referred to Vice President Joäo
(see 1958 volume, this series, Item 133).
Goulart.
The memorandum of August 9, 1958, is
Operation Pan America was proposed
published in Operación Panamericana,
by Brazil in a memorandum dated August
Compilación de Documentos II (Presi-
220
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
50
Dur shared view
dencia de la República, Servicio de Docu-
the Special Committee of the Council of
of mine would
mentación, Rio de Janeiro, 1958).
the Organization of American States to
The Committee of Nine, to which the
Study the Formulation of New Measures
President referred, is a subcommittee of
for Economic Cooperation (Committee
1 or slavery, we
of 21).
ig, and mistrust
hy of common
50
У
now live in an
Remarks to the Members of the Supreme
he existence of
Court of Brazil. February 24, 1960
end sought by
pressed," and,
Mr. Chief Justice, Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States
concept of the
of Brazil, and my Brazilian friends:
I have been privileged to call upon the President of the Brazilian Re-
:his philosophy
public. I have just completed a meeting with the legislative body of this
nlightened sys-
great country. Now it is my great privilege and honor to pay a call
rrow for them,
upon the third branch-equal branch of equal status in the Brazilian
Here is the
Government.
S everywhere,
To have been invited once before this august body was in itself a great
lom to choose
privilege and an honor. To have been invited back again, Mr. Chief
ir methods of
Justice, is an honor that I consider almost unique.
It is my simple concept that the Supreme Court in a Federal Republic
yould consider
exists to make certain that the rule of law will flourish and will not be
if any power,
weakened by any processes that are not approved by the constitution
denying free-
and as interpreted by that Supreme Court.
In my country, the Supreme Court has attained a position in the minds
ree of all out-
of the average citizen of grandeur, almost of veneration.
in justice and
I have been examining the history of your Supreme Court. I see the
you of Brazil
parallels, between its formation and its history, with our own. I know
from the picture you have in the window that you give the same respect
his colleagues
to the memory of John Marshall that we do. I have also heard of a
as that I am
great jurist of yours named Luís Barbosa who in your country and in
at Southland.
his term took the same occasion as did John Marshall to assert the right,
le purpose.
the absolute unchallenged right of the Supreme Court to place interpre-
tation upon any law, and to determine whether or not it was in conson-
change of mes-
ance with the Constitution.
Eisenhower and
ine of that year
Clothed with this kind of responsibility and with this kind of authority,
ies, Item 133).
the Supreme Court stands as a true guardian of justice for the individual.
gust 9, 1958, is
Panamericana,
And I submit that the reason for republican or democratic government
tos II (Presi-
is to protect the individual in his rights which we-you and ourselves-
221
y
50
Public Papers of the Presidents
believe are his, because of the fact of his creation, because he has been
created in the image of his God. I can see, therefore, that the decisions
of such a body as this, its opinions, are more than mere decisions for
application in a particular case and to make certain that the rights of
a particular citizen have been protected, or that the law has not been
allowed to go astray in its application in some other branch of the govern-
ment. It is more important-the court is more important than merely
to do this. As I see it, the court is also a teacher. Because the real
strength of democracy is in the hearts and minds and the understandings
of people, not merely the august members of this great body.
In my country, and I think it is possibly true in yours, a man who
has been honored by being given a chair in this body is thereby removed
from partisan politics. Partisan politicians do much to inform our pub-
lic. Sometimes they merely try to influence. As I see it, the man now
in this kind of position, with this authority, with this opportunity to study
without bias, cannot merely influence, he can inform. And I say that
in all forms of free government the only final force, the only final authority,
is public opinion. And if it be informed public opinion, then in truth
democracy is truly working. If the rule of law is to be substituted for
the rule of the sword, if persuasion is to take the place of fighting on
the battlefield, then the kind of public opinion that I speak of must be
strong in all free nations.
And so I salute this body for the opportunity that belongs to each
of you, because as a group we know that, just like in my own country,
this institution is venerated. Your words carry weight. And your words
will be heeded. Consequently, when you say we must substitute the rule
of law for force, all will heed, all will help-which is all important.
So, Mr. Chief Justice, and Justices of the Supreme Court of Brazil,
I come here to pay my respects, but those words are merely formalities
by themselves. My visit has a far deeper meaning to me than mere
formality. I do want to pay my respects to this court and to its functions,
and what I think it can and will do in helping Brazil toward the destiny
that is certain to belong to that nation as long as it lives in the institutions
of freedom and pushes forward on the course that it is now pursuing.
Thank you very much indeed.
NOTE: The President spoke in the Federal
Rio de Janeiro. His opening words "Mr.
Room of the Supreme Court building at
Chief Justice" referred to Chief Justice
Luiz Galloti.
222
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
У
5I
use he has been
51
У
Toast by the President at a Dinner Given in
hat the decisions
ere decisions for
His Honor by President Kubitschek in Rio de
hat the rights of
Janeiro. February 24, 1960
IW has not been
ch of the govern-
Mr. President, Madame Kubitschek, distinguished guests, and friends:
ant than merely
First, Mr. President, may I thank you sincerely for the generosity of
Because the real
your remarks about my country and about me, and for your generous
e understandings
hospitality toward me and to my party. I deeply regret that my wife
y.
could not be here to participate in this most gracious ceremony in which
urs, a man who
you and your lovely wife are the host and hostess. I think the reasons
thereby removed
that she could not come are known, but I assure you her regret is very
inform our pub-
deep.
it, the man now
Mr. President, this afternoon, in meeting with the assembled Congress
ortunity to study
of the United States of Brazil, I tried to outline the convictions that I
And I say that
hold as to the common role that your country and mine have in the
y final authority,
attempt to better the standards of living for all peoples, in order that
n, then in truth
democracy and the freedom, of which you so eloquently speak, can be
e substituted for
thereby strengthened.
e of fighting on
On this trip with me, as you know, are Secretary Herter, Assistant
peak of must be
Secretary Rubottom, and the citizen members of the new United States
Advisory Committee on Inter-American Affairs. The fact that these
belongs to each
gentlemen are accompanying me symbolizes the high importance we of
ny own country,
my country attach to good relations with all the nations of Latin America.
And your words
I know that what we are all learning here, and shall observe throughout
ibstitute the rule
this trip, will be helpful to us as we seek constantly to work for
important.
hemispheric solidarity.
Court of Brazil,
I should say, Mr. President, that the strong feelings I felt about the
erely formalities
need for cooperation, which were the feelings that led me to make this
me than mere
trip, have been emphasized and greatly strengthened by the meetings
L to its functions,
I have held with you and with your associates during the past hours that
ward the destiny
I have been able to spend in your great nation.
1 the institutions
The friendly relations of our two countries-now stronger and more
DW pursuing.
meaningful than ever before-have an inspiring history. The beautiful
home of the Brazilian Foreign Ministry reminds one of thrilling diplo-
matic traditions.
pening words "Mr.
d to Chief Justice
Here I should like to say if I mispronounce names, it's because of my
ignorance and not because of any intent. Itamaraty is symbolic of the
223
I
51
Public Papers of the Presidents
principles enunciated by Baron do Rio Branco, a great hero to us, as to
you. Here worked such dedicated statesmen as Joaquim Nabuco and
Afranio de Malo France, who stood resolutely for the abiding friendship
of our two countries. And here labored Oswaldo Aranha, a firm friend,
whose recent passing is deeply mourned in the United States.
I raise my glass in tribute to all who have in these halls worked so
patiently and gloriously for the principles of freedom, independence, and
abiding cooperation-and to you, President Kubitschek, both for your
deeds of friendship and for your staunch support of inter-American
solidarity.
Ladies and gentlemen: the President!
NOTE: The President proposed the toast at a dinner at the Itamaraty, the Foreign
Ministry in Rio de Janeiro.
52
У
Remarks Upon Arrival at Congonhas
Airport, São Paulo, Brazil. February 25, 1960
Mr. President, Governor Carvalho Pinto, Mayor de Barros, citizens of
São Paulo:
Yesterday I referred to a rumor I have often heard-that São Paulo
is the fastest growing city in the world-center of Brazilian commerce
and industry. Certainly it is a sincere personal pleasure to have this
opportunity today to witness firsthand the mighty achievements of this
fabulous community.
In addition to seeing evidence of Brazil's remarkable economic and
industrial growth, I have another very special and, to me, deeply moving,
mission to perform in your city. Later today, I shall have the honor of
paying homage to those brave soldiers of Brazil who were my comrades-
in-arms during World War II.
My nation-and all free nations-have reason to remember with grati-
tude Brazil's partnership in two World Wars.
You made your bases available for our common cause-bases which
were truly springboards to victory. On land, sea, and air, Brazilian
cooperation was of inestimable value in defeating our enemies and pre-
serving a way of life we cherish. Gallant Brazilian blood, shed with ours,
must ever remind us of our solemn, common covenant to preserve the
peace, with justice and freedom for all.
224
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960
53
at hero to us, as to
I thank all of you for the warmth and cordiality of your welcome,
quim Nabuco and
Governor and Mr. Mayor. It is a real privilege to be here.
abiding friendship
NOTE: The President spoke at 9:45 a.m.
President of the Legislative Assembly,
nha, a firm friend,
He was met by Governor Carlos Alberto
Dsembargador Joao Marcelino Gonzaga,
States.
Carvalho Pinto, Mayor Adhemar de Bar-
President of the Court of Justice, and
se halls worked so
ros, Dr. Potado Rus de Mello Juqueira,
other officials.
independence, and
ek, both for your
53
Address by the President at a Luncheon
of inter-American
Given in His Honor in São Paulo.
February 25, 1960
amaraty, the Foreign
Mr. President, Governor Carvalho Pinto, and other Governors here
present, ladies and gentlemen:
onhas
I am deeply grateful for the generous welcome my associates and I
have received in São Paulo. And I must personally express to you my
25, 1960
deep gratitude for the warmth of the welcome with which you have
greeted me in this hall.
Barros, citizens of
This is my first visit to your great city, the industrial heart of Brazil.
Here in your factories and workshops, much of the economic future of
-that São Paulo
Brazil is being forged. It is indeed a privilege to meet personally so
azilian commerce
many leaders of São Paulo's progressive government, industry, and
sure to have this
agriculture.
ievements of this
I do not wonder, as I look around me and see what Paulista energy
and intiative have achieved, that you take pride in your city and state,
le economic and
and especially in the fact that in this area great opportunities exist for
:, deeply moving,
men of energy, talent, and initiative to carve for themselves important
ave the honor of
places in the life of the nation. This country, like my own, provides op-
re my comrades-
portunities to all, however humble their origins and whatever the circum-
stances of their birth.
ember with grati-
Opportunity, without discrimination-this is one vital aspect of democ-
racy both in Brazil and the United States. The humblest may become
se-bases which
the highest-through his own efforts.
d air, Brazilian
Our societies are designed to permit everyone to pursue family welfare
nemies and pre-
and happiness in liberty, and also to promote the well-being of all, not
shed with ours,
just a few, of the people.
to preserve the
We believe fervently that no one should be denied the chance for or
the fruits of self-betterment because of his race, his religion, sex, class, or
225
COLOR
November 19, 1990
MEMORANDUM
TO:
LANGER
FROM:
CAROLYN
RE:
BRAZIL larger than
Brazil and the US share a long history of friendship and
cooperation.
Traditionally, Brazil has been a leader in the inter-
American community and has played an important role in collective
security efforts as well as in economic cooperation in the
Western Hemisphere.
Brazil aligned with the Allies during both World Wars.
Brazil is an active party in many regional and international
organizations. These include:
-- the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance
(the Rio Treaty)
-- the OAS
-- founding member of the Amazon Pact
-- founding member of the Latin American Integration
Association, the successor to the Lat Am Free
Trade Association
-- Charter member of the UN
--- Member of GATT (Round will be underway in Geneva
during POTUS' visit to Brazil)
The US and Brazil:
The United States was the first country to recognize
Brazil's independence in 1822.
Brazil's 19th century leader, Emperor Dom Pedro II, admired
Abraham Lincoln and visited the US during the 1876 Centennial
Exhibition in Philadelphia -- the first Brazilian chief of state
to visit. (Quote to come.)
The agreements between Brazil and the US include a treaty of
peace and friendship; an extradition treaty, a joint
participation treaty on communication satellites, and scientific
cooperation, civil aviation, and maritime agreements. We
exchange professors under Fulbright and other academic programs
and carry out university cooperation projects.
We are both frontier societies and have both had 3 capitals:
(New York, Philadelphia, D.C.) and (Salvador, Rio, Brasilia)
Epitacio da Silva Pessoa President-elect of the Federative
Republic of Brazil in 1919; 2nd chief of state to visit the
US. He made remarks to a joint session of the US Congress.
In his remarks, he referred to Brazil as the "ancient
friend" of the US, acknowledging that the relationship
embraced their recent diplomatic agreement at Versailles.
As President of a nation precariously dependent on the
export of agricultural products, he underscored that Brazil
would see in "the energies and capacity of the US for trade"
her own "widest possibilities for the development of her
trade and commerce."
Walt Whitman wrote a poem to the Brazilian people to
herald the birth of the Republic in 1889.
"Welcome, Brazilian Brother, thy ample place is ready.
A loving hand, a smile from the North, a sunny instant
hail!
Let the future care for itself, where it reveals it's
troubles, impedimentas,
ours, ours the present throe, the democratic aim, the
acceptance and the faith;
To thee today our reaching arm, our turning neck --
to thee from us the expectant eye.
Thou cluster free! Thou brilliant lustrous one! One
thou, learning well,
The true lesson of a nation's light in the sky,
more shining than the cross, more than the crown,
the height to be superb humanity."
3
BILATERAL RELATIONSHIP
The United States has a profound national interest in
improving its relations with the countries of Latin America
in the years ahead. The problems that characterized the
past decade -- debt fatigue, the fragility of emerging
democratic institutions, a struggle for consensus on a
regional economic model, the growing drug menace -- have
also created a window of opportunity for strengthening the
US-Latin American relationship.
We are approaching the 500th anniversary of Columbus'
encounter with the New World. Eight years after Columbus,
the first Portuguese squadrons under Pedro Alves Cabral
arrived in Brazil. We are both frontier societies and our
two youthful and vigorous nations have grown together. Our
relations have been strong and productive. But today,
nearing five centuries after Columbus and Cabral, we face a
series of challenges which offer great promise but which
will also test our ability to work cooperatively together.
Brazil has already taken major steps to meet these
challenges It celebrated its return to democracy last
year with the first popular election of a Brazilian
President in 29 years. Seventy million Brazilian voters
participated in one of the largest expressions of
democratic choice that the world has ever seen. Your
recent gubernatorial and legislative elections represented
one more major step in this process. I congratulate you
and the Brazilian people on these achiewements.
As the two largest countries of the hemisphere, Brazil and
the U.S. have a special responsibility for leadership. Our
bilateral relations remain close and productive -- but, as
we approach the 21st century, I believe there is even more
that we can accomplish together in addressing a large and
expanding agenda of global issues. These issues touch
every one of us -- they include environmental doncerns: the
absolute need to eliminate the scourges of drugs and of
terrorism; arms control; poverty and human rights.
word's 1st
smpl. demoer.
o
The problem of drugs affects both of our countries in
smith- free
similar ways. It ravages neighborhoods in both Rio de
Janeiro and Washington, D.C. I believe we now understand
frosh, fee sperch,
that we cannot make progress against this threat by
ree 1 free
pointing fingers of blame at each other.
markets
largest trabing ctr.
i the
was
challenges
drugs
enviro
norprofil make
Excerpts of President Jose Sarney's speech before a Joint Session
of the US Congress -- September 11, 1986
On Jose Joaquim Maia
"In 1787 the young Brazilian, Jose Joaquim Maia, sought out
Thomas Jefferson, then Minister Plenipotentiary in Paris, to ask
his support for our independence. Two years later, our hero,
Tiradentes, who dreamed of a free and republican Brazil, was
hanged, drawn, and quartered, his severed body hung for all to
see, in the streets and roads, as cruel example to smother the
dream of freedom, and to declare that it would not come forth in
the land.
Do you know what the King's agents found among the papers
that had set the hears of our martyr afire with the holy madness
of independence? The Constitution of the United States of
America."
On Congress
"Congress is a school for public life. It is greater than
the sum of all its Members. This institution is the sovereignty
of the people. One learns here to listen rather than to speak.
To listen to all the voices, all the groups of society, all the
emotions, all the injustices. Here, all decisions are
questioned
"
The National Anthem of Brazil
The music was written in 1831 on the accession of Emperor
Dom Pedro II. New text adopted in 1922 but same tune.
"A challenge from a people who were fearless;
Thenceforth the sun of Freedom climbed our country's
sky and poured its rays upon us, bright and
peerless "
"Oh mighty vision, well we know that we survey our
country's future greatness shown for us there
10/30 9 a.m.
REVISED VERSION
PRESIDENTIAL SPEECH - BRAZIL
SETTING
I am delighted to begin my trip in Brazil, the largest
country of Latin America and the fifth largest in the
world. This is an immense land -- covering half of South
America and four time zones -- with a spirit to match. The
success of your economy (the world's eighth largest) and
your society is vital to the well-being of all nations in
the Americas.
Your 30-year old
capital Brasilia symbolizes your
merrow
nation's energy, inventiveness and aspiration to
see
greatness I stand today in your congress.
8
square
I
am
impressed that so many members could appear today during
your congressional recess.
o
I come to Latin America and to Brazil at a time of great
international change and promise. Events in Eastern Europe
and the Soviet Union may have garnered most of the
headlines so far. But North Americans are beginning to
understand that a political and economic revolution of
truly major proportions is occurring in the southern part
of this hemisphere. I have come because I wished to
witness this revolution -- and to pledge my country's
support to see it carried forward successfully.
THE CHANGING HEMISPHERE
But in this case, the revolution has two sides --
both
contrast 19thc. w/ 20thc & draw
vision for the next century.
The political revolution reflects the aspirations of the
region's peoples for self-rule and a voice over decisions
that affect their lives. This stirring tide has swept away
almost all authoritarian rule in region It will lead
one
day
to
the
2
But running alongside -- perhaps sometimes less noticed --
is an equally profound change in the way in which the
peoples of Latin America have come to view the structure
and operation of their own economies. Many in Latin
America are now beginning for the first time to enjoy
economic as well as political democracy.
Revolutions, whether political or economic, are untidy.
They destroy special privilege. Along with new
opportunities, they create new uncertainties. They demand
special leaders to provide a steady compass in a storm of
change. In this respect, our hemisphere -- and your
country -- have proved fortunate. Your president, Fernando
Collor, represents a fresh breed of young leadership which
is sweeping across Latin America.
Since I first met President Collor last January, I have
come to value greatly our friendship. He and I have
discussed his wish to see Brazil take its rightful place
among the world's leading industrial democracies. We in
the United States stand ready to help realize this goal.
President Collor has spoken of Brazil's rightful place at
the table of the first world. What is so important about
that table is that there is no limit to its size. Brazil
belongs there -- and so do Argentina and Chile, Uruguay and
Venezuela. Getting there simply demands courage and a
willingness to make hard choices. Today's presidents of
these and other countries of the region have shown that
they understand this.
Latin America's political revolution grew from the grass
roots. Its still-uncompleted economic revolution must
essentially develop the same way -- from the demands and
efforts of your peoples for more efficent, market-driven
economies with a fairer distribution of benefits. But the
United States wishes to help. This is not simply altruism
-- in fact, we have a very large stake in your success.
In other words, we have a clear interest in the promotion
of economic as well as political democracy in the
hemisphere. Your gain will be our gain in terms of
expanding markets for our goods and technologies. Your
growth will provide new opportunities for investment by
U.S. companies. And expansion of economic opportunity for
the great mass of Latin America's peoples will pay enormous
dividends in terms of social and ecological stability for
the entire planet.
3
BILATERAL RELATIONSHIP
The United States has a profound national interest in
improving its relations with the countries of Latin America
in the years ahead. The problems that characterized the
past decade -- debt fatigue, the fragility of emerging
democratic institutions, a struggle for consensus on a
regional economic model, the growing drug menace -- have
also created a window of opportunity for strengthening the
US-Latin American relationship.
We are approaching the 500th anniversary of Columbus'
encounter with the New World. Eight years after Columbus,
the first Portuguese squadrons under Pedro Alves Cabral
arrived in Brazil.
r. Our
relations have been strong and productive. But today,
nearing five centuries after Columbus and Cabral, we face a
series of challenges which offer great promise -- but which
will also test our ability to work cooperatively together.
Brazil has already taken major steps to meet these
challenges. It celebrated its return to democracy last
year with the
S
Your
recent gubernatorial and legislative elections represented
one more major step in this process. I congratulate you
and the Brazilian people on these achievements.
Brazil and
the U.S. have a special responsibility for leadership. Our
bilateral relations remain close and productive -- but, as
we approach the 21st century, I believe there is even more
that we can accomplish together in addressing a large and
expanding agenda of global issues. These issues touch
every one of us -- they include environmental concerns: the
absolute need to eliminate the scourges of drugs and of
terrorism; arms control; poverty and human rights.
The problem of drugs affects both of our countries in
similar ways. It ravages neighborhoods in both Rio de
Janeiro and Washington, D.C. I believe we now understand
that we cannot make progress against this threat by
pointing fingers of blame at each other.
4
We in the U.S. recognize that we must do more to reduce
demand. You recognize that the spreading tentacles of the
drug industry threaten democratic society. Together, we
recognize that we must continue to increase cooperation to
protect our children -- the next generation.
President Collor has taken a strong lead here by using his
office to publicize the threat drugs pose to Brazil's
young. I pledge the full efforts of my government to
continue to lower our consumption and thus dampen
incentives to drug production. Further, as we both learn
better how to reduce consumption and treat drug addiction,
we can more fully share these lessons.
S
I believe that the Brazilian people understand that Latin
America should not -- and need not -- make the same
mistakes that we did in more careless times: in destroying
large tracts of our forests, in creating air and water
pollution requiring large investments to correct, or in
allowing development to override the human rights of native
populations. My country stands ready to cooperate with
Brazil and other countries of the hemisphere develop a new
and more sustainable economic model -- to allow development
without the human and economic costs of environmental
degradation.
You can be proud of Brazil's new leadership in these
fields. There is no better symbol of this than Brazil's
constitutional protections for indigenous peoples or its
offer to host the second U.N. conference on the environment
in 1992.
5
ECONOMIC REFORM/THE EAI
Today we descendants of
these two great men come together again to undertake a
fresh and even more daunting task -- the construction of a
new economic relationship for the Western Hemisphere. I
have called this effort an "Enterprise for the Americas."
Its full realization will take far longer than the XX years
it took to build Brasilia. But with the drive of a
Kubitschek -- and the determination of an Eisenhower -- it
will happen.
I am speaking of a new relationship born of the triumph of
democracy in this hemisphere and directed towards the
necessary next step -- the essential task of raising the
standard of living and expanding the economic freedoms of
the peoples of Latin America.
President Collor and other Latin American leaders
understand that democracy is an economic asset. They
perceive that to give this asset value, a new vision is
needed, one which encourages innovation and competition and
which produces maximum opportunity for the individual.
Such a new vision requires a redefinition of institutions
and their relationship with the peoples they exist to
serve.
our president put it well, I think, when he said in his
naugural address: "It is not enough to govern for the
eople; we must reconcile the government with the people,
she power with the citizenry and the State with the Natio
But changes will not happen easily. They will require
difficult choices and sacrifices from all of us. Economies
which depended on protection and on state regulation must
open to competition and greater economic liberty. The
transition may for a time be painful for many --
unfortunately including some who already suffer from
poverty and deprivation.
6
But the results -- a growing economy and a sound currency
-- will lead to new opportunities and a welcome sense of
stability.
The major challenges that Latin America has faced over the
past decade has been economic adjustment. Development came
easily to the region in the 60s and 70s. Private
investment and bilateral, multilateral and private bank
lending were readily available. Economies were bouyant and
world demand was high. Conditions were tolerant of
mismanagement, inefficiency and protectionism.
This is no longer the case. Latin America producers now
compete for capital and markets for Southeast Asia, with
the mediterranean countries of Europe and with aggressively
exporting industrialized countries. Eastern Europe has
added a new dimension to the demand for capital.
atin America is already adjusting. Your exports are
ising. Fiscal reform is underway. So is privatization
overnments are doing away with subsidies which skew the
arket. They are giving more attention to agriculture
ector which, as we in the U.S. have discovered, can be a
werful engine of development.
There is a rapidly growing consensus in the region about a
new model of Latin America development. It challenges
certain aspects of Latin America's traditional political
culture and institutions. As elsewhere in the world,
shifting human aspirations are creating new market
realities. Political systems too must modernize to keep
up.
Latin America will have to make further adjustments to
integrate into the international economy; yet they must do
so if they are to compete on an equal footing with
Southeast Asia and emerging European economies, as well as
to take advantage of the European Market after 1992. We
are confident that you can and will succeed in this task.
We know that solutions must be found by Brazilians, by
Chileans, by Peruvians -- but we. in the United States want
to help.
7
The Enterprise for the Americas concept that I have
proposed calls for a major hemispheric effort to bring our
nations closer together in the three key areas of trade,
investment and debt:
--
On trade, our first attention should be on
5
The Round and later
this goal.
abanging economic
were
3
1
pro
thess
Sao Paul
alread
esult
corrid-be in
fe
unleashed!
8
debt, we are prepared to work with Brazil and with
thers in Latin America to write down and restructure
.S. official debts contracted on concessionary
erms. These swaps have the potential of liberating
ubstantial resources for use in environmental
rojects. I believe that this can be a very excitin
venue of new collaboration between us. Specifical
t can help Latin America's nations to develop and
rosper without undue ecological cost to the
ommunities and countryside upon which we depend an
ithin
which
OW
ur new approach to official debt is intended to
complement commercial debt restructuring through the
Brady Plan. I understand the importance to Brazil
and to the international financial community -- of
reaching a new agreement on commercial debt.
Continued access to global capital flows is vital to
your development. Although we do not sit at the table
of such negotiations, we stand ready to assist wher
appropriate to ensure they reach
have submitted a request to the Congress for
legislation that will give U.S. the authorit h
S
VISION
Let me stress, my vision of an "Enterprise for the
Americas" is of a joint undertaking involving the effort
and imagination of all nations in this hemisphere
As we approach the
21st century, let us all hold fast to the "beautiful ideal"
of greater prosperity and freedom of choice for our peoples.
At the beginning of this address, I said that I had come to
Brazil and to Latin America as witness to a political and
an economic revolution in the hemisphere. The political
revolution was accomplished by brave and courageous efforts
by democratically-elected leaders such as you here in this
chamber. You are the pioneers -- you have shown that
change need not issue from the barrel of a gun. It can and
is taking place under the rule of law.
9
It is now the time to complete this revolution by enacting
a matching economic bill of rights for Brazil and for all
the nations of Latin America. This will be in many ways a
harder task than writing constitutions or organizing
elections. But its objective will be similar -- the
unchaining of your economic possibilities to match your new
political freedoms. And its promise is to create a
hemisphere of new productivity, open markets and expanding
possibilities from Laborador to Lima, from Boston to Buenos
Aires, from Pittsburg to Porto Alegre. You and I together
are privileged to be witnesses together to such a vision as
we move towards the new century which can make it a reality.
Doc SEARABR 4345
10/30 9 a.m.
REVISED VERSION
PRESIDENTIAL SPEECH - BRAZIL
SETTING
I am delighted to begin my trip in Brazil, the largest
country of Latin America and the fifth largest in the
world. This is an immense land -- covering half of South
America and four time zones -- with a spirit to match. The
success of your economy (the world's eighth largest) and
your society is vital to the well-being of all nations in
the Americas.
O
Your 30-year old capital Brasilia symbolizes your
nation's energy, inventiveness and aspiration to
greatness I stand today in your congress, like ours, one
of three independent branches of government. I am
impressed that so many members could appear today during
your congressional recess
STEV.
O
I come to Latin America and to Brazil at a time of great
international change and promise. Events in Eastern Europe
and the Soviet Union may have garnered most of the
headlines SO far. But North Americans are beginning to
understand that a political and economic revolution of
truly major proportions is occurring in the southern part
of this hemisphere. N have come because I wished to
witness this revolution and to pledge my country's
support to see it carried forward successfully
THE CHANGING HEMISPHERE
What is happening in the hemisphere marks this decade as
the most important of the 20th century for Latin America.
Its significance in fact compares with that of the age of
decolonization and political independence of the 19th
century. But in this case, the revolution has two sides --
both political and economic.
The political revolution reflects the aspirations of the
region's peoples for self-rule and a voice over decisions
that affect their lives. This stirring tide has swept away
almost all authoritarian rule in the region. It will lead
one day to the world's first completely democratic
hemisphere.
We see a future in which trade is free throughout the
Americas--from Alaska to Argentina, where growing
opportunity, the benefits of technology and the fruits of
prosperity are shared by all: A future where there are no
more lost decades, where, instead, we forge a permanent
partnership between the United States and Latin Americas to
Identified
confront a new generation of challenges that know no
national boundaries: the scourge of drugs, new threats to
byall.
the global environment, and the spread of nuclear or
chemical weaponry. We have it in our power to build the
world's first completely democratic hemisphere--a hemisphere
that can serve as a model for the rest of the world of
friendship and cooperation between developing and industrial
nations. I am committed as President to work with you to
realize that bold vision.
2
o
But running alongside -- perhaps sometimes less noticed --
is an equally profound change in the way in which the
peoples of Latin America have come to view the structure
and operation of their own economies. Many in Latin
America are now beginning for the first time to enjoy
economic as well as political democracy.
O
Revolutions, whether political or economic, are untidy.
They destroy special privilege. Along with new
opportunities, they create new uncertainties. They demand
special leaders to provide a steady compass in a storm of
change. In this respect, our hemisphere -- and your
country -- have proved fortunate. Your president, Fernando
Collor, represents a fresh breed of young leadership which
is sweeping across Latin America.
O
Since I first met President Collor last January, I have
come to value greatly our friendship. He and I have
discussed his wish to see Brazil take its rightful place
among the world S leading industrial democracies. We in
the United States stand ready to help realize this goal.
o
President Collor has spoken of Brazil's rightful place at
the table of the first world. What is so important about
that table is that there is no limit to its size. Brazil
belongs there -- and so do Argentina and Chile, Uruguay and
1st
Venezuela. Getting there simply demands courage and a
willingness to make hard choices. Today's presidents of
these and other countries of the region have shown that
they understand this.
O
Latin America's political revolution grew from the grass
roots. Its still-uncompleted economic revolution must
essentially develop the same way -- from the demands and
efforts of your peoples for more efficent, market-driven
economies with a fairer distribution of benefits. But the
United States wishes to help. This is not simply altruism
-- in fact, we have a very large stake in your success.
O
In other words, we have a clear interest in the promotion
of economic as well as political democracy in the
hemisphere. Your gain will be our gain in terms of
expanding markets for our goods and technologies. Your
growth will provide new opportunities for investment by
U.S. companies. And expansion of economic opportunity for
the great mass of Latin America's peoples will pay enormous
dividends in terms of social and ecological stability for
the entire planet.
3
BILATERAL RELATIONSHIP
O
The United States has a profound national interest in
improving its relations with the countries of Latin America
in the years ahead. The problems that characterized the
past decade -- debt fatigue, the fragility of emerging
democratic institutions, a struggle for consensus on a
regional economic model, the growing drug menace -- have
also created a window of opportunity for strengthening the
US-Latin American relationship.
We are approaching the 500th anniversary of Columbus'
encounter with the New World. Eight years after Columbus,
the first Portuguese squadrons under Pedro Alves Cabral
arrived in Brazil. We are both frontier societies and our
two youthful and vigorous nations have grown together. Our
relations have been strong and productive. But today,
nearing five centuries after Columbus and Cabral, we face a
series of challenges which offer great promise but which
will also test our ability to work cooperatively together.
o
Brazil has already taken major steps to meet these
challenges It celebrated its return to democracy last
year with the first popular election of a Brazilian
President in 29 years. Seventy million Brazilian voters
participated in one of the largest expressions of
democratic choice that the world has ever seen, Your
recent gubernatorial and legislative elections represented
one more major step in this process. 1 congratulate you
and the Brazilian people on these achievements.
As the two largest countries of the hemisphere, Brazil and
the U.S. have a special responsibility for leadership. Our
bilateral relations remain close and productive -- but, as
we approach the 21st century, I believe there is even more
that we can accomplish together in addressing a large and
expanding agenda of global issues. These issues touch
every one of us -- they include environmental doncerns: the
absolute need to eliminate the scourges of drugs and of
terrorism; arms control; poverty and human rights.
word's 1st
mpl. democr.
o
The problem of drugs affects both of our countries in
kmith- free
similar ways. It ravages neighborhoods in both Rio de
Janeiro and Washington, D.C. I believe we now understand
hole, free sperch,
that we cannot make progress against this threat by
pointing fingers of blame at each other.
me better, free
markets
largest trabing ctc.
i the world.
cold
war
challenges
drugs
enviro
norprofid. drm, marchase
4
Perpord Blame-
We in the U.S. recognize that we must do more to reduce
demand. You recognize that the spreading tentacles of the
drug industry threaten democratic society. Together, we
recognize that we must continue to increase cooperation to
protect our children -- the next generation.
President Collor has taken a strong lead here by using his
office to publicize the threat drugs pose to Brazil's
young. I pledge the full efforts of my government to
continue to lower our consumption and thus dampen
incentives to drug production. Further, as we both learn
better how to reduce consumption and treat drug addiction,
we can more fully share these lessons.
Brazil and the U.S. are also cooperating closely in efforts
to protect the global environment. Brazilian and U.S.
scientists work side by side to study biodiversity in the
Brazilian rain forest. Our space agencies cooperate in
remote sensing activities to measure the impact of human
settlement in the Amazon region. Our environmental
agencies are tackling together our common problems of urban
pollution and waste management.
See
I believe that the Brazilian people understand that Latin
America should not -- and need not -- make the same
Mr
mistakes that we did in more careless times: in destroying
large tracts of our forests, in creating air and water.
EPA
pollution requiring large investments to correct, or in
al (lowing development to override the human rights of native
X
populations. My country stands ready to cooperate with
Brazil and other countries of the hemisphere develop a new
and more sustainable economic model -- to allow development
without the human and economic costs of environmental
degradation.
You can be proud of Brazil's new leadership in these
fields. There is no better symbol of this than Brazil's
constitutional protections for indigenous peoples or its
offer to host the second U.N. conference on the environment
in 1992.
5
ECONOMIC REFORM/THE EAI
Thirty years ago, Juscelino Kubitschek, the president of
Brazil -- and the founder of Brasilia -- received here an
illustrious predecessor of mine named Dwight D.
Eisenhower. Gazing upon the new city of Brasilia, then
under construc ion, Ike spoke of the towers rising on the
Brazilian plateau as "an epic worthy of this nation's vast
poss ibilities and aspirations. " Today we descendants of
these two great men come together again to undertake a
fresh and even more daunting task -- the construction of a
new economic relationship for the Western Hemisphere. I
1
have called this effort an "Enterprise for the Americas."
Its full realization will take far longer than the XX years
it took to build Brasilia. But with the drive of a
Kubitschek -- and the determination of an Eisenhower -- it
will happen.
I am speaking of a new relationship born of the triumph of
democracy in this hemisphere and directed towards the
necessary next step -- the essential task of raising the
standard of living and expanding the economic freedoms of
the peoples of Latin America.
President Collor and other Latin American leaders
understand that democracy is an economic asset. They
perceive that to give this asset value, a new vision is
needed, one which encourages innovation and competition and
which produces maximum opportunity for the individual.
Such a new vision requires a redefinition of institutions
and their relationship with the peoples they exist to
serve.
Your president put it well, I think, when he said in his
inaugural address: "It is not enough to govern for the
people; we must reconcile the government with the people,
the power with the citizenry and the State with the Nation."
But changes will not happen easily. They will require
difficult choices and sacrifices from all of us. Economies
which depended on protection and on state regulation must
open to competition and greater economic liberty. The
transition may for a time be painful for many --
unfortunately including some who already suffer from
poverty and deprivation.
6
But the results -- a growing economy and a sound currency
-- will lead to new opportunities and a welcome sense of
stability.
The major challenges that Latin America has faced over the
past decade has been economic adjustment. Development came
easily to the region in the 60s and 70s. Private
investment and bilateral, multilateral and private bank
lending were readil available. Economies were bouyant and
world demand was high. Conditions were tolerant of
mismanagement, inefficiency and protectionism.
o
This is no longer the case Latin America producers now
compete for capital and markets for Southeast Asia, with
the mediterranean countries of Europe and with aggressively
exporting industrialized countries. Eastern Europe has
added a new dimension to the demand for capital.
present of
Latin America is already adjusting. Your exports are
drivender the
rising. Fiscal reform is underway. So is privatization.
from
Governments are doing away with subsidies which skew the
market. They are giving more attention to agriculture --
a
started
sector which, as we in the U.S. have discovered, can be a
powerful engine of development.
put, to of the
There is a rapidly growing consensus in the region about a
new model of Latin America development. It challenges
togreth &
certain aspects of Latin America's traditional political
culture and institutions. As elsewhere in the world,
of
shifting human aspirations are creating new market
property
realities. Political systems too must modernize to keep
1
up.
0
Latin America will have to make further adjustments to
integrate into the international economy; yet they must do
SO if they are to compete on an equal footing with
Southeast Asia and emerging European economies, as well as
to take advantage of the European Market after 1992. We
are confident that you can and will succeed in this task.
0
We know that solutions must be found by Brazilians, by
Chileans, by Peruvians -- but we in the United States want
to help.
7
The Enterprise for the Americas concept that I have
proposed calls for a major hemispheric effort to bring our
nations closer together in the three key areas of trade,
investment and debt:
FARMERS
On trade, our first attention should be on successful
conclusion of the Uruguay Round negotiations in
Geneva. The Round, now in its final stages, holds out
a prospect of important trade benefits for Latin
America's economies The U.S. is aligned with Latin
America in fighting for an end to agricultural export
subsidies and new openings for developing country
an
to start global
exports. What is at stake is not just numbers. It
represents major new market opportunities and a higher
con New
standard of living for the farmer in Mato Grosso, the
textile worker in Parana and the engineer in Sao
beade an
Paulo.
Appor- How
The Round and Bilateral Trade Agreements are the first
step; they create the necessary conditions for a
regime of eventual free trade encompassing all of
Latin America and the U.S. We see the Southern Cone
Common Market, now developing under the leadership of
President Collor and his fellow presidents in
neighboring countries, as a major further step towards
this goal.
--
On investment we look to Latin American governments,
where required, to lift the dead hand of state
control. Doing SO will allow your entrepreneurs to
invest, sell and adapt to changing economic
conditions. It will help provide meaningful and
well-paid jobs to your workers. It is the key to
lifting a large percentage of Latin America's peoples
out of the grinding poverty in which they live today.
Brazilians know what foreign investment can help
produce -- witness its contribution to the dynamism of
Sao Paulo and the $10 billion of U.S. investment
already in this country Just imagine what the result
could be in terms of jobs for your workers and goods
for your people if Brazilian dynamism were completely
unleashed!
8
On
debt we are prepared to work with Brazil and with
others in Latin America to write down and restructure
U.S. official debts contracted on concessionary
terms. These swaps have the potential of liberating
substantial resources for use in environmental
projects. I believe that this can be a very exciting
avenue of new collaboration between us. Specifically,
it can help Latin America's nations to develop and
prosper without undue ecological cost to the
communities and countryside upon which we depend and
within which our children will be raised.
--
Our new approach to official debt is intended to
complement commercial debt restructuring through the
Brady Plan. I understand the importance to Brazil --
and to the international financial community -- of
reaching a new agreement on commercial debt.
Continued access to global capital flows is vital to
your development. Although we do not sit at the table
of such negotiations, we stand ready to assist where
appropriate to ensure they reach fruition.
--
We have submitted a request to the Congress for
legislation that will give us the authorities we need
to implement these proposals.
enviro ?
VISION
Let me stress, my vision of an "Enterprise for the
Americas" is of a joint undertaking involving the effort
and imagination of all nations in this hemisphere. A great
Brazilian poet, Jose Bonifacio, once said that "Brazilians
are enthusiasts of a beautiful ideal A$ we approach the
21st century, let us all hold fast to the "beautiful ideal"
of greater prosperity and freedom of choice for our peoples.
At the beginning of this address, I said that I had come to
Brazil and to Latin America as itness to a political and
an economic revolution in the hemisphere. The political
revolution was accomplished by brave and courageous efforts
by democratically-elected leaders such as you here in this
chamber. You are the pioneers -- you have shown that
change need not issue from the barrel of a gun. It can and
is taking place under the rule of law.
Mar.
9
It is now the time to complete this revolution by enacting
a matching economic bill of rights for Brazil and for all
the nations of Latin America. This will be in many ways a
harder task than writing constitutions or organizing
elections. But its objective will be similar -- the
unchaining of your economic possibilities to match your new
political freedoms. And its promise is to create a
hemisphere of new productivity, open markets and expanding
possibilities from Laborador to Lima, from Boston to Buenos
Aires, from Pittsburg to Porto Alegre. You and I together
are privileged to be witnesses together to such a vision as
we move towards the new century which can make it a reality.
Doc SEARABR 4345
10/30 9 a.m.
REVISED VERSION
PRESIDENTIAL SPEECH - BRAZIL
SETTING
I
am delighted to begin my trip in Prazil, the largest
country of Latin America and the fifth largest in the
world. This is an immense land -- covering half or South
America and four time zones -- with a spirit to match. The
success of your economy (the world's eighth largest) and
}
P 1 of
your society is vital to the well-being of all nations in
Business
the Americas.
Luncheon
remarks
Your 30-year old space-se capital Brasilia symbolizes your
nation's energy, inventiveness and aspiration to
greatness. I stand today in your congress, like ours, one
of three independent branches of government. I am
impressed that SO many members could appear today during
your congressional recess.
I come to Latin America and to Brazil at a time of great
into snation and promise. Events in Eastern Europe
and the Soviet Union may have garnered most of the
headlines so far. But North Americans are beginning to
understand that polition and volution OL
truly major proportions is occurring in the southern part
of this hemisphere. I come because T wished to
flution and to piedge my country's
support to see it carried forward successfully.
THE CHANGING HEMISPHERE
What is happening in the hemisphere marks this decade as
the most important of the 20th century for Latin America.
Its significance in fact compares with that of the age of
decolonization and political independence of the 19th
century. But in this case, the revolution has two sides --
both political and economic.
The political revolution reflects the aspirations of the
region's peoples for self-rule and a voice over decisions
that affect their lives. This stirring tide has swept away
almost all authoritarian rule in the region. It will lead
one day to the world's first completely democratic
hemisphere
2
But running alongside -- perhaps sometimes less noticed --
is an equally profound change in the way in which the
peoples of Latin America have come to view the structure
and operation of their own economies. Many in Latin
America are now beginning for the first time to enjoy
economic as well as political democracy.
Revolutions, whether political or economic, are untidy.
They destroy special privilege. Along with new
opportunities, they create new uncertainties. They demand
special leaders to provide a steady compass in a storm of
change. In this respect, our hemisphere -- and your
country -- have proved fortunate. Your president, Fernando
Collor, represents a fresh breed of young leadership which
is sweeping across Latin America.
Since I first met President Collor last January, I have
come to value greatly our friendship. He and I have
discussed his wish to see Brazil take its rightful place
among the world's leading industrial democracies. We in
the United States stand ready to help realize this goal.
President Collor has spoken of Brazil's rightful place at
the table of the first world. What is so important about
that table is that there is no limit to its size. Brazil
belongs there -- and so do Argentina and Chile, Uruguay and
Venezuela. Getting there simply demands courage and a
willingness to make hard choices. Today's presidents of
these and other countries of the region have shown that
they understand this.
Latin America's political revolution grew from the grass
roots. Its still-uncompleted economic revolution must
essentially develop the same way -- from the demands and
efforts of your peoples for more efficent, market-driven
economies with a fairer distribution of benefits. But the
United States wishes to help. This is not simply altruism
-- in fact, we have a very large stake in your success.
In other words, we have a clear interest in the promotion
of economic as well as political democracy in the
hemisphere. Your gain will be our gain in terms of
expanding markets for our goods and technologies. Your
growth will provide new opportunities for investment by
U.S. companies. And expansion of economic opportunity for
the great mass of Latin America's peoples will pay enormous
dividends in terms of social and ecological stability for
the entire planet.
3
BILATERAL RELATIONSHIP
The United States has a profound national interest in
improving its relations with the countries of Latin America
in the years ahead. The problems that characterized the
past decade -- debt fatigue, the fragility of emerging
democratic institutions, a struggle for consensus on a
regional economic model, the growing drug menace -- have
also created a window of opportunity for strengthening the
US-Latin American relationship.
We are approaching the 500th anniversary of Columbus'
encounter with the New World. Eight years after Columbus,
the first Portuguese squadrons under Pedro Alves Cabral
arrived in Brazil. We are both frontier societies and our
two youthful and vigorous nations have grown together. Our
relations have been strong and productive. But today,
nearing five centuries after Columbus and Cabral, we face a
series of challenges which offer great promise -- but which
will also test our ability to work cooperatively together.
Brazil has already taken major steps to meet these
challenges. It celebrated its return to democracy last
year with the first popular election of a Brazilian
President in 29 years. Seventy million Brazilian voters
participated in one of the largest expressions of
democratic choice that the world has ever seen. Your
recent gubernatorial and legislative elections represented
one more major step in this process. I congratulate you
and the Brazilian people on these achievements.
As the two largest countries of the hemisphere, Brazil and
the U.S. have a special responsibility for leadership. Our
bilateral relations remain close and productive -- but, as
we approach the 21st century, I believe there is even more
that we can accomplish together in addressing a large and
expanding agenda of global issues. These issues touch
every one of us -- they include environmental concerns: the
absolute need to eliminate the scourges of drugs and of
terrorism; arms control; poverty and human rights.
The problem of drugs affects both of our countries in
similar ways. It ravages neighborhoods in both Rio de
Janeiro and Washington, D.C. I believe we now understand
that we cannot make progress against this threat by
pointing fingers of blame at each other.
4
We in the U.S. recognize that we must do more to reduce
demand. You recognize that the spreading tentacles of the
drug industry threaten democratic society. Together, we
recognize that we must continue to increase cooperation to
protect our children -- the next generation.
President Collor has taken a strong lead here by using his
office to publicize the threat drugs pose to Brazil's
young. I pledge the full efforts of my government to
continue to lower our consumption and thus dampen
incentives to drug production. Further, as we both learn
better how to reduce consumption and treat drug addiction,
we can more fully share these lessons.
Brazil and the U.S. are also cooperating closely in efforts
to protect the global environment. Brazilian and U.S.
scientists work side by side to study biodiversity in the
Brazilian rain forest. Our space agencies cooperate in
remote sensing activities to measure the impact of human
settlement in the Amazon region. Our environmental
agencies are tackling together our common problems of urban
pollution and waste management.
I believe that the Brazilian people understand that Latin
America should not -- and need not -- make the same
mistakes that we did in more careless times: in destroying
large tracts of our forests, in creating air and water
pollution requiring large investments to correct, or in
allowing development to override the human rights of native
populations. My country stands ready to cooperate with
Brazil and other countries of the hemisphere develop a new
and more sustainable economic model -- to allow development
without the human and economic costs of environmental
degradation.
You can be proud of Brazil's new leadership in these
fields. There is no better symbol of this than Brazil's
constitutional protections for indigenous peoples or its
offer to host the second U.N. conference on the environment
in 1992.
5
ECONOMIC REFORM/THE EAI
Thirty years ago, Juscelino Kubitschek, the president of
Brazil -- and the founder of Brasilia -- received here an
illustrious predecessor of mine named Dwight D.
Eisenhower. Gazing upon the new city of Brasilia, then
under construction, Ike spoke of the towers rising on the
Brazilian plateau as "an epic worthy of this nation's vast
possibilities and aspirations. " Today we descendants of
these two great men come together again to undertake a
fresh and even more daunting task -- the construction of a
new economic relationship for the Western Hemisphere. I
have called this effort an "Enterprise for the Americas."
Its full realization will take far longer than the XX years
it took to build Brasilia. But with the drive of a
Kubitschek -- and the determination of an Eisenhower -- it
will happen.
I am speaking of a new relationship born of the triumph of
democracy in this hemisphere and directed towards the
necessary next step -- the essential task of raising the
standard of living and expanding the economic freedoms of
the peoples of Latin America.
President Collor and other Latin American leaders
understand that democracy is an economic asset. They
perceive that to give this asset value, a new vision is
needed, one which encourages innovation and competition and
which produces maximum opportunity for the individual.
Such a new vision requires a redefinition of institutions
and their relationship with the peoples they exist to
serve.
Your president put it well, I think, when he said in his
inaugural address: "It is not enough to govern for the
people; we must reconcile the government with the people,
the power with the citizenry and the State with the Nation. "
But changes will not happen easily. They will require
difficult choices and sacrifices from all of us. Economies
which depended on protection and on state regulation must
open to competition and greater economic liberty. The
transition may for a time be painful for many --
unfortunately including some who already suffer from
poverty and deprivation.
6
But the results -- a growing economy and a sound currency
-- will lead to new opportunities and a welcome sense of
stability.
The major challenges that Latin America has faced over the
past decade has been economic adjustment. Development came
easily to the region in the 60s and 70s. Private
investment and bilateral, multilateral and private bank
lending were readily available. Economies were bouyant and
world demand was high. Conditions were tolerant of
mismanagement, inefficiency and protectionism.
This is no longer the case. Latin America producers now
compete for capital and markets for Southeast Asia, with
the mediterranean countries of Europe and with aggressively
exporting industrialized countries. Eastern Europe has
added a new dimension to the demand for capital.
Latin America is already adjusting. Your exports are
rising. Fiscal reform is underway. So is privatization.
Governments are doing away with subsidies which skew the
market. They are giving more attention to agriculture -- a
sector which, as we in the U.S. have discovered, can be a
powerful engine of development.
There is a rapidly growing consensus in the region about a
new model of Latin America development. It challenges
certain aspects of Latin America's traditional political
culture and institutions. As elsewhere in the world,
shifting human aspirations are creating new market
realities. Political systems too must modernize to keep
up.
Latin America will have to make further adjustments to
integrate into the international economy; yet they must do
SO if they are to compete on an equal footing with
Southeast Asia and emerging European economies, as well as
to take advantage of the European Market after 1992. We
are confident that you can and will succeed in this task.
We know that solutions must be found by Brazilians, by
Chileans, by Peruvians -- but we in the United States want
to help.
7
The Enterprise for the Americas concept that I have
proposed calls for a major hemispheric effort to bring our
nations closer together in the three key areas of trade,
investment and debt:
--
On trade, our first attention should be on successful
conclusion of the Uruguay Round negotiations in
Geneva. The Round, now in its final stages, holds out
a prospect of important trade benefits for Latin
America's economies. The U.S. is aligned with Latin
America in fighting for an end to agricultural export
subsidies and new openings for developing country
exports. What is at stake is not just numbers. It
Brazilisiness
represents major new market opportunities and a higher
Remarks
standard of living for the farmer in Mato Grosso, the
textile worker in Parana and the engineer in Sao
Paulo.
--
The Round and Bilateral Trade Agreements are the first
step; they create the necessary conditions for a
regime of eventual free trade encompassing all of
Latin America and the U.S. We see the Southern Cone
Common Market, now developing under the leadership of
President Collor and his fellow presidents in
neighboring countries, as a major further step towards
this goal.
--
On investment, we look to Latin American governments,
where required, to lift the dead hand of state
control. Doing so will allow your entrepreneurs to
invest, sell and adapt to changing economic.
conditions. It will help provide meaningful and
well-paid jobs to your workers. It is the key to
lifting a large percentage of Latin America's peoples
out of the grinding poverty in which they live today.
Brazilians know what foreign investment can help
produce -- witness its contribution to the dynamism of
Sao Paulo and the $10 billion of U.S. investment
already in this country. Just imagine what the result
could be in terms of jobs for your workers and goods
for your people if Brazilian dynamism were completely
unleashed!
8
--
On debt, we are prepared to work with Brazil and with
others in Latin America to write down and restructure
U.S. official debts contracted on concessionary
terms. These swaps have the potential of liberating
substantial resources for use in environmental
projects. I believe that this can be a very exciting
avenue of new collaboration between us. Specifically,
it can help Latin America's nations to develop and
prosper without undue ecological cost to the
communities and countryside upon which we depend and
within which our children will be raised.
:
Our new approach to official debt is intended to
complement commercial debt restructuring through the
Brady Plan. I understand the importance to Brazil --
and to the international financial community -- of
reaching a new agreement on commercial debt.
Continued access to global capital flows is vital to
your development. Although we do not sit at the table
of such negotiations, we stand ready to assist where
appropriate to ensure they reach fruition.
We have submitted a request to the Congress for
legislation that will give us the authorities we need
to implement these proposals.
VISION
Let me stress, my vision of an "Enterprise for the
Americas" is of a joint undertaking involving the effort
and imagination of all nations in this hemisphere. A great
Brazilian poet, Jose Bonifacio, once said that "Brazilians
are enthusiasts of a beautiful ideal." As we approach the
21st century, let us all hold fast to the "beautiful ideal"
of greater prosperity and freedom of choice for our peoples.
o
At the beginning of this address, I said that I had come to
Brazil and to Latin America as witness to a political and
an economic revolution in the hemisphere. The political
revolution was accomplished by brave and courageous efforts
by democratically-elected leaders such as you here in this
chamber. You are the pioneers -- you have shown that
change need not issue from the barrel of a gun. It can and
is taking place under the rule of law.
9
It is now the time to complete this revolution by enacting
a matching economic bill of rights for Brazil and for all
the nations of Latin America. This will be in many ways a
harder task than writing constitutions or organizing
elections. But its objective will be similar -- the
unchaining of your economic possibilities to match your new
political freedoms. And its promise is to create a
hemisphere of new productivity, open markets and expanding
possibilities from Laborador to Lima, from Boston to Buenos
Aires, from Pittsburg to Porto Alegre. & You and I together
are privileged to be witnesses together to such a vision as
we move towards the new century which can make it a reality.
Doc SEARABR 4345
(FROM BINDER/RETHLM)
State
Draft Input for the President's Opening Speech in Brazil
ENVIRONMENT
at mil alloc.fr an AlDeruto in Br.
General
cite Collois commitment to protection
Concern for the environment is sweeping across the Western
Hemisphere, from endangered coral reefs in the Caribbean and
ravaged forests along the Amazon, to urban pollution in Caracas,
Santiago, and Mexico city, where levels of air pollution exceed
health-based limits most of the year.
-- We know that the peoples and governments of Latin America
want to protect your ecological heritage. And, we note, with
pride and respect, the progress you are making.
Several Latin American nations have been playing leadership
roles in international negotiations on climate change and
depletion of the ozone layer. The Declaration of Brasilia in
1989 reflected the wisdom and dedication of this region to
conserving your natural resources. You have built on the Treaty
on Amazonian Cooperation to address several specific issues,
including forest management.
and your Constitution reguires the Fed. proverve He couriro. the common evented of cument
Brazil itself has demonstrated global leadership by offering & future
to host the United Nations Conference on Environment and
greation
Development in 1992. That conference will mark the twentieth
anniversary of the landmark Conference on the Environment held in
Sweden in 1972. It will provide an important opportunity to
shape a new, comprehensive approach to environmental action and
cooperation for the twenty-first century.
Economics and Environment
We in the United States know that there can be no sustained
economic growth without respect for the environment. We know,
too, that there may be no greater impediment to protecting the
environment than poverty. The linkage is critical and it is
real.
Partly for that reason, I have proposed the special
environmental component of the Enterprise for the Americas. It
is the first time that official bilateral debt relief has been
associated with environmental protection.
Recourse to this relief could reduce a significant portion of
the Latin American debt owed to the United States. The interest
could be used for projects that protect the environment. The
result? Bigger budgets to expand parks, protect forests, and
fight pollution.
confinition to sustainable development.
(see alebal doe)
-2-
-- Latin American countries owe governments in Europe and Japan
another $38 billion, beyond the $12 billion in public debt owed
the United States. We hope that other creditor nations will move
to convert a similar proportion of debt into funds for the
environment.
hasn't
rejecte
on
-- If they do so, this major new commitment to debt-for-nature
could serve to refocus the priorities of countries in Latin
America so rich in forests and species of plants and wildlife and
so burdened by debt.
-- Swapping debt for protection of natural resources is part of
a new wave of thinking about the relationship between development
and debt and the environment. Such agreements can help us define
and, ultimately, achieve sustainable economic growth. While they
cannot be a cure-all for debt, they can make a real dent in
degradation of the environment. For example, the interest alone
from the debt-for-nature swaps in Costa Rica is several times
more than the annual budget for that country's National Park
Service. Such swaps have more than doubled Costa Rica's
available resources for environmental programs.
-- Here in Brazil, a consortium of non-governmental
organizations has presented a proposal to the government for such
a debt-for-nature swap. Other Latin American countries are
either in the process of developing such proposals or are
implementing them. These are important undertakings. We support
and applaud them.
Bilateral Cooperation
-- I take pride, along with President Collor, in our expanding
partnership in behalf of the environment. We benefit from the
commitment of this nation, as with other new governments in the
region, to fight for the environment, not against it.
-- Just this last month, the U.S. Environmental Protection
Agency signed a new Memorandum of Understanding with the National
Secretariat for the Environment and the Brazilian Institute for
the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources. This agreement
will enable our two nations to put new vigor into our shared
commitment to address problems that challenge the entire
hemisphere.
-3-
-- The irreversible loss of wildlife -- of entire species -- is
deeply troubling. Many people in this hemisphere depend on the
forests for their livelihood. There is, of course, some
short-term gain to felling trees. But, in much of the tropics,
the soils thereafter erode under heavy rains that strip the land
of its productivity and create yet another disappointed farmer
and, all too often, an impoverished generation of environmental
refugees.
-- The costs of the loss of plant and animal species and their
derivative ingredients in agriculture, medicine, and industry are
beyond calculation. Ninety-five plants (39 from tropical rain
forests) yield chemical substances to produce 121 prescription
drugs. Thus, the rewards from reforestation can be just as
gratifying as the costs of deforestation are appalling.
-- Our two nations can help assure that we do not lose forever
the plant that could help fight cancer or the species of
perennial corn that can assure sustenance. I hope very much that
the internal agreement on forestry will be ready for signing at
the Brazil Conference in 1992. How fitting a place, the country
New*
with the world's richest endowment of forests and wildlife to
NEW
consummate the treaty to protect the world's forests. We believe
progress will occur much faster if the forest agreement is
negotiated apart from the negotiations on a climate convention,
which only related to one of the many benefits forests confer --
carbon sequestration.
-- Our two nations, together, can provide international
leadership to meet the challenges of urban environmental blight.
We can create the models for preventing pollution, so that our
cities, home to the majority of our people, are no longer
repositories of hazardous waste and suffocating smog. They can,
instead, become healthful havens, where you and I and our
families enjoy our rightful claim to clean air and clear water.
Suruan
heated. Reilly pressing. Some in W.H, wort to slow--
pataf protocol, as sil for Co2 in Chimate Charge convention.
Really think we a Rod itoffas Climate Charge competion,
by keeping m reporate Mach.
EMBARGOED FOR RELEASE AT 9:15 P.M. EST
OFFICE OF THE UNITED STATES
TRADE REPRESENTATIVE
EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT
WASHINGTON
20506
THE DECADE OF THE AMERICAS
Person of the Year Award Acceptance Remarks
By United States Trade Representative Carla A. Hills
Brazilian-American Chamber of Commerce
New York city
October 25, 1990
Introduction
I am honored to be named "Person of the Year" by the
Brazilian-American Chamber of Commerce along with the
distinguished Sergio Coimbra. The splendid reputation of the
Chamber and eminence of the previous recipients make this award
one especially to be cherished.
I am also grateful to have this opportunity to address this
extraordinary gathering of leading citizens from both Brazil and
the United States.
As the two largest countries in the Americas -- with nearly
400 million people -- it is exhilarating to think that together
we could make the 1990s the Decade of the Americas.
By joining together in a positive partnership for
prosperity, we could build upon the dramatic economic reforms
that President Fernando Collor has undertaken this year. In just
seven months since taking office he has driven down inflation,
begun to remove the government from the private sector, and
started to open the economy to greater competition.
President Collor's success comes from his strongly held
belief in freedom and his deeply rooted vision of the future for
Brazil and Latin America. In a speech last month to Yale
University, my alma mater, President Collor made clear what he
was after:
"We know exactly what we want. We want to have a fair share
in the benefits of mankind's progress. We want to join those in
the forefront of our era. We want our peoples to have access to
the best there is in well-being, security, education, and
information. In short, we want our people to be able to fulfill
their legitimate aspirations for happiness."
In this great quest for prosperity, Brazil, and indeed all
of Latin America, are beginning to look outward. Recognizing the
extraordinary changes underway, this past June, President Bush
BRAZILIAN-AMERICAN CHAMBER/PAGE 2
announced his Enterprise for the Americas Initiative, one of the
most exciting ideas of our time. His vision is to create a
hemispheric free trade zone.
The Uruguay Round
We will far be more able to realize the promise of his
Initiative for this hemisphere if we can successfully conclude
the Uruguay Round of global trade talks this December and open
markets worldwide.
The Uruguay Round -- so named because it was launched in
Uruguay in 1986 -- is seeking to strengthen and broaden the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, or GATT. The GATT is
without doubt the world's most important trade agreement --
indeed, it is the Constitution of World Trade.
The GATT started out small after World War II with just a
handful of nations looking for a way to spur economic growth. It
succeeded beyond all expectations.
Under GATT sponsorship, the world's trading nations have
held seven successful rounds of negotiations in which they
slashed tariff rates by more than 75 percent. As a result, trade
exploded from just $60 billion in 1950 to nudge the $4 trillion
mark this year.
This enormous expansion in global commerce has fueled a
spectacular surge of the world economy which has grown faster in
the last 40 years than in any four decades of world history.
Those nations whose opened their markets have enjoyed
unparalleled prosperity.
The GATT opened new markets for business, increased choices
and lowered prices for consumers, and led to higher incomes and
more jobs for workers.
But just as a thriving family outgrows its first house, so
too has the family of 100 nations that now make up the GATT and
account for 85 percent of world trade outgrown the rules that
served us so well for so long. Today, a third of world trade --
more than $1 trillion a year -- is not adequately covered by
internationally agreed rules of fair play.
Areas inadequately covered by GATT rules, like agriculture,
or not covered at all like services, investment, and intellectual
property have taken on an enormous importance in global trade.
That is why four years ago, the nations of the world
launched the Uruguay Round, so that they could negotiate new GATT
rules and amend old ones.
BRAZILIAN-AMERICAN CHAMBER/PAGE 3
As we head into the final 39 days of those negotiations,
here is what the Uruguay Round could mean for Brazil and the
United States:
Reducing tariff and non-tariff barriers by one-third
could cause global output to grow by an extra $4
trillion over the next 10 years. And the Americas'
share would be over $1 trillion.
Developing comprehensive rules of fair play for the new
areas of services, investment, and intellectual
property would spur economic growth and facilitate the
transfer of technology.
Reining in the hundreds of billions of dollars of
subsidies would result in fairer competition and
expanded trade.
Bringing the developing world, which accounts for
nearly $500 billion in annual sales, fully into the
global trading system would spread the benefits of that
system to the nations most in need.
Creating a swift and effective means to resolve trade
disputes would increase international cooperation.
Finally, achieving fundamental reform of agriculture
would allow farmers worldwide to grow what they want,
sell where they want, and prosper without government
interference.
These trade talks are not abstract discussions of arcane
principles. As President Collor also said at Yale: "Economic
change is a requirement for modernization. The engine of growth
is fueled by free enterprise, unencumbered trade, increased
efficiency and scientific and technological capability."
Brazil's Position in the Round
The United States and Brazil have been partners in working
to achieve a good agreement in the Uruguay Round with respect to
agriculture. We need to extend our partnership to other areas as
well, including the balance of payments provision, trade-related
investment measures, and intellectual property.
When developing countries are experiencing real balance of
payments difficulties, the United States agrees that they should
be permitted temporarily to restrict imports that are injuring
domestic industries. Brazil should work with us to develop clear
international rules governing when and under what circumstances
such restrictions can be used.
BRAZILIAN-AMERICAN CHAMBER/PAGE 4
A country that permits open investment fosters economic
growth; those that don't, stifle it. Again Brazil should work
with us to develop clear international rules to prohibit
governments from unduly interfering with investment -- that is
the road by which Brazil can become a world-class competitor.
Finally, a country that protects inventions and creative
ideas encourages their development at home and attracts valuable
technology from abroad. Thus, Brazil should work with us to
develop international rules that protect patents, trademarks, and
copyrights.
We are working hard in the Uruguay Round negotiations to
forge agreements in these areas. Little time is left and much
remains to be done. Quite frankly, President Collor's policies
in support of open markets and economic growth in Brasilia are
not getting translated into action in Geneva. Poor translation
puts at risk all that his administration is trying so
courageously to accomplish.
Conclusion
Both President Bush and President Collor have said that the
success of the Uruguay Round is a key to future hemispheric and
global prosperity.
President Bush said in speaking to the IMF/World Bank
meeting just last month: "The Round is not just a trade issue,
it is a growth issue. It can be the engine of economic growth
that carries us into the 21st century."
Our exciting new partnership for prosperity can help fuel
that engine.
Informed groups like the Brazilian-American Chamber of
Commerce can strengthen this partnership by educating the public,
politicians, and press in both of our countries about what is at
stake in this Round.
Make clear to them that your new markets, new sales, and new
profits gained through a successful Round will mean new jobs,
increased revenues, dollars in their pockets, and a better
standard of living for everyone.
Years of substantial economic growth are just within our
grasp. The Uruguay Round presents us with the extraordinary
moment in history to recharge global economic growth, propel
Brazil to prosperity, and launch the Decade of the Americas.
Thank you again for this award.
FROM
USIS BRASILIA
11.23.1990 8:58
P. 2
from Luzia -
1
Cultural Affaire section
us Embassy grasilia
Quotes from Brazilians
1) "A liberdade, para nós, corresponde a uma série de conquistas
sociais e políticas."
2) "Deste planalto central, desta solidão que em breve 8e
transformará em cérebro das altas decisões nacionais lanço 08 olhos
mais uma vez sobre 0 amanha do meu país e antevejo esta alvorada com
f é inquebrantável e uma confience sem limites no seu grande
destino.'
elding
3) "Considero uma dádiva de Deus ter a oportunidade de construir
Brasília."
5.
4) "Liberdade. As democracias que atentam contra a tua majestade
Barbosa) perecerão na tirania dos Césares ou na anarquia das ruas." (Ru1
(Liberty. The democracies that offend your majesty will perish
under the tyrany of the Caesers or the anarchy of the streets.)
5) "Toda a civilização se encerra na liberdade, toda a liberdade na
segurança dos direitos individuais." (Rui Barbosa)
rights.) (Civilization embodies liberty, all liberty in assuring individual
6) "Em Política, é a mesma coisa que em Religião: O essencial não
está na profissão do credo, mas na prática das obras." (Rui Barbosa)
the profession of creed but in actual work.)
(In Politics, it is the same as in Religion: the essential 18 not in
FROM
USIS BRASILIA
11.23.1990 8:58
P. 3
7) Os povos podem o que querem. Uma raça, uma nacionalidade, ou um
povo вó não é capaz do que não saiba querer." (Rui Barbosa)
(The people have the power to do what they want. A race, a
nationality, or a people will not be able to do only what they do
not know to desire.)
8) " O povo vive de persuasão e esperança, de benignidade e
trabalho." (Rui Barbosa)
(People live on persuasion and hope, on kindness and work.)
Rui Barbosa)
9) "Um povo que não tem quem lhe fale, perde o hábito de ouvir. " (
(People who do not have someone to listen to, lose the habit of
listening.)
10) "Não falsifica a história somente quem inverte a verdade, senão
também quem a omite." (Rui Barbosa)
also he who omits it.)
(It. is not only he who distorts the truth that falsifies history but
11) "Política é a arte de assegurar o êxito do bem." (San Tiago
Dantas, politician, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 1911/1964)
(Politics is the art of assuring the success of virtue.)
12) "Não basta viver para ser livre e responsável, E prociso sofrer
o peso das opções e a dificuldade das escolhas.'
USIS BRASILIA
11.23.1990
5019
FROM
Bree qah do
(Thank you)
3
Obrigado
Quotes by sident Jusceline Anbitechek
(On the Cougre 8'8 entrance ballet $15.00 Nagro
"Este ato representa o passo mais viril, mais energético, que a
Nação dá, após a sua independencia política, para a sua plena
afirmação como povo que tomou a seus ombros uma das mais
extraordinárias tarefas que a História contemporanea viu atribuir-se
a uma coletividade: a de povoar e civilizar as terras que
conquistou, vistas como um continente; a de integrar, na comunhão
dos povos, para o bem comum da humanidade, um dos mais ricos
territórios do mundo."
THE
energetic
step
that
194447 100
Years
bes
towed
upon
community
and
the people communi the being of-mankind,
world riches territorie
"E congratulo-me com O Congresso Nacional que, com alto
discernimento e patriotismo, soube auscultar 08 sentimentos desta
Nação, soube acolher seus históricos anseios, soube, mais uma vez,
mostrar-se fiel cumpridor da soberana vontade do povo brasileiro.
And
The cerniment and catriotism the
country
Enew-hor
how to reveal itself as the
overeign the Brazilian people
(Presidente Juscelino Kubitschek discurso ao sancionar a lei que
fixou a data de mudança da capital Palácio do Catete 10/10/57).
date for the move of the Capital
10/01/57.)
BRAZIL
During the Cruzado plan
to the Inter-American Treaty of Re-
when he visited Brazil in 1960. Presi-
(March-November 1986), the official
ciprocal Assistance (Rio treaty) and the
dents Roosevelt and Truman made ear-
cruzado exchange rate was held con-
Organization of American States (OAS).
lier visits; President Carter visited in
stant against the dollar, resulting in an
In recent years, Brazil has given high
1978, and President Reagan in 1982.
overvalued Brazilian currency, and im-
priority to expanding relations with its
President Sarney visited the United
port controls were relaxed in response
South American neighbors and is a
States in 1986.
to excess domestic demand. Following
founding member of the Amazon Pact
In the 1950s and 1960s, Brazil re-
the plan's collapse, the government re-
and the Latin American Integration
ceived about $2.4 billion in U.S. eco-
turned to "crawling peg" devaluation of
Association (ALADI), the successor to
nomic assistance-$1.4 billion under the
the cruzado to spur exports. In addi-
the Latin American Free Trade Asso-
auspices of the U.S. Agency for Inter-
tion, just prior to announcing its mor-
ciation (LAFTA).
national Development (AID) and the re-
storium on medium- and long-term
Brazil is a charter member of the
mainder under PL 480 (Food for Peace)
commercial bank debt, Brazil an-
United Nations and participates in
and Peace Corps programs. After 1972,
nounced that it would add 2,500 items
many of its specialized agencies. It has
the emphasis was on the training of
to a list of prohibited imports, to save
contributed troops to UN peacekeeping
Brazilian leaders in technology and
scarce foreign exchange. (That provi-
efforts in the Middle East, the former
physical and social sciences (in the
sion was reversed in September 1987.)
Belgian Congo, and Cyprus.
United States), especially at the gradu-
Foreign direct investment repre-
As Brazil's domestic economy has
ate level. Some 14,000 persons were
sents a relatively small but important
grown and diversified, the country has
trained by USAID during this period,
part of Brazil's capital base. The share
become increasingly involved in inter-
22,000 from all U.S. Government
of foreign direct investment and rein-
national politics and economics. It is a
sources. In view of Brazil's impressive
vestment registered with the Central
member of the General Agreement on
economic development and its increased
Bank totaled $27.7 billion as of Sep-
Tariffs and Trade (GATT), the Commit-
ability to obtain loans and technical as-
tember 30, 1986; U.S. investment to-
tee of Twenty of the International Mon-
sistance from private and multilateral
taled $8.2 billion, about 30% of the
etary Fund (IMF), the Group of 77, the
sources, U.S. assistance programs were
total. Brazil's investment policy had
World Bank, the Inter-American Devel-
phased out in the 1970s, major AID ac-
been fairly liberal since the mid-1960s
opment Bank (IDB), and several inter-
tivities in Brazil ended in 1979, and the
and particularly effective in attracting
national commodity agreements. The
Peace Corp's program was ended in
new investment from the developed
United States, Western Europe, and
1980. Currently, AID maintains a small
countries.
Japan are primary markets for Bra-
advanced developing country program
Recent measures, including the
zilian exports and sources of foreign
that emphasizes cooperation in science
market reserve on informatics and the
lending and investment. Brazil's depen-
and technology and family planning and
lack of intellectual property protection
dence on imported petroleum has re-
responds to endemic disease, emergen-
(especially patents and copyrights on
sulted in more intensive political and
cies, and natural disasters.
specific processes and manufactured
economic ties with Middle Eastern
The United States is Brazil's most
goods), have served to cool the invest-
countries. In the 1970s, Brazil ex-
important commercial partner, although
ment climate.
panded its relations with black African
the U.S. share of Brazilian trade
Initial drafts of the new constitu-
countries. In 1986, it introduced a pro-
dropped from a high of 26% to about
tion include provisions that could re-
posal at the UN General Assembly to
21% in 1985, when two-way trade
strict considerably the activities of
establish a Zone of Peace and Coopera-
amounted to $9.6 billion. The growing
foreign firms in various sectors of the
tion in the South Atlantic. As an indi-
diversification of U.S.-Brazil trade has
economy. The possibility that market
cation of Brazil's broader international
led to trade disputes, and bilateral dis-
reserve provisions will be extended to
role, trade with other developing coun-
cussions have concerned such issues as
other sectors, high inflation rates, un-
tries increased from 9% of the total in
Brazilian export subsidies and trade re-
certainty about economic policies, and
the 1970s to nearly 30% in 1983.
strictions, U.S. restrictions on certain
the 1987 moratorium on interest pay-
The Brazilian Government has dip-
import items, technology transfer, in-
ments to commercial banks, have cre-
lomatic relations with the U.S.S.R.,
tellectual property protection, and mul-
ated an adverse climate for the foreign
China, all of the East European com-
tilateral trade and commodity
investor. Foreign direct investment
munist countries, and Cuba but not
questions
flows were negative in 1986 and proba-
with Vietnam, Cambodia, or North
bly will be negative in 1987.
Korea.
FOREIGN RELATIONS
U.S. BRAZILI N RELATIONS
President
d, during
World War II, its expeditionary force in
Eisenhower was given a hero's welcome
Italy played a key role in the Allied
victory at Monte Castelo. It is a party
p.8 of 11/26 301 draft for congress speech.