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26
21
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1
Services of Mead Data Central
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1ST STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1991 Newspaper Publishing PLC
The Independent
March 3, 1991, Sunday
SECTION: FOREIGN NEWS PAGE; Page 2
LENGTH: 233 words
HEADLINE: Crisis in the Gulf / Gulf Briefing: Words of War and Peace
BODY:
Just off the target there was a load of flak. It was the longest minute of my
life - RAF Flight-Lieutenant Mike Sears, on the air war
He Saddam Hussein is a man without pity and whatever his fate may be, I for
one will not weep for him - John Major
Our strategy for dealing with this army is very simple - first we are going
to cut it off them we are going to kill it - Gen Colin Powell
Hellacious - Lieut Col Cliff Myers on the Khafji battle
We don't feel we attacked the wrong bunker or made a mistake. We feel very
comfortable that the attacked target was a legitimate target - Brigadier General
Richard Neal
An old recipe served up in slightly different sauce - Air Chief Marshal Sir
Patrick Hine on the first Iraqi peace offer
The mother of battles will be our battle of victory and martyrdom - Saddam
Hussein rejecting the Soviet peace plan
They said he would last three days. He's in his fourth week and I believe his
resistance will last at least three years - Yasser Arafat
He is neither a strategist nor is he schooled in the operational art, nor is
he a tactician, nor is he a general, nor is he a soldier. Other than that he is
a great military man - General Schwarzkopf
General Norman Schwarzkopf is undoubtedly the man of the match - Lieutenant
General Sir Peter de la Billiere
The victories of peace will take longer to win than the battles of war -
Margaret Thatcher
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4TH STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1991 Newsday, Inc.;
Newsday
March 2, 1991, Saturday, CITY EDITION
SECTION: NEWS; NEW YORK DIARY; Pg. 10
LENGTH: 959 words
HEADLINE: VICTORY IN THE GULF;
'Schwarzie' Winning Hearts at Home
BYLINE: Dennis Duggan
DATELINE: West Point
KEYWORD: COLUMN; UNITED STATES; MILITARY ACADEMY; NORMAN SCHWARZKOPF; PROFILE;
PERSIAN GULF WAR
BODY:
It was here that Gen. H. Norman Schwarzkopf learned how to fight wars, and
it was here that he began honing the freewheeling style that has captured a
victory-starved nation's fancy.
"He was that way when I met him in here," said classmate John Bahnsen, a
retired brigadier general who lives on the U.S. Military Academy grounds here.
"He's a muddy boots kind of guy, and he has fought the first war we've won since
World War II."
Bahnsen, as outspoken as his now-famous classmate, doesn't count Panama and
Grenada. "Those were exercises," he said. And he is filled with admiration for
the man called "Stormin' Norman," or ''Schwarzie," the nickname given
Schwarzkopf's father, who graduated from West Point a few months ahead of
schedule in 1917 50 he could fight in World War I.
No matter where a visitor goes - from the West Point grounds jutting out over
the sweeping Hudson River to the hamlet outside them called Highland Falls -
there echoed praise for the victorious general.
"God Bless Norman Schwarzkopf," cried Tony Ciccarello, the operator of a toy
soldier gallery with a window display in which three American soldiers are
depicted capturing three Iraqis holding white flags.
"He has given us back our pride," said Ciccarello. "Those two-bit countries
are going to think twice before messing around with us again."
You can almost hear the pulse of patriotism beating here. There are the flags
and the yellow ribbons, of course, but there are also the handwritten posters
hanging in stores inviting troop supporters to a free spaghetti dinner at the
firehouse tomorrow afternoon.
And there is a huge sign hanging outside a Highland Falls elementary school
on Mountain Avenue, along with a gigantic yellow ribbon that says, "Hurry Back
Sgt. Harvey Mathis." He is a soldier from another state that the third-grade
class has adopted and has sent letters and parcels. Mathis and his wife have
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(c) 1991 Newsday, March 2, 1991
promised to visit when he returns from the gulf.
The sweet taste of victory has elevated Schwarzkopf to the kind of fame
usually reserved for home-run hitters or rock stars. The welcome mat has been
rolled out for the 56-year-old West Pointer by Fortune 500 companies as well as
by little guys all across America.
It wasn't just that he commanded the half-million soldiers of a 28-nation
coalition to a stunning victory. He also broke the old mold of the taciturn,
tight-lipped commanders we havebeen accustomed to. Generals like William
Westmoreland, for instance, who seemed to bunch into himself as the Vietnam War
went from bad to worse and finally to ignominious defeat.
"I think he is the new style of general," said cadet Nicholas Lewis at lunch
yesterday in the mess hall, where 4,400 West Pointers were eating.
"The nation was ready for him," said Lewis. "He is straighforward and frank,
and people feel they can trust him."
West Point is, and has been since its founding in 1802 by Thomas Jefferson,
the incubator of military leaders. It was here from 1952 to 1956 that
Schwarzkopf played soccer and football and studied hard enough to finish in the
top 10 percent of his class.
Like many West Pointers, he followed in his father's footsteps. And he
obviously has some of the physical characteristics that caught the attention of
his father's biographers in the Howitzer yearbook who wrote of the elder
Schwarzkopf:
и
his shape is like a beer keg
To see 'Schwarzie'
attack a 'football table' supper is to sit with mouth open in wonderment and go
starved."
It was Schwarzkopf's father who organized the New Jersey State Police and who
was instrumental in capturing Bruno Hauptmann, the man accused of kidnaping and
killing the Charles Lindbergh baby. Later, his father was invited by the then
reigning Shah of Iran to organize the secret police there.
On the steps of his brick home on Lee Road at West Point yesterday, Bahnsen,
also known as Doc, recalled playing soccer with young Schwarzkopf and later
meeting up with him on the battlefield in Vietnam.
"He learned from the mistakes we made there," said Bahnsen. "He used armor in
this war instead of allowing unprotected soldiers to go into the battlefield.
That's why his casualities were so low.
"He also kept the politicians and press at arm's length. If he had let the
press go out into the field, they would have found every dissatisifed grunt
around," added Bahnsen. "He is a man's man, a stud is what I call him. He came
here with the spirit and the verve you see on television when he gives
briefings, but he is also imbued with what I call the pride of West Point."
Bahnsen recalled that it was to West Point that the U.S. hostages returned in
1981 when they were freed by the Iranians. At the military academy, he said, "We
mean it when we use words like duty, honor and country."
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(c) 1991 Newsday, March 2, 1991
Bahnsen does not think his former classmate will leave the Army, as
Schwarzkopf once said he might, for fame or riches. "If they want him to stay,
he will. They should make him chief of staff, because he has credibility with
the people and with Congress, said Bahnsen.
Lt. Gen. Peter de la Billiere, Schwarzkopf's counterpart in the British Army,
said a few days ago that it was Schwarzkopf's war. "He is the man of the
match, = he said, referring to the expression used by British sports
commentators after a soccer game.
Schwarzkopf is that, and he seems to be one of our few media-hip military
commanders, keeping a sometimes resentful press at bay occupied with meaningless
tidbits, colorful banter and war charts.
At times, he seemed more like a weekend bowler than a full-time warrior, but
he exuded the kind of confidence that troops in the field must have. If there
must be wars, and history says there must, then this is the sort of leader you
want.
GRAPHIC: Photo- Gen. H. Norman Schwarzkopf attended West Point 1952-1956 and
graduated in the top 10 percent of his class.
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4-paint int. Vernon speech
7/4/18
234
WAR AND PEACE
III. The consent of all nations to be governed in
their conduct towards each other by the same principles
of honor and of respect for the common law of civilized
society that govern the individual citizens of all modern
states in their relations with one another; to the end
that all promises and covenants may be sacredly ob-
served, no private plots or conspiracies hatched, no
selfish injuries wrought with impunity, and a mutual
trust established upon the handsome foundation of a
mutual respect for right.
IV. The establishment of an organization of peace
which shall make it certain that the combined power of
free nations will check every invasion of right and serve
to make peace and justice the more secure by affording a
definite tribunal of opinion to which all must submit
and by which every international readjustment that can-
not be amicably agreed upon by the peoples directly
concerned shall be sanctioned.
These great objects can be put into a single sentence.
What we seek is the reign of law, based upon the con-
sent of the governed and sustained by the organized
opinion of mankind.
These great ends cannot be achieved by debating and
seeking to reconcile and accommodate what statesmen
may wish, with their projects for balances of power
and of national opportunity. They can be realized only
by the determination of what the thinking peoples of
the world desire, with their longing hope for justice and
for social freedom and opportunity.
I can fancy that the air of this place carries the ac-
cents of such principles with a peculiar kindness. Here
were started forces which the great nation against
which they were primarily directed at first regarded as
a revolt against its rightful authority but which it has
long since seen to have been a step in the liberation of
its own people as well as of the people of the United
States; and I stand here now to speak,-speak proudly
and with confident hope,-of the spread of this revolt,
SEPTEMBER 4, 1919
7
SEPTEMBER 4, 1919
6
transcripts to Senator Hitchcock, who presented them to the Senate, which,
An Address to the Columbus Chamber of Commerce
October 7, 1919, ordered them printed. They were printed by the Govern-
[[September 4, 1919]]
ment on Printing Office in 1919 as Addresses of President Wilson: Addresses
Delivered by President Wilson on his Western Tour, September 4 to September
Mr. Chairman, Governor Campbell,' and my fellow citizens. (ap-
1919, on the League of Nations, Treaty of Peace with Germany, Industrial Sen.
plause) It is with very profound pleasure that I find myself face to
Conditions, 25, High Cost of Living, Race Riots, Etc., 66th Cong., 1st sess.,
face with you. I have for a long time chafed at the confinement of
Doc. 120. Reprinted verbatim by Ray Stannard Baker and William E. Dodd,
Washington. I have for a long time wished to fulfill the purpose
eds., The Public Papers of Woodrow Wilson (6 vols., New York, 1925-27), V-
with which my heart was full when I returned to our beloved coun-
VI, they have to this time been regarded as the standard texts.
usually printed by all the newspapers of the cities in which he spoke; in
Transcripts of Wilson's speeches, prepared by their own reporters, were ad-
try, namely, to go out and report to my fellow countrymen concern-
ing those affairs of the world which now need to be settled.
dition, either full or partial texts were distributed by the national news ser-
The only people I owe any report to are you and the other citi-
vices or printed in the newspapers which had special reporters on the tour.
zens of the United States, and it has become increasingly neces-
We have attempted to recover all versions of Wilson's speeches in all news-
Following our usual practice in reconstructing Wilson's speeches, read we
sary, apparently, that I should report to you. After all the various
papers. first compared Swem's transcripts to other versions. In addition, we
angles at which you have heard the treaty held up, perhaps you
Swem's transcripts against his own shorthand notes. These exercises at once
would like to know what is in the treaty. I find it very difficult in
revealed that Swem made numerous errors of transcription. Moreover, his ver-
reading some of the speeches that I have read to form any concep-
sions are highly critical ones, that is, he edited them extensively. He changed
sentences to make them grammatical; omitted portions of speeches which,
tion of that great document.
for various reasons, he thought ought not to be published; rearranged portions
It is a document unique in the history of the world for many
of speeches to make Wilson appear coherent; and expanded all contrac-
reasons, and I think I cannot do you a better service, or the peace
of the world a better service, than by pointing out to you just what
tions. Following standard editorial method, we have regarded complete texts of
this treaty contains and what it seeks to do.
Wilson's speeches as the basic texts. In several cases, Swem's texts are the
only complete texts available; we have used them as the basic texts and have
In the first place, my fellow countrymen, it seeks to punish one
corrected them insofar as possible by a reading of Swem's transcripts of them
of the greatest wrongs ever done in history-the wrong which Ger-
against extant incomplete texts. In other cases, when complete texts, which
many sought to do to the world and to civilization, and there ought
appeared to us to be accurate renderings, were available in local newspapers,
to be no weak purpose with regard to the application of the punish-
we used them as the basic texts and, whenever appropriate, have corrected
ment. She attempted an intolerable thing, and she must be made
them from a reading of Swem's texts and other complete or partial texts in
other newspapers. Since the spelling, punctuation, capitalization, paragraph-
to pay for the attempt.
ing, and so on of all these texts were those of the reporters who recorded
The terms of the treaty are severe, but they are not unjust. I can
them, we have modernized spellings, reparagraphed, and made such changes
testify that the men associated with me at the peace conference in
in capitalization and punctuation as seemed appropriate.
Paris had it in their hearts to do justice and not wrong. But they
In all cases, Wilson delivered these speeches without a written text. As had
knew, perhaps with a more vivid sense of what had happened than
been his practice since he entered public life in 1910, Wilson relied upon brief
outlines to assist his memory of what he wanted to say. Also, probably at some
we could possibly know on this side of the water, the many solemn
time before he left on his western tour, Wilson typed eight pages of notes on
covenants which Germany had disregarded, the long preparation
special subjects: themes, the character and scope of the treaty, the Covenant
she had made to overwhelm her neighbors, the utter disregard
of the League of Nations, the voting powers of the Assembly, and "Change of
which she had shown for human rights-for the rights of women
Policy." Either in California, or soon afterward, Wilson typed up new general
and children and those who were helpless.
outlines for speeches and extracts for quotation. All these notes are WWT MSS
in WP, DLC. We do not print all of them because Wilson developed their points
They had seen their lands devastated by an enemy that devoted
and subjects in his speeches repetitively.
itself not only to the effort of victory, but to the effort of terror-
seeking to terrify the people whom they fought. And I wish to tes-
tify that they exercised restraint in the terms of this treaty. They
did not wish to overwhelm any great nation; they acknowledged
that Germany was a great nation; and they had no purpose in over-
The chairman was William Oxley Thompson, President of Ohio State University.
Campbell was James Edwin Campbell, Democrat, Governor of Ohio, 1890-1892.
AN ADDRESS IN COLUMBUS
SEPTEMBER 4, 1919
9
8
whelming the German people. But they did think that it ought to
meant merely to end this single war. It is meant as a notice to every
be burned into the consciousness of men forever that no people
government which in the future will attempt this thing that man-
ought to permit its government to do what the German govern-
kind will unite to inflict the same punishment.
There is no national triumph sought to be recorded in this treaty.
ment did.
In the last analysis, my fellow countrymen, as we in America
There is no glory sought for any particular nation. The thought of
would be the first to claim, a people are responsible for the acts of
the statesmen collected around that table was of their people, of
their government. If their government purposes things that are
the sufferings that they had gone through, of the losses they had
wrong, they ought to take measures and see to it that that purpose
incurred-that great throbbing heart which was so depressed, so
forlorn, so sad in every memory that it had had of the five tragical
is not executed.
Germany was self-governed. Her rulers had not concealed the
years that have just gone by. Let us never forget those years, my
purpose that they had in mind, but they had deceived their people
fellow countrymen. Let us never forget the purpose-the high pur-
as to the character of the methods they were going to use. And I
pose, the disinterested purpose-with which America lent its
believe, from what I can learn, that there is an awakened con-
strength, not for its own glory, but for the advance of mankind.
sciousness in Germany itself of the deep iniquity of the thing that
And, as I said, this treaty was not intended merely to end this war.
It was intended to prevent any similar war.
was attempted.
When the Austrian delegates came before the peace conference,
I wonder if some of the opponents of the League of Nations have
they in so many words spoke of the origination of the war as a
forgotten the promises we made our people before we went to that
crime and admitted in our presence that it was a thing intolerable
peace table. We had taken by process of law the flower of our youth
to contemplate. They knew in their hearts that it had done them
from every countryside, from every household, and we told those
the deepest conceivable wrong-that it had put their people and
mothers and fathers and sisters and wives and sweethearts that we
the people of Germany at the judgment seat of mankind. And
were taking those men to fight a war which would end business of
throughout this treaty, every term that was applied to Germany
that sort. And if we do not end it, if we do not do the best that
was meant; not to humiliate Germany, but to rectify the wrong that
human concert of action can do to end it, we are of all men the
most unfaithful-the most unfaithful to the loving hearts who suf-
she had done.
And if you will look even into the severe terms of reparation, for
fered in this war, the most unfaithful to those households bowed
there was no indemnity-no indemnity of any sort was claimed,
in grief, yet lifted with the feeling that the lad laid down his life for
merely reparation, merely paying for the destruction done, merely
a great thing, among other things, in order that other lads might
making good the losses, so far as the losses could be made good,
not have to do the same thing.
which she had unjustly inflicted, not upon the governments (for
That is what the League of Nations is for, to end this war justly.
the reparation is not to go to the governments), but upon the peo-
And it is not merely to serve notice on governments which would
ple whose rights she had trodden upon with absolute absence of
contemplate the same things which Germany contemplated that
everything that even resembled pity. There is no indemnity in this
they will do it at their peril, but also concerting the combination of
treaty, but there is reparation, and, even in the terms of reparation,
power which will prove to them that they will do it at their peril. It
a method is devised by which the reparation shall be adjusted to
is idle to say the world will combine against you, because it may
Germany's ability to pay it.
not, but it is persuasive to say the world is combined against you,
I am astonished at some of the statements Isee made about this
and will remain combined against any who attempt the same
treaty, and the truth is that they are made by persons who have not
things that you attempted. The League of Nations is the only thing
read the treaty or who, if they have read it, have not comprehended
that can prevent the recurrence of this dreadful catastrophe and
redeem our promises.
its meaning.
There is a method of adjustment in the treaty by which the rep-
And the character of the League is based upon the experience of
aration shall not be pressed beyond the point which Germany can
this very war. I did not meet a single public man who did not admit
pay, but she will be pressed to the utmost point that she can pay-
these things-that Germany would not have gone into this war if
which is just, which is righteous. It would be intolerable if there
she had thought Great Britain was going into it, and that she most
had been anything else. For my fellow citizens, this treaty is not
certainly would never have gone into this war if she had dreamed
AN ADDRESS IN COLUMBUS
SEPTEMBER 4, 1919
11
10
America was going into it. And they have all admitted that a notice
have the normal intercourse with their kinsmen for fear that that
beforehand that the greatest powers of the world would combine
fine instinct of the heart should assert itself which binds families
to prevent this sort of thing would have prevented it absolutely.
together.
When gentlemen tell you, therefore, that the League of Nations
Poland never could have won her independence. Bohemia never
is intended for some other purpose than this, merely reply this to
could have broken-away from the Austro-Hungarian combination.
them: "If we do not do this thing, we have neglected the central
The Slavic peoples to the south, running down into the great Bal-
covenant that we made to our people." And there will be no states-
kan Peninsula, had again and again tried to assert their nationality
men of any country who can thereafter promise his people any al-
and their independence, and had as often been crushed, not by the
leviation from the perils of war. The passions of this world are not
immediate power they were fighting, but by the combined power
dead. The rivalries of this world have not cooled, They have been
of Europe. The old alliances, the old balances of power, were
rendered hotter than ever. The harness that is to unite nations is
meant to see to it that no little nation asserted its rights to the dis-
more necessary now than it ever was before, and, unless there is
turbance of the peace of Europe, and every time an assertion of
this sureness of combined action before wrong is attempted, wrong
rights was attempted they were suppressed by combined influence
will be attempted just so soon as the most ambitious nations can
and force.
recover from the financial stress of this war.
And this treaty tears away all that and says these people have a
Now, look what else is in the treaty. This treaty is unique in the
right to live their own lives under the governments which they
history of mankind, because the center of it is the redemption of
themselves choose to set up. That is the American principle, and I
weak nations. There never was a congress of nations before that
was glad to fight for it. And when strategic considerations were
considered the rights of those who could not enforce their rights.
urged, I said-not I alone, but it was a matter of common coun-
There never was a congress of nations before that did not seek to
sel-that strategic considerations were not in our thought, that we
effect some balance of power brought about by means of serving
were not now arranging for future wars but were giving people
the strength and interest of the strongest powers concerned,
what belonged to them.
whereas this treaty builds up nations that never could have won
My fellow citizens, I do not think there is any man alive who has
their freedom in any other way. It builds them up by gift, by lar-
a more tender sympathy for the great people of Italy than I have,
gess, not by obligation; builds them up because of the conviction
and a very stern duty was presented to us when we had to consider
of the men who wrote the treaty that the rights of people transcend
some of the claims of Italy on the Adriatic, because strategically,
the rights of governments, because of the conviction of the men
from the point of view of future wars, Italy needed a military foot-
who wrote that treaty that the fertile source of war is wrong.
hold on the other side of the Adriatic. But her people did not live
The Austro-Hungarian Empire, for example, was held together
there except in little spots. It was a Slavic people, and I had to say
by military force and consisted of peoples who did not want to live
to my Italian friends that everywhere else in this treaty we have
together, who did not have the spirit of nationality as towards each
given territory to the people who lived on it, and I do not think that
other, who were constantly chafing at the bands that held them.
it is for the advantage of Italy, and I am sure it is not for the advan-
Hungary, though a willing partner of Austria, was willing to be her
tage of the world, to give Italy territory where other people live.
partner because she could share Austria's strength for accomplish-
I felt the force of the argument for what they wanted, and it was
ing her own ambitions, and her own ambitions were to hold under
the old argument that had always prevailed, namely, that they
the Jugo-Slavic peoples that lie to the south of her: Bohemia, an
needed it from a military point of view, and I have no doubt that if
unhappy partner--a partner by duress, flowing in all her veins the
there is no League of Nations, they will need it from a military
strongest national impulse that was to be found anywhere in Eu-
point of view. But if there is a League of Nations, they will not need
rope; and, north of that, pitiful Poland, a great nation divided up
it from a military point of view.
among the great powers of Europe, torn asunder, kinship disre-
If there is no League of Nations, the military point of view will
garded, natural ties treated with contempt, and an obligatory divi-
prevail in every instance, and peace will be brought into contempt.
sion among sovereigns imposed upon her, a part of her given to
But if there is a League of Nations, Italy need not fear the fact that
Russia, a part of her given to Austria, and a part of her given to
the shores on the other side of the Adriatic tower above her lower
Germany, and great bodies of Polish people never permitted to
sandy shores on her side of the sea, because there will be no threat-
AN ADDRESS IN COLUMBUS
SEPTEMBER 4, 1919
13
12
ening guns there, and the nations of the world will have concerted,
dreds of years had after a while gathered into a hot anger that
not merely to see that the Slavic peoples have their rights, but that
could not be suppressed.
the Italian people have their rights as well. I would rather have
Revolutions don't spring up overnight. Revolutions gather
everybody on my side than be armed to the teeth. And every settle-
through the ages; revolutions come from the long suppression of
ment that is right, every settlement that is based upon the princi-
the human spirit. Revolutions come because men know that they
ples I have alluded to, is a safe settlement, because the sympathy
have rights and that they are disregarded. And, when we think of
of mankind will be behind it.
the future of the world in connection with this treaty, we must
Some gentlemen have feared with regard to the League of Na-
remember that one of the chief efforts of those who made this
tions that we will be obliged to do things we don't want to do. If
treaty was to remove that anger from the heart of great peoples,
the treaty were wrong, that might be so, but if the treaty is right,
great peoples who had always been suppressed, and always been
we will wish to preserve right. I think I know the heart of this great
used, who had always been the tools in the hands of governments,
people whom I, for the time being, have the high honor to repre-
generally of alien governments, not their own. And the makers of
sent, better than some other men that I hear talk. I have been bred,
the treaty knew that if these wrongs were not removed, there could
and am proud to have been bred, in the old Revolutionary stock
be no peace in the world, because, after all, my fellow citizens, war
which set this government up, when America was set up as a
comes from the seed of wrong and not from the seed of right. This
friend of mankind, and I know, if they do not, that America has
treaty is an attempt to right the history of Europe, and, in my hum-
never lost that vision or that purpose. But I haven't the slightest
ble judgment, it is a measurable success.
fear that arms will be necessary if the purpose is there. If I know
I say "measurable," my fellow citizens, because you will realize
that my adversary is armed and I am not, I do not press the contro-
the difficulty of this. Here are two neighboring peoples. The one
versy. And if any nation entertains selfish purposes set against the
people have not stopped at a sharp line, and the settlements of the
principles established in this treaty and is told by the rest of the
other people, or their migrations, begun at that sharp line; they
world that it must withdraw its claim, it will not press them.
have intermingled. There are regions where you can't draw a na-
The heart of the treaty then, my fellow citizens, is not even that
tional line and say there are Slavs on this side and Italians on that.
it punishes Germany. That is a temporary thing. It is that it recti-
There is this people there and that people there. It can't be done.
fies the age-long wrongs which characterized the history of Eu-
You have to approximate the line. You have to come to it as near to
rope. There were some of us who wished that the scope of the
it as you can, and then trust to the processes of history to redistrib-
treaty would reach some other age-long wrongs. It was a big job,
ute, it may be, the people who are on the wrong side of the line.
and I don't say that we wished that it were bigger. But there were
And there are many such lines drawn in this treaty and to be
other wrongs elsewhere than in Europe and of the same kind
drawn in the Austrian treaty, and where perhaps there are more
which no doubt ought to be righted, and some day will be righted,
lines of that sort than in the German treaty.
but which we could not draw into the treaty because we could deal
When we came to draw the line between the Polish people and
only with the countries whom the war had engulfed and affected.
the German people, not the line between Germany and Poland-
But so far as the scope of our treaty went, we rectified the wrongs
there wasn't any Poland, strictly speaking-the line between the
which have been the fertile source of war in Europe.
German people and the Polish people, there were districts like the
Have you ever reflected, my fellow countrymen, on the real
upper part of Silesia, or rather the eastern part of Silesia, which is
source of revolutions? Men don't start revolutions in a sudden pas-
called Upper Silesia because it is mountainous and the other part
sion. Do you remember what Thomas Carlyle said about the
is not. High Silesia is chiefly Polish, and, when we came to draw a
French Revolution? He was speaking of the so-called Hundred
line to represent Poland, it was necessary to include High Silesia if
Days' Terror, which reigned, not only in Paris, but throughout
we were really going to play fair and make Poland up of the Polish
France, in the days of the French Revolution, and he reminded his
peoples wherever we found them in sufficiently close neighbor-
readers that back of that Hundred Days of Terror lay several
hood to one another.
hundred years of agony and of wrong. The French people had been
But it wasn't perfectly clear that Upper Silesia-that High Sile-
deeply and consistently wronged by their government-robbed,
sia-wanted to be part of Poland. At any rate, there were Germans
their human rights disregarded-and the slow agony of those hun-
in High Silesia who said that it did not, and therefore we did there
14
AN ADDRESS IN COLUMBUS
SEPTEMBER 4, 1919
15
what we did in many other places. We said, "Very well, then, we
ified by that time or not. There is to meet an assembly which rep-
will let the people that live there decide. We will have a referendum
resents the interests of laboring men throughout the world. Not
within a certain length of time after the war, under the supervision
their political interests-there is nothing political about it. It is the
of an international commission, which will have a sufficient armed
interests of men concerning the conditions of their labor, concern-
force behind it to preserve order and see that nobody interferes
ing the character of labor which women shall engage in, the char-
with the elections. We will have an absolutely free vote, and High
acter of labor which children shall be permitted to engage in; the
Silesia shall go either to Germany or to Poland, as the people in
hours of labor; and, incidentally, of course, the remuneration of
High Silesia prefer." And that illustrates many other cases where
labor-that labor shall be remunerated in proportion, of course, to
we provided for a referendum, or a plebiscite, as they choose to call
the maintenance of the standard of living, which is proper for the
it, and are going to leave it to the people themselves, as we should
man who is expected to give his whole brain and intelligence and
have done, what government they shall live under. It is none of my
energy to a particular task. I hear very little said about this Magna
prerogative to allot peoples to this government and the other. It is
Carta of labor which is embodied in this treaty. It forecasts the day,
nobody's right to do that allotting except the people themselves,
which ought to have come long ago, when statesmen will realize
and I want to testify that this treaty is shot through with the Amer-
that no nation is fortunate which is not happy, and that no nation
ican principle of the choice of the governed.
can be happy whose people are not contented-contented in their
Of course, at times it went further than we could make a prac-
industry, contented in their lives, and fortunate in the circum-
tical policy of, because various peoples were keen upon getting
stances of their lives.
back portions of their populations which were separated from them
If I were to state what seems to me to be the central idea of this
by many miles of territory, and we couldn't spot the map over with
treaty, it would be this-it is almost a discovery in international con-
little pieces of separated states. I even had to remind my Italian
ferences-that nations do not consist of their government but con-
colleagues that, if they were going to claim every place where there
sist of their people! That is a rudimentary idea. It seems to us to go
was a large Italian population, we would have to cede New York to
without saying, to us in America, but, my fellow citizens, it was
them, because there are more Italians in New York than in any
never the leading idea in any other international congress that I
Italian city. But I believe-I hope-that the Italians in New York
ever heard of; that is to say, any international congress made up of
City are as glad to stay there as we are to have them. But I would
the representatives of governments. They were always thinking of
not have you suppose that I am intimating that my Italian col-
national policy, of national advantages, of the rivalries of trade, of
leagues entered any claim for New York City.
the advantages of territorial conquest. There is nothing of that in
We of all peoples in the world, my fellow citizens, ought to be
this treaty.
able to understand the questions of this treaty, and without any-
You will notice that even the territories which are taken away
body explaining them to us, for we are made up out of all the peo-
from Germany, like her colonies, are not given to anybody. There
ples of the world. I dare say that in this audience there are repre-
isn't a single act of annexation in this treaty. But territories inhab-
sentatives of practically all the peoples dealt with in this treaty. You
ited by people not yet able to govern themselves, either because of
don't have to have me explain national ambitions to you, national
economic or other circumstances or the stage of their develop-
aspirations. You have been brought up on them. You have learned
ment, are put under the care of powers who are to act as trustees—
of them since you were children, and it is those national aspirations
trustees responsible in the forum of the world at the bar of the
which we sought to realize, to give an outlet to in this great treaty.
League of Nations, and the terms upon which they are to exercise
But we do much more than that. This treaty contains, among
their trusteeship are outlined. They are not to use those people by
other things, a Magna Carta of labor-a thing unheard of until this
way of profit and to fight their wars for them. They are not to per-
interesting year of grace. There is a whole section of the treaty de-
mit any form of slavery among them, or of enforced labor. They are
voted to arrangements by which the interests of those who labor
to see to it that there are humane conditions of labor with regard,
with their hands all over the world-whether they be men or
not only to the women and the children, but the men, too. They
women or children-are all of them to be safeguarded. And next
are to establish no fortifications. They are to regulate the liquor and
month there is to meet the first assembly under this section of the
the opium traffic. They are to see to it, in other words, that the lives
League-and let me tell you it will meet whether the treaty is rat-
of the people whose care they assume-not sovereignty over whom
SEPTEMBER 4, 1919
17
16
AN ADDRESS IN COLUMBUS
they assume, but whose care they assume-are kept clean and safe
very often. We had discussions as to the details, but we never had
and wholesome. There again the principle of the treaty comes
any serious discussion as to the principles. And, while we all ac-
out-that the object of the arrangement is the welfare of the people
knowledged that the principles might perhaps in detail have been
who live there, and not the advantages of the government.
better, really we are all back of those principles. There is a concert
It goes beyond that. And it seeks to gather under the common
of mind and of purpose and of policy in the world that was never
supervision of the League of Nations the various instrumentalities
in existence before.
by which the world has been trying to check the evils that were in
am not saying that by way of credit to myself or to those col-
some places debasing men, like the opium traffic, like the traffic-
leagues to whom I have alluded, because what happened to us was
for it was a traffic-in men, women, and children, like the traffic
that we got messages from our people. We were there under in-
in other dangerous drugs, like the traffic in arms among uncivi-
structions, whether they were written down or not, and we did not
lized people, who could use arms only for their detriment, for san-
dare come home without fulfilling those instructions. If I could not
itation, for the work of the Red Cross. Why, those clauses, my fel-
have brought back the kind of treaty I brought back, I never would
low citizens, draw the hearts of the world into league, draw the
have come back, because I would have been an unfaithful servant,
noble impulses of the world together and make a poem of them.
and you would have had the right to condemn me in any way that
I used to be told that this was an age in which mind was mon-
you chose to use. So that I testify that this is an American treaty,
arch, and my comment was that, if that were true, then mind was
not only, but it is a treaty that expresses the heart of the peoples-
one of those modern monarchs that reigns and does not govern.
of the great peoples-who were associated together in the war
But, as a matter of fact, we were governed by a great representative
against Germany.
assembly made up of the human passions, and that the best we
I said at the opening of this informal address, my fellow citizens,
could manage was that the high and fine passions should be in a
that I had come to make a report to you. I want to add to that a
majority so that they could control the baser passions, so that they
little bit. I have not come to debate the treaty. It speaks for itself, if
could check the things that were wrong. And this treaty seeks
you will let it. The arguments directed against it are directed
something like that. In drawing the humane endeavors together it
against it with a radical misunderstanding of the instrument itself.
makes a mirror of the fine passions of the world, of its philan-
Therefore, I am not going anywhere to debate the treaty. I am
thropic passions, of its passion of pity, of its passion of human sym-
going to expound it, and I am going, right here, now today, to urge
pathy, of its passion of human friendliness and helpfulness-for
you, in every vocal method that you can use, to assert the spirit of
there is such a passion. It is the passion that has lifted us along the
the American people in support of it. Don't let them pull it down.
slow road of civilization It is the passion that has made ordered
Don't let them misrepresent it. Don't let them lead this nation
government possible. It is the passion that has made justice and
away from the high purposes with which this war was inaugurated
established the thing in some happy part of the world.
and fought. As I came through that line of youngsters in khaki a
That is the treaty. Did you ever hear of it before? Did you ever
few minutes ago, I felt that I could salute it because I had done the
know before what was in this treaty? Did anybody before ever tell
job in the way I promised them I would do it. And when this treaty
you what the treaty was intended to do? I beg, my fellow citizens,
is accepted, men in khaki will not have to cross the seas again.
that you and the rest of those Americans with whom we are happy
That is the reason I believe in it.
to be associated all over this broad land will read the treaty for
I say "when it is accepted," for it will be accepted. I have never
themselves, or, if they won't take time to do that-for it is a tech-
entertained a moment's doubt of that, and the only thing I have
nical document that is hard to read-that they will accept the
been impatient of has been the delay. It is not a dangerous delay,
interpretation of those who made it and know what the intentions
except for the temper of the peoples scattered throughout the
were in the making of it.
world who are waiting. Do you realize, my fellow citizens, that the
I hear a great deal, my fellow citizens, about the selfishness and
whole world is waiting on America? The only country in the world
the selfish ambitions of other governments, but I would not be
that is trusted at this moment is the United States, and they are
doing justice to the gifted men with whom I was associated on the
waiting to see whether their trust is justified or not. That has been
other side of the water if I didn't testify that the purposes that I
the ground of my impatience. I knew their trust was justified, but
have outlined were their purposes. We differed as to the method
I begrudged the time that certain gentlemen oblige us to take in
SEPTEMBER 4, 1919
19
SEPTEMBER 4, 1919
18
telling them so. We shall tell them so in a voice as authentic as any
the history of America as we can in no other way, for that is the
voice in history, and in the years to come men will be glad to re-
history and principle of America. That is at the heart of it. I beg
member that they had some part in the great struggle which
that, whenever you consider this great matter, you will look at it
brought this incomparable consummation of the hopes of man-
from this point of view: shall we or shall we not sustain the first
great act of international justice? The thing wears a very big aspect
kind.
when you look at it that way, and all little matters seem to fall away
the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Sept. 5, 1919; with minor corrections New from York the
and one seems ashamed to bring in special interests, particularly
complete Printed in texts in the Columbus Ohio State Journal, Sept. 5, 1919, and the
party interests. What difference does party make when mankind is
Times, Sept. 5, 1919.
involved? Parties are intended, if they are intended for any legiti-
mate purpose, to serve mankind, and they are based upon legiti-
Remarks on Board the Presidential Train
mate differences of opinion, not as to whether mankind shall be
served or not, but as to the way in which it shall be served; and, so
at Richmond, Indiana
far as those differences are legitimate differences, they justify the
September 4, 1919.
differences between parties.
I am trying to tell the people what is in the treaty. You would not
Printed in Addresses of President Wilson, with corrections from the complete text in
know what is in it to read some of the speeches I read, and if you
the New York Times, Sept. 5, 1919.
will be generous enough to me to read some of the things I say, I
hope it will help to clarify a great many matters which have been
very much obscured by some of the things which have been said.
An Address in the Indianapolis Coliseum
Because we have now to make the most critical choice we ever
made as a nation, and it ought to be made in all soberness and
[[September 4, 1919]]
without the' slightest tinge of party feeling in it. I would be
Mr. President, my fellow citizens, so great a company as this
ashamed of myself if I discussed this great matter as a Democrat
tempts me to make a speech, (laughter and applause) and yet I
and not as an American. I am sure that every man who looks at it
want to say to you in all seriousness and soberness that I have not
without party prejudice and as an American will find in that treaty
come here to make a speech in the ordinary sense of that term. I
more things that are genuinely American than were ever put into
have come upon a very sober errand, indeed. I have come to report
any similar document before.
to you upon the work which the representatives of the United
The chief thing to notice about it, my fellow citizens, is that it is
States attempted to do at the conference of peace on the other side
the first treaty ever made by great powers that was not made in
of the sea, because, I realize, my fellow citizens, that my colleagues
their own favor. It is made for the protection of the weak peoples
and I, in the task we attempted over there, were your servants. We
of the world and not for the aggrandizement of the strong. That is
went there upon a distinct errand, which it was our duty to per-
a noble achievement, and it is largely due to the influence of such
form in the spirit which you had displayed in the prosecution of
great people as the people of America, who hold at their heart this
the war and in conceiving the purposes and objects of that war.
principle, that nobody has the right to impose sovereignty upon
I was in the city of Columbus this forenoon, where I was en-
anybody else; that, in disposing of the affairs of a nation, that na-
deavoring to explain to a body of our fellow citizens there just what
tion or people must be its own master and make its own choice.
it was that the treaty of peace contains. For I must frankly admit
The extraordinary achievement of this treaty is that it gives a free
that, in most of the speeches that I have heard in debate upon the
choice to people who never could have won it for themselves. It is
treaty of peace, it would be impossible to form a definite conception
for the first time in the history of international transactions an act
of what that instrument means. I want to recall to you for the pur-
of systematic justice and not an act of grabbing and seizing.
poses of this evening the circumstances of the war and the pur-
If you will just regard that as the heart of the treaty-for it is the
poses for which our men spent their lives on the other side of the
heart of the treaty-then everything else about it is put in a differ-
sea.
ent light. If we want to stand by that principle, then we can justify
You will remember that a prince of the House of Austria was
SEPTEMBER 4, 1919
21
20
AN ADDRESS IN indianapolis
slain in one of the cities of Serbia.¹ Serbia was one of the small
If there had been nine days' discussion, Germany would not
kingdoms of Europe. She had no strength which any of the great
have gone to war. If there had been nine days within which to
powers needed to fear. As we see the war now, Germany and those
bring to bear the opinion of the world-the judgment of man-
who conspired with her made a pretext of that assassination in or-
kind-upon the purposes of these governments, they never would
der to make unconscionable demands on the weak and helpless
have dared to execute those purposes. So that what it is important
for us to remember is that, when we sent those boys in khaki
Kingdom of Serbia, not with a view of bringing about an acquies-
cence in those demands, but with a view to bringing about a con-
across the sea, we promised them, we promised the world, that we
would not conclude this conflict with a mere treaty of peace. We
flict in which their purposes, quite separate from the purposes con-
entered into solemn engagements with all the nations with whom
nected with these demands, could be achieved.
I was recalling, my fellow citizens, the circumstances which be-
we associated ourselves that we would bring about such a kind of
the terrible conflict that has just been concluded. So soon as
settlement and such a concert of the purpose of nations that wars
the gan unconscionable demands of Austria were made on Serbia, the
like this could not again occur. If the war has to be fought over
other governments of Europe sent telegraphic messages to Berlin
again, then all our high ideals and purposes have been disap-
and Vienna asking that the matter be brought into a conference,
pointed, for we did not go into this war merely to beat Germany.
and the significant circumstance of the beginning of this war is
We went into this war to beat all purposes such as Germany enter-
that the Austrian and German governments did not dare to discuss
tained.
the demands on Serbia or the purpose which they had in view. It
And you will remember how the conscience of mankind was
is universally admitted on the other side of the water that, if they
shocked by what Germany did-not merely by the circumstances
had ever gone into an international conference on the Austrian de-
to which I have already adverted, that unconscionable demands
mands, the war never would have been begun. There was an insis-
were made upon a little nation which could not resist-but that
tent demand from London, for example, by the British Foreign
immediately upon the beginning of the war solemn engagements
Minister that the cabinets of Europe should be allowed time to con-
of treaty were cast on one side, and the chief representative of the
fer with the governments at Vienna and Berlin, and the govern-
Imperial government of Germany said that, when national pur-
ments at Vienna and Berlin did not dare to admit time for discus-
poses were under discussion, treaties were mere scraps of paper.
And immediately upon that declaration the German armies in-
sion.
I am recalling these circumstances, my fellow citizens, because
vaded the territories of Belgium, which they had engaged should
I want to point out to you what apparently has escaped the atten-
be inviolate-invaded those territories with the half-avowed pur-
tion of some of the critics of the League of Nations-that the heart
pose that Belgium was necessary to be permanently retained by
of the League of Nations Covenant does not lie in any of the por-
Germany in order that she should have a proper frontage on the
tions which have been discussed in public debate. The great bulk
sea and a proper advantage in her contest with the other nations
of the provisions of that Covenant contain these engagements and
of the world. So that that act, which was characteristic of the be-
promises on the part of the states which undertook to become
ginning of this war, was a violation of the territorial integrity of the
members of it: that in no circumstances will they go to war without
Kingdom of Belgium.
first having either submitted the question to arbitration, in which
We are presently, my fellow countrymen, to have the very great
case they agree to abide by the result, or, having submitted the
pleasure of welcoming on this side of the sea the Queen and King
question to discussion by the Council of the League of Nations, in
of the Belgians, (applause) and I, for one, am perfectly sure that
which case they will allow six months for the discussion and en-
we are going to make it clear to them that we have not forgotten
gage not to go to war until three months after the Council has an-
the violation of Belgium, that we have not forgotten the intolerable
nounced its opinion upon the subject under dispute. So that the
wrongs which were put upon that suffering people.
heart of the Covenant of the League is that the nations solemnly
I have seen their devastated country.2 Where it was not actually
covenant not to go to war for nine months after a controversy be-
laid in ruins, every factory was gutted of its contents. All the ma-
comes acute.
chinery by which it would be possible for men to go to work again
About Wilson's tour of the battlefields and ruined cities of Belgium, see the news
Of course, Archduke Francis Ferdinand was shot in Sarajevo, Bosnia, not Serbia.
reports and documents printed at June 18-19, 1919, Vol. 61.
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was taken away, and those parts of the machinery that they could
own, and if we accepted the advice we would be accepting our own
not take away were destroyed by experts who knew how to destroy
advice. For I need not tell you that the representatives of the gov-
ernment of the United States would not vote without instructions
them. Belgium was a very successful competitor of Germany in
from their government at home, and that what we united in advis-
lines of manufacture, and the German armies were sent
some there to see to it that that competition was put a stop to. Their
ing we could be certain that our people would desire to do. There
was to crush the independent action of that little attack king-
is in that Covenant not one note of surrender of the independent
purpose dom-not merely to use it as a gateway through which to
judgment of the government of the United States, but an expres-
France. And when they got into France, they not only fought the
sion of it, because that independent judgment would have to join
armies of France, but they put the coal mines of France out of
with the judgment of the rest.
commission, so that it will be a decade or more before France can
But when is that judgment going to be expressed, my fellow cit-
izens? Only after it is evident that every other resource has failed,
supply herself with coal from her accustomed sources.
You have heard a great deal about Article X of the Covenant of
and I want to call your attention to the central machinery of the
the League of Nations. Article X speaks the conscience of the
League of Nations. If any member of that League, or any nation
world. Article X is the article which goes to the heart of this whole
not a member, refuses to submit the question at issue either to
bad business, for that article says that the members of this
arbitration or to discussion by the Council, there ensues automati-
League-and that is intended to be all the great nations of the
cally by the engagements of this Covenant an absolute economic
world-engage to respect and to preserve against all external ag-
boycott. There will be no trade with that nation by any member of
gression the territorial integrity and political independence of the
the League. There will be no interchange of communication by
nations concerned. That promise is necessary in order to prevent
post or telegraph. There will be no travel to or from that nation. Its
this sort of war from recurring, and we are absolutely discredited
borders will be closed. No citizen of any other state will be allowed
if we fought this war and then neglect the essential safeguard
to enter it, and no one of its citizens will be allowed to leave it. It
will be hermetically sealed by the united action of the most pow-
against it.
You have heard it said, my fellow citizens, that we are robbed of
erful nations in the world. And if this economic boycott bears with
some degree of our sovereign independence of choice by articles of
unequal weight, the members of the League agree to support one
that sort. Every man who makes a choice to respect the rights of
another and to relieve one another in any exceptional disadvan-
his neighbors deprives himself of absolute sovereignty, but he does
tages that may arise out of it.
it by promising never to do wrong, and I cannot, for one, see any-
And I want you to realize that this war was won not only by the
thing that robs me of any inherent right that I ought to retain when
armies of the world, but it was won by economic means as well.
Without the economic means, the war would have been much
I promise that I will do right.
We engage in the first sentence of Article X to respect and pre-
longer continued. What happened was that Germany was shut off
serve from external aggression the territorial integrity and the ex-
from the economic resources of the rest of the globe, and she could
isting political independence, not only of the other member states,
not stand it. A nation that is boycotted is a nation that is in sight of
but of all states. And if any member of the League of Nations dis-
surrender. Apply this economic, peaceful, silent, deadly remedy,
regards that promise, then what happens? The Council of the
and there will be no need for force. It is a terrible remedy. It does
League advises what should be done to enforce the respect for that
not cost a life outside the nation boycotted, but it brings a pressure
Covenant on the part of the nation attempting to violate it, and
upon that nation which, in my judgment, no modern nation could
there is no compulsion upon us to take that advice except the com-
resist.
pulsion of our good conscience and judgment. So that it is per-
I dare say that some of those ideas are new to you, because while
fectly evident that if, in the judgment of the people of the United
it is true, as I said this forenoon in Columbus, that apparently no-
States, the Council adjudged wrong and that this was not an oc-
body has taken the pains to say what is in this treaty, very few have
casion for the use of force, there would be no necessity on the part
taken the pains to say what is in the Covenant of the League of
of the Congress of the United States to vote the use of force. But
Nations. They have discussed three-chiefly, three, out of twenty-
there could be no advice of the Council on any such subject with-
six articles, and the other articles contain this heart of the matter-
out a unanimous vote, and the unanimous vote would include our
that instead of war there shall be arbitration, instead of war there
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24
shall be discussion, instead of war there shall be the closure of in-
independence by herself. Those gentlemen sitting at Paris pre-
tercourse, that instead of war there shall be the irresistible pres-
sented Poland with a unity she could not have won and an inde-
sure of the opinion of all mankind. If I had done wrong, I would a
pendence which she cannot defend unless the world guarantees it
great deal rather have a man shoot at me than stand me up for the
to her. There is one of the most noble chapters in the history of the
judgment of my fellow men. I would a great deal rather see the
world-that this war was concluded in order to remedy the wrongs
muzzle of a gun than the look in their eyes. I would a great deal
which had beaten so deeply into the experience of the weaker peo-
rather be put out of the world than live in a world boycotted and
ples of that great continent. The object of the war was to see to it
deserted. The most terrible thing is outlawry. The most formidable
that there was no more of that sort of wrong done. Now, when you
thing is to be absolutely isolated. And that is the kernel of this en-
have that picture in your minds-that this treaty was meant to pro-
gagement. War is on the outskirts. War is a remote and secondary
tect those who could not protect themselves-turn the picture and
threat. War is a last resort. Nobody in his senses claims that the
look at it this way.
Covenant of the League of Nations is certain to stop war, but I
Those very weak nations are situated through the very tract of
confidently assert that it makes war violently improbable, and that,
country-between Germany and Persia-which Germany had in-
even if we cannot guarantee that it will stop war, we are bound in
tended to conquer and dominate, and if the nations of the world do
conscience to do our utmost in order to avoid and prevent it.
not maintain their concert to sustain the independence and free-
I was pointing out, my fellow citizens, this forenoon, that this
dom of those peoples, Germany will yet have her will upon them.
Covenant is a part of a great document. I wish I had brought a copy
And we shall witness the very interesting spectacle of having spent
of it along with me just to show you its bulk. It is an enormous
millions upon millions of American treasure and, what is much
volume, and almost all the things you hear talked about in that
more precious, hundreds of thousands of American lives, to do a
treaty are not the essential things. This is the first treaty in the
futile thing, to do a thing which we will then leave to be undone at
history of civilization in which great powers have associated them-
the leisure of those who are masters of intrigue, at the leisure of
selves together in order to protect the weak. I need not tell you that
those who are masters in combining wrong influences to overcome
I speak with knowledge in this matter-knowledge of the purpose
right influences, of those who are the masters of the very things
of the men with whom the men representing America were asso-
we hate and mean always to fight.
ciated at the peace table. Everyone I consulted with came there
For, my fellow citizens, if Germany should ever attempt that
with the same idea-that wars had arisen in the past because the
again, whether we are in the League of Nations or not, we will join
strong had taken advantage of the weak, and that the only way to
to prevent it. We do not stand off and see murder done. We do not
stop war was to band ourselves together to protect the weak; that
profess to be the champions of liberty and then consent to see lib-
this war was an example which gave us the finger pointing to the
erty destroyed. We are not the friends and advocates of free govern-
way of escape; that as Austria and Germany had tried to put upon
ment and yet willing to stand by and see free government die be-
Serbia, so we must see to it that Serbia and the Slavic nations-
fore our eyes. For if the power such as Germany was-but, thank
peoples associated with her-and the peoples of Rumania and
God, no longer is-were to do this thing upon the fields of Europe,
those of Bohemia, and the peoples of Hungary and of Austria, for
then America would have to look to it that she did not do it also
that matter, should feel assured in the future that the strength of
upon the fields of the western hemisphere, and we should at last
the great powers was behind their liberty and their independence
be face to face with a power which at the outset we could have
and was not intended to be used, and never should be used, for
crushed, and which now it is within our choice to keep within the
aggression against them.
harness of civilization.
And so when you read the Covenant, read the treaty with it. I
I am not arguing this thing with you, my fellow citizens, as if I
have no doubt that in this audience there are many men who come
had any doubt of what the verdict of the American people would
from that ancient stock of Poland, for example, men in whose
be. I haven't the slightest doubt. I just wanted to have the pleasure
blood there is the warmth of old affections connected with that be-
of pointing out to you how absolutely ignorant of the treaty and of
trayed and ruined country, men whose memories run back to in-
the Covenant some of the men are who have been opposing it. If
sufferable wrongs endured by those living in that country. And I
they do read the English language, they do not understand the
call them to witness that Poland never could have won unity and
English language as I understand it. If they have really read this
AN ADDRESS IN INDIANAPOLIS
SEPTEMBER 4, 1919
27
26
treaty and this Covenant, they only amaze me by their inability to
away from questions that ought to some day be discussed and set-
understand what is plainly expressed.
tled and upon which the opinion of the world ought to be brought
So that my errand upon this journey is not to argue these mat-
to bear.
ters, but to recall you to the real issues which are involved. And
I therefore want to call your attention, if you will turn to it when
one of the things that I have most at heart in this report to my
you go home, to Article XI, following Article X, of the Covenant of
fellow citizens is that they should forget what party I belong to and
the League of Nations. That Article XI, let me say, is the favorite
what party they belong to. I am making this journey as a democrat,
article in the treaty, so far as I am concerned. It says that every
but I am spelling it with a little "d," and I don't want anybody to
matter which is likely to affect the peace of the world is everybody's
remember, so far as this errand is concerned, that it is ever spelt
business, and that it shall be the friendly right of any nation to call
with a big "D." I am making this journey as an American and as a
attention in the League to anything that is likely to affect the peace
champion of the rights which America believes in; and I need not
of the world or the good understanding between nations, upon
tell you that, as compared with the importance of America, the im-
which the peace of the world depends, whether that matter im-
portance of the Democratic party and the importance of the Repub-
mediately concerns the nation drawing attention to it or not.
lican party and the importance of every other party is absolutely
In other words, at present we have to mind our own business.
negligible. Parties, my fellow citizens, are intended to embody in
Under the Covenant of the League of Nations, we can mind other
action different policies of government. They are not, when prop-
peoples' business, and anything that affects the peace of the world,
erly used, intended to traverse the principles which underlie gov-
whether we are parties to it or not, can by our delegates be brought
ernment, and the principles which underlie the government of the
to the attention of mankind. We can force a nation on the other
United States have been familiar to us ever since we were children.
side of the globe to bring to that bar of mankind any wrong that is
You have been bred, I have no doubt, as I have been bred, in the
afoot in that part of the world which is likely to affect the peace of
Revolutionary school of American thought. I mean that school of
the world, which is likely to affect the good understanding between
American thought which takes its inspiration from the days of the
nations, and we can oblige them to show cause why it should not
American Revolution. There were only three million of us then, but
be remedied.
we were ready to stand out against the world for liberty. There are
There is not an oppressed people in the world which cannot
more than one hundred million of us now, and we are ready to
henceforth get a hearing at that forum, and you know, my fellow
insist that everywhere men shall be champions of liberty.
citizens, what a hearing will mean if the cause of those people is
I want you to notice another interesting point that has never
just. The one thing which those who have reason to dread, have
been dilated upon in connection with the League of Nations. I am
most reason to dread, is publicity and discussion, because if you
now treading upon delicate ground, and I must express myself
are challenged to give a reason why you are doing a wrong thing it
with caution. There were a good many delegations that visited
has to be an exceedingly good reason, and if you give a bad reason
Paris wanting to be heard by the peace conference who had real
you confess judgment, and the opinion of mankind goes against
causes to present, and which ought to be presented to the view of
you.
the world, but we had to point out to them that they did not hap-
At present what is the state of international law and understand-
pen, unfortunately, to come within the area of settlement, that
ing? No nation has the right to call attention to anything that does
their questions were not questions which were necessarily drawn
not directly affect its own affairs. If it does, it cannot only be told
into the things that we were deciding. We were sitting there with
to mind its own business, but it risks the cordial relationship be-
the pieces of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in our hands. It had
tween itself and the nation whose affairs it draws into discussion;
fallen apart. It never was naturally cohesive. We were sitting there
whereas under Article XI, the very sensible provision is made that
with various dispersed assets of the German Empire in our hands,
the peace of the world transcends all the susceptibilities of nations
and with regard to every one of them we had to determine what
and governments, and that they are obliged to consent to discuss
we were going to do, but we did not have our own dispersed assets
and explain anything that does affect the understanding between
in our hands. We did not have the assets of the nations which con-
nations.
stituted the body of the nations associated against Germany to dis-
Not only that, but there is another thing in this Covenant which
pose of, and, therefore, we had often, with whatever regret, to turn
was of a number of difficulties that we encountered at Paris. I
28
AN ADDRESS IN INDIANAPOLIS
SEPTEMBER 4, 1919
29
need not tell you that at every turn in these discussions we came
them when they went to this war that this was a war, not only to
across some secret treaty, some understanding that had never
beat Germany, but to prevent any subsequent wars of this kind. I
been made public before, some understanding that embarrassed
can look all the mothers of this country in the face and all the sis-
the whole settlement. I think it will not be improper for me to refer
ters and sweethearts and say, "The boys will not have to do this
to one of those matters. When we came to the settlement of the
again."
Shantung question with regard to China, we found that Great Brit-
You would think to hear some men discuss this Covenant that it
ain and France were under specific treaty obligations to Japan that
is an arrangement for sending men abroad again just as soon as
she should get exactly what she got in the treaty with Germany,
possible. It is the only conceivable arrangement which will prevent
and the most that we do-I mean the most that the United States
our sending our men abroad again very soon. And, if I may use a
could do-was to urge upon the representatives of Japan the very
very common expression, I would say, if it is not to be this arrange-
fatal policy that was involved in such a settlement and obtain from
ment, what arrangement do you suggest to secure the peace of the
her the promise, which she gave, that she would not take advan-
world? It is a case of "put up or shut up." Opposition is not going
tage of those portions of the treaty, but would return, without qual-
to save the world. Negations are not going to construct the policies
ification, the sovereignty which Germany had enjoyed in Shantung
of mankind. A great plan is the only thing that can defeat a great
Province to the Republic of China. We have had repeated assur-
plan. The only triumphant ideas in this world are the ideas that are
ances since then that Japan intends to fulfill those promises in ab-
organized for battle. The only thing that equals an organized pro-
solute good faith.
gram is a better program. If this is not the way to secure peace, I
But my present point is that there stood at the very gate of that
beg that the way may be pointed out. If we must reject this way,
settlement a secret treaty between Japan and two of the great pow-
then I beg that, before I am sent to ask Germany to make a new
ers engaged in this war on our side. We could not ask them to
kind of peace with us, I should be given specific instructions as to
disregard those promises. This war had been fought in part be-
what kind of peace it is to be. If the gentlemen who don't like what
cause of the refusal to observe the fidelity which is involved in a
was done at Paris think that they can do something better, I beg
promise, in a failure to regard the sacredness of treaties. And this
that they will hold their convention soon and do it now. They can-
Covenant of the League of Nations provides that no secret treaty
not in conscience or good faith deprive us of this great work of
shall have any validity. It provides in explicit terms that every
peace without substituting some other that is better.
treaty, every international understanding, shall be registered with
And so, my fellow citizens, I look forward with profound gratifi-
the Secretary of the League, that it shall be published as soon as
cation to the time, which I believe will now not much longer be
possible after it is there registered, and that no treaty that is not
delayed, when the American people can say to their fellows in all
there registered will be regarded by any of the nations engaged in
parts of the world: "We are the friends of liberty; we have joined
the Covenant. So that we not only have the right to discuss any-
with the rest of mankind in securing the guarantees of liberty; we
thing, but we make everything open for discussion. And if this
stand here with you the eternal champions of what is right, and
Covenant accomplished little more than the abolition of private ar-
may God keep us in the covenant that we have formed."
rangements between great powers, it would have gone far toward
stabilizing the peace of the world and securing the justice which
Printed in the Indianapolis News, Sept. 5. 1919, with a few corrections and additions
from the text in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Sept. 5, 1919, and the T MS in WP. DLC.
it has been so difficult to secure so long as nations could come to
secret understandings with one another.
When you look at the Covenant of the League of Nations thus in
From Samuel Gompers and Others
the large, you wonder why it is a bogey to anybody. You wonder
what influences have made gentlemen afraid of it. You wonder
Washington DC Sept 4 1919
why it is not obvious to everybody, as it is to those who study it
The executive committee representing the various international
with disinterested thought, that this is the central and essential
unions in the iron and steel industry met today to consider the aw-
Covenant of the whole peace. As I said this forenoon, I can come
ful situation which exists in many of the iron and steel industry
through a double row of men in khaki and acknowledge their sa-
centers. The coercion and the brutality employed to prevent men
lutes with a free heart, because I kept my promise to them. I told
and unions from meeting in halls engaged upon private property
JANUARY 8, 1918
JANUARY 8, 1918
535
534
An Address to a Joint Session of Congress
with the Teutonic and Turkish statesmen should be held within
8 Jan'y, 1918.1
open, not closed doors, and all the world has been audience, as was
desired. To whom have we been listening, then? To those who
Gentlemen of the Congress: Once more, as repeatedly before,
speak the spirit and intention of the Resolutions of the German
the spokesmen of the Central Empires have indicated their desire
Reichstag of the ninth of July last, the spirit and intention of the
to discuss the objects of the war and the possible bases of a general
liberal leaders and parties of Germany, or to those who resist and
peace. Parleys have been in progress at Brest-Litovsk between rep-
defy that spirit and intention and insist upon conquest and sub-
resentatives of the Central Powers, to which the attention of all the
jugation? Or are we listening, in fact, to both, unreconciled and in
belligerents has been invited for the purpose of ascertaining whether
open and hopeless contradiction? These are very serious and preg-
it may be possible to extend these parleys into a general conference
nant questions. Upon the answer to them depends the peace of the
with regard to terms of peace and settlement. The Russian repre-
world.
sentatives presented not only a perfectly definite statement of the
But, whatever the results of the parleys at Brest-Litovsk, whatever
principles upon which they would be willing to conclude peace,
the confusions of counsel and of purpose in the utterances of the
but also an equally definite programme of the concrete application
spokesmen of the Central Empires, they have again attempted to
of those principles. The representatives of the Central Powers, on
acquaint the world with their objects in the war and have again
their part, presented an outline of settlement which, if much less
challenged their adversaries to say what their objects are and what
definite, seemed susceptible of liberal interpretation until their spe-
sort of settlement they would deem just and satisfactory. There is
cific programme of practical terms was added. That programme
no good reason why that challenge should not be responded to, and
proposed no concessions at all either to the sovereignty of Russia
responded to with the utmost candor. We did not wait for it. Not
or to the preferences of the populations with whose fortunes it dealt,
once, but again and again, we have laid our whole thought and
but meant, in a word, that the Central Empires were to keep every
purpose before the world, not in general terms only, but each time
foot of territory their armed forces had occupied,every province,
with sufficient definition to make it clear what sort of definitive
every city, every point of vantage,-as a permanent addition to their
terms of settlement must necessarily spring out of them. Within
territories and their power. It is a reasonable conjecture that the
the last week Mr. Lloyd George has spoken with admirable candor
general principles of settlement which they at first suggested orig-
and in admirable spirit for the people and Government of Great
inated with the more liberal statesmen of Germany and Austria,
Britain. There is no confusion of counsel among the adversaries of
the men who have begun to feel the force of their own peoples'
the Central Powers, no uncertainty of principle, no vagueness of
thought and purpose, while the concrete terms of actual settlement
detail. The only secrecy of counsel, the only lack of fearless frank-
came from the military leaders who have no thought but to keep
what they have got. The negotiations have been broken off. The
ness, the only failure to make definite statement of the objects of
the war, lies with Germany and her Allies. The issues of life and
Russian representatives were sincere and in earnest. They cannot
death hang upon these definitions. No statesman who has the least
entertain such proposals of conquest and domination.
The whole incident is full of significance. It is also full of per-
conception of his responsibility ought for a moment to permit him-
plexity. With whom are the Russian representatives dealing? For
self to continue this tragical and appalling outpouring of blood and
whom are the representatives of the Central Empires speaking?
treasure unless he is sure beyond a peradventure that the objects
Are they speaking for the majorities of their respective parliaments
of the vital sacrifice are part and parcel of the very life of Society
or for the minority parties, that military and imperialistic minority
and that the people for whom he speaks think them right and
imperative as he does.
which has so far dominated their whole policy and controlled the
affairs of Turkey and of the Balkan states which have felt obliged
There is, moreover, a voice calling for these definitions of prin-
to become their associates in this war? The Russian representatives
ciple and of purpose which is, it seems to me, more thrilling and
have insisted, very justly, very wisely, and in the true spirit of
more compelling than any of the many moving voices with which
modern democracy, that the conferences they have been holding
the troubled air of the world is filled. It is the voice of the Russian
people. They are prostrate and all but helpless, it would seem, before
the grim power of Germany, which has hitherto known no relenting
WWhw.
and no pity. Their power, apparently, is shattered. And yet their
536
THE 14 POINTS ADDRESS
JANUARY 8, 1918
537
soul is not subservient. They will not yield either in principle or in
closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforce-
action. Their conception of what is right, of what is humane and
ment of international covenants.
honorable for them to accept, has been stated with a frankness, a
III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and
largeness of view, a generosity of spirit, and a universal human
the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the
sympathy which must challenge the admiration of every friend of
nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its
mankind; and they have refused to compound their ideals or desert
maintenance.
others that they themselves may be safe. They call to us to say
IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national arma-
what it is that we desire, in what, if in anything, our purpose and
ments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic
our spirit differ from theirs; and I believe that the people of the
safety.
United States would wish me to respond, with utter simplicity and
V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of
frankness. Whether their present leaders believe it or not, it is our
all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle
heartfelt desire and hope that some way may be opened whereby
that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests
we may be privileged to assist the people of Russia to attain their
of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the
utmost hope of liberty and ordered peace.
equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined.
It will be our wish and purpose that the processes of peace, when
VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement
they are begun, shall be absolutely open and that they shall involve
of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest
and permit henceforth no secret understandings of any kind. The
cooperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her
day of conquest and aggrandizement is gone by; so is also the day
an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independ-
of secret covenants entered into in the interest of particular gov-
ent determination of her own political development and national
ernments and likely at some unlooked-for moment to upset the
policy and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free
peace of the world. It is this happy fact, now clear to the view of
nations under institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a
every public man whose thoughts do not still linger in an age that
welcome, assistance also of every kind that she may need and may
is dead and gone, which makes it possible for every nation whose
herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations
purposes are consistent with justice and the peace of the world to
in the months to come will be the acid test of their good will, of
avow now or at any other time the objects it has in view.
their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their own
We entered this war because violations of right had occurred
interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy.
which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people
VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and
impossible unless they were corrected and the world secured once
restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she
for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, there-
enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other single act
fore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made
will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations
fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made safe for every
in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the
peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life,
government of their relations with one another. Without this heal-
determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing
ing act the whole structure and validity of international law is for-
by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggres-
ever impaired.
sion. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this
VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions
interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice
restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the
be done to others it will not be done to us. The programme of the
matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the
world's peace, therefore, is our programme; and that programme,
world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace
the only possible programme, as we see it, is this:
may once more be made secure in the interests of all.
I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there
IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected
shall be no private international understandings of any kind but
along clearly recognizable lines of nationality.
diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view.
X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the na-
II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside terri-
tions we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded
torial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be
the freest opportunity of autonomous development.
THE 14 POINTS ADDRESS
JANUARY 8, 1918
539
538
XI. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; oc-
Neither do we presume to suggest to her any alteration or mod-
cupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access
ification of her institutions. But it is necessary, we must frankly
to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one
say, and necessary as a preliminary to any intelligent dealings with
another determined by friendly counsel along historically estab-
her on our part, that we should know whom her spokesmen speak
lished lines of allegiance and nationality; and international guar-
for when they speak to us, whether for the Reichstag majority or
antees of the political and economic independence and territorial
for the military party and the men whose creed is imperial domi-
integrity of the several Balkan states should be entered into.
nation.
XII. The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should
We have spoken now, surely, in terms too concrete to admit of
be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which
any further doubt or question. An evident principle runs through
are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted se-
the whole programme I have outlined. It is the principle of justice
curity of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autono-
to all peoples and nationalities, and their right to live on equal terms
mous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently
of liberty and safety with one another, whether they be strong or
opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations
weak. Unless this principle be made its foundation no part of the
under international guarantees.
structure of international justice can stand. The people of the United
XIII. An independent Polish state should be erected which should
States could act upon no other principle; and to the vindication of
include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations,
this principle they are ready to devote their lives, their honor, and
which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and
everything that they possess. The moral climax of this the culmi-
whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity
nating and final war for human liberty has come, and they are ready
should be guaranteed by international covenant.
to put their own strength, their own highest purpose, their own
XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under spe-
integrity and devotion to the test.
cific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of
Printed reading copy (WP, DLC).
political independence and territorial integrity to great and small
states alike.
In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and assertions
To Raymond Poincaré
of right we feel ourselves to be intimate partners of all the govern-
ments and peoples associated together against the Imperialists. We
My dear Mr. President:
[The White House] 8 January, 1918
cannot be separated in interest or divided in purpose. We stand
The French Ambassador was kind enough to communicate to
together until the end.
me your Excellency's important message with regard to the use to
For such arrangements and covenants we are willing to fight
which the American troops were to be put in cooperating with the
and to continue to fight until they are achieved; but only because
troops of France, and I want to assure your Excellency that the
we wish the right to prevail and desire a just and stable peace such
question is one to which we have been giving a great deal of careful
as can be secured only by removing the chief provocations to war,
and anxious thought and with regard to which we are all not only
which this programme does remove. We have no jealousy of Ger-
willing but anxious to do the best and most effective thing for the
man greatness, and there is nothing in this programme that impairs
accomplishment of the common purpose to which we are devoting
it. We grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning or of
our arms.
pacific enterprise such as have made her record very bright and
General Bliss, who is kindly conveying this letter to you for me,
very enviable. We do not wish to injure her or to block in any way
is, as your Excellency probably knows, to be the representative of
her legitimate influence or power. We do not wish to fight her either
the United States in the Supreme War Council, and I have in-
with arms or with hostile arrangements of trade if she is willing to
structed him that this particular question which you have very
associate herself with us and the other peace-loving nations of the
properly called to my attention ought to be discussed with the
world in covenants of justice and law and fair dealing. We wish
greatest fullness and frankness in that Council. The judgment of
her only to accept a place of equality among the peoples of the
the Council with regard to it will, I need hardly assure you, be
world, the new world in which we now live,- instead of a place
conclusively influential with the Government of the United States.
of mastery.
Our only desire is to do the best thing that can be done with our
Wilson
6930
6931
Speeches of Winston Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1944
These are the days when in other countries ignorant people are often disposed to
at hard and fast conclusions or precise decisions upon all the questions which torment
imagine that progress consists of converting oneself from a monarchy into a republic.
this afflicted globe, but it can fairly be said that, having discussed a great many of
In this country we have known the blessings of limited monarchy. Great traditional
them, there was revealed a core of agreement which will enable the British Empire and
and constitutional chains of events have come to make an arrangement, to make a
Commonwealth to meet in discussion with other great organisms in the world in a
situation, unwritten, which enables our affairs to proceed on what I believe is a
firmly-knit array. We have advanced from vague generalities to more precise points of
superior level of smoothness and democratic progress.
agreement, and we are in a position to carry on discussions with other countries,
I had not previously met Mr. Curtin, except in correspondence during the
within the limits which we have imposed upon ourselves.
present struggle, but I have met him now, and joined the right hand of friendship with
But this is a Debate upon Foreign Affairs, and nothing was more remarkable
that most commanding, competent, wholehearted leader of the Australian people in all
than the cordial agreement which was expressed by every one of the Dominion Prime
the vicissitudes and mortal terrors through which they have now, I think I might
Ministers on the general conduct of our Foreign Affairs and on the principles which
venture to say, safely passed.
govern that conduct, and, I should add, on the skill and consistency with which they
Other struggles lie ahead, perhaps long struggles, in the Pacific theatre. I am sure
have been treated by my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary. The utmost
the Australian people will never forget the immense services which have been rendered
confidence was expressed in him and in his handling of all those very difficult affairs,
to Australia by the armed forces and Government of the United States.
in spite of the complications by which they are surrounded, and, in spite of the need
We divided the spheres of responsibility with the United States at the beginning
for prompt action which so aften arises-for prompt action by the Mother Country
of 1942. We did our part in the Atlantic, and they undertook with their strong arm to
before there is time to have full consultation. In spite of all these difficulties, the
ward off the menace of Japan and aid Australia to develop her full strength. The whole
fullest confidence and pleasure was expressed in the work which my right hon. Friend
story is one eminently satisfactory, eminently creditable to the English-speaking
has done. We therefore embark upon the present Debate with the backing of goodwill
peoples all over the world, and will never be made the subject of invidious comparison.
from all these representatives of the Commonwealth and Empire-the word "Empire"
Mr. Curtin has certainly made a great impression on all who have been brought
is permitted to be used, which may be a great shock to certain strains of intellectual
in contact with him, especially in matters of serious business. I trust he will go back
opinion. And we embark upon the present Debate not only with this backing of hearty
safely over the long distances which must be passed before he regains his country. I
goodwill, but with the feeling that this meeting of Prime Ministers from all over the
know he will speak a good word for us wherever he goes. My feeling is that we had
Empire and the representatives of India in the midst of a second deadly war is in fact
made on him an impression about the state of our affairs in our Island which will
the highest pinnacle which our world-wide family association has yet reached. At this
perhaps be confirmed by history, and is at present expressed in the well-known and
time, in policy and in war, our objective is the same, namely, to beat the enemy as
never to be too much known words of Macaulay:-
soon as possible; and I am not aware of any action or of any studied inaction for
Then none was for a party;
which His Majesty's Government are responsible that has not been directly related to
Then all were for the state;
that single and dominant purpose.
Then the great man helped the poor
The duty of all persons responsible for the conduct of Foreign Affairs in a world
And the poor man loved the great;
war of this deadly character, and of all who, in different ways, exercise influence, is to
Then lands were fairly portioned
help the fighting men to perform the heavy tasks entrusted to them and to ensure
And the Huns were fairly sold;
them all possible ease in execution and advantage in victory. Everyone in a position to
The Britons were like brothers
guide opinion, like Members of this House or of another place, or newspaper editors,
In the brave days of old.
broadcasters calumnists or columnists remember a tendency to throw the accent
forward-and others-all of these should keep this very clear duty before their eyes.
They should always think of the soldier in the battle and ask themselves whether what
they say or write will make his task easier or harder. We long for the day to come
THE WORLD SITUATION
when this slaughter will be over, and then this additional restraint which imposes itself
May 24, 1944
on every conscientious man in war-time can be relaxed or will vanish away entirely.
I must make my acknowledgments, first of all, to the very great degree with
House of Commons
which these precepts are followed among those who accept the task of guiding public
opinion, and especially in the House of Commons, which is always so careful of the
The meeting of Dominion Prime Ministers, which covered the best part of three
public interest and which in other ways has shown itself to be possessed of those
weeks, has now concluded, and very full statements to Parliament and the public have
steadfast and unyielding qualities in the face of danger and fatigue for which it has
been made, individually by the Prime Ministers themselves, and collectively by the
always been renowned, but never more renowned than now. I shall try to practise
declaration to which we have all subscribed. I could not pretend that we have arrived
what I have been preaching in the remarks I have to make, and I am sure the
6932
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6933
Committee will remember how many different audiences I have to address at the same
complete cessation of all chrome exports to Germany. It is not too much to expect
moment, not only here but out of doors, and not only in this Island, but throughout
that the assistance given us in respect of chrome will also shortly be extended to cover
other commodities, the export of which, even if of less importance than chrome, is of
the Empire, not only among our Allies, great and small, west or east, but finally among
material assistance to the enemy. If so, we shall endeavour to compensate the Turkish
our enemies, besides, of course, satellites and neutrals of various hues. I must,
therefore, pick my way among heated ploughshares, and in this ordeal the only guides
people for the sacrifice which their cooperative action might entail by other means of
are singleness and simplicity of purpose and a good or, at any rate, a well-trained
importation.
Turkey and Britain have a long history. The Turks entered into relations with us
conscience.
before the war when things looked very black. They did their best through difficult
Since I last spoke here on Foreign Affairs, just about three months ago, almost
times. I have thought it better to put things bluntly to-day, but I cannot conclude,
all the purposes which I mentioned to you have prospered, severally and collectively.
notwithstanding anything I have said in criticism, without saying that we hope with
First of all, let us survey the Mediterranean and the Balkan spheres. The great
increasing confidence that a still better day will dawn for the relations of Turkey with
disappointment which I had last October, when I was not able to procure the
Britain and, indeed, with all the great Allies. Always in recent decades there has been
necessary forces for gaining the command of the Aegean Sea following upon the
in the Mediterranean a certain tension between Turkey and Italy on account of Italian
collapse of Italy and gaining possession of the principal Italian islands, has, of course,
ambitions in the Greek Islands, and also, possibly, in the Adana Province of Turkey.
been accompanied by an exaggerated attitude of caution on the part of Turkey. The
The Turks could never be sure which way the Italian dictator would turn his would-be
hopes we cherished of Turkey boldly entering the war in February or March, or at
conquering sword. On that score Turkish anxiety has certainly been largely removed.
least according us the necessary bases for air action-those hopes faded. After giving
The fate of Italy is indeed terrible, and I personally find it very difficult to
£20,000,000 worth of British and American arms to Turkey in 1943 alone, we have
nourish animosity against the Italian people. The overwhelming mass of the nation
suspended the process and ceased to exhort Turkey to range herself with the victorious
United Powers, with whom she has frequently declared that her sympathies lie, and
rejoiced in the idea of being delivered from the subtle tyranny of the Fascists, and
they wished, when Mussolini was overthrown, to take their place as speedily as
with whom, I think, there is no doubt that her sympathies do lie. The Turks at the end
possible by the side of the British and American Armies who, it was expected, would
of last year and the beginning of this year magnified their dangers. Their military men
quickly rid the country of the Germans. However, this did not happen. All the Italian
took the gloomiest view of Russian prospects in South Russia and in the Crimea.
forces which could have defended Italy had either been squandered by Mussolini in the
They never dreamed that by the early Summer the Red Army would be on the
African desert or by Hitler amid the Russian snows, or they were widely dispersed
slopes of the Carpathians, drawn up along the Pruth and Sereth Rivers, or that Odessa
combating, in a half-hearted way, the patriots of Yugoslavia. Hitler decided to make
and Sebastopol would have been liberated and regained by the extraordinary valour,
great exertions to retain Italy, just as he has decided to make great exertions to gain
might and energy of the Soviet onslaught. Consequently the Turks did not measure
the mighty battle which is at the moment at its climax to the South of Rome. It may
with sufficient accuracy what might have occurred, or would occur, in Rumania and
be that after the fall of Mussolini our action might have been more swift and
Bulgaria or, 1 may add, Hungary, what would be the result on all those countries if
audacious. As I have said before, it is no part of my submission to the House that no
these tremendous Russian hammer blows struck, even in months which are particularly
mistakes are made by us or by the common action of our Allies; but, anyhow, here is
unsuitable for operations in these regions and which normally would be devoted to the
this beautiful country suffering the worst horrors of war, with the larger part still in
process of replenishing the advancing front for future action. Having over-rated their
the cruel and vengeful grip of the Nazis, and with a hideous prospect of the red-hot
dangers, our Turkish friends increased their demands for supplies to such a point that,
rake of the battle-line being drawn from sea to sea right up the whole length of the
having regard to the means of communication and transport alone, the war would
peninsula.
probably be over before these supplies could reach them.
It is clear that the Germans will be driven out of Italy by the Allies, but what
We have, therefore, with great regret, discontinued the process of arming
will happen on the moving battle fronts and what the Germans will do on their way
Turkey, because it looks probable that, in spite of our disappointment in the Aegean,
out in the way of destruction to a people they hate and despise, and who, they allege,
the great Allies will be able to win the war in the Balkans and generally throughout
have betrayed them, cannot be imagined or forecast. All I can say is that we shall do
South Eastern Europe without Turkey being involved now at all, though naturally the
our utmost to make the ordeal as short and as little destructive as possible. We have
aid of Turkey would be a great help and acceleration of that process. This, of course, is
great-hopes that the city of Rome may be preserved from the area of struggle of our
a decision for Turkey to take. We have put no pressure upon them, other than the
Armies. The House will recall that when I last spoke on foreign matters I expressed the
pressure of argument and of not giving the supplies we need for ourselves and other
view that it would be best that King Victor Emmanuel, and above all Marshal
nations that are fighting. But the course which is being taken, and has been taken so
Badoglio, should remain at the head of the Executive of the Italian nation and armed
far, by Turkey will not, in my view, procure for the Turks the strong position at the
forces until we reached Rome, when it was agreed by all that a general review of the
peace which would attend their joining the Allies.
position must be made.
I must, however, note the good service and significant gesture rendered to us by
Such a policy naturally entailed differences of opinion, which were reflected not
the Turkish Government quite recently, and it is said that it has been rendered to us
only among the Allied Governments but inside every Allied country. However, I am
on the personal initiative of Turkey's honoured President, General Inonu, namely the
6934
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6935
happy to say that after various unexpected happenings and many twists and turns the
U-boats. I certainly did not feel at the time that I should like to see any of those things
situation is now exactly what I ventured to suggest and as I described it to the House
happen, and none of them did happen. Our Ambassador deserves credit for the
three months ago. In addition, far beyond my hopes, an Italian Government has been
influence he rapidly acquired and which continually grew. In this work he was assisted
formed, of a broadly based character, aroung the King and Badoglio, and the King
himself has decided that on the capture of Rome he will retire into private life for ever
by a gifted man, Mr. Yencken, whose sudden death by airplane accident is a loss which
I am sure has been noted by the House. But the main credit is undoubtedly due to the
and transfer his constitutional functions to his eldest son, the Prince of Piedmont, with
the title of Lieutenant of the Realm.
Spanish resolve to keep out of the war. They had had enough of war, and they wished
I have good confidence in this new Italian Government which has been formed.
to keep out of it. [An hon. Member: "That is a matter of opinion." Yes, I think so,
It will require further strengthening and broadening, especially as we come more
and that is why my main principle of beating the enemy as soon as possible should be
closely into touch with the populous industrial areas of the North-that is essential-
steadily followed, But they had had enough, and I think some of the sentiment may
have been due to the fact that, looking back, the Spanish people, who are a people
but at any rate it is facing its responsibilities manfully and doing all in its power to aid
who do look back, could remember that Britain had helped Spain to free herself from
the Allies in their advance. Here I may say we are doing our best to equip the Italian
have played their part in the line on more than one occasion. Their fleet is discharging
subjugated in a few months was seen that very winter not only intact and far stronger
a most useful and important service for us not only in the Mediterranean but in the
1
the Napoleonic tyranny of 130 years ago. At any rate the critical moment passed; the
forces who are eager to fight with us and are not in the power of the Germans. They
Battle of Britain was won; the Island power which was expected to be ruined and
in the homeland, but also advancing by giant strides, under Wavell's guidance, along
Atlantic; and the loyal Italian Air Force has also fought so well that I am making
the African shore, taking perhaps a quarter of a million Italian prisoners on the way.
special efforts to supply them with improved aircraft of British manufacture. We are
But another very serious crisis occurred in our relations with Spain before the
also doing our best to assist the Italian Government to grapple with the difficult
operation designated "Torch," that is to say the descent of the United States and
financial and economic conditions which they inherited from Fascism and the war,
British forces upon North-West Africa, was begun. At that moment Spain's power to
and which, though improving, are still severe behind the lines of the Army. It is
injure us was at its very highest. For a long time we had been steadily extending our
understood throughout Italy, and it is the firm intention of the United Nations, that
airfield at Gibraltar and building it out into the sea, and for a month before zero hour,
Italy, like all other countries which are now associated with us, shall have a fair and
November 7th, 1942, we had sometimes 600 airplanes crowded on this airfield in full
free opportunity, as soon as the Germans are driven out and tranquillity is restored, of
deciding on whatever form of democratic Government, whether monarchical or
range and in full view of the Spanish batteries. It was very difficult for the Spaniards
to believe that these airplanes were intended to reinforce Malta, and I can assure the
republican, they desire. They can choose freely for themselves. I emphasize, however,
House that the passage of those critical days was very anxious indeed. However, the
the word "democratic," because it is quite clear that we should not allow any form of
Fascism to be restored or set up in any country with which we have been at war.
Spaniards continued absolutely friendly and tranquil. They asked no questions, they
caused no inconveniences.
From Italy one turns naturally to Spain, once the most famous Empire in the
world, and down to this day a strong community in a wide land, with a marked
If, in some directions, they have taken an indulgent view of German U-boats in
distress, or continued active exportations to Germany, they made amends on this
personality and a culture distinguished among the nations of Europe. Some people
think that our foreign policy towards Spain is best expressed by drawing comical or
occasion, in my view, so far as our advantage was concerned, for these irregularities, by
even rude caricatures of General Franco; but I think there is more to it that that. When
completely ignoring the situation at Gibraltar, where, apart from aircraft, enormous
our present Ambassador to Spain, the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Chelsea
numbers of ships were anchored far outside the neutral waters, inside the Bay of
(Sir S. Hoare), went to Madrid almost exactly four years ago to a month, we arranged
Algeciras, always under the command of Spanish shore guns. We should have suffered
to keep his airplane waiting on the airfield, as it seemed almost certain that Spain,
the greatest inconvenience if we had been ordered to move those ships. Indeed, I do
whose dominant party were under the influence of Germany because Germany had
not know how the vast convoys could have been marshalled and assembled. 1 must say
helped them so vigorously in the recently-ended civil war, would follow the example
that I shall always consider a service was rendered at this time by Spain, not only to
of Italy and join the victorious Germans in the war against Great Britain. Indeed, at
the United Kingdom and to the British Empire and Commonwealth, but to the cause
of the United Nations. I have, therefore, no sympathy with those who think it clever,
that time the Germans proposed to the Spanish Government that triumphal marches
of German troops should be held in the principal Spanish cities, and I have no doubt
and even funny, to insult and abuse the Government of Spain whenever occasion
that they suggested to them that the Germans would undertake, in return for the
serves.
virtual occupation of their country, the seizure of Gibraltar, which would then be
I have had the responsibility of guiding the Government while we have passed
handed back to a Germanized Spain. This last would have been easier said than done.
through mortal perils, and I therefore think I have some means of forming a correct
There is no doubt that if Spain had yielded to German blandishments and
judgment about the values of events at critical moments as they occur. I am very glad
pressure at that juncture our burden would have been much heavier. The Straits of
now that, after prolonged negotiations, a still better arrangement has been made with
Gibraltar would have been closed, and all access to Malta would have been cut off
Spain, which deals in a satisfactory manner with the Italian ships that have taken
from the West. All the Spanish coast would have become the nesting-place of German
refuge in Spanish harbours, and has led to the hauling-down of the German flag in
Tangier and the breaking of the shield over the Consulate, and which will, in a few
6936
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A Time of Triumph: 1944
6937
days, be followed by the complete departure of the German representatives from
common cause. My hon. Friend has been often a vigilant and severe critic of His
Tangier, although they apparently still remain in Dublin. Finally, it has led to the
Majesty's Government, but as a real Opposition figure he has failed, because he never
agreement about Spanish wolfram, which has been reached without any affront to
can conceal his satisfaction when we win-and we sometimes do.
Spanish dignity, and has reduced the export of wolfram from Spain to Germany
I am happy to announce a hopeful turn in Greek affairs. When I spoke last on
during the coming critical period to a few lorry-loads a month.
this I described them as the saddest case of all. We have passed through a crisis of a
It is true that this agreement has been helped by the continuous victories of the
serious character since then. A Greek brigade and a large proportion of the Greek Navy
Allies in many parts of the world, and especially in North Africa and Italy, and also by
mutinied, declaring themselves, in one way or other, on the side of the organization
the immense threat by which the Germans conceive themselves to be menaced, by all
called E.A.M., the Greek freedom movement, and, of course, against the King and his
this talk of an invasion across the Channel. This, for what it is worth, has made it quite
Government. The King of Greece, who was in London, was advised by nearly everyone
impossible for Hitler to consider reprisals on Spain. All his troops have had to be
concerned in Cairo not to go back, and warned that his life would be in danger. He
moved away from the frontier, and he has no inclination to face bitter guerrilla
returned the next day. The situation was then most serious. The Greek brigade was
warfare, because he has got quite enough to satisfy him in so many other countries
encircled by British forces some 30 miles away from Alexandria, and the Greek ships
which he is holding down by brute force.
which had mutinied in Alexandria harbour were lying under the guns both of the shore
As I am here to-day speaking kindly words about Spain, let me add that I hope
batteries and of our superior naval forces, which had rapidly gathered. This tension
she will be a strong influence for the peace of the Mediterranean after the war. Internal
lasted for nearly three weeks. In due course the mutinies in the Fleet were suppressed.
political problems in Spain are a matter for the Spaniards themselves. It is not for
The disorderly ships were boarded by Greeks, under the orders of the Greek Govern-
us-that is the Government-to meddle in such affairs-
ment, and, with about 50 killed and wounded, the mutineers were collected and sent
[Editor's Note: At this point a member interrupted Mr. Churchill to ask why, if
ashore. The mutinous brigade in the desert was assaulted by superior British forces,
the Government would not allow a Fascist government in Italy, they would allow one
which captured the eminences commanding the camp, and the 4,000 men there
in Spain? Churchill replied] The reason is that Italy attacked us. We were at war with
surrendered. There were no casualties among the Greeks, but one British officer was
Italy. We struck Italy down. A very clear line of distinction can be drawn between
killed in the attack upon the eminences. This is a matter which cannot be overlooked.
nations who go to war with us, and nations who leave us alone.
The greatest patience and tact were shown by the British military and naval authorities
I presume we do not include in our programme of world renovation forcible
involved, and for some weeks past order has been firmly established, and the Greek
action against any and every Government whose internal form of administration does
forces who were misled into evil deeds by subversive movements have been interned
not come up to our own ideas, and any remarks I have made on that subject referred
for the time being.
only to enemy Powers and their satellites who will have been struck down by force of
The then Prime Minister, M. Tsouderos, had already tried, before these things
arms. They are the ones who have ventured into the open, and they are the ones whom
happened, to arrange a meeting of representatives of all Greek opinion, and to
we shall not allow to become, again, the expression of those peculiar doctrines
construct his administration so as to include them. He acquitted himself with dignity,
associated with Fascism and Nazism which have, undoubtedly, brought about the
and was helped by M. Venizelos, the son of the great Venizelos whom we all esteemed
terrible struggle in which we are engaged. Surely, anyone can see the difference
so highly in the first world war. At this moment there emerged upon the scene M.
between the one and the other. There is all the difference in the world between a man
Papandreou, a man greatly respected, who had lived throughout the war in Athens and
who knocks you down and a man who leaves you alone. You may, conceivably, take
was known as a man of remarkable character and one who would not be swayed by
an active interest in what happens to the former in case his inclination should recur,
party interests, his own party being a very small one. M. Papandreou became the
but we pass many people in the ordinary daily round of life about whose internal
King's new Prime Minister, but before forming his Government he called a conference
affairs and private quarrels we do not feel ourselves called upon to make continual
which met last week in the Lebanon. Every party in Greek life was represented there,
inquiry.
including E.A.M., the Communists and others-a dozen parties or more. The fullest
Well, I say we speak the same words to the Spaniards in the hour of our strength
debate took place and all expressed their feelings freely.
as we did in the hour of our weakness. I look forward to increasingly good relations
This disclosed an appalling situation in Greece. The excesses of E.L.A.S., which
with Spain, and to an extremely fertile trade between Spain and this country which
is the military body operating under E.A.M. had so alienated the population in many
will, I trust, grow even during the war and will expand after the peace. The iron from
parts that the Germans had been able to form security battalions of Grecks to fight the
Bilbao and the North of Spain is of great value to this country both in war and peace.
E.A.M. These security battalions were made up of men of whom many would far
Our Ambassador now goes back to Spain for further important duties, and I have no
rather have been out in the hills maintaining the guerrilla warfare. They had been
doubt he goes with the good wishes of the large majority of the House and of all
completely alienated. At the same time, the state of hostility and suspicion which led
thoughtful and unprejudiced persons. I am sure that no one more than my hon. Friend
last autumn to an actual civil war existed between E.A.M. and the other resistance
opposite [Mr. Shinwell] would wish that he should be successful in any work for the
organizations, especially the E.D.E.S. under Colonel Zervas, a leader who commands
6938
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A Time of Triumph: 1944
6939
the undivided support of the civilian population in his area and has always shown the
message from King Peter that he has accepted the resignation of Mr. Puric and his
strictest compliance with the orders sent him from G.H.Q., Middle East, under whom
Cabinet, and is in process of forming a new and smaller Cabinet with the purpose of
all his forces have been placed. Thus it seemed to be a question of all against all, and
assisting active resistance in Yugoslavia and of uniting as far as possible all fighting
no one but the Germans rejoicing.
elements in the country. I understand that this process of forming the new Govern-
After prolonged discussion complete unity was reached at the Lebanon Confer-
ment involves the severance from the Royal Yugoslav Government of General Mihailo-
ence, and all parties will be represented in the new Government, which will devote
vitch in his capacity as Minster of War. I understand also that the Ban of Croatia is an
itself to what is after all the only purpose worthy of consideration, namely the
important factor in the new political arrangements, around whom, or beside whom,
formation of a national army in which all the guerrilla bands will be incorporated, and
certain other elements may group themselves for the purpose of beating the enemy
the driving, with this army, of the enemy from the country or, better still, destroying
and uniting Yugoslavia. This, of course, has the support of His Majesty's Government.
him where he stands.
We do not know what will happen in the Serbian part of Yugoslavia.
On Monday there was published in the newspapers the very agreeable letter
The reason why we have ceased to supply Mihailovitch with arms and support is
which I received from the leaders of the Communists-that is more than I have ever
a simple one. He has not been fighting the enemy, and moreover, some of his
received from the hon. Member for West Fife (Mr. Gallacher); perhaps he might write
subordinates have made accommodations with the enemy from which have arisen
me one, to tell me that he confirms it-and the extreme Left wing party. There is
armed conflicts with the forces of Marshal Tito, accompanied by many charges and
published to-day in the papers the letter I have received from M. Papandreou, and
counter-charges, and the loss of patriot lives to the German advantage. Mihailovitch
another to my right hon. Friend expressing the hopes which he has for the future of
certainly holds a powerful position locally as Commander-in-Chief, and his ceasing to
his Government, and thanks for the assistance we have given in getting round these
be Minister of War will not rob him of his local influence. We cannot predict what he
troubles-what I call the diseases of defeat, which Greece has now a chance of shaking
will do or what will happen. We have proclaimed ourselves the strong supporters of
off. I believe that the present situation-1 hope and pray that it may be so-indicates
Marshal Tito because of his heroic and massive struggle against the German armies. We
that a new and fair start will come to Greece in her struggle to cleanse her native soil
are sending, and planning to send, the largest possible supplies of weapons to him and
from the foreign invader. I have, therefore, to report to the House that a very marked
make the closest contacts with him. I had the advantage on Monday of a long
and beneficial change has occurred in the situation in Greece, which is more than I
conversation with General Velebit, who has been over here on a military mission from
could say when I last spoke upon this subject. There was trouble with the destroyer we
Marshal Tito, and it has been arranged among other things that the Marshal shall send
were giving the Greeks here, and while matters remained so uncertain, we were not
here a personal military representative in order that we may be kept in the closest
able to hand her over, but I have been in correspondence with the Admiralty, and I
touch with all that is being done and with the effects of it in Yugoslavia. This is. of
hope that as a result of this reconstructed Government, and the new start that has
course, additional to the contacts established with Marshal Tito at General Wilson's
been made, this ship will soon be manned and go to strengthen the Greek Navy as it
headquarters in Algiers, and will, of course, be co-ordinated therewith.
returns to discipline and duty.
It must be remembered, however, that this question does not turn on Mihailo-
I gave some lengthy account last time of the position in Yugoslavia and of our
vitch alone; there is also a very large body, amounting to perhaps 200,000, of Serbian
relations with the different jurisdictions there. The difficulty and magnitude of this
peasant proprietors who are anti-German but strongly Serbian, and who naturally hold
business are very great, and it must be remembered that not only three strongly-
the views of a peasant-owner community in regard to property, and are less enthusi-
marked races-the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes-are involved, but farther south, the
astic in regard to communism than some of those in Croatia or Slovenia. Marshal Tito
Albanians are also making a bold bid for freedom from German rule. But they, too, at
has largely sunk his communist aspect in his character as a Yugoslav patriot leader. He
the present time are split into several competing and even antagonistic groups. Nothing
repeatedly proclaims that he has no intention of reversing the property and social
is easier than to espouse any one of the various causes in these different countries,
systems which prevail in Serbia, but these facts are not accepted yet by the other side.
with all their claims and counter-claims, and one can find complete satisfaction in
The Serbians are a race with an historic past; it was from Serbia came the spark which
telling the tale from that particular standpoint. The best and easiest kind of speech to
fired the explosion of the first world war: we remember their historic retreat over the
make is to take a particular cause and run it home on a single-track line without any
mountains. Our object is that all forces in Yugoslavia, and the whole united strength of
consideration of anything else; but we have to think of policy as well as oratory, and
Serbia, may be made to work together under the military direction of Marshal Tito for
we have to consider the problem as a whole, and also to relate our action to the main
a united independent Yugoslavia which will expel from their native soil the Hitlerite
purpose which I proclaimed at the beginning of my speech, namely, beating the enemy
murderers and invaders, and destroy them until not one remains. The cruelties and
as soon as possible, and gathering all forces for that purpose in priority to any other.
atrocities of the Germans in Greece and in Yugoslavia exceed anything that we have
I can only tell the Committee to-day the further positions which have been
heard, and we have heard terrible things, but the resistance of these heroic moun-
reached in Yugoslavia as the result of the unremitting exertions of our foreign policy.
taineers has been one of the most splendid features of the war. It will long be
They are, in my opinion, far more satisfactory than they were. I have received a
honoured in history, and I am sure that children will read the romance of this struggle
6940
Speeches of Winston Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1944
6941
and will have imprinted on their minds that love of freedom, that readiness to give
I have the impression-and it is no more than an impression-that things are not
away life and comfort, in order to gain the right to live unmolested on their native
so bad as they may appear on the surface between Russia and Poland. I need not say
heath, which their fathers are showing now.
that we-and I think I may certainly add, the United States-would welcome any
All I can say is that we must be given a little reasonable latitude to work
arrangement between Russia and Poland, however it were brought about, whether
together for this union. It would be quite easy, as I said just now, to take wholeheart-
directly between the Powers concerned, or with the help of His Majesty's Government,
edly one side or the other. I have made it very plain where my sympathies lie, but
or any other Government. There is no question of pride on our part, only of sincere
nothing would give greater pleasure to the Germans than to see all these hearty
good will to both, and earnest and anxious aspirations toward a solution of problems
mountaineers engaged in intestine strife against one another. We cannot afford at this
fraught with grave consequences to Europe and the harmony of the Grand Alliance. In
crisis to neglect anything which may obstruct a real unity throughout wide regions in
the meantime our relations, both with the Polish and the Soviet Governments, remain
which at present upwards of 12 German divisions are gripped in Yugoslavia alone and
regulated by the public statements which have been made and repeated from time to
20 in all-that is another eight in the Balkans and the Aegean Islands. All eyes must be
time from this bench during the present war. There I leave this question, and I trust
turned upon the common foe. Perhaps we have had some success in this direction in
that if it is dealt with in Debate those who deal with it will always consider what we
Greece. At any rate it sums up our policy towards Yugoslavia, and the House will note
want, namely, the united action of all Poles with all Russians against all Germans.
that all questions of monarchy or republic or Leftism or Rightism are strictly
We have to rejoice at the brilliant and skilful fighting of the French Moroccan
subordinated to the main purpose which we have in mind. In one place we support a
and Algerian Divisions, and the brilliant leading they have had from their officers in
king, in another a Communist-there is no attempt by us to enforce particular
the heart-shaking battle to which I have referred, and which is now at its climax. The
ideologies. We only want to beat the enemy, and then, in a happy and serene peace, let
French Committee of National Liberation in Algiers has the credit of having prepared
the best expression be given to the will of the people in every way.
these troops, which were armed and equipped by the United States under President
For a long time past the Foreign Secretary and I have laboured with all our
Roosevelt's personal decision. The French Committee also places at the full service of
strength to try to bring about a resumption of relations between the Soviet Govern-
the Allies a powerful Navy including, in the Richelieu, one of the finest battleships in
ment and the Polish Government which we have always recognized since the days of
the world. They guide and govern a vast Empire, all of whose strategic points are freely
General Sikorski. We were conscious of the difficulty of our task, and some may say
placed at the disposal of the United Nations. They have a numerous and powerful
we should have been wiser not to attempt it. Well, we cannot accept that view. We are
underground army in France, sometimes called the Maquis, and sometimes the French
the Ally of both countries. We went to war because Germany made an unprovoked
Army of the Interior, which may be called upon to play an important part before the
attack upon our Ally, Poland. We have signed a 20-year treaty with our Ally, the
end of the war.
Soviet Union, and this Treaty is the foundation of our policy. Polish forces are fighting
There is no doubt that this political entity, the French Committee of National
with our armies and have recently distinguished themselves remarkably well. Polish
Liberation, presides over, and directs, forces at the present time which, in the struggle
forces under Russian guidance are also fighting with the Soviet army against the
against Hitler in Europe, give it the fourth place in the Grand Alliance. The reason why
common enemy.
the United States and Great Britain have not been able to recognize it yet as the
Our effort to bring about the renewal of relations between the Polish Govern-
Government of France, or even as the Provisional Government of France, is because
ment in London and Russia has not succeeded. We deeply regret that fact, and we
we are not sure that it represents the French nation in the same way as the
must take care to say nothing that would make agreement more difficult in the future.
Governments of Britain, the United States and Soviet Russia represent the whole body
I must repeat that the essential part of any arrangement is regulation of the Polish
of their people. The Committee will, of course, exercise leadership in establishing law
eastern frontier, and that, in return for any withdrawal made by Poland in that
and order in the liberated areas of France under the supervision, while the military
quarter, she should receive other territories at the expense of Germany, which will give
exigency lasts, of the supreme Allied Commander; but we do not wish to commit
her an ample seaboard and a good, adequate and reasonable homeland in which the
ourselves at this stage to imposing the Government of the French Committee upon all
Polish nation may safely dwell. Nothing can surpass the bravery of our Polish Allies in
of France which might fall under our control, without more knowledge than we now
Italy and elsewhere daily on the sea and in the air, and in the heroic resistance of the
possess of the situation in the interior of the country. At the same time I must make it
underground movement to the Germans. I have seen here men who came a few days
clear that we shall have no dealings with the Vichy Government, or any one tainted
ago out of Poland, who told me about it, and who are in relation with, and under the
with that association, because they have decided to follow the path of collaboration
orders of, the present Polish Government in London. They are most anxious that this
with our enemies. Many of them have definitely desired, and worked for, a German
underground movement should not clash with the advancing Russian Army, but
victory.
should help it, and orders have been sent by the Polish Government in London that
In Norway and the Low Countries it is different. If we go there we shall find
the underground movement should help the Russian Armies in as many ways as
that the continuity of lawful government is maintained by the Governments which we
possible. There are many ways in which guerrillas can be successful, and we must trust
recognize, and with which we are in intimate relations. The Governments of King
that statesmanship will yet find some way through.
Haakon and Queen Wilhelmina are the lawfully-founded Governments of those states,
6942
Speeches of Winston Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1944
6943
with perfect and unbroken continuity, and should our liberating Armies enter those
the whole of the British Dominions and the United States. and all the United Nations,
countries we feel we should deal with them and also, as far as possible, with the
there is only one opinion about that; and for the rest, whatever may be said as to
Belgian and Danish Governments, although their Sovereigns are prisoners, but with
former differences, there is nothing that has occurred which should in any way make
whose countries we have the closest ties. On the other hand, we are not able to take a
us regret the twenty years' Treaty which we have signed with the Russians, and which
decision at this time to treat the French Committee of National Liberation, or the
will be the dominating factor in the relations which we shall have with them.
French Provisionsal Government; as it has been called, as the full, final, and lawful
I see that in some quarters I am expected to-day to lay out, quite plainly and
embodiment of the French Republic. It may be that the Committee itself may be able
decisively, the future plan of world organization, and also to set the Atlantic Charter
to aid us in the solution of these riddles, and I must say that I think their decree
in its exact and true relation to subsequent declarations and current events. It is easier
governing their future action constitutes a most forceful and helpful step in that
to ask such questions than to answer them. We are working with 33 United Nations
direction. With the full approval of the President of the United States, I have invited
and, in particular with two great Allies who, in some forms of power, far excel the
General de Gaulle to pay us a visit over here in the near future, and my right hon.
British Empire. Taking everything into consideration, including men and money, war
Friend the Foreign Secretary has just shown me a telegram from Mr. Duff Cooper in
effort, and expanse of territory, we can claim to be an equal to those great Powers, but
Algiers, saying that he will be very glad to come. There is nothing like talking things
not, in my view, a superior. It would be a great mistake for me, as head of the British
over, and seeing where we can get to. I hope he will bring some members of his
Government, or, 1 may add, for this House, to take it upon ourselves to lay down the
Government with him so that the whole matter can be reviewed.
law to all those different countries, including the two great Powers with which we have
As this war has progressed, it has become less ideological in its character, in my
to work, if the world is to be brought back into a good condition.
opinion. The Fascist power in Italy has been overthrown and will, in a reasonable
This small Island and this marvellous structure of States and dependencies which
period of time, be completely expunged, mainly by the Italian democracy themselves.
have gathered round it will, if we all hold together, occupy a worthy place in the
If there is anything left over for the future we will look after it. Profound changes have
vanguard of the nations. It is idle to suppose that we are the only people who are to
taken place in Soviet Russia. The Trotskyite form of Communism has been completely
prescribe what all other countries, for their own good, are to do. Many other ideas and
wiped out. The victories of the Russian Armies have been attended by a great rise in
forces come into play, and nothing could be more unwise than for the meeting of
the strength of the Russian State, and a remarkable broadening of its views. The
Prime Ministers, for instance, to attempt to prescribe for all countries the way they
religious side of Russian life has had a wonderful rebirth. The discipline and military
should go. Consultations are always proceeding between the three great Powers and
etiquette of the Russian Armies are unsurpassed. There is a new National Anthem, the
others, and every effort is being made to explore the future, to resolve difficulties, and
music of which Marshal Stalin sent me, which I asked the B.B.C. to play on the
to obtain the greatest measure of common agreement on levels below the Ministerial
frequent occasions when there are great Russian victories to celebrate. The terms
level in a way which does not commit the Government.
offered by Russia to Rumania make no suggestion of altering the standards of society
A few things have already become quite clear and very prominent at the
in that country, and are in many respects, if not in all, remarkably generous. Russia
Conference which has just concluded. The first is that we shall all fight on together
has been very patient with Finland. The Comintern has been abolished, which is
until Germany is forced to capitulate and until Nazism is extirpated and the Nazi party
sometimes forgotten. Quite recently, some of our representatives from the Ministry of
are stripped of all continuing power of doing evil. The next is that the Atlantic Charter
Information were allowed to make a considerable tour in Russia, and found opportuni-
remains a guiding signpost, expressing a vast body of opinion amongst all the Powers
ties of seeing for themselves whatever they liked. They found an atmosphere of candid
now fighting together against tyranny. The third point is that the Atlantic Charter in
friendliness and a keen desire to see British films, and hear about our country and
no way binds us about the future of Germany, nor is it a bargain or contract with our
what it was doing in the war. The children in the schools were being informed about
enemies. It has no quality of an offer to our enemy. It was no invitation to the
the war on the seas, and of its difficulties and its perils, and how the Northern convoys
Germans to surrender. If it had been an offer, that offer was rejected. But the principle
got through to Russia. There seemed a great desire among the people that Britain and
of unconditional surrender, which has also been promulgated, will be adhered to so far
Russia should be friends. These are very marked departures from the conceptions
as Nazi Germany and Japan are concerned, and that principle itself wipes away the
which were held some years ago, for reasons which we can all understand.
danger of anything like Mr. Wilson's Fourteen Points being brought up by the Germans
We have no need to look back into the past and add up the tale and tally of
after their defeat, claiming that they surrendered in consideration of them.
recrimination. Many terrible things have happened. But we began thirty years ago to
I have repeatedly said that unconditional surrender gives the enemy no rights but
march forward with the Russians in the battle against the German tyranny of the
relieves us from no duties. Justice will have to be done, and retribution will fall upon
Kaiser, and we are now marching with them, and I trust we shall until all forms of
the wicked and the cruel. The miscreants who set out to subjugate first Europe and
German tyranny have been extirpated. As to Nazism, the other ideology, we intend to
then the world must be punished, and so must their agents who, in so many countries,
wipe that our utterly, however drastic may be the methods required. We are all agreed
have perpetrated horrible crimes, and who must be brought back to face the judgment
on that in this House, whatever our political views and doctrines may be. Throughout
of the population, very likely in the very scenes of their atrocities. There is no
6945
6944
Speeches of Winston Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1944
question of Germany enjoying any guarantee that she will not territor
Armies, Fleets and Air Forces available to prevent anything like that coming about. We
changes, if it should seem that the making of such changes renders more secure and
must undoubtedly in our world structure embody a great part of all that was gained to
more lasting the peace of Europe.
the world by the structure and formation of the League of Nations. But arm
Scarred and_armed with experience we intend to take better measures this time
our world organization and make sure that, within the limits assigned to it, it has
than could ever previously have been conceived in order to prevent a renewal, in the
overwhelming military power. We must remember that we shall be hard put to it to
lifetime of our children or our grandchildren at least, of the horrible destruction of
gain our living, to repair the devastation that has been wrought, and to bring back that
human values which has marked the last and the present world wars. intend to set
wider and more comfortable life which is so deeply desired. We must strive to preserve
world order and organization, equipped with all the necessary attributes of
the reasonable rights and liberties of the individual. We must respect the rights and
power, in order to prevent the breakin out of future wars, or the long planning of
opinions of others, while holding firmly to our own faith and convictions.
them in by restless and mbitious nations. For this purpose there must be a
There must be room in this new great structure of the world or the happiness
World Council, a controlling council, comprising the greatest States which emerge
prosperity of all, and in the end it must be capable of bringing happiness and
victorious from this who will be under obligation to keep in being a certain
and prosperity even to the guilty and vanquished nations. There must be room within the
minimum standard of armaments for the purpose of preserving peace. There must also
great world organization for organisms like the British Empire and Commonwealth, as
be a World Assembly of all Powers, whose relation to the World Executive, or
we now call it, and I trust that there will be room also for the fraternal association of
controlling power, for the purpose of maintaining peace I am in no position to define.
the British Commonwealth and the United States. We are bound as well by our
I cannot say what it will be. If I did, I should only be stepping outside the bounds
twenty year Treaty with Russia, and besides this I, for my part, hope to deserve to be
which are proper for us.
called a good European-w have the duty of trying to raise the glorious Continent of
The shape of these bodies, and their relations to each other, can only be settled
Europe, the parent of so many powerful States, from its present miserable condition as
after the formidable foes we are now facing have been beaten down and reduced to
a volcano of strife and tumult to its old glory as a family of nations and a vital
complete submission. It would be presumption for any one Power to prescribe in
expression of Christendom. I am sure these great entities which I have mentioned- the
detail exactly what solution will be found. Anyone can see how many different
British Empire, the conception of a Europe truly united, the fraternal association with
alternatives there are. A mere attempt on our part to do so, or to put forward what is a
the United States will in no way disturb the general purposes of the world organiza-
majority view on this or that, might prejudice us in gaining consideration for our
tion. In fact,they may help powerfully to make it run. I hope and pray that all thi
arguments when the time comes.
may be established, and that we may have the strength and the will to secure those
I shall not even attempt to parade the many questions of difficulty which will
permanent and splendid achievements which alone can make amends to mankind for
arise and which are present in our minds. Anyone can write down on paper at least a
all the miseries and toil which have been their doom and for all the heroism and
dozen large questions of this kind should there be united forces of nations or should
sacrifice which have been their glory.
there be world police and so There are other matters of a highly interesting
character which should be discussed. But it would be stepping out of our place in the
forward march for us to go beyond the gradual formulation of opinions and ideas
which is constantly going on inside the British Commonwealth and in contact with our
principal Allies. It must not be supposed, however, that these questions cannot be
THE INVASION OF FRANCE
answered and the difficulties cannot be overcome, or that a complete victory will not
be a powerful aid to the solution of all problems, and that the good will and practical
June 6, 1944
common sense which exist in the majority of men and in the majority of nations will
House of Commons
not find its full expression in the new structure which must regulate the affairs of
every people in so far as they may clash with another people's. The future towards
which we are marching, across bloody fields and frightful manifestations of destruc
On June 4, British and American troops entered Rome. On June 6 the long-awaited
tion, must surely be based upon the broad and simple virtues and upon the nobility of
Allied invasion of Europe began, the principal landings being in Normandy. Churchill's
mankind. It must be based upon reign of law which upholds the principles of justice
statement that fighting was taking place in Caen was, however, incorrect.
and fair play and protects the weak strong if the weak have justice on their
side. There must be end to predatory exploitation and nationalistic ambitions
This does not mean that nations should not be entitled to rejoice in their
The House should, I think, take formal cognisance of the liberation of Rome by
traditions and achievements, but they will not be allowed, by armed force, to gratify
the Allied Armies under the Command of General Alexander, with General Clark of
appetites of aggrandisement at the expense of other countries merely because they are
the United States Service and General Oliver Leese in command of the Fifth and
smaller or weaker or less well prepared, and measures will be taken to have ample
Eighth Armies respectively. This is a memorable and glorious event, which rewards the
WAR AND PEACE
433
I cannot tell you the inspiration that came from the
AT BOSTON
sentiments that came out of these simple voices of the
crowd. And the proudest thing I have to report to you
ADDRESS ON RETURN TO AMERICA, FEBRUARY 24, 1919.
is that this great country of ours is trusted throughout
FROM OFFICIAL GOVERNMENT PUBLICATION IN MR.
the world. I have not come to report the proceedings
WILSON'S FILES.
or results of the proceedings of the peace conference-
that would be premature. I can say that I have received
G
OVERNOR COOLIDGE, MR. MAYOR, FEL-
very happy impressions from this conference, impres-
LOW CITIZENS:
sions that while there are many differences of judgment,
I wonder if you are half as glad to see me as I am
while there are some divergencies of object, there is nev-
to see you. It warms my heart to see a great body of
ertheless a common spirit and a common realization of
my fellow citizens again because in some respects during
the necessity of setting up a new standard of right in
recent months I have been very lonely, indeed, without
the world. Because the men who are in conference
your comradeship and counsel, and I tried at every step
in Paris realize as keenly as any American can realize
of the work which fell to me to recall what I was sure
that they are not masters of their people, that they are
would be your counsel with regard to the great matters
servants of their people, and that the spirit of their
which were under consideration.
people has awakened to a new purpose and a new con-
I do not want you to think that I have not been appre-
ception of their power to realize that purpose, and that
ciative of the extraordinarily generous reception which
no man dare go home from that conference and report
was given me on the other side, in saying it makes me
anything less noble than was expected of it.
very happy to get home again. I do not mean to say I
The conference seems to you to go slowly; from day
was not very deeply touched by the cries that came from
to day in Paris it seems to go slowly, but I wonder if
greater crowds on the other side. But I want to say to
you realize the complexity of the task which is under-
you in all honesty, I felt them to be the call of greeting
taken. It seems as if the settlements of this war affect,
to you rather than to me. I did not feel that the greet-
and affect directly, every great, and I sometimes think
ing was personal. I had in my heart the overcrowning
every small, nation in the world. And no one decision
pride of being your representative and of receiving the
can prudently be made which is not properly linked in
plaudits of men everywhere who felt that your hearts
with the great series of other decisions which must
beat with theirs in the cause of liberty. There was no
accompany it, and it must be reckoned in with the final
mistaking the tone in the voices of these great crowds.
result if the real quality and character of that result is
It was not the tone of mere greeting, it was not the tone
to be properly judged.
of mere generous welcome, it was the calling of com-
What we are doing is to hear the whole case, hear it
rade to comrade, the cry that comes from men who say
from the mouths of the men most interested, hear it
we have waited for this day when the friends of liberty
from those who are officially commissioned to state it,
should come across the sea and shake hands with us to
hear the rival claims, hear the claims that affect new
see that the new world was constructed upon a new
nationalities, that affect new areas of the world, that
basis and foundation of justice and right.
affect new commercial and economic connections that
432
have been established by the great world war through
440
WAR AND PEACE
in the same atmosphere, and except for the differences
of languages, which puzzled my American ear very
sadly, I could have believed I was at home in France
PROBLEMS OF RECONSTRUCTION
or Italy or in England when I was on the streets, when
I was in the presence of crowds, when I was in great
ADDRESS OF WELCOME TO A CONFERENCE OF GOVERNORS
halls where men were gathered irrespective of class. I
AND MAYORS, CALLED TO CONSIDER RECONSTRUC-
did not feel quite as much at home there as I do here,
TION PROBLEMS, MARCH 3, 1919. FROM "OFFI-
but I felt that now, at any rate after this storm of war
CIAL U. S. BULLETIN," NO. 551.
had cleared the air men were seeing eye to eye every-
where and that these were the kind of folks who would
understand what the kind of folks at home would under-
I
WISH that I could promise myself the pleasure and
the profit of taking part in your deliberations. I
stand; that they were thinking the same things.
It is a great comfort, for one thing, to realize that
find that nothing deliberate is permitted me since my
you all understand the language I am speaking. A
return. I have been trying, under the guidance of my
secretary, Mr. Tumulty, to do a month's work in a
friend of mine said that to talk through an interpreter
week, and I am hoping that not all of it has been done
was like witnessing the compound fracture of an idea.
badly, but inasmuch as there is a necessary pressure
But the beauty of it is that whatever the impediments
upon my time I know that you will excuse me from
of the channel of communication the idea is the same,
taking a part in your conference, much as I should be
that it gets registered, and it gets registered in respon-
profited by doing so.
sive hearts and receptive purposes. I have come back
My pleasant duty is to bid you a very hearty welcome
for a strenuous attempt to transact business for a little
and to express my gratification that so many executives
while in America, but I have really come back to say to
of cities and of States have found the time and the
you, in all soberness and honesty, that I have been try-
inclination to come together on the very important mat-
ing my best to speak your thoughts. When I sample
ter we have to discuss. The primary duty of caring for
myself I think I find that I am a typical American, and
our people in the intimate matters that we want to dis-
if I sample deep enough and get down to what prob-
cuss here, of course, falls upon the States and upon the
ably is the true stuff of the man, then I have hope that
municipalities, and the function of the Federal Govern-
it is part of the stuff that is like the other fellow's at
ment is to do what it is trying to do in a conference of
home. And, therefore, probing deep in my heart and
this sort-draw the executive minds of the country to-
trying to see things that are right without regard to the
gether so that they may profit by each other's sugges-
things that may be debated as expedient, I feel that I
tions and plans, and so that we may offer our services
am intepreting the purpose and the thought of Amer-
to coördinate their efforts in any way that they may
ica; and in loving America I find I have joined the great
deem it wise to coördinate. In other words, it is the
majority of my fellow men throughout the world.
privilege of the Federal Government in matters of this
sort to be the servants of the executives of the States
and municipalities and counties, and we shall perform
that duty with the greatest pleasure if you will guide us
with your suggestions.
441
18
NOVEMBER 11, 1918
35
ate without Portfolio on October
From the Diary of Henry Fountain Ashurst
tivities on October 21. He was
e Klaus Epstein, Matthias Erz-
November II, 1918.
ton, N. J., 1959), pp. 261-71.
Senate Sergeant-at-arms 'phoned me the President would ad-
dress the two Houses in joint session this day.
ris, November II, 1918.
The Senators led by the Vice-President went to the House. At
et for the President. Ar-
one pm President Wilson appeared and shook hands with Vice-
President Marshall and with Speaker Clark. The galleries were filled
lostilities to cease eleven
and many celebrities occupied seats. The faces of Lansing, Sec. of
yet as to whether terms
State, McAdoo of Treasury, Baker of War and Daniels of Navy,
ow definitely concerning
beamed, whilst Lane, Sec. of Interior, sat an unreadable sphinx.
cable.
The Chief Justice of the United States accompanied by the Asso-
Edward House.
ciate Judges sat in a semi-circle around the rostrum where the
President stood. Hon. Charles Evans Hughes, former Governor of
ris, November II, 1918.
New York, former Associate Justice of the Supreme Court and lately
et for The President. Cle-
Republican nominee for President, led the applause. Senator La
wich mean time sent me
Follette who usually remains quiet joined in the applause. This
nd he has requested that
dauntless little giant from Wisconsin, this man of keen intellect
Ionday] afternoon Green-
and phenomenal industry has borne with much fortitude the insults
efore the Chamber and
and the lampoons which his attitude toward the War brought him.
nd read them there [the
The President used but few words by way of preface, and at once
unced that armistice has
read the Terms of the Armistice, signed by Germany; he had read
our censor be instructed
but a few sentences, when out rolled the statement that Alsace-
iews of this character to
Lorraine must be evacuated. The pent-up emotions of his auditors
ncement is made here.
whose nerves were at high tension, then broke loose. Tumultuous
Edward House.
shouts seemed to rive the stained-glass roof; the portraits of Wash-
ington and LaFayette to the right and left respectively of the Pres-
ident, seemed to smile benignantly.
The President read the message (which took 30 minutes) without
[Paris, Nov. II, 1918]
rhetorical effort, dramatic pose or note of triumph. "The war thus
comes to an end" was the only sentence he emphasized.
Long live] democracy and
After the joint session my wife and I entertained the Ambassador
y heart goes out to you in
of France and Madame Jusserand at lunch at the Senate Restaurant
Edward House
and the brilliant diplomat wept from joy.
T MS (AzU).
House [c. Nov. II, 1918]
An Address to a Joint Session of Congress
e. The eyes of the people
Speaking Copy,-II Nov., 1918.
id of God is laid upon the
Gentlemen of the Congress: In these anxious times of rapid and
outly believe, only if they
stupendous change it will in some degree lighten my sense of
ce and mercy.
responsibility to perform in person the duty of communicating to
Woodrow Wilson
you some of the larger circumstances of the situation with which
it is necessary to deal.
36
CONGRESSIONAL ADDRESS
The German authorities who have, at the invitation of the Su-
preme War Council, been in communication with Marshal Foch
have accepted and signed the terms of armistice which he was
authorized and instructed to communicate to them. Those terms
are as follows:
I. Military Clauses on Western Front.
One. Cessation of operations by land and in the air six hours
after the signature of the armistice.
Two. Immediate evacuation of invaded countries: Belgium, France,
Alsace Lorraine, Luxemburg, SO ordered as to be completed within
fourteen days from the signature of the armistice. German troops
which have not left the above mentioned territories within the pe-
riod fixed will become prisoners of war. Occupation by the Allied
and United States forces jointly will keep pace with evacuation in
these areas. All movements of evacuation and occupation will be
regulated in accordance with a note annexed to the stated terms.¹
Three. Repatriation beginning at once and to be completed within
fourteen days of all inhabitants of the countries above mentioned,
including hostages and persons under trial or convicted.
Four. Surrender in good condition by the German armies of the
following equipment: Five thousand guns (two thousand five hundred
heavy, two thousand five hundred field), thirty thousand machine
guns; three thousand minenwerfer;2 two thousand. aeroplanes
(fighters, bombers-firstly D; Seventy-threes and night bombing
machines.) The above to be delivered in Simmstu [situ] to the allies
and United States troops in accordance with the detailed conditions
laid down in the annexed note.
Evacuation by the German armies of the countries on the left
bank of the Rhine. These countries on the left bank of the Rhine
shall be administered by the local authorities under the control of
the allied and United States armies of occupation. The occupation
of these territories will be determined by allied and United States
garrisons holding the principal crossings of the Rhine, Mayenee
[Mainz], Coblenz, Cologne, together with bridgeheads at these points
in thirty kilometer radius on the right bank and by garrisons sim-
ilarly holding the strategic points of the regions. A neutral zone
shall be reserved on the right of the Rhine between the stream and
a line drawn parallel to it forty kilometers to the east from the
frontier of Holland to the parallel of Gernsheim and as far as prac-
ticable a distance of thirty kilometers from the east of stream from
this parallel upon Swiss frontier. Evacuation by the enemy of the
The "annexures" to the Armistice agreement were conveyed in EMH to WW, No.
97, Nov. 12, 1918, T telegram (WP, DLC).
2 That is, trench mortars.
DDRESS
NOVEMBER 11, 1918
37
t the invitation of the Su-
Rhine lands shall be SO ordered as to be completed within a further
cation with Marshal Foch
period of eleven days, in all nineteen days after the signature of
f armistice which he was
the armistice. All movements of evacuation and occupation will be
cate to them. Those terms
regulated according to the note annexed.
Six. In all territory evacuated by the enemy there shall be no
evacuation of inhabitants; no damage or harm shall be done to the
and in the air six hours
persons or property of the inhabitants. No destruction of any kind
to be committed. Military establishments of all kinds shall be de-
countries: Belgium, France,
livered intact as well as military stores of food, munitions, equip-
as to be completed within
ment not removed during the periods fixed for evacuation. Stores
armistice. German troops
of food of all kinds for the civil population, cattle, etc., shall be left
I territories within the pe-
in situ. Industrial establishments shall not be impaired in any way
Occupation by the Allied
and their personnel shall not be moved. Roads and means of com-
0 pace with evacuation in
munication of every kind, railroad, waterways, main roads, bridges,
n and occupation will be
telegraphs, telephones, shall be in no manner impaired.
exed to the stated terms.
Seven. All civil and military personnel at present employed on
nd to be completed within
them shall remain. Five thousand locomotives, fifty thousand wag-
untries above mentioned,
ons and ten thousand motor lorries in good working order with all
ial or convicted.
necessary spare parts and fittings shall be delivered to the Asso-
he German armies of the
ciated Powers within the period fixed for the evacuation of Belgium
:wo thousand five hundred
and Luxemburg. The railways of Alsace-Lorraine shall be handed
thirty thousand machine
over within the same period, together with all pre-war personnel
NO thousand aeroplanes
and material. Further material necessary for the working of railways
rees and night bombing
in the country on the left bank of the Rhine shall be left in situ.
mmstu [situ] to the allies
All stores of coal and material for the up-keep of permanent ways,
th the detailed conditions
signals and repair shops left entire in situ and kept in an efficient
state by Germany during the whole period of armistice. All barges
the countries on the left
taken from the allies shall be restored to them. A note appended
e left bank of the Rhine
regulates the details of these measures.
ties under the control of
Eight. The German command shall be responsible for revealing
upation. The occupation
all mines or delay acting fuses disposed on territory evacuated by
allied and United States
the German troops and shall assist in their discovery and destruc-
of the Rhine, Mayenee
tion. The German command shall also reveal all destructive meas-
idgeheads at these points
ures that may have been taken (such as poisoning or polluting of
ik and by garrisons sim-
springs, wells, etc.,) under penalty of reprisals.
regions. A neutral zone
Nine. The right of requisition shall be exercised by the Allied
between the stream and
and the United States armies in all occupied territory. The up-keep
rs to the east from the
of the troops of occupation in the Rhine land (excluding Alsace
heim and as far as prac-
Lorraine) shall be charged to the German Government.
the east of stream from
Ten. An immediate repatriation without reciprocity according to
on by the enemy of the
detailed conditions which shall be fixed, of all Allied and United
conveyed in EMH to WW, No.
States prisoners of war. The Allied Powers and the United States
shall be able to dispose of these prisoners as they wish.
Eleven. Sick and wounded who cannot be removed from evac-
38
CONGRESSIONAL ADDRESS
uated territory will be cared for by German personnel who will be
left on the spot with the medical material required.
II. Disposition Relative to the Eastern Frontiers of Germany.
Twelve. All German troops at present in any territory which before
the war belonged to Russia, Roumania or Turkey shall withdraw
within the frontiers of Germany as they existed on August first,
I914.
Thirteen. Evacuation by German troops to begin at once and all
German instructors, prisoners, and civilian as well as military agents,
now on the territory of Russia (as defined before 1914) to be re-
called.
Fourteen. German troops to cease at once all requisitions and
seizures and any other undertaking with a view to obtaining sup-
plies intended for Germany in Roumania and Russia (as defined
on August I, 1914).
Fifteen. Abandonment of the treaties of Bucharest and Brest-
Litovsk and of the supplementary treaties.
Sixteen. The allies shall have free access to the territories evac-
uated by the Germans on their eastern frontier either through Dan-
zig or by the Vistula in order to convey supplies to the populations
of those territories or for any other purpose.
III. Clause Concerning East Africa.
Seventeen. Unconditional capitulation of all German forces op-
erating in East Africa within one month.
IV. General Clauses.
Eighteen. Repatriation, without reciprocity, within a maximum
period of one month, in accordance with detailed conditions here-
after to be fixed, of all civilians interned or deported who may be
citizens of other Allied or Associated States than those mentioned
in clause three, paragraph nineteen, with the reservation that any
future claims and demands of the Allies and the United States of
America remain unaffected.
Nineteen. The following financial conditions are required: Rep-
aration for damage done. While such armistice lasts no public se-
curities shall be removed by the enemy which can serve as a pledge
to the allies for the recovery or repatriation for war losses. Immediate
restitution of the cash deposit, in the National Bank of Belgium,
and in general immediate return of all documents, specie, stock,
shares, paper money together with plant for the issue thereof,
touching public or private interests in the invaded countries. Res-
titution of the Russian and Roumanian gold yielded to Germany or
taken by that power. This gold to be delivered in trust to the allies
until the signature of peace.
DRESS
NOVEMBER 11, 1918
39
in personnel who will be
V. Naval Conditions.
I required.
Twenty. Immediate cessation of all hostilities at sea and definite
Frontiers of Germany.
information to be given as to the location and movements of all
any territory which before
German ships. Notification to be given to neutrals that freedom of
r Turkey shall withdraw
navigation in all territorial waters is given to the naval and mer-
existed on August first,
cantile marines of the Allied and Associated Powers, all questions
of neutrality being waived.
; to begin at once and all
Twenty-one. All naval and mercantile marine prisoners of war of
as well as military agents,
the Allied and Associated Powers in German hands to be returned
d before 1914) to be re-
without reciprocity.
Twenty-two. Surrender to the Allies and the United States of
nce all requisitions and
America of one hundred and sixty German submarines (including
a view to obtaining sup-
all submarine cruisers and mine laying submarines) with their
and Russia (as defined
complete armament and equipment in ports which will be specified
by the Allies and the United States of America. All other submarines
of Bucharest and Brest-
to be paid off and completely disarmed and placed under the su-
pervision of the Allied Powers and the United States of America.
SS to the territories evac-
Twenty-three. The following German surface warships which
itier either through Dan-
shall be designated by the Allies and the United States of America
pplies to the populations
shall forthwith be disarmed and thereafter interned in neutral ports,
se.
or, for the want of them, in allied ports, to be designated by the
Allies and the United States of America and placed under the sur-
of all German forces op-
veillance of the Allies and the United States of America, only care-
takers being left on board, namely: Six battle cruisers, ten battle-
ships, eight light cruisers, including two mine layers, fifty destroyers
city, within a maximum
of the most modern type. All other surface war ships (including
detailed conditions here-
river craft) are to be concentrated in German naval bases to be
or deported who may be
designated by the Allies and the United States of America, and are
es than those mentioned
to be paid off and completely disarmed and placed under the su-
the reservation that any
pervision of the Allies and the United States of America. All vessels
nd the United States of
of the auxiliary fleet (trawlers, motor vessels, etc.,) are to be dis-
armed.
tions are required: Rep-
Twenty four. The Allies and the United States of America shall
istice lasts no public se-
have the right to sweep up all mine fields and obstructions laid by
ich can serve as a pledge
Germany outside German territorial waters, and the positions of
or war losses. Immediate
these are to be indicated.
ional Bank of Belgium,
Twenty five. Freedom of access to and from the Baltic to be given
cuments, specie, stock,
to the naval and mercantile marines of the Allied and Associated
t for the issue thereof,
Powers. To secure this the Allies and the United States of America
invaded countries. Res-
shall be empowered to occupy all German forts, fortifications, bat-
d yielded to Germany or
teries and defense works of all kinds in all the entrances from the
ered in trust to the allies
Categat into the Baltic, and to sweep up all mines and obstructions
within and without German territorial waters without any question
40
CONGRESSIONAL ADDRESS
of neutrality being raised, and the positions of all such mines and
obstructions are to be indicated.
Twenty six. The existing blockade conditions set up by the Allies
and Associated Powers are to remain unchanged and all German
merchant ships found at sea are to remain liable to capture.
Twenty seven. All naval aircraft are to be concentrated and im-
mobilized in German bases to be specified by the Allies and the
United States of America.
Twenty eight. In evacuating the Belgian coasts and ports, Ger-
many shall abandon all merchant ships, tugs, lighters, cranes and
all other harbor materials, all materials for inland navigation, all
aircraft and all materials and stores, all arms and armaments, and
all stores and apparatus of all kinds.
Twenty nine. All Black Sea ports are to be evacuated by Germany;
all Russian war vessels of all descriptions seized by Germany in the
Black Sea are to be handed over to the Allies and the United States
of America; all neutral merchant vessels seized are to be released;
all warlike and other materials of all kinds seized in those ports are
to be returned and German materials as specified in clause twenty
eight are to be abandoned.
Thirty. All merchant vessels in German hands belonging to the
Allied and Associated Powers are to be restored in ports to be spec-
ified by the Allies and the United States of America without rec-
iprocity.
Thirty one. No destruction of ships or of materials to be permitted
before evacuation, surrender or restoration.
Thirty two. The German Government shall formally notify the
neutral Governments of the world, and particularly the Govern-
ment[s] of Norway, Sweden, Denmark and Holland, that all re-
strictions placed on the trading of their vessels with the Allied and
Associated Countries, whether by the German Government or by
private German interests, and whether in return for specific conces-
sions such as the export of shipbuilding materials or not, are im-
mediately canceled.
Thirty three. No transfers of German merchant shipping of any
description to any neutral flag are to take place after signature of
the armistice.
VI. Duration of Armistice.
Thirty four. The duration of the armistice is to be thirty days,
with option to extend. During this period, on failure of execution
of any of the above clauses, the armistice may be denounced by
one of the contracting parties, on forty eight hours previous notice.
VII. Time Limit for Reply.
NOVEMBER 11, 1918
41
DRESS
ns of all such mines and
Thirty five. This armistice to be accepted or refused by Germany
within seventy two hours of notification.
itions set up by the Allies
The war thus comes to an end; for, having accepted these terms
changed and all German
of armistice, it will be impossible for the German command to renew
n liable to capture.
it.
be concentrated and im-
It is not now possible to assume the consequences of this great
ed by the Allies and the
consummation. We know only that this tragical war, whose con-
suming flames swept from one nation to another until all the world
n coasts and ports, Ger-
was on fire, is at an end and that it was the privilege of our own
ugs, lighters, cranes and
people to enter it at its most critical juncture in such fashion and
or inland navigation, all
in such force as to contribute in a way of which we are all deeply
ms and armaments, and
proud to [of] the great result. We know, too, that the object of the
war is attained: the object upon which all free men had set their
e evacuated by Germany;
hearts; and attained with a sweeping completeness which even
eized by Germany in the
now we do not realize. Armed imperialism such as the men con-
es and the United States
ceived who were but yesterday the masters of Germany is at an
eized are to be released;
end, its illicit ambitions engulfed in black disaster. Who will now
seized in those ports are
seek to revive it? The arbitrary power of the military caste of Ger-
becified in clause twenty
many which once could secretly and of its own single choice disturb
the peace of the world is discredited and destroyed. And more than
that-much more than that-has been accomplished. The great
hands belonging to the
nations which associated themselves to destroy it have now defi-
tored in ports to be spec-
of America without rec-
nitely united in the common purpose to set up such a peace as will
satisfy the longing of the whole world for disinterested justice,
materials to be permitted
embodied in settlements which are based upon something much
better and much more lasting than the selfish competitive interests
n.
shall formally notify the
of powerful states. There is no longer conjecture as to the objects
particularly the Govern-
the victors have in mind. They have a mind in the matter, not only,
nd Holland, that all re-
but a heart also. Their avowed and concerted purpose is to satisfy
ssels with the Allied and
and protect the weak as well as to accord their just rights to the
rman Government or by
strong.
eturn for specific conces-
The humane temper and intention of the victorious governments
materials or not, are im-
has already been manifested in a very practical way. Their repre-
sentatives in the Supreme War Council at Versailles have by unan-
erchant shipping of any
imous resolution assured the peoples of the Central Empires that
place after signature of
everything that is possible in the circumstances will be done to
supply them with food and relieve the distressing want that is in
so many places threatening their very lives; and steps are to be
tice is to be thirty days,
taken immediately to organize these efforts at relief in the same
on failure of execution
systematic manner that they were organized in the case of Belgium.
e may be denounced by
By the use of the idle tonnage of the Central Empires it ought
ht hours previous notice.
presently to be possible to lift the fear of utter misery from their
oppressed populations and set their minds and energies free for the
42
CONGRESSIONAL ADDRESS
great and hazardous tasks of political reconstruction which now
face them on every hand. Hunger does not breed reform; it breeds
madness and all the ugly distempers that make an ordered life
impossible.
For with the fall of the ancient governments which rested like
an incubus upon the peoples of the Central Empires has come
political change not merely, but revolution; and revolution which
seems as yet to assume no final and ordered form but to run from
one fluid change to another, until thoughtful men are forced to ask
themselves, With what governments, and of what sort, are we about
to deal in the making of the covenants of peace? With what au-
thority will they meet us, and with what assurance that their au-
thority will abide and sustain securely the international arrange-
ments into which we are about to enter? There is here matter for
no small anxiety and misgiving. When peace is made, upon whose
promises and engagements besides our own is it to rest?
Let us be perfectly frank with ourselves and admit that these
questions cannot be satisfactorily answered now or at once. But the
moral is not that there is little hope of an early answer that will
suffice. It is only that we must be patient and helpful and mindful
above all of the great hope and confidence that lie at the heart of
what is taking place. Excesses accomplish nothing. Unhappy Rus-
sia has furnished abundant recent proof of that. Disorder imme-
diately defeats itself. If excesses should occur, if disorder should
for a time raise its head, a sober second thought will follow and a
day of constructive action, if we help and do not hinder.
The present and all that it holds belongs to the nations and the
peoples who preserve their self-control and the orderly processes
of their governments; the future to those who prove themselves the
true friends of mankind. To conquer with arms is to make only a
temporary conquest; to conquer the world by earning its esteem is
to make permanent conquest. I am confident that the nations that
have learned the discipline of freedom and that have settled with
self-possession to its ordered practice are now about to make con-
quest of the world by the sheer power of example and of friendly
helpfulness.
The peoples who have but just come out from under the yoke of
arbitrary government and who are now coming at last into their
freedom will never find the treasures of liberty they are in search
of if they look for them by the light of the torch. They will find that
every pathway that is stained with the blood of their own brothers
leads to the wilderness, not to the seat of their hope. They are now
face to face with their initial test. We must hold the light steady
until they find themselves. And in the meantime, if it be possible,
DRESS
NOVEMBER 11, 1918
43
construction which now
we must establish a peace that will justly define their place among
t breed reform; it breeds
the nations, remove all fear of their neighbours and of their former
at make an ordered life
masters, and enable them to live in security and contentment when
they have set their own affairs in order. I, for one, do not doubt
ments which rested like
their purpose or their capacity. There are some happy signs that
ntral Empires has come
they know and will choose the way of self-control and peaceful
n; and revolution which
accommodation. If they do, we shall put our aid at their disposal
ed form but to run from
in every way that we can. If they do not, we must await with
ful men are forced to ask
patience and sympathy the awakening and recovery that will as-
of what sort, are we about
suredly come at last.
f peace? With what au-
assurance that their au-
Printed reading copy (WP, DLC).
e international arrange-
There is here matter for
ace is made, upon whose
Three Telegrams from Edward Mandell House
wn is it to rest?
Paris. Nov. II, 1918.¹
es and admit that these
d now or at once. But the
Number 89. For the President.
Italian affairs. If you decide to recognize the national council of
n early answer that will
Zagreb as representative of the Serbo-Croat-Slovene nation, or the
and helpful and mindful
e that lie at the heart of
territory formerly belonging to the Austro Hungarian monarchy it
would be well to assure the affairs. If you decide in a very guarded
I nothing. Unhappy Rus-
of that. Disorder imme-
way that the question of their territorial aspirations is a matter to
be decided by the peace conference. This action is advised in order
occur, if disorder should
to reassure them in the face of the Italian occupation of the Dalmatia
hought will follow and a
coast along the line of the convention of London, against which I
do not hinder.
protested and consented only upon the explicit promise that this
SS to the nations and the
territory should have the same status as the territory to be occupied
nd the orderly processes
under the terms of the German armistice. It is to the interest of
who prove themselves the
Italy also that the conditions of the armistice be not made the pretext
1 arms is to make only a
for presaging this most difficult territorial question. United States
I by earning its esteem is
now is in a position to speak (?) caution since France and Great
ent that the nations that
Britain are committed by the Pact of London. A statement that its
d that have settled with
frontiers would be determined in the interests of all concerned and
now about to make con-
in accordance with principles accepted by all the Allies would be
example and of friendly
reassuring to all small nationalities who are now in a state high
tension.
Edward House.
it from under the yoke of
coming at last into their
T telegram (WP, DLC).
iberty they are in search
1 The copy of this telegram in the House Papers reads as follows: "For the President
Number 89 PRIORITY. Concerning Jugo-Slav Italian affairs STOP If you decide to recognize
torch. They will find that
the national council of Zagreb as representative of the Serbo-Slovene nation in territories
od of their own brothers
formerly belonging to the Austro-Hungarian monarchy it would be well to assure the
Jugo-Slavs in a very guarded way that the question of their territorial aspirations is a
their hope. They are now
matter to be decided by the peace conference STOP This action is advisable in order to re-
ust hold the light steady
assure them in the face of the Italian occupation of the Dalmatian coast along the line
of the convention of London, against which I protested and consented only upon the
eantime, if it be possible,
explicit promise that this territory should have the same status as the territory to be
Wisting oH
your
PEACE
9/4/19
WAR AND PEACE
593
ir hearts that it had done
the losses they had incurred-that great throbbing heart
e wrong, that it had put
which was so depressed, so forlorn, so sad in every
of Germany at the judg-
memory that it had had of the five tragical years that
roughout this treaty every
have gone. Let us never forget those years, my fellow
rmany was meant, not to
countrymen. Let us never forget the purpose-the
ectify the wrong that she
high purpose, the disinterested purpose-with which
America lent its strength not for its own glory but for
terms of reparation-for
the defense of mankind.
indemnity of any sort was
As I said, this treaty was not intended merely to end
nerely paying for the de-
this war. It was intended to prevent any similar war.
; good the losses so far as
I wonder if some of the opponents of the League of
od which she had unjustly
Nations have forgotten the promises we made our peo-
ments, for the reparation
ple before we went to that peace table. We had taken
ents, but upon the people
by processes of law the flower of our youth from every
ipon with absolute absence
household, and we told those mothers and fathers and
ibled pity. There was no
sisters and wives and sweethearts that we were taking
there is reparation, and
those men to fight a war which would end business of
on a method is devised by
that sort; and if we do not end it, if we do not do the
e adjusted to Germany's
best that human concert of action can do to end it, we
are of all men the most unfaithful, the most unfaithful
of the statements I hear
to the loving hearts who suffered in this war, the most
ruth is that they are made
unfaithful to those households bowed in grief and yet
the treaty or who, if they
lifted with the feeling that the lad laid down his life
ended its meaning. There
for a great thing and, among other things, in order that
that treaty by which the
other lads might never have to do the same thing. That
d beyond the point which
is what the League of Nations is for, to end this war
will be pressed to the ut-
justly, and then not merely to serve notice on govern-
pay-which is just, which
ments which would contemplate the same things that
been intolerable if there
Germany contemplated that they will do it at their peril,
my fellow citizens, this
but also concerning the combination of power which will
end this single war. It
prove to them that they will do it at their peril. It is
government which in the
idle to say the world will combine against you, because
: that mankind will unite
it may not, but it is persuasive to say the world is com-
it. There is no national
bined against you, and will remain combined against the
I in this treaty. There is
things that Germany attempted. The League of Na-
ular nation. The thought
tions is the only thing that can prevent the recurrence
and that table was of their
of this dreadful catastrophe and redeem our promises.
hcy had gone through, of
The character of the League is based upon the experi-
man 17 - Sep 19
9/4/19
594
WAR AND PEACE
ence of this very war. I did not meet a single public
man who did not admit these things, that Germany
would not have gone into this war if she had thought
Great Britain was going into it, and that she most
certainly would never have gone into this war if she
dreamed America was going into it. And they all ad-
mitted that a notice beforehand that the greatest powers
of the world would combine to prevent this sort of thing
would prevent it absolutely. When gentlemen tell you,
therefore, that the League of Nations is intended for
some other purpose than this, merely reply this to them:
If we do not do this thing, we have neglected the cen-
tral covenant that we made to our people, and there will
then be no statesmen of any country who can thereafter
promise his people alleviation from the perils of war.
The passions of this world are not dead. The rivalries
of this world have not cooled. They have been rendered
hotter than ever. The harness that is to unite nations
is more necessary now than it ever was before, and
unless there is this assurance of combined action before
wrong is attempted, wrong will be attempted just so
soon as the most ambitious nations can recover from
the financial stress of this war.
Now, look what else is in the treaty. This treaty is
unique in the history of mankind, because the center of
it is the redemption of weak nations. There never was
a congress of nations before that considered the rights
of those who could not enforce their rights. There
never was a congress of nations before that did not
seek to effect some balance of power brought about by
means of serving the strength and interest of the strong-
est powers concerned; whereas this treaty builds up na-
tions that never could have won their freedom in any
other way; builds them up by gift, by largess, not by
obligations; builds them up because of the conviction of
the men who wrote the treaty that the rights of people
transcend the rights of governments, because of the con-
viction of the men who wrote that treaty that the fer-
512
WAR AND PEACE
of
WAR AND PEACE
513
So Belgium has, so to say, once more come into her
violate every principle of right without beginning to
own through this deep valley of suffering through which
she has gone. Not only that, but her cause has linked
Belgian Beparties 4/19/19
know what the principles of right are and to love them,
to despise those who violate them, and to form the firm
the governments of the civilized world together. They
resolve that such a violation shall now be punished and
have realized their common duty. They have drawn
in the future be prevented.
together as if instinctively into a league of right. They
These are the feelings with which I have come to
have put the whole power of organized mankind behind
Belgium, and it has been my thought to propose to the
the conception of justice, which is common to mankind.
Congress of the United States as a recognition, as a
That is the significance, gentlemen, of the League of
welcome of Belgium into her new status of complete
Nations.
independence, to raise the mission of the United States
The League of Nations was an inevitable conse-
of America to Belgium to the rank of an Embassy and
quence of this war. It was a league of right, and no
send an Ambassador. This is the rank which Belgium
thoughtful statesman who let his thought run into the
enjoys in our esteem. Why should she not enjoy it in
future could wish for a moment to slacken those bonds.
form and in fact?
His first thought would be to strengthen them and to
So, gentlemen, we turn to the future. M. Hymans
perpetuate this combination of the great governments
has spoken in true terms of the necessities that lie
of the world for the maintenance of justice. The
ahead of Belgium, and of many another nation that has
League of Nations is the child of this great war for
come through this great war with suffering and with
right. It is the expression of those permanent resolu-
loss. We have shown Belgium, in the forms which he
tions which grew out of the temporary necessities of
has been generous enough to recite, our friendship in
this great struggle, and any nation which declines to
the past. It is now our duty to organize our friendship
adhere to this Covenant deliberately turns away from
along new lines. The Belgian people and the Belgian
the most telling appeal that has ever been made to its
leaders need only the tools to restore their life. Their
conscience and to its manhood. The nation that wishes
thoughts are not crushed. Their purposes are not ob-
to use the League of Nations for its convenience, and
scured. Their plans are complete, and their knowledge
not for the service of the rest of the world, deliberately
of what is involved in industrial revival is complete.
chooses to turn back to those bad days of selfish contest,
What their friends must do is to see to it that Belgium
when every nation thought first and always of itself and
gets the necessary priority with regard to obtaining raw
not of its neighbor, thought of its rights and forgot its
materials, the necessary priority in obtaining the means
duties, thought of its power and overlooked its re
to restore the machinery by which she can use these raw
sponsibility. Those bad days, I hope, are gone, and the
materials, and the credit by which she can bridge over
great moral power, backed if need be, by the great
the years during which it will be necessary for her to
physical power of the civilized nations of the world
wait to begin again. These are not so much tasks for
will now stand firm for the maintenance of the fine part-
governments as they are tasks for thoughtful business
nership which we have thus inaugurated.
men and financiers and those who are producers in other
It cannot be otherwise. Perhaps the conscience of
countries. It is a question of shipping also, but the
some chancellories was asleep and the outrage of Ger-
shipping of the world will be relieved of its burdens of
many awakened it. You cannot see one great nation
troops in a comparatively near future, and there will be
Unio of Paris
12/21/18
33°
WAR AND PEACE
clearly revealed to the historian, of men of indomitable
spirit everywhere struggling toward the right and seek-
ing above all things else to be free. The triumph of
freedom in this war means that spirits of that sort now
dominate the world. There is a great wind of moral
force moving through the world, and every man who
opposes himself to that wind will go down in disgrace.
The task of those who are gathered here, or will pres-
ently be gathered here, to make the settlements of this
peace is greatly simplified by the fact that they are
masters of no one; they are the servants of mankind,
and if we do not heed the mandates of mankind we
shall make ourselves the most conspicuous and deserved
failures in the history of the world.
My conception of the League of Nations is just this,
that it shall operate as the organized moral force of
men throughout the world, and that whenever or wher-
ever wrong and aggression are planned or contemplated,
this searching light of conscience will be turned upon
them and men everywhere will ask, "What are the pur-
poses that you hold in your heart against the fortunes
of the world?" Just a little exposure will settle most
questions. If the Central powers had dared to discuss
the purposes of this war for a single fortnight, it never
would have happened, and if, as should be, they were
forced to discuss it for a year, war would have been
inconceivable.
So I feel that this war is, as has been said more than
once to-day, intimately related with the university spirit.
The university spirit is intolerant of all the things that
put the human mind under restraint. It is intolerant
of everything that seeks to retard the advancement of
ideals, the acceptance of the truth, the purification of
life; and every university man can ally himself with the
forces of the present time with the feeling that now at
last the spirit of truth, the spirit to which universities
have devoted themselves, has prevailed and is trium-
phant. If there is one point of pride that I venture to
"LEAVE OUT OF YOUR VOCABULARY THE
WORD 'PRUDENT''
ADDRESS TO THE OFFICERS OF THE ATLANTIC FLEET
AUGUST II, 1917.¹ FROM OFFICIAL GOVERNMENT
PUBLICATION IN MR. WILSON'S FILES
I
HAVE not come here with malice prepense to make
a speech, but I have come here to have a look at you
and to say some things that perhaps may be intimately
said and, even though the company is large, said in confi-
dence. Of course, the whole circumstance of the modern
time is extraordinary and I feel that just because the
circumstances are extraordinary there is an opportunity
to see to it that the action is extraordinary. One of
the deprivations which any man in authority experiences
is that he cannot come into constant and intimate touch
with the men with whom he is associated and necessarily
associated in action.
Most of my life has been spent in contact with young
men and, though I would not admit it to them at the
time, I have learned a great deal more from them than
they ever learned from me. I have had most of my
thinking stimulated by questions being put to me which
I could not answer, and I have had a great many of my
preconceived conceptions absolutely destroyed by men
who had not given half the study to the subject that I
myself had given. The fact of the matter is that almost
every profession is pushed forward by the men who do
not belong to it and know nothing about it, because they
ask the ignorant questions which it would not occur to
the professional man to ask at all; he supposes that
they have been answered, whereas it may be that most
¹The President went to sea in the Mayflower, boarded an American
dreadnaught, and talked to the officers like "a football coach to his
team between the halves."
82
254
AN ADDRESS IN SEATTLE
moving from one part of this beloved country to another that
makes me so profoundly proud to be an American. It was not, in
deed, my choice to be an American, because I was born in it, and
I suppose that I can't ascribe any credit to myself for being an
American. But I do claim the profoundest pleasure in sharing the
sentiments and in having had the privilege for a few short years of
trying to express the sentiment of this free nation, to which all the
world looks for inspiration and guidance.
That is the dominating thought I had-I won't say the dominat-
ing thought-it is the controlling knowledge that I have. For I
learned on the other side of the water that all the world was looking
to us for its inspiration, and we will not deny it to them.
Printed in the Seattle Times, Sept. 14, 1919.
1 James Williams Spangler. vice-president of the Seattle National Bank and of the
Seattle Chamber of Commerce.
2 About Wilson's earlier visit to and speeches in Seattle, see Vol. 23, pp. 76-80.
An Address in the Seattle Arena
[[September 13, 1919]]
Mr. Chairman,¹ my fellow countrymen, I esteem it a great privi-
lege to have the occasion to stand before this great audience and
expound some part of the great question that is now holding the
attention of America and the attention of the world.
I was led to an unpleasant consciousness today of the way in
which the debate that is going on in America has attracted the at-
tention of the world. I read in today's papers the comments of one
of the men² who was recently connected with the Imperial Govern-
ment of Germany, saying that some aspects of this debate seemed
to him like the red that precedes a great dawn. He saw in it the
rise of a certain renewed sympathy with Germany. He saw in it an
opportunity to separate America from the governments and peo-
ples with whom she had associated in the war against German ag-
gression.
And all over this country, my fellow citizens, it is becoming more
and more evident that those who were the partisans of Germany
are the ones who are principally pleased by some of the aspects of
the debate that is now going on. The world outside of America is
asking itself the question, "Is America going to stand by us now,
or is it at this moment of final crisis going to draw apart and desert
us?"
Cecil Bernard Fitzgerald, Mayor of Seattle.
2 Robert Richard von Scheller-Steinwartz, a former diplomat. He spoke in Berlin on
September 6. New York Times, Sept. 8. 1919.
; IN SEATTLE
SEPTEMBER 13, 1919
255
beloved country to another that
I can answer that question here and now. It is not going to draw
o be an American. It was not, in-
apart, and it is not going to desert the nations of the world. (ap-
:an, because I was born in it, and
plause) America responds to nothing so quickly or unanimously as
ny credit to myself for being an
a great moral challenge. It is today more ready to carry through
ofoundest pleasure in sharing the
new lines before it than it was even to carry through what it had
e privilege for a few short years of
before it when we took up arms in behalf of the freedom of the
f this free nation, to which all the
world. America is unaccustomed to military tasks, but America is
uidance.
accustomed to fulfilling its pledges and following its visions. (ap-
t I had-I won't say the dominat-
plause) The only thing that causes me uneasiness, my fellow coun-
ig knowledge that I have. For I
trymen, is not the ultimate outcome, but the impressions that may
ater that all the world was looking
be created in the meantime by the perplexed delay. The rest of the
vill not deny it to them.
world believes absolutely in America and is ready to follow it any-
1.
where, and it is now a little chilled. It now asks: "Is America hesi-
it of the Seattle National Bank and of the
tating to lead? We are ready to give ourselves to her leadership
hes in Seattle, see Vol. 23, pp. 76-8o.
here. Will she not accept the gift?"
And so, my fellow citizens, I think that it is my duty, as I go
about the country, not to make speeches in the ordinary accep-
ena
tance of that word, not to appeal either to the imagination or to the
emotions of my fellow citizens, but to undertake everywhere what
[[September I3, 1919]]
I want to undertake tonight, and I must ask you to be patient while
itrymen, I esteem it a great privi-
I undertake it. I want to analyze for you what it is that it is pro-
d before this great audience and
posed that we should do. Generalities will not penetrate to the
question that is now holding the
heart of this great question. It is not enough to speak of the general
ntion of the world.
purposes of the peace. (applause outside of building) This applause
nsciousness today of the way in
was acceptable but inopportune. Perhaps I might devise some sig-
in America has attracted the at-
nal when they should cheer on the outside, but if you won't mind
ay's papers the comments of one
the sounds without, I think we can make some progress toward
nected with the Imperial Govern-
the heart of the great matter that I want to discuss with you.
ne aspects of this debate seemed
I want you to realize just what the Covenant of the League of
a great dawn. He saw in it the
Nations means. I find that everywhere I go it is desirable that I
y with Germany. He saw in it an
should dwell upon this great theme, because in SO many parts of
from the governments and peo-
the country men are drawing attention to little details in a way that
d in the war against German ag-
destroys the great perspective of the great plan in a way that con-
centrates attention upon certain particulars which are incidental
low citizens, it is becoming more
and not central. And I am going to take the liberty of reading you
were the partisans of Germany
a list of the things which the nations adhering to the Covenant of
leased by some of the aspects of
the League of Nations undertake. I want to say by way of preface
The world outside of America is
that it seems to me, and I am sure it will seem to you, not only an
erica going to stand by us now,
extraordinarily impressive list, but a list which was never proposed
is going to draw apart and desert
for the councils of the world before.
In the first place, every nation that joins the League, and that in
prospect means every great fighting nation in the world, agrees to
e.
a former diplomat. He spoke in Berlin on
submit all controversies which are likely to lead to war either to
arbitration or to thorough discussion by an authoritative body-the
256
AN ADDRESS IN SEATTLE
Council of the League of Nations. These great nations, all the most
ambitious nations in the world except Germany, all the most pow-
erful nations in the world, as well as the weak ones, all the nations
which we have supposed had imperialistic designs, say that they
will do either one or the other of two things in case a controversy
arises that cannot be settled by ordinary diplomatic correspon-
dence. They will either frankly submit it to arbitration and abso-
lutely abide by the arbitral verdict, or they will submit all the facts,
all the documents, and the Council of the League of Nations will
be given six months in which to discuss the whole matter and
leave to publish the whole matter. And, at the end of six months,
will still refrain for three months more from going to war, whether
they like the opinion of the Council or not.
In other words, they agree to do a thing which would have made
the recent war with Germany absolutely impossible. If there had
been a League of Nations in 1914, whether Germany belonged to
it or not, Germany would never have dared to attempt the aggres-
sions which she did attempt, because she would have been called
to the bar of the opinion of mankind and would have known that,
if she did not satisfy that opinion, mankind would unite against
her. You had only to expose the German case to public discussion
to make it certain that the German case would fail; Germany would
not dare attempt to act upon it. It was the universal opinion on the
other side of the water when I was over there that, that if Germany
had thought that England would have aided France and Russia,
she never would have gone in. And if she had dreamed that Amer-
ica would throw her mighty weight into the scale, it would have
been inconceivable. The only thing that reassured the deluded
German people after we entered the war was the lying statement
of her public men that we could not get our troops across the sea,
because Germany knew if America ever got within striking dis-
tance, the story was done. (great applause and shouts) And here
all the nations of the world, except Germany, for the time being at
any rate, give notice that they will unite against any nation that
has a bad case, and they agree that in their own case they will
submit to prolonged discussion.
And there is nothing so chilling as discussion to a hot temper.
(laughter and applause) If you are fighting mad and yet I can in-
duce you to talk it over for half an hour, you won't be fighting mad
at the end of the half hour. I know a very wise schoolmaster in
North Carolina³ who said that, if any boy in that school fought an-
other, except according to the rules, he would be expelled. There
3 Robert Bingham, headmaster of the Bingham School, at this time located in Ashe-
ville.
TTLE
SEPTEMBER 13, 1919
257
reat nations, all the most
would not be any great investigation; the fact that he had fought
many, all the most pow-
would be enough; he would go home; but that if he was so mad
eak ones, all the nations
that he had to fight, all he had to do was to come to the headmaster
: designs, say that they
and tell him that he wanted to fight. The headmaster would ar-
gs in case a controversy
range the ring, would see that the fight was conducted according
/ diplomatic correspon-
to the Marquess of Queensberry's rules, with an umpire and a ref-
to arbitration and abso-
eree, and that the thing was fought to a finish. And the conse-
will submit all the facts,
quence was that there were no fights in that school. (laughter and
League of Nations will
applause) The whole arrangement was too cold-blooded. By the
the whole matter and
time all the arrangements had been made, all the fighting audacity
the end of six months,
had gone out of the contestants.
n going to war, whether
And that little thing illustrates a great thing. Discussion is de-
structive when wrong is intended, and all the nations of the world
which would have made
agree to put their case before the judgment of mankind. Why, my
impossible. If there had
fellow citizens, that has been the dream of thoughtful reformers
er Germany belonged to
for generation after generation. (applause) Somebody seems to
d to attempt the aggres-
have conceived the notion that I originated the idea of a league of
would have been called
nations. I wish I had. I would be a very proud man if I had. But I
would have known that,
did not. I was expressing the avowed aspirations of the American
nd would unite against
people, avowed by nobody so loudly, so intelligently, or so con-
:ase to public discussion
stantly as the greater leaders of the Republican party. (great ap-
uld fail; Germany would
plause) When the Republicans take that road, I take off my hat and
universal opinion on the
follow; I don't care whether I lead or not. I want the great result
ere that, that if Germany
which I know is at the heart of the people that I am trying to serve.
ded France and Russia,
In the second place, all of these great nations agree to boycott
had dreamed that Amer-
any nation that does not submit a perilous question either to arbi-
the scale, it would have
tration or to discussion, and to support each other in the boycott.
reassured the deluded
There is no "if" or "but" about that in the Covenant. It is agreed
was the lying statement
that, just so soon as any member state, or any outside state, for
ur troops across the sea,
that matter, refuses to submit its case to the public opinion of the
got within striking dis-
world, its doors shall be locked; that no country shall trade with it,
e and shouts) And here
no telegraphic message shall leave it or enter it, no letter shall
ny, for the time being at
cross its borders either way; there shall be no transactions of any
against any nation that
kind between the citizens of the members of the League and the
heir own case they will
Covenant-breaking state. (applause)
That is the remedy that thoughtful men have advocated for sev-
cussion to a hot temper.
eral generations. They have thought, and thought truly, that war
g mad and yet I can in-
was barbarous and that a nation that resorted to war when its
ou won't be fighting mad
cause was unjust was unworthy of being consorted with by free
ry wise schoolmaster in
people anywhere. And the boycott is an infinitely more terrible in-
in that school fought an-
strument than war. (applause) Excepting our own singularly for-
yould be expelled. There
tunate country, I cannot think of any other country that can live
bol. at this time located in Ashe-
upon its own resources. And the minute you lock the door, then
the pinch of the thing becomes intolerable-not only the physical
258
AN ADDRESS IN SEATTLE
pinch, not only the fact that you cannot get raw materials and must
stop your factories, not only the fact that you cannot get food and
your people must begin to starve, not only the fact that your credit
is stopped, that your assets are useless-but the still greater pinch
that comes when a nation knows that it is sent to Coventry and
despised.
The most terrible punishment that ever happened to a con-
demned man is not that he is put in jail. But if he knows that he
was justly condemned, what penetrates his heart is the look in
other men's eyes. It is the soul that is wounded much more poi-
gnantly than the body. And one of the things that the German na-
tion has not been able to comprehend is that it has lost for the time
being the respect of mankind. And, as Germans, when the doors of
truth were opened to them after the war had begun, they began to
look aghast at the probable fortunes of Germany. For if the world
does not trust them, if the world does not respect them, if the world
does not want Germans to come as immigrants any more, what is
Germany to do? Germany's worst punishment, my fellow citizens,
is not in the treaty. It is in her relations with the rest of mankind
for the next generation. (applause)
And the boycott is what is substituted for war.
In the third place, all the members of this great association
pledge themselves to respect and preserve as against external ag-
gression the territorial integrity and existing political indepen-
dence of the other member states. That is the famous Article X that
you hear so much about. And Article X, my fellow citizens,
whether you want to assume the responsibility of it or not, is the
heart of the pledge that we have made to the other nations of the
world. Only by Article X can we be said to have underwritten civi-
lization. (applause)
The wars that threaten mankind begin by that kind of aggres-
sion. For every other nation than Germany, in 1914, treaties stood
as solemn and respected covenants. For Germany they were scraps
of paper, and when she entered, when her first soldiers were upon
the soil of Belgium, her honor was forfeited. That act of aggression,
that failure to respect the territorial integrity of a nation whose ter-
ritory she was especially bound to respect, pointed the hand along
that road that is strewn with graves since the beginning of history,
that road made red and ugly with the strife of men-the strife be-
hind which lies savage cupidity, the strife behind which lies a dis-
regard for the rights of others, and the thought concentrated upon
what we want and mean to get. That is the history of war, and,
unless you accept Article X. you do not cut the heart of war out of
civilization.
434
WAR AND PEACE
WAR AND PEACE
435
which we have gone. And I have been struck by the
to occupy a piece of territory where it is thought nobody
moderateness of those who have represented national
else will be welcome, they ask for American soldiers.
claims. I can testify that I have nowhere seen the gleam
And where other soldiers would be looked upon with
of passion. I have seen earnestness, I have seen tears
suspicion and perhaps met with resistance, the American
come to the eyes of men who plead for downtrodden
soldier is welcomed with acclaim. I have had so many
people whom they were privileged to speak for, but they
grounds for pride on the other side of the water that I
were not tears of anger, they were tears of ardent hope;
am very thankful that they are not grounds for personal
and I do not see how any man can fail to have been sub-
pride, but for national pride.
dued by these pleas, subdued to this feeling that he was
If they werę grounds for personal pride, I would be
not there to assert an individual judgment of his own but
the most stuck-up man in the world. And it has been
to try to assist the cause of humanity.
an infinite pleasure to me to see these gallant soldiers of
And in the midst of it all every interest seeks out first
ours, of whom the Constitution of the United States
of all when it reaches Paris the representatives of the
made me the proud commander. Everybody praises
United States. Why? Because-and I think I am stat-
the American soldier with the feeling that in praising
ing the most wonderful fact in history-because there
him he is subtracting from the credit of no one else. I
is no nation in Europe that suspects the motives of the
have been searching for the fundamental fact that con-
United States. Was there ever so wonderful a thing
verted Europe to believe in us. Before this war Europe
seen before? Was there ever so moving a thing? Was
did not believe in us as she does now. She did not
there ever any fact that so bound the Nation that had
believe in us throughout the first three years of the war.
won that esteem forever to deserve it? I would not
She seems really to have believed that we were holding
have you understand that the great men who represent
off because we thought we could make more by staying
the other nations there in conference are disesteemed
out than by going in. And all of a sudden, in short
by those who know them. Quite the contrary. But
eighteen months, the whole verdict is reversed. There
you understand that the nations of Europe have again
can be but one explanation for it. They saw what we
and again clashed with one another in competitive inter-
did, that without making a single claim we put all our
est. It is impossible for men to forget these sharp issues
men and all our means at the disposal of those who were
that were drawn between them in times past. It is
fighting for their homes in the first instance, but for the
impossible for men to believe that all ambitions have all
cause-the cause of human right and justice-and that
of a sudden been foregone. They remember territory
we went in, not to support their national claims, but to
that was coveted, they remember rights it was attempted
support the great cause which they held in common. And
to extort, remember political ambitions which it was
when they saw that America not only held the ideals but
attempted to realize, and while they believe men have
acted the ideals, they were converted to America and
come into different temper they cannot forget these
became firm partisans of those ideals.
things, and so they do not resort to one another for dis-
I met a group of scholars when I was in Paris. Some
passionate view of matters in controversy.
gentlemen from one of the Greek universities who had
They resort to that Nation which has won enviable
come to see me and in whose presence, or rather in the
distinction, being regarded as the friend of mankind.
presence of the traditions of learning, I felt very young,
Whenever it is desired to send a small force of soldiers
indeed. And I told them that I had had one of the
436
WAR AND PEACE
WAR AND PEACE
437
delightful revenges that sometimes come to men. All
war-the Europe of the third year of the war-was
my life I have heard men speak with a sort of condescen-
sion of ideals and of idealists, and particularly of those
sinking to a sort of stubborn desperation. They did
not see any great thing to be achieved even when the
separated, encloistered persons whom they choose to
war should be won. They hoped there would be some
term academic, who were in the habit of uttering ideals
salvage; they hoped they could clear their territories of
in a free atmosphere when they clash with nobody in
particular. And I said I have had this sweet revenge.
invading armies; they hoped they could set up their
Speaking with perfect frankness in the name of the
homes and start their industries afresh. But they
thought it would simply be a resumption of the old
people of the United States I have uttered as the objects
of this great war ideals, and nothing but ideals, and the
life that Europe had led-led in fear; led in anxiety;
war has been won by that inspiration.
led in constant suspicion and watchfulness. They never
Men were fighting with tense muscle and lowered
dreamed that it would be a Europe of settled peace and
head until they came to realize those things, feeling they
justified hope. And now these ideals have wrought this
were fighting for their lives and their country, and when
new magic that all the peoples of Europe are buoyed
these accents of what it was all about reached them
up and confident in the spirit of hope, because they
from America they lifted their heads, they raised their
believe that we are at the eve of a new age in the world,
when nations will understand one another; when nations
eyes to heaven, then they saw men in khaki coming
will support one another in every just cause; when
across the sea in the spirit of crusaders, and they found
these were strange men, reckless of danger not only, but
nations will unite every moral and every physical
strength to see that right shall prevail. If America were
reckless because they seemed to see something that made
at this juncture to fail the world, what would come of
that danger worth while. Men have testified to me in
it?
Europe that our men were possessed by something that
they could only call religious fervor. They were not
I do not mean any disrespect to any other great peo-
like any of the other soldiers. They had vision; they
ple when I say that America is the hope of the world.
And if she does not justify that hope results are unthink-
had dream, and they were fighting in dream; and fight-
able. Men will be thrown back upon bitterness of dis-
ing in dream they turned the whole tide of battle, and
it never came back. And now do you realize that this
appointment not only but bitterness of despair. All
confidence we have established throughout the world
nations will be set up as hostile camps again; men at
imposes a burden upon us-if you choose to call it a
the peace conference will go home with their heads upon
burden. It is one of those burdens which any nation
their breasts, knowing they have failed-for they were
ought to be proud to carry. Any man who resists the
bidden not to come home from there until they did some-
present tides that run in the world will find himself
thing more than sign the treaty of peace. Suppose we
sign the treaty of peace and that it is the most satisfac-
thrown upon a shore so high and barren that it will
seem as if he had been separated from his human kind
tory treaty of peace that the confusing elements of the
forever.
modern world will afford and go home and think about
Europe that I left the other day was full of something
our labors we will know that we have left written upon
that it had never felt fill its heart so full before. It was
the historic table at Versailles, upon which Vergennes
full of hope. The Europe of the second year of the
and Benjamin Franklin wrote their names, nothing but
a modern scrap of paper, no nations united to defend it,
438
WAR AND PEACE
WAR AND PEACE
439
no great forces combined to make it good, no assurance
given to the downtrodden and fearful people of the
Jugo-Slavs as I do? Do you know how many powers
would be quick to pounce upon them if there were not
world that they shall be safe. Any man who thinks that
America will take part in giving the world any such
guarantees of the world behind their liberty? Have
rebuff and disappointment as that does not know Amer-
you thought of the sufferings of Armenia? You poured
ica. I invite him to test the sentiments of the Nation.
out your money to help succor Armenians after they
We set this Nation up to make men free and we did
suffered. Now set up your strength so that they shall
never suffer again.
not confine our conception and purpose to America, and
Arrangements of the present peace cannot stand
now we will make men free. If we did not do that all
the fame of America would be gone and all her power
a generation unless they are guaranteed by the united
would be dissipated. She would then have to keep her
forces of the civilized world. And if we do not guar-
antee them can you not see the picture? Your hearts
power for those narrow, selfish, provincial purposes
have instructed you where the burden of this war fell.
which seem so dear to some minds that have no sweep
It did not fall upon national treasuries; it did not fall
beyond the nearest horizon. I should welcome no
upon the instruments of administration; it did not fall
sweeter challenge than that. I have fighting blood in
upon the resources of nations. It fell upon the voiceless
me and it is sometimes a delight to let it have scope,
but if it is challenged on this occasion it will be an indul-
homes everywhere, where women were toiling in hope
that their men would come back. When I think of the
gence. Think of the picture, think of the utter black-
ness that would fall on the world. America has failed.
homes upon which dull despair would settle if this great
hope is disappointed, I should wish for my part never
America made a little essay at generosity and then with-
to have had America play any part whatever in this
drew. America said, "We are your friends," but it was
attempt to emancipate the world.
only for to-day, not for to-morrow. America said,
But I talk as if there were any question. I have no
"Here is our power to vindicate right," and then next
more doubt of the verdict of America in this matter
day said, "Let right take care of itself and we will take
than I have doubt of the blood that is in me. And so,
care of ourselves." America said, "We set up light to
lead men along the paths of liberty, but we have low-
my fellow citizens, I have come back to report progress,
ered it-it is intended only to light our own path."
and I do not believe that progress is going to stop
short of the goal. The nations of the world have set
We set up a great ideal of liberty, and then we said,
"Liberty is a thing that you must win for yourself."
their heads now to do a great thing, and they are not
Do not call upon us and think of the world that we
going to slacken their purpose. And when I speak of
would leave. Do you realize how many new nations
the nations of the world I do not speak of the govern-
ments of the world. I speak of peoples who consti-
are going to be set up in the presence of old and pow-
erful nations in Europe and left there, if left by
tute the nations of the world. They are in the saddle,
us, without a disinterested friend? Do you believe in
and they are going to see to it that if their present gov-
the Polish cause as I do? Are you going to set up
ernments do not do their will some other governments
shall. The secret is out, and present governments know
Poland, immature, inexperienced, as yet unorganized,
and leave her with a circle of armies around her? Do
it. There is a great deal of harmony to be got out of
common knowledge.
you believe in the aspirations of the Czecho-Slovaks and
There is a great deal of sympathy to be got of living
EATTLE
SEPTEMBER 13, 1919
259
get raw materials and must
Belgium did not hesitate to underwrite civilization. (applause)
at you cannot get food and
Belgium could have had safety on her own terms if only she had
nly the fact that your credit
not resisted the German arms-little Belgium, helpless Belgium,
-but the still greater pinch
ravaged Belgium. Ah, my fellow citizens, I have seen some of the
it is sent to Coventry and
fields of Belgium. I rode with her fine, democratic King over some
of those fields. He would say to me, "This is the village of so and
ever happened to a con-
so," and there was no village there-just scattered stones all over
il. But if he knows that he
the plain, and the plain dug deep every few feet with the holes
:s his heart is the look in
made by exploding shells. You could not tell whether it was the
wounded much more poi-
earth thrown up or the house thrown down from the debris that
hings that the German na-
covered the desert which the war had made.
that it has lost for the time
And then we rode farther in, farther to the east, where there had
ermans, when the doors of
been no fighting, no active campaigning, and there we saw beau-
had begun, they began to
tiful green slopes, fields that had once been cultivated, and towns
Germany. For if the world
with their factories standing, but standing empty; not empty of
t respect them, if the world
workers merely, but empty of machinery. Every piece of machin-
higrants any more, what is
ery in Belgium that they could put on freight cars, they had taken
hment, my fellow citizens,
away, and what they could not carry with them they had destroyed,
; with the rest of mankind
under the devilishly intelligent direction of experts-great bodies
of heavy machinery that never could be used again, because some-
I for war.
body had known where the heart of the machine lay, where to put
of this great association
the dynamite. The Belgians there, their buildings there, but noth-
rve as against external ag-
ing to work with, nothing to start life with again. And in the face
existing political indepen-
of all that, Belgium did not flinch for a moment to underwrite the
S the famous Article X that
interests of mankind by saying to Germany, "We will not be
e X, my fellow citizens,
bought." (applause)
nsibility of it or not, is the
Italy could have had more by compounding with Austria in the
to the other nations of the
later stages of the war than she is going to get out of the peace
to have underwritten civi-
settlement now, but she would not compound. She, also, was a
trustee for civilization, and she would not sell the birthright of
in by that kind of aggres-
mankind for any sort of material advantage. She underwrote civi-
ny, in 1914, treaties stood
lization. (applause) And Serbia, the first of the helpless nations to
Germany they were scraps
be struck down, her armies driven from her own soil, maintained
er first soldiers were upon
her armies on other soils, and the armies of Serbia were never dis-
ed. That act of aggression,
persed. Whether they could be on their own soil or not, they were
grity of a nation whose ter-
fighting for their rights and, through their rights, for the rights of
ct, pointed the hand along
civilized man. (applause) And I believe that America is going to be
e the beginning of history,
more willing than any other nation in the world, when it gets its
rife of men-the strife be-
voice heard, to do this same thing that those little nations did.
fe behind which lies a dis-
Why, my fellow citizens, we have been talking constantly about
nought concentrated upon
the rights of little nations. There is only one way to maintain the
S the history of war, and,
rights of little nations, and that is by the strength of great nations.
cut the heart of war out of
(applause) And, having begun this great task; we are no quitters;
we are going to see it through. (applause and cheers) The red that
260
AN ADDRESS IN SEATTLE
this German counselor of state saw upon the horizon was not the
red of any dawn that will reassure the people who checked the
wrong that Germany did. It was the first red glare of the fire that
is going to consume the wrong in the world. (applause) And as that
moral fire comes creeping on, it is going to purify every field of
blood upon which men sacrificed their lives. It is going to redeem
France; it is going to redeem Belgium; it is going to redeem dev-
astated Serbia; it is going to redeem the fair land to the north of
Italy, and set men on their feet again, to look fate in the face and
have again that hope which is the only thing that leads men for-
ward. So this covenant is the heart of the League.
In the next place, every nation agrees to join in advising what
shall be done in case one of the members fails to keep that promise.
There is where you have been misled, my fellow countrymen. You
have been led to believe that the Council of the League of Nations
could say to the Congress of the United States, "Here is a war, and
here is where you come in." Nothing of the sort is true. The Coun-
cil of the League of Nations is to advise what is to be done, and I
have not been able to find in the dictionary any meaning of the
word "advise," except "advise." (laughter and applause) But let us
suppose that it means something else; let us suppose there is some
legal compulsion upon the advice. The advice can't be given except
by a unanimous vote of the Council and an affirmative vote of the
United States. We are a permanent member, or will be a perma-
nent member, of the Council of the League of Nations, and no
such advice is ever going to be given unless the United States
votes "aye," with one exception. If we are parties to the dispute, we
cannot vote. But, my fellow citizens, I want to remind you, if we
are parties to the dispute. we are in the war anyhow-forced into
war by the vote of the Council. We are forced into war by our quar-
rel with the other party, as we would be in any case.
There is no sacrifice in the slightest degree of the independent
choice of the Congress of the United States whether it will declare
war or not. (applause)
There is a peculiar impression on the part of some persons in
this country that the United States is more jealous of its sover-
eignty than other countries. That provision was not put in there
because it was necessary to safeguard the sovereignty of the
United States. All the other nations wanted it, were just as keen
for their veto as we were keen for ours. So there is not the slightest
danger that they will misunderstand that article of the Covenant.
There is only danger that some of us who are too credulous will be
led to misunderstand it. (applause)
All the nations agree to join in devising a plan for disarmament,
SEATTLE
SEPTEMBER 13, 1919
261
pon the horizon was not the
general disarmament. You have heard that this Covenant was a
ne people who checked the
plan for bringing on war, but it is going to bring on war by means
rst red glare of the fire that
of disarmament, by establishing a permanent court of international
vorld. (applause) And as that
justice. (applause) When I voted for that, I was obeying the man-
bing to purify every field of
date of the Congress of the United States. In a very unexpected
lives. It is going to redeem
place, namely, in a naval appropriation bill passed in 1916, it was
; it is going to redeem dev-
provided-it was declared-to be the policy of the United States to
he fair land to the north of
bring about a general disarmament by common agreement. And
to look fate in the face and
the President of the United States was requested to call a confer-
y thing that leads men for-
ence not later than the close of the then present war for the pur-
he League.
pose of consulting and agreeing upon a plan for a permanent court
es to join in advising what
of international justice. And he was authorized, in case such an
rs fails to keep that promise.
agreement should be reached, to stop the building program pro-
my fellow countrymen. You
vided for by that naval appropriation bill. So that the Congress of
cil of the League of Nations
the United States deliberately accepted, not only accepted but di-
1 States, "Here is a war, and
rected the President to promote an agreement of this sort for dis-
the sort is true. The Coun-
armament and a permanent court of international justice. You
e what is to be done, and I
know what a permanent court of international justice is. You can-
ionary any meaning of the
not set up a court without respecting its decrees. You cannot make
er and applause) But let us
a toy of it. You cannot make a mockery of it. If, indeed, you want a
et us suppose there is some
court, then you must abide by the judgments of the court. And we
advice can't be given except
have declared already that we are willing to abide by the judg-
d an affirmative vote of the
ments of a court of international justice.
ember, or will be a perma-
All the nations agree to register their treaties and agree that no
League of Nations, and no
treaty that is not registered and published shall be valid. Private
unless the United States
agreements and secret treaties are swept from the table, and one
re parties to the dispute, we
of the most dangerous instruments of international intrigue and
want to remind you, if we
disturbance is abolished.
e war anyhow-forced into
They agree to join in the supervision of the government of help-
orced into war by our quar-
less and dependent people. They agree that no nation shall here-
e in any case.
after have the right to annex any territory merely because people
degree of the independent
that live on it cannot prevent it, and that, instead of annexation,
ates whether it will declare
there shall be trusteeship; under which these territories shall be
administered under the supervision of the associated nations of the
le part of some persons in
world. They lay down rules for the protection of dependent persons
more jealous of its sover-
of that sort, so that they shall not have enforced labor put upon
ision was not put in there
them, SO that their women and children shall be protected from
rd the sovereignty of the
unwholesome and destructive forms of labor, that they shall be
inted it, were just as keen
kept away from the opium traffic and the traffic in arms, and agree
So there is not the slightest
that they will never levy armies there. They agree, in other words,
at article of the Covenant.
to do what no nation ever agreed to do before-to treat subject na-
10 are too credulous will be
tions like human beings. (applause)
They agree also to accord and maintain fair and humane condi-
ig a plan for disarmament,
tions of labor for men. women, and children, both in their own
262
AN ADDRESS IN SEATTLE
countries and in all other countries to which their commercial and
industrial relations extend. And, for that purpose, they agree to join
in establishing and maintaining the necessary international orga-
nization. This great treaty, which we are hesitating to ratify, con-
tains the organization by which the united councils of mankind
shall attempt to lift the levels of labor and to see that men who are
working with their hands are everywhere treated as they ought to
be treated-upon principles of justice and equality. How many la-
boring men dreamed, when this war began, that four years later it
would be possible for all the great nations of the world to enter into
a covenant like that?
They agree to entrust the League with the general supervision
of all international agreements with regard to traffic in women and
children, traffic in opium and other dangerous drugs, They agree
to entrust the League with general supervision of the trade in arms
and ammunition with the countries in which the control of this
traffic is necessary in the common interest. They agree to join in
obtaining and maintaining freedom of communications and transit
and equitable treatment for commerce in respect of all the mem-
bers of the League. They agree to cooperate in an endeavor to take
steps for the control and the prevention of disease. They agree to
encourage and promote the establishment and cooperation of duly
authorized voluntary national Red Cross organizations for the im-
provement of health, the prevention of disease, and mitigation of
suffering throughout the world.
I ask you, my fellow citizens, is that not a great peace document
and a great humane document? (applause) Is it conceivable that
America, the most progressive and humane nation in the world,
should refuse to take the same responsibility upon herself that all
the other great nations take in supporting this great Covenant?
You say: "It isn't likely that the treaty will be rejected. It is only
likely that there will be certain reservations." Very well, I want very
frankly to tell you what I think about that. If the reservations do
not change the treaty, then it is not necessary to make them part
of the resolution of ratification. If all that you desire is to say what
you understand the treaty to mean. no harm can be done by saying
it. But if you want to change the treaty, if you want to alter the
phraseology so that the meaning is altered, if you want to put in
reservations which give the United States a position of special priv-
ilege or a special exemption from responsibility among the mem-
bers of the League, then it will be necessary to take the treaty back
to the conference table.
And, my fellow citizens, the world is not in a temper to discuss
this treaty over again. (applause) The world is just now more pro-
TLE
SEPTEMBER 13, 1919
263
a their commercial and
foundly disturbed by social and economic conditions than it ever
pose, they agree to join
was before. And the world demands that we shall come to some
ary international orga-
sort of settlement which will let us get down to business and purify
esitating to ratify, con-
and rectify our affairs. (applause) This is not only the best treaty
1 councils of mankind
that can be obtained, but I want to say-because I played only a
see that men who are
small part in framing it-that it is a sound and good treaty. (ap-
reated as they ought to
plause) And America, above all nations, should not be the nation
equality. How many la-
that puts obstacles in the way of the peace of nations and the peace
that four years later it
of mind of the world.
the world to enter into
The world hasn't anywhere at this moment, my fellow country-
men, peace of mind. Nothing has struck me so much in recent
he general supervision
months as the unaccustomed anxiety on the faces of the people. I
o traffic in women and
am aware that men do not know what is going to happen, and that
ous drugs. They agree
they know that it is just as important to them what happens in the
on of the trade in arms
rest of the world, almost, as what happens in America. America not
ich the control of this
only has connections with all the rest of the world, but she has
They agree to join in
necessary dealings with all the rest of the world. And no man is
nunications and transit
fatuous enough to suppose that if the rest of the world is disturbed
espect of all the mem-
and disordered, the disturbance and disorder are not going to ex-
in an endeavor to take
tend to the United States.
disease. They agree to
The center of our anxiety, my fellow citizens, is in that pitiful
and cooperation of duly
country to which our hearts go.out-that great mass of mankind
ganizations for the im-
whom we call the Russians. (applause) I never had the good for-
ease, and mitigation of
tune to be in Russia, but I know many persons who know that
lovable people intimately. They all tell me that there is not a people
great peace document
in the world more generous, more simple, more kind, more natu-
) Is it conceivable that
rally addicted to friendship, more passionately attached to peace
e nation in the world,
than the Russian people. And yet, because the grip of terror that
:y upon herself that all
the autocratic power of the Czar had upon them, they were unable
his great Covenant?
to bear it and threw it off. And they have come under a terror even
1 be rejected. It is only
greater than that. They have come under the terror of the power of
Very well, I want very
men whom nobody knows how to find. One or two names every-
If the reservations do
body knows, but the rest-intrigue, terror, informing, spying, mil-
ary to make them part
itary power, the seizure of all the food obtainable in order that the
'u desire is to say what
fighting men may be fed and the rest go starved. And these men
can be done by saying
have been appealed to again and again by the civilized govern-
you want to alter the
ments of the world to call a constituent assembly and let the Rus-
if you want to put in
sian people say what sort of government they want to have, and
position of special priv-
they will not, they dare not, do it.
bility among the mem-
And that picture is before the eyes of every nation. Shall we get
to take the treaty back
into the clutch of another sort of minority? My fellow citizens, I am
going to devote every influence I have and all the authority I have
in a temper to discuss
from this time on to see to it that no minority commands the
I is just now more pro-
United States. (long and continuous applause and shouts)
264
AN ADDRESS IN SEATTLE
It heartens me, but it does not surprise me, to know that that is
the verdict of every man and woman here. But, my fellow citizens,
there is no use passing that verdict unless we are going to take
part, and a great part, a leading part, in steadying the councils of
the world. (applause) Not that we are afraid of anything except the
spread of moral defection, and moral defection cannot come except
where men have lost faith, lost hope, have lost confidence. And,
having seen the attitude of the other peoples of the world towards
America, I know that the whole world will lose heart unless Amer-
ica consents to show the way.
It was pitiful, on the other side of the sea, to have delegation
after delegation from peoples all over the world come to the house
I was living in in Paris and seek conference with me to beg that
America would show the way. It was touching. It made me very
proud, but it made me very sad-proud that I was the representa-
tive of a nation so regarded, but very sad to feel how little of all the
things that they had dreamed we could accomplish for them. But
we can pledge this, my fellow citizens: we can, having taken a
pledge to be faithful to them, redeem the pledge. (applause) And
we shall redeem the pledge. (applause)
I look forward to the day when all this debate will seem in our
recollection like a strange mist that came over the minds of men
here and there in the nation, like a groping in the fog, having lost
the way, the plain way, the beaten way, that America had made for
itself for generations together. And we shall then know that of a
sudden, upon the assertion of the real spirit of the American peo-
ple, we came to the edge of the mist, and outside lay the sunny
country where every question of duty lay plain and clear and where
the great tramp, tramp of the American people sounded in the ears
of the whole world, and they knew that the armies of God were on
their way. (applause)
Printed in the Seattle Post-Intelligencer, Sept. 14, 1919.
From Louis Brownlow
The White House 1919 Sep 13
Brownlow asks that following be sent for information of the Pres-
ident.
"Certain conditions have arisen in connection with the police
union matter that I deem it my duty to lay before you for your in-
formation in accordance with your suggestion as telegraphed to
me by Mr Tumulty. The Commissioners Thursday asked Judge
Gould² to postpone the hearing in the case³ until after the meeting
Guidhall
hondon
12/28/18 342
WAR AND PEACE
yet done, the consciousness that it now rests upon others
to see that those lives were not lost in vain.
I have not yet been to the actual battlefields, but I
have been with many of the men who have fought the
battles, and the other day I had the pleasure of being
present at a session of the French Academy when they
admitted Marshal Joffre to their membership. The
sturdy, serene soldier stood and uttered, not the words
of triumph, but the simple words of affection for his
soldiers, and the conviction which he summed up, in a
sentence which I will not try accurately to quote but
reproduce in its spirit, was that France must always
remember that the small and the weak could never live
free in the world unless the strong and the great always
put their power and strength in the service of right.
That is the afterthought-the thought that something
must be done now not only to make the just settlements,
that of course, but to see that the settlements remained
and were observed and that honor and justice prevailed
in the world. And as I have conversed with the soldiers,
I have been more and more aware that they fought for
something that not all of them had defined, but which
all of them recognized the moment you stated it to
them. They fought to do away with an old order and
to establish a new one, and the center and characteristic
of the old order was that unstable thing which we used
to call the "balance of power"-a thing in which the
balance was determined by the sword which was thrown
in the one side or the other; a balance which was de-
termined by the unstable equilibrium of competitive in-
terests; a balance which was maintained by jealous
watchfulness and an antagonism of interests which,
though it was generally latent, was always deep-seated.
The men who have fought in this war have been the
men from free nations who were determined that that
sort of thing should end now and forever.
It is very interesting to me to observe how from every
quarter, from every sort of mind, from every concert of
A Time of Triumph: 1945
7209
"THE TRUE GLORY"
THE SURRENDER OF JAPAN
August 15, 1945
House of Commons
On August 9 the second atomic bomb was dropped on Nagasaki, and on the following
day the Japanese Government offered to surrender. This was agreed on August 14,
thus ending the Second World War.
This crowning deliverance from the long and anxious years of danger and
carnage should rightly be celebrated by Parliament in accordance with custom and
tradition. The King is the embodiment of the national will, and his public acts involve
all the might and power not only of the people of this famous Island but of the whole
British Commonwealth and Empire. The good cause for which His Majesty has
contended commanded the ardent fidelity of all his subjects spread over one-fifth of
the surface of the habitable globe. That cause has now been carried to complete
success. Total war has ended in absolute victory.
Once again the British Commonwealth and Empire emerges safe, undiminished
and united from a mortal struggle. Monstrous tyrannies which menaced our life have
been beaten to the ground in ruin, and a brighter radiance illumines the Imperial
Crown than any which our annals record. The light is brighter because it comes not
only from the fierce but fading glare of military achievement such as an endless
succession of conquerors have known, but because there mingle with it in mellow
splendour the hopes, joys, and blessings of almost all mankind. This is the true glory,
and long will it gleam upon our forward path.
THE IRON CURTAIN BEGINS TO FALL
(FINAL REVIEW OF THE WAR)
August 16, 1945
House of Commons
Our duty is to congratulate His Majesty's Government on the very great improve-
ment in our prospects at home, which comes from the complete victory gained over
Japan and the establishment of peace throughout the world. Only a month ago it was
necessary to continue at full speed and at enormous cost all preparations for a long
and bloody campaign in the Far East. In the first days of the Potsdam Conference
President Truman and I approved the plans submitted to us by the combined Chiefs of
Staff for a series of great battles and landings in Malaya, in the Netherlands East
Indies, and in the homeland of Japan itself. These operations involved an effort not
7210
Speeches of Winston Churchill
A
surpassed in Europe, and no one could measure the cost in British and American life
U1
and treasure they would require. Still less could it be known how long the stamping-
al
out of the resistance of Japan in the many territories she had conquered, and
ra
especially in her homeland, would take. All the while the whole process of turning the
ho
world from war to peace would be hampered and delayed. Every form of peace
be
activity was half strangled by the overriding priorities of war. No clear-cut decisions
sh
could be taken in the presence of this harsh dominating uncertainty.
we
During the last three months an element of baffling dualism has complicated
every problem of policy and administration. We had to plan for peace and war at the
end
same time. Immense armies were being demobilized; another powerful army was being
thr
prepared and dispatched to the other side of the globe. All the personal stresses among
was
millions of men eager to return to civil life, and hundreds of thousands of men who
bor
would have to be sent to new and severe campaigns in the Far East, presented
yea
themselves with growing tension. This dualism affected also every aspect of our
disc
economic and financial life. How to set people free to use their activities in reviving
des
the life of Britain, and at the same time to meet the stern demands of the war against
peo
Japan, constituted one of the most perplexing and distressing puzzles that in a long
thei
life-time of experience I have ever faced.
have
I confess it was with great anxiety that I surveyed this prospect a month ago.
desp
Since then I have been relieved of the burden. At the same time that burden, heavy
thes
though it still remains, has been immeasurably lightened. On 17th July there came to
world
us at Potsdam the eagerly-awaited news of the trial of the atomic bomb in the Mexican
con
desert. Success beyond all dreams crowned this sombre, magnificent venture of our
grue
American Allies. The detailed reports of the Mexican desert experiment, which were
brought to us a few days later by air, could leave no doubt in the minds of the very
they
few who were informed, that we were in the presence of a new factor in human affairs,
but
and possessed of powers which were irresistible. Great Britain had a right to be
the
consulted in accordance with Anglo-American agreements. The decision to use the
time
atomic bomb was taken by President Truman and myself at Potsdam, and we approved
pow
the military plans to unchain the dread, pent-up forces.
rese
From that moment our outlook on the future was transformed. In preparation
proc
for the results of this experiment, the statements of the President and of Mr. Stimson
forn
and my own statement, which by the courtesy of the Prime Minister was subsequently
read out on the broadcast, were framed in common agreement. Marshal Stalin was
sum
informed by President Truman that we contemplated using an explosive of incompa-
their
rable power against Japan, and action proceeded in the way we all now know. It is to
all la
this atomic bomb more than to any other factor that we may ascribe the sudden and
there
speedy ending of the war against Japan.
Unit
Before using it, it was necessary first of all to send a message in the form of an
of a
ultimatum to the Japanese which would apprise them of what unconditional surrender
way
meant. This document was published on 26th July-the same day that another event,
and
differently viewed on each side of the House, occurred. [Editor's Note: The result of
tion
the General Election and the resignation of Mr. Churchill from the Premiership.] The
men
assurances given to Japan about her future after her unconditional surrender had been
Fror
made were generous in the extreme. When we remember the cruel and treacherous
oppo
nature of the utterly unprovoked attack made by the Japanese war lords upon the
A Time of Triumph: 1945
7211
United States and Great Britain, these assurances must be considered magnanimous in
a high degree. In a nutshell, they implied "Japan for the Japanese," and even access to
raw materials, apart from their control, was not denied to their densely-populated
homeland. We felt that in view of the new and fearful agencies of war-power about to
be employed, every inducement to surrender, compatible with our declared policy,
should be set before them. This we owed to our consciences before using this awful
weapon.
Secondly, by repeated warnings, emphasized by heavy bombing attacks, an
endeavour was made to procure the general exodus of the civil population from the
threatened cities. Thus everything in human power, prior to using the atomic bomb,
was done to spare the civil population of Japan. There are voices which assert that the
bomb should never have been used at all. I cannot associate myself with such ideas. Six
years of total war have convinced most people that had the Germans or Japanese
discovered this new weapon, they would have used it upon us to our complete
destruction, with the utmost alacrity. I am surprised that very worthy people, but
people who in most cases had no intention of proceeding to the Japanese front
themselves, should adopt the position that rather than throw this bomb, we should
have sacrificed a million American, and a quarter of a million British lives in the
desperate battles and massacres of an invasion of Japan. Future generations will judge
these dire decisions, and I believe that if they find themselves dwelling in a happier
world from which war has been banished, and where freedom reigns, they will not
condemn those who struggled for their benefit amid the horrors and miseries of this
gruesome and ferocious epoch.
The bomb brought peace, but men alone can keep that peace, and henceforward
they will keep it under penalties which threaten the survival, not only of civilization
but of humanity itself. I may say that I am in entire agreement with the President that
the secrets of the atomic bomb should so far as possible not be imparted at the present
time to any other country in the world. This is in no design or wish for arbitrary
power, but for the common safety of the world. Nothing can stop the progress of
research and experiment in every country, but although research will no doubt
proceed in many places, the construction of the immense plants necessary to trans-
form theory into action cannot be improvised in any country.
For this and many other reasons the United States stand at this moment at the
summit of the world. I rejoice that this should be so. Let them act up to the level of
their power and their responsibility, not for themselves but for others, for all men in
all lands, and then a brighter day may dawn upon human history. So far as we know,
there are at least three and perhaps four years before the concrete progress made in the
United States can be overtaken. In these three years we must remould the relationships
of all men, wherever they dwell, in all the nations. We must remould them in such a
way that these men do not wish or dare to fall upon each other for the sake of vulgar
and out-dated ambitions or for passionate differences in ideology, and that interna-
tional bodies of supreme authority may give peace on earth and decree justice among
men. Our pilgrimage has brought us to a sublime moment in the history of the world.
From the least to the greatest, all must strive to be worthy of these supreme
opportunities. There is not an hour to be wasted; there is not a day to be lost.
It would in my opinion be a mistake to suggest that the Russian declaration of
7212
Speeches of Winston Churchill
A Time
war upon Japan was hastened by the use of the atomic bomb. My understanding with
be settle
Marshal Stalin in the talks which I had with him had been, for a considerable time
past, that Russia would declare war upon Japan within three months of the surrender
these gi
Secretar
of the German armies. The reason for the delay of three months was, of course, the
internati
need to move over the trans-Siberian Railway the large reinforcements necessary to
most ba
convert the Russian-Manchurian army from a defensive to an offensive strength. Three
overdue
months was the time mentioned, and the fact that the German armies surrendered on
Ia
8th May, and the Russians declared war on Japan on 8th August, is no mere
British a
coincidence, but another example of the fidelity and punctuality with which Marshal
with ea
Stalin and his valiant armies always keep their military engagements.
I now turn to the results of the Potsdam Conference so far as they have been
commun
made public in the agreed communiqué and in President Truman's very remarkable
namely 1
speech of a little more than a week ago. There has been general approval of the
or is ab
which sh
arrangements proposed for the administration of Germany by the Allied Control
Commission during the provisional period of military government. This régime is both
supposin
transitional and indefinite. The character of Hitler's Nazi party was such as to destroy
disappoir
almost all independent elements in the German people. The struggle was fought to the
to good
bitter end. The mass of the people were forced to drain the cup of defeat to the dregs.
been rele
A headless Germany has fallen into the hands of the conquerors. It may be many years
relieving
before any structure of German national life will be possible, and there will be plenty
questions
of time for the victors to consider how the interests of world peace are affected
have sett.
thereby.
It
In the meanwhile, it is in my view of the utmost importance that responsibility
which ex
Middle E
should be effectively assumed by German local bodies for carrying on under Allied
whose ta
supervision all the processes of production and of administration necessary to maintain
their best
the life of a vast population. It is not possible for the Allies to bear responsibility by
solutions
themselves. We cannot have the German masses lying down upon our hands and
nature of
expecting to be fed, organized and educated over a period of years by the Allies. We
limitation
must do our best to help to avert the tragedy of famine. But it would be in vain for us
in our small Island, which still needs to import half its food, to imagine that we can
arising fr
Governme
make any further appreciable contribution in that respect. The rationing of this
country cannot be made more severe without endangering the life and physical
majority
strength of our people, all of which will be needed for the immense tasks we have to
own opin
from Ste
do. I, therefore, most strongly advise the encouragement of the assumption of
responsibility by trustworthy German local bodies in proportion as they can be
comprisin
brought into existence.
augury fc
desire tha
The Council which was set up at Potsdam of the Foreign Secretaries of the three,
ceded to
four or five Powers, meeting in various combinations as occasion served, affords a new
which the
and flexible machinery for the continuous further study of the immense problems that
lie before us in Europe and Asia. I am very glad that the request that I made to the
beyond W
Conference that the seat of the Council's permanent Secretariat should be London,
possess-a
I an
was granted. I must say that the late Foreign Secretary (Mr. Anthony Eden), who has,
conditions
over a long period, gained an increasing measure of confidence from the Foreign
Secretaries of Russia and the United States, and who through the European Advisory
are being
Committee which is located in London has always gained the feeling that things could
before the
yet expell
on Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1945
7213
anding with
be settled in a friendly and easy way, deserves some of the credit for the fact that
lerable time
these great Powers willingly accorded us the seat in London of the permanent
e surrender
Secretariat. It is high time that the place of London, one of the controlling centres of
course, the
international world affairs, should at last be recognized. It is the oldest, the largest, the
necessary to
most battered capital, the capital which was first in the war, and the time is certainly
ngth. Three
overdue when we should have our recognition.
endered on
I am glad also that a beginning is to be made with the evacuation of Persia by the
is no mere
British and Russian armed forces, in accordance with the triple treaty which we made
ich Marshal
with each other and with Persia in 1941. Although it does not appear in the
communiqué, we have since seen it announced that the first stage in the process,
have been
namely the withdrawal of Russian and British troops from Teheran, has already begun
emarkable
or is about to begin. There are various other matters arising out of this Conference
val of the
which should be noted as satisfactory. We should not, however, delude ourselves into
d Control
supposing that the results of this first Conference of the victors were free from
me is both
disappointment or anxiety, or that the most serious questions before us were brought
to destroy
to good solutions. Those which proved incapable of agreement at the Conference have
ght to the
been relegated to the Foreign Secretaries' Council, which, though most capable of
the dregs.
relieving difficulties, is essentially one gifted with less far-reaching powers. Other grave
any years
questions are left for the final peace settlement, by which time many of them may
be plenty
have settled themselves, not necessarily in the best way.
affected
It would be at once wrong and impossible to conceal the divergences of view
which exist inevitably between the victors about the state of affairs in Eastern and
onsibility
Middle Europe. I do not at all blame the Prime Minister or the new Foreign Secretary,
er Allied
whose task it was to finish up the discussions which we had begun. I am sure they did
maintain
their best. We have to realize that no one of the three leading Powers can impose its
bility by
solutions upon others, and that the only solutions possible are those which are in the
ands and
nature of compromise. We British have had very early and increasingly to recognize the
Ilies. We
limitations of our own power and influence, great though it be, in the gaunt world
in for us
arising from the ruins of this hideous war. It is not in the power of any British
we can
Government to bring home solutions which would be regarded as perfect by the great
of this
majority of Members of this House, wherever they may sit. I must put on record my
physical
own opinion that the provisional Western Frontier agreed upon for Poland, running
have to
from Stettin on the Baltic, along the Oder and its tributary, the Western Neisse,
tion of
comprising as it does one quarter of the arable land of all Germany, is not a good
can be
augury for the future map of Europe. We always had in the Coalition Government a
desire that Poland should receive ample compensation in the West for the territory-
e three,
ceded to Russia East of the Curzon Line. But here I think a mistake has been made, in
S a new
which the Provisional Government of Poland have been an ardent partner, by going far
ns that
beyond what necessity or equity required. There are few virtues that the Poles do not
to the
possess-and there are few mistakes they have ever avoided.
ondon,
I am particularly concerned, at this moment, with the reports reaching us of the
10 has,
conditions under which the expulsion and exodus of Germans from the new Poland
oreign
are being carried out. Between eight and nine million persons dwelt in those regions
visory
before the war. The Polish Government say that there are still 1,500,000 of these, not
could
yet expelled, within their new frontiers. Other millions must have taken refuge behind
7214
Speeches of Winston Churchill
A Time
the British and American lines, thus increasing the food stringency in our sector. But
a great
enormous numbers are utterly unaccounted for. Where are they gone, and what has
The far
been their fate? The same conditions may reproduce themselves in a modified form in
recruit
the expulsion of great numbers of Sudeten and other Germans from Czechoslovakia.
There t
Sparse and guarded accounts of what has happened and is happening have filtered
appears
through, but it is not impossible that tragedy on a prodigious scale is unfolding itself
we hon
behind the iron curtain which at the moment divides Europe in twain. I should
friend S
welcome any statement which the Prime Minister can make which would relieve, or at
knows
least inform us upon this very anxious and grievous matter.
is that 1
There is another sphere of anxiety. I remember that a fortnight or so before the
the moi
last war, the Kaiser's friend Herr Ballin, the great shipping magnate, told me that he
Rumani
had heard Bismarck say towards the end of his life, "If there is ever another war in
Presider
Europe, it will come out of some damned silly thing in the Balkans." The murder of
Atlantic
the Archduke at Sarajevo in 1914 set the signal for the first world war. I cannot
interpre
conceive that the elements for a new conflict do not exist in the Balkans to-day. I am
That is
not using the language of Bismarck, but nevertheless not many Members of the new
withstar
House of Commons will be content with the new situation that prevails in those
in Euro
mountainous, turbulent, ill-organized and warlike regions. I do not intend to particu-
country,
larize. I am very glad to see the new Foreign Secretary (Mr. Ernest Bevin) sitting on
for the
the Front Bench opposite. I should like to say with what gratification I learned that he
menaced
had taken on this high and most profoundly difficult office, and we are sure he will do
Su
his best to preserve the great causes for which we have so long pulled together. But as I
we sit-t
say, not many Members will be content with the situation in that region to which I
we can a
have referred, for almost everywhere Communist forces have obtained, or are in
a part in
process of obtaining, dictatorial powers. It does not mean that the Communist system
universal
is everywhere being established, nor does it mean that Soviet Russia seeks to reduce all
which sh
those independent States to provinces of the Soviet Union. Marshal Stalin is a very
steadily
wise man, and I would set no limits to the immense contributions that he and his
course or
associates have to make to the future.
and they
In those countries, torn and convulsed by war, there may be, for some months
before, a
to come, the need of authoritarian government. The alternative would be anarchy.
1940 ano
Therefore it would be unreasonable to ask or expect that liberal government-as spelt
and inex]
with a small "l"-and British or United States democratic conditions, should be
victory, 1
instituted immediately. They take their politics very seriously in those countries. A
that peac
friend of mine, an officer, was in Zagreb when the results of the late General Election
proposed
came in. An old lady said to him, "Poor Mr. Churchill! I suppose now he will be shot."
allowed t
My friend was able to reassure her. He said the sentence might be mitigated to one of
arranged
the various forms of hard labour which are always open to His Majesty's subjects.
propagan
Nevertheless we must know where we stand, and we must make clear where we stand,
certainty.
in these affairs of the Balkans and of Eastern Europe, and indeed of any country
Nov
which comes into this field. Our ideal is government of the people, by the people, for
should see
the people-the people being free without duress to express, by secret ballot without
mass of t]
intimidation, their deep-seated wish as to the form and conditions of the Government
governed,
under which they are to live.
swindles a
At the present time-I trust a very fleeting time-"police governments" rule over
strike con
rchill
A Time of Triumph: 1945
7215
But
a great number of countries. It is a case of the odious 18B, carried to a horrible excess.
t has
The family is gathered round the fireside to enjoy the scanty fruits of their toil and to
m in
recruit their exhausted strength by the little food that they have been able to gather.
akia.
There they sit. Suddenly there is a knock at the door, and a heavily armed policeman
ered
appears. He is not, of course, one who resembles in any way those functionaries whom
tself
we honour and obey in the London streets. It may be that the father or son, or a
ould
friend sitting in the cottage, is called out and taken off into the dark, and no one
or at
knows whether he will ever come back again, or what his fate has been. All they know
is that they had better not inquire. There are millions of humble homes in Europe at
the
the moment, in Poland, in Czechoslovakia, in Austria, in Hungary, in Yugoslavia, in
t he
Rumania, in Bulgaria-where this fear is the main preoccupation of the family life.
I in
President Roosevelt laid down the four freedoms, and these are expressed in the
I of
Atlantic Charter which we agreed together. "Freedom from fear"-but this has been
not
interpreted as if it were only freedom from fear of invasion from a foreign country.
am
That is the least of the fears of the common man. His patriotism arms him to
new
withstand invasion or go down fighting; but that is not the fear of the ordinary family
tose
in Europe to-night. Their fear is of the policeman's knock. It is not fear for the
icu-
country, for all men can unite in comradeship for the defence of their native soil. It is
on
for the life and liberty of the individual, for the fundamental rights of man, now
he
menaced and precarious in so many lands, that peoples tremble.
do
Surely we can agree in this new Parliament, or the great majority of us, wherever
as I
we sit-there are naturally and rightly differences and cleavages of thought-but surely
h I
we can agree in this new Parliament, which will either fail the world or once again play
in
a part in saving it, that it is the will of the people freely expressed by secret ballot, in
em
universal suffrage elections, as to the form of their government and as to the laws
all
which shall prevail, which is the first solution and safeguard. Let us then march
ery
steadily along that plain and simple line. I avow my faith in Democracy, whatever
his
course or view it may take with individuals and parties. They may make their mistakes,
and they may profit from their mistakes. Democracy is now on trial as it never was
ths
before, and in these Islands we must uphold it, as we upheld it in the dark days of
1940 and 1941, with all our hearts, with all our viligance, and with all our enduring
and inexhaustible strength. While the war was on and all the Allies were fighting for
be
victory, the word "Democracy," like many people, had to work overtime, but now
A
that peace has come we must search for more precise definitions. Elections have been
proposed in some of these Balkan countries where only one set of candidates is
allowed to appear, and where, if other parties are to express their opinion, it has to be
of
arranged beforehand that the governing party, armed with its political police and all its
S.
propaganda, is the only one which has the slightest chance. Chance, did I say? It is a
d,
certainty.
y
Now is the time for Britons to speak out. It is odious to us that governments
should seek to maintain their rule otherwise than by free unfettered elections by the
it
mass of the people. Governments derive their just powers from the consent of the
governed, says the Constitution of the United States. This must not evaporate in
swindles and lies propped up by servitude and murder. In our foreign policy let us
strike continually the notes of freedom and fair play as we understand them in these
A Time
7216
Speeches of Winston Churchill
Islands. Then you will find there will be an overwhelming measure of agreement
next yea
to make
between us, and we shall in this House march forward on an honourable theme having
statemen
within it all that invests human life with dignity and happiness. In saying all this, I
time nex
have been trying to gather together and present in a direct form the things which, I
think of
believe, are dear to the great majority of us. I rejoiced to read them expressed in
golden words by the President of the United States when he said:
hopes ha
well four
"Our victory in Europe was more than a victory of arms. It was a victory of one
way of life over another. It was a victory of an ideal founded on the right of the
in the cc
Governm
common man, on the dignity of the human being, and on the conception of the State
twelve m
as the servant, not the master, of its people."
I think there is not such great disagreement between us. Emphasis may be cast
utmost sp
Eve
this way and that in particular incidents, but surely this is what the new Parliament on
establishn
the whole means. This is what in our heart and conscience, in foreign affairs and world
dominant
issues, we desire. Just as in the baleful glare of 1940, so now, when calmer lights shine,
let us be united upon these resurgent principles and impulses of the good and generous
people wl
tee will
hearts of men. Thus to all the material strength we possess and the honoured position
we have acquired, we shall add those moral forces which glorify mankind and make
examining
war is OVE
even the weakest equals of the strong.
tion of th
I now turn to the domestic sphere. I have already spoken of the enormous
theatre an
easement in their task which the new Government have obtained through the swift and
sudden ending of the Japanese war. What thousands of millions of pounds sterling are
of the pro
ment to W
saved from the waste of war, what scores and hundreds of thousands of lives are saved,
and Air I
what vast numbers of ships are set free to carry the soldiers home to all their lands, to
words use
carry about the world the food and raw materials vital to industry! What noble
tration, na
opportunities have the new Government inherited! Let them be worthy of their
fortune, which is also the fortune of us all. To release and liberate the vital springs of
by a meth
forward W.
British energy and inventiveness, to let the honest earnings of the nation fructify in the
pockets of the people, to spread well-being and security against accident and misfor-
powers for
administra
tune throughout the whole nation, to plan, wherever State planning is imperative, and
to guide into fertile and healthy channels the native British genius for comprehension
only if, an
controlled
and goodwill-all these are open to them, and all these ought to be open to all of us
British free
now. I hope we may go forward together, not only abroad but also at home, in all
matters so far as we possibly can.
powers are
During the period of the "Caretaker Government," while we still had to
us as helpei
contemplate eighteen months of strenuous war with Japan, we reviewed the plans for
To sa
demobilization in such a way as to make a very great acceleration in the whole process
free as soor
of releasing men and women from the Armed Forces and from compulsory industrial
the utmost
employment. Now, all that is overtaken by the world-wide end of the war. I must say
and employ
at once that the paragraph of the Gracious Speech [The King's speech outlining the
long-dragge
new Government's policy] referring to demobilization and to the plans which were
and women
made in the autumn of 1944-with which I am in entire agreement in principle-gives a
expense, an
somewhat chilling impression. Now that we have had this wonderful windfall, I am
do. What W
surprised that any Government should imagine that language of this kind is still
these must
appropriate or equal to the new situation. I see that in the United States the President
an incompa
has said that all the American troops that the American ships can carry home in the
wealth. We 1
A Time of Triumph: 1945
7217
next year will be brought home and set free. Are His Majesty's Government now able
to make any statement of that kind about our Armed Forces abroad? Or what
statement can they make? I do not want to harass them unduly, but perhaps some
time next week some statement could be made. No doubt the Prime Minister will
think of that. Great hopes have been raised in the electoral campaign, and from those
hopes has sprung their great political victory. Time will show whether those hopes are
well founded, as we deeply trust they may be. But many decisions can be taken now,
in the completely altered circumstances in which we find ourselves. The duty of the
Government is to fix the minimum numbers who must be retained in the next six or
twelve months' period in all the foreign theatres, and to bring the rest home with the
utmost speed that our immensely expanded shipping resources will permit.
Even more is this releasing process important in the demobilization of the home
establishment. I quite agree that the feeling of the Class A men must ever be the
dominant factor, but short of that the most extreme efforts should be made to release
people who are standing about doing nothing. I hope the Public Expenditure Commit-
tee will be at once reconstituted, and that they will travel about the country
examining home establishments and reporting frequently to the House. Now that the
war is over, there is no ground of military secrecy which should prevent the publica-
tion of the exact numerical ration strengths of our Army, Navy and Air Force in every
IS
d
theatre and at home, and we should certainly have weekly, or at least monthly figures
of the progressive demobilization effected. It is an opportunity for the new Govern-
d,
ment to win distinction. At the end of the;last war, when I was in charge of the Army
and Air Force, I published periodically very precise information. I agree with the
to
de
words used by the Foreign Secretary when he was Minister of Labour in my Adminis-
tration, namely, that the tremendous winding-up process of the war must be followed
eir
of
by a methodical and regulated unwinding. We agree that if the process is to be pressed
he
forward with the utmost speed it is necessary for the Government to wield exceptional
powers for the time being, and so long as they use those powers to achieve the great
or-
nd
administrative and executive tasks imposed upon them, we shall not attack them. It is
ion
only if, and in so far as, those powers are used to bring about by a side-wind a state of
controlled society agreeable to Socialist doctrinaires, but which we deem odious to
us
all
British freedom, that we shall be forced to resist them. So long as the exceptional
powers are used as part of the war emergency, His Majesty's Government may consider
to
us as helpers and not as opponents, as friends and not as foes.
for
To say this in no way relieves the Government of their duty to set the nation
cess
free as soon as possible, to bring home the soldiers in accordance with the scheme with
trial
the utmost rapidity, and to enable the mass of the people to resume their normal lives
say
and employment in the best, easiest and speediest manner. There ought not to be a
the
long-dragged-out period of many months when hundreds of thousands of Service men
were
and women are kept waiting about under discipline, doing useless tasks at the public
ves a
expense, and other tens of thousands, more highly paid, finding them sterile work to
I am
do. What we desire is freedom; what we need is abundance. Freedom and abundance-
still
these must be our aims. The production of new wealth is far more beneficial, and on
ident
an incomparably larger scale, than class and party fights about the liquidation of old
n the
wealth. We must try to share blessings and not miseries.
7218
Speeches of Winston Churchill
The production of new wealth must precede common wealth, otherwise there
will only be common poverty. I am sorry these simple truisms should excite the hon.
Member opposite-whom I watched so often during the course of the last Parliament
and whose many agreeable qualities I have often admired-as if they had some sense of
novelty for him.
We do not propose to join issue immediately about the legislative proposals in
the Gracious Speech. We do not know what is meant by the control of investment-
but apparently it is a subject for mirth. Evidently, in war you may do one thing, and in
peace perhaps another must be considered. Allowance must also be made for the
transitional period through which we are passing. The Debate on the Address should
probe and elicit the Government's intentions in this matter. The same is true of the
proposal to nationalize the coal mines. If that is really the best way of securing a larger
supply of coal at a cheaper price, and at an earlier moment than is now in view, I, for
one, should approach the plan in a sympathetic spirit. It is by results that the
Government will be judged, and it is by results that this policy must be judged. The
national ownership of the Bank of England does not in my opinion raise any matter of
principle. I give my opinion-anybody else may give his own. There are important
examples in the United States and in our Dominions of central banking institutions,
but what matters is the use to be made of this public ownership. On this we must
await the detailed statement by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who, I am glad to
say, has pledged himself to resist inflation. Meanwhile it may be helpful for me to
express the opinion, as Leader of the Opposition, that foreign countries need not be
alarmed by the language of the Gracious Speech on this subject, and that British credit
will be resolutely upheld.
Then there is the Trade Disputes Act. We are told that this is to be repealed.
Personally, I feel that we owe an inestimable debt to the Trade Unions for all they
have done for the country in the long struggle against the foreign foe. But they would
surely be unwise to reinstitute the political levy on the old basis. It would also be very
odd if they wished to regain full facilities for legalizing and organizing a general strike.
It does not say much for the confidence with which the Trades Union Council view
the brave new world, or for what they think about the progressive nationalization of
fr
our industries, that they should deem it necessary on what an hon. and gallant
C
Gentleman called "the D-Day of the new Britain" to restore and sharpen the general
strike weapon, at this particular time of all others. Apparently nationalization is not
regarded by them as any security against conditions which would render a general
cc
strike imperative and justified in the interests of the workers. We are, I understand,
wi
after nationalizing the coal-mines, to deal with the railways, electricity and transport.
is,
Yet at the same time the Trade Unions feel it necessary to be heavily re-armed against
ha
State Socialism. Apparently the new age is not to be so happy for the wage-earners as
Pri
we have been asked to believe. At any rate, there seems to be a fundamental
foi
incongruity in these conceptions to which the attention of the Socialist intelligentsia
wil
should speedily be directed. Perhaps it may be said that these powers will only be
wh
needed if the Tories come into office. Surely these are early days to get frightened. I
em
will ask the Prime Minister if he will just tell us broadly what is meant by the word
ver
"repeal."
nev
A Time of Triumph: 1945
7219
I have offered these comments to the House, and I do not wish to end on a
sombre or even slightly controversial note. As to the situation which exists to-day, it is
evident that not only are the two Parties in the House agreed in the main essentials of
foreign policy and in our moral outlook on world affairs, but we also have an immense
programme, prepared by our joint exertions during the Coalition, which requires to be
brought into law and made an inherent part of the life of-the people. Here and there
there may be differences of emphasis and view, but in the main no Parliament ever
assembled with such a mass of agreed legislation as lies before us this afternoon. I have
great hopes of this Parliament, and I shall do my utmost to make its work fruitful. It
may heal the wounds of war, and turn to good account the new conceptions and
powers which we have gathered amid the storm. I do not underrate the difficult and
intricate complications of the task which lies before us; I know too much about it to
cherish vain illusions; but the morrow of such a victory as we have gained is a splendid
moment both in our small lives and in our great history. It is a time not only of
rejoicing but even more of resolve. When we look back on all the perils through which
we have passed and at the mighty foes we have laid low and all the dark and deadly
designs we have frustrated, why should we fear for our future? We have come safely
through the worst.
Home is the sailor, home from sea,
And the hunter home from the hill.
THE RIGHTS OF PRIVATE MEMBERS
August 16, 1945
House of Commons
I am much obliged to the right hon. Gentleman for reminding me of some
fragments of discussion which I appear to have embarked upon 14 years ago in a Select
Committee. I confess that I had not got the passage in my mind, and, but for the fact
that the right hon. Gentleman used it, I might have committed myself to something
which was apparently inconsistent. I would certainly have advised him to make the
concession which would cost the Government nothing, that is, to say, "All right, we
will take it for six months and at the end of six months we can see what the position
is, and, if necessary, we will take the time for the rest of the Session." That would
have avoided a Division on this question of Parliamentary procedure and the rights of
Private Members. If at one stroke the whole rights of Private Members are taken away
for an entire Session, which will last for 14 months from now, it may well be that they
will never be restored. It would be a great pity if the whole of this great armoury,
which dignifies very much the position of a Private Member in the House and
emphasises his rights and dignities as against the purely delegate conception, which is a
very dangerous one, were to be lost, as it were, dropped down, at the beginning of this
new Parliament.
nston Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1946
7285
ns. This would
education invaluable to the formation of character and to the development of those
cademic atmos-
qualities by which freedom and justice are preserved in strong nations and by the
ther moral with
strong for weak nations. They must also be given the wider view, in outline at any rate,
should ever be
of the treasures which mankind has gathered in its long, chequered pilgrimage across
and faithfully
the centuries. You do well to provide, as you are doing, on this prodigious scale for the
timent which I
baptism of such as are of riper years.
all be cordially
This is an age of machinery and specialisation but I hope, none the less-indeed
all the more-that the purely vocational aspect of university study will not be allowed
ge and learning
to dominate or monopolise all the attention of the returned Service men. Engines were
are of life and
made for men, not men for engines. Mr. Gladstone said many years ago that it ought
eat majority of
to be part of a man's religion to see that his country is well governed. Knowledge of
These are great
the past is the only foundation we have from which to peer into and try to measure
ares of learning
the future. Expert knowledge, however indispensable, is no substitute for a generous
elevating their
and comprehending outlook upon the human story with all its sadness and with all its
ee and wealthy
unquenchable hope.
er graduates of
May I not also advance the claims of literature and language. The great
d certainly any
Bismarck-there were great Germans in those days-said at the close of his life, that the
e them and has
most important fact in the world was that the British and American peoples spoke the
ain if he or she
same language. Certainly we have a noble inheritance in literature. It would be an
enormous waste and loss to us all if we did not respect, cherish, enjoy and develop this
ers. Not only is
magnificent estate, which has come down to us from the past and which not only
on may be even
unites us as no such great communities have ever been united before, but is also a
ater teens. The
powerful instrument whereby our conception of justice, of freedom, and of fair play
ies, humanities
and good humour may make their invaluable contribution to the future progress of
ense than at an
mankind.
ry, the earnest-
e greater in the
e application at
rrupted by the
IRON CURTAW
nake sure that,
THE SINEWS OF PEACE
ar form of the
March 5, 1946
ed, spurred, by
Westminster College,
bodies of the
Fulton, Missouri
ese young men
e lost by their
This speech may be regarded as the most important Churchill delivered as Leader of
acilities almost
the Opposition (1945-1951). It contains certain phrases-"the special relationship,"
st of whom are
"the sinews of peace"-which at once entered into general use, and which have
oped that four
survived. But it is the passage on "the iron curtain" which attracted immediate
I suppose, Mr.
international attention, and had incalculable impact upon public opinion in the United
ents on a great
States and in Western Europe. Russian historians date the beginning of the Cold War
1 them, though
from this speech. In its phraseology, in its intricate drawing together of several themes
ho come back,
to an electrifying climax-this speech may be regarded as a technical classic.
the land from
hine. Men who
I am glad to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and am complimented
rs, have had an
that you should give me a degree. The name "Westminster" is somehow familiar to me.
7286
Speeches of Winston Churchill
I seem to have heard of it before. Indeed, it was at Westminster that I received a very
large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things.
In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred
establishments.
It is also an honour, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced
to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy
burdens, duties, and responsibilities-unsought but not recoiled from-the President
has travelled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to
give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own
countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has
told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to
give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly
avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private
ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my
wildest dreams. Let me, however, make it clear that I have no official mission or status
of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.
I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over
the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try
to make sure with what strength I have that what has been gained with so much
sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a
solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also
joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must
feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below
the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining for both our
countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long
reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of
purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall guide and rule the conduct of the
English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall,
prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
When American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to
write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept." There is
wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic
concept which we should inscribe today? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare,
the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in
all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes
where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his
wife and children from privation and bring the family up in the fear of the Lord, or
upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.
To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded from the two
giant marauders, war and tyranny. We all know the frightful disturbances in which the
ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner
and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its
vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of
wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame
iston Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1946
7287
received a very
of civilised society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they
o other things.
cannot cope. For them all is distorted, all is broken, even ground to pulp.
/ rate, kindred
When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualise what is actually
happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine
be introduced
stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of
mid his heavy
human pain." Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people
-the President
from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.
: to-day and to
Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all
I as my own
strategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next
e President has
step-namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organi-
full liberty to
sation has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war, UNO, the
shall certainly
successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and
ise any private
all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful,
ed beyond my
that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a
ission or status
frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many
what you see.
nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel.
e, to play over
Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation
ms, and to try
we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but
with so much
upon the rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and
of mankind.
also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars-though not,
power. It is a
alas, in the interval between them-I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common
power is also
purpose in the end.
you, you must
I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and
you fall below
magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables.
for both our
The United Nations Organisation must immediately begin to be equipped with an
us all the long
international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must
persistency of
begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to delegate
conduct of the
a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organisation. These
elieve we shall,
squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move
around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniform of
ey are wont to
their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act
cept." There is
against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world
er-all strategic
organisation. This might be started on a modest scale and would grow as confidence
y and welfare,
grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust it may be
and women in
done forthwith.
artment homes
It would nevertheless be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge
è to guard his
or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, Great Britain, and Canada
f the Lord, or
now share, to the world organisation, while it is still in its infancy. It would be
criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one in
from the two
any country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method
:S in which the
and the raw materials to apply it, are at present largely retained in American hands. I
= bread-winner
do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and
pe, with all its
if some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolised for the time being these dread
the designs of
agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian
reas the frame
systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human
7288
Speeches of Winston Churchill
imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing
space to set our house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then,
if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose
effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others.
Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in
a world organisation with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective,
these powers would naturally be confided to that world organisation.
Now I come to the second danger of these two marauders which threatens the
cottage, the home, and the ordinary people-namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to
the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the British Empire
are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful.
In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of
all-embracing police governments. The power of the State is exercised without re-
straint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged
party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so
numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not
conquered in war. But we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great
principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the
English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, the Habeas
Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression
in the American Declaration of Independence.
All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have
the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to
choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that
freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the
executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad
assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title
deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the
British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practise-let us prac-
tise what we preach.
I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the homes of the people:
War and Tyranny. I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many
cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there
is no doubt that science and co-operation can bring in the next few years to the world,
certainly in the next few decades newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an
expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human
experience. Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and
distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may
pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which
should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I
have often used words which I learned fifty years ago from a great Irish-American
orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran. "There is enough for all. The earth is a
generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if
they will but cultivate her soil in justice and in peace." So far I feel that we are in full
agreement.
ston Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1946
7289
ast a breathing
Now, while still pursuing the method of realising our overall strategic concept, I
and even then,
come to the crux of what I have travelled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of
y as to impose
war, nor the continuous rise of world organisation will be gained without what I have
nt, by others.
called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special
d expressed in
relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States.
ke it effective,
This is no time for generalities, and I will venture to be precise. Fraternal association
requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two
1 threatens the
vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relationship
not be blind to
between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the
British Empire
similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers
very powerful.
and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present
rious kinds of
facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the
ed without re-
possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobil-
gh a privileged
ity of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the
ficulties are so
British Empire Forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to
h we have not
important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more
ones the great
may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
eritance of the
The United States has already a Permanent Defence Agreement with the Do-
its, the Habeas
minion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and
ous expression
Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have often been
made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all British Common-
id should have
wealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be
ecret ballot, to
secure ourselves and able to work together for the high and simple causes that are dear
ey dwell; that
to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come-I feel eventually there will
pendent of the
come-the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to
eived the broad
destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
re are the title
There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special
message of the
relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent
ise-let us prac-
with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organisation? I reply that, on the contrary,
it is probably the only means by which that organisation will achieve its full stature
of the people:
and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada which I
ch are in many
have just mentioned, and there are the special relations between the United States and
removed, there
the South American Republics. We British have our twenty years Treaty of Collabora-
'S to the world,
tion and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign
ool of war, an
Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years Treaty so far as we are
rred in human
concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration. The British
the hunger and
have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since 1384, and which produced fruitful
Il pass and may
results at critical moments in the late war. None of these clash with the general interest
in crime which
of a world agreement, or a world organisation; on the contrary they help it. "In my
age of plenty. I
father's house are many mansions." Special associations between members of the
Irish-American
United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which
The earth is a
harbour no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being
her children if
harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.
at we are in full
I spoke earlier of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build
that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old
7290
Speeches of Winston Churchill
friends, if their families are inter-mingled, and if they have "faith in each other's
purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings"-
to quote some good words I read here the other day-why cannot they work together
at the common task as friends and partners? Why cannot they share their tools and
thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple
may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we shall all be proved again
unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war,
incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The
dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and
what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even
bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take
the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a
fraternal association of the kind I have described, with all the extra strength and
security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great
fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilising the
foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than cure.
A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied victory.
Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organisation
intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive
and proselytising tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant
Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy
and goodwill in Britain-and I doubt not here also-towards the peoples of all the
Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing
lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western
frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to
her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon
the seas. Above all, we welcome constant, frequent and growing contacts between the
Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty
however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you, to
place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has
descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient
states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest,
Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them
lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not
only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in many cases, increasing measure of
control from Moscow. Athens alone-Greece with its immortal glories-is free to
decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The
Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and
wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a
scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which
were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence
and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian
control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in
Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.
nston Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1946
7291
in each other's
Turkey. and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims
hortcomings"-
which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow
work together
Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a
their tools and
quasi-Communist party in their zone of Occupied Germany by showing special favours
else the temple
to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the
ie proved again
American and British Armies withdrew westwards, in accordance with an earlier
I school of war,
agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred
n released. The
miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory
of science, and
which the Western Democracies had conquered.
tind, may even
If now the Soviet Government tries, by separate action, to build up a pro-
not let us take
Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the
ere is to be a
British and American zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting
a strength and
themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever
that that great
conclusions may be drawn from these facts-and facts they are-this is certainly not
stabilising the
the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials
than cure.
of permanent peace.
Allied victory.
The safety of the world requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation
al organisation
should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in
their expansive
Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times,
for the valiant
have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their
deep sympathy
wishes and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not
ples of all the
to comprehend, drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the
in establishing
victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation had
on her western
occurred. Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men
come Russia to
across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may
e her flag upon
dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a
:ts between the
grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in
It is my duty
accordance with its Charter. That I feel is an open cause of policy of very great
hem to you, to
importance.
In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety.
on curtain has
In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the
of the ancient
Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head of the
nna, Budapest,
Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot
IS around them
imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I have
or another, not
worked for a strong France and I never lost faith in her destiny, even in the darkest
sing measure of
hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the
ries-is free to
Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established
servation. The
and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive
enormous and
from the Communist centre. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United
Germans on a
States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns
parties, which
constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilisation. These are sombre
) pre-eminence
facts for anyone to have to recite on the morrow of a victory gained by so much
ain totalitarian
splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we
far, except in
should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.
The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The
7292
Speeches of Winston Churchill
Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favourable
to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German
war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the
Japanese war was expected to last for a further 18 months from the end of the
German war. In this country you are all so well-informed about the Far East, and such
devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.
I have felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east,
falls upon the world. I was a high minister at the time of the Versailles Treaty and a
close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at
Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very
strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with
that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded
confidence that the wars were over, and that the League of Nations would become
all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or even the same hopes in the
haggard world at the present time.
On the other hand I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that
it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and
that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I
have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia
desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their
power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here to-day while time remains, is
the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and
democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not
be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to
see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is
needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and
the greater our dangers will become.
From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am
convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing
for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For
that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we
can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If
the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles of the
United Nations Charter, their influence for furthering those principles will be immense
and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided or falter in their
duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe
may overwhelm us all.
Last time I saw it all coming and cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and
to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935,
Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we
might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. There never was
a war in all history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just
desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief
without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and
honoured to-day; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the
nston Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1946
7293
nely favourable
awful whirlpool. We surely must not let that happen again. This can only be achieved
at the German
by reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points with Russia under the
and when the
general authority of the United Nations Organisation and by the maintenance of that
the end of the
good understanding through many peaceful years, by the world instrument, supported
T East, and such
by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is
n there.
the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the
and in the east,
title "The Sinews of Peace."
es Treaty and a
Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Common-
h delegation at
wealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply,
at I have a very
of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in
contrast it with
restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do
nd unbounded
not suppose that we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have
would become
come through the glorious years of agony, or that half a century from now, you will
ne hopes in the
not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world and united in defence of
our traditions, our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If
; still more that
the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the
own hands and
United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the
out now that I
globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering,
t Soviet Russia
precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the
bansion of their
contrary, there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully
time remains, is
to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength
of freedom and
seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the
langers will not
thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined
nere waiting to
with your own in fraternal association, the high-roads of the future will be clear, not
ement. What is
only for us but for all, not only for our time, but for a century to come.
It it will be and
; the war, I am
there is nothing
weakness. For
THE ENGLISH-SPEAKING PEOPLES
ot afford, if we
March 8, 1946
I of strength. If
rinciples of the
General Assembly of Virginia
vill be immense
or falter in their
I was deeply moved by the glowing terms of the Joint Resolution of both
ed catastrophe
branches of the Legislature inviting me here to address the General Assembly of
Virginia. I take it as a high honour to be present here this morning to discharge that
ountrymen and
task. I always value being asked to address a Parliament. I have already on two
or even 1935,
occasions in the war addressed the Congress of the United States. I have addressed the
ken her and we
Canadian Parliament. I have addressed a Joint Session of the Belgian Legislature, more
"here never was
recently, and there is a place of which you may have heard across the ocean called the
which has just
House of Commons, to which, invited or uninvited, I have, from time to time, had
d in my belief
things to say. I have also had invitations, couched in terms for which I am most
prosperous and
grateful, from the State Legislatures of South Carolina, Kentucky and Mississippi. It
sucked into the
would have given me the greatest pleasure to accept and fulfil all these. But as I have
es of Winston Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1943
6755
results of great trials of
Forces which have been moved forward into Tunisia. Thus we have a hierarchy
re than this: All the
established by international arrangement completely in accord with modern ideas of
Il on our side. I think
unity of command between various Allies and of the closest concert of the three
his country.
Services.
tates operation, under
I make an appeal to the House, the Press, and the country, that they will, I trust,
our respective spheres
be very careful not to criticise this arrangement. If they do so, I trust they will do it
out the Desert Army is
not on personal lines, or to run one general against another, to the detriment of the
which is Rommel. Its
smooth and harmonious relations which now prevail among this band of brothers who
rst Army and with the
have got their teeth into the job. In General Eisenhower, as in General Alexander, you
past, the commanders
have two men remarkable for selflessness of character and disdain of purely personal
10W be formalised.
advancement. Let them alone; give them a chance; and it is quite possible that one of
I naturally come under
these fine days the bells will have to be rung again. If not, we will address ourselves to
General Eisenhower: I
the problem, in all loyalty and comradeship, and in the light of circumstances.
aged at Casablanca that
I have really tried to tell the House everything that I am sure the enemy knows
xander should become
and to tell them nothing that the enemy ought to know. [Hon. Members: "Ought not
: same time, Air Chief
to know. There was a joke in that. Still, I have been able to say something. At any
an, responsible to Gen-
rate, I appeal to all patriotic men on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean to stamp their
control also all the Air
feet on mischief-makers and sowers of tares wherever they may be found, and let the
tely necessary, because
great machines roll into battle under the best possible conditions for our success. That
r powerful Air Forces
is all I have to say at the present time.
both by bomber and
I am most grateful for the extreme kindness with which I am treated by the
working from Algeria
House. I accept, in the fullest degree, the responsibility, as Minister of Defence and as
this, and that control
the agent of the War Cabinet, for the plans we have devised. His Majesty's Government
and who better, I ask.
ask no favours for themselves. We desire only to be judged by results. We await the
whom General Eisen-
unfolding of events with sober confidence, and we are sure that Parliament and the
gham, hitherto working
British nation will display in these hopeful days, which may nevertheless be clouded
red, will concert the air
o'er, the same qualities of steadfastness as they did in that awful period when the life
nd other troops on the
of Britain and of our Empire hung by a thread.
: Andrew Cunningham.
ces in this theatre, will
the cognate operations
f in the Mediterranean
POSTWAR PLANNING
t-Chief of the Levant.
March 21, 1943
at quarter. There is no
reation between those
Broadcast, London
by General Alexander's
nower, will be filled by
Let me first of all thank the very great numbers of people who have made kind
sia and Iraq, where the
inquiries about me during my recent illness. Although for a week I had a fairly stiff
It is proposed to keep
dose of fever, which but for modern science might have had awkward consequences, I
le new Commander will
wish to make it clear that I never for a moment had to relinquish the responsible
direction of affairs. I followed attentively all the time what was happening in
he consent of General
Parliament, and the lively discussions on our home affairs when peace comes.
unisian front. an army
It was very clear to me that a good many people were so much impressed by the
ul force. and which will
favourable turn in our fortunes which has marked the last six months that they have
this Army being placed
jumped to the conclusion that the war will soon be over and that we shall soon all be
e strong United States
able to get back to the politics and party fights of peace-time.
6756
Speeches of Winston Churchill
I am not able to share these sanguine hopes, and my earnest advice to you is to
concentrate even more zealously upon the war effort, and if possible not to take your
eye off the ball even for a moment. If to-night, contrary to that advice, I turn aside
from the course of the war and deal with some post-war and domestic issues, that is
only because I hope that by so doing I may simplify and mollify political divergences,
and enable all our political forces to march forward to the main objective in unity and,
SO far as possible, in step.
First of all we must beware of attempts to over-persuade or even to coerce His
Majesty's Government to bind themselves or their unknown successors, in conditions
which no one can foresee and which may be years ahead, to impose great new
expenditure on the State without any relation to the circumstances which might
prevail at that time, and to make them pledge themselves to particular schemes
without relation to other extremely important aspects of our post-war needs.
The business of proposing expenditure rests ultimately with the responsible
Government of the day, and it is their duty, and their duty alone, to propose to
Parliament any new charges upon the public, and also to propose in the annual
Budgets the means of raising the necessary funds.
The world is coming increasingly to admire our British parliamentary system and
ideas. It is contrary to those ideas that Ministers or members should become pledge-
bound delegates. They are a band of men who undertake certain honourable duties,
and they would be dishonoured if they allowed their right and duty to serve the public
as well as possible on any given occasion to be prejudiced by the enforced, premature
contraction of obligations. Nothing would be easier for me than to make any number
of promises and to get the immediate response of cheap cheers and glowing leading
articles. I am not in any need to go about making promises in order to win political
support or to be allowed to continue in office.
It was on a grim and bleak basis that I undertook my present task, and on that
basis I have been given loyalty and support such as no Prime Minister has ever received.
I cannot express my feeling of gratitude to the nation for their kindness to me and for
the trust and confidence they have placed in me during long, dark, and disappointing
periods. I am absolutely determined not to falsify or mock that confidence by making
promises without regard to whether they can be performed or not. At my time of life I
have no personal ambitions, no future to provide for. And I feel I can truthfully say
that I only wish to do my duty by the whole mass of the nation and of the British
Empire as long as I am thought to be of any use for that.
Therefore I tell you round your firesides to-night that I am resolved not to give
or to make all kinds of promises and tell all kinds of fairy tales to you who have
trusted me and gone with me so far, and marched through the valley of the shadow,
till we have reached the upland regions on which we now stand with firmly planted
feet.
However, it is our duty to peer through the mists of the future to the end of the
war, and to try our utmost to be prepared by ceaseless effort and forethought for the
kind of situations which are likely to occur. Speaking under every reserve and not
attempting to prophesy, I can imagine that some time next year-but it may well be
the year after-we might beat Hitler, by which I mean beat him and his powers of evil
into death, dust, and ashes.
of Winston Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1943
6757
it advice to you is to
Then we shall immediately proceed to transport all the necessary additional
ble not to take your
forces and apparatus to the other side of the world to punish the greedy, cruel Empire
advice, I turn aside
of Japan, to rescue China from her long torment, to free our territory and that of our
mestic issues, that is
Dutch Allies, and to drive the Japanese menace forever from Australian, New Zealand,
political divergences,
and Indian shores.
jective in unity and,
That will be our first and supreme task, and nothing must lure us from it.
Nevertheless, in my opinion the moment when Hitler is beaten and Germany and Italy
or even to coerce His
are prostrate will mark the grand climax of the war, and that will be the time to make
essors, in conditions
a new declaration upon the task before us. We and our Allies shall have accomplished
0 impose great new
one great task. Nazi tyranny and Prussian militarism, which threatened to engulf the
stances which might
whole world, and against which we stood alone for a fateful year-these curses will
) particular schemes
have been swept from the face of the earth.
-war needs.
If I should be spared to see that day, and should be needed at the helm at that
with the responsible
time, I shall then, with the assent of the Cabinet, propose a new task to the British
alone, to propose to
nation. The war against Japan will demand a very different arrangement of our forces
opose in the annual
from what exists at present.
There will certainly be large numbers of British, and also no doubt United
iamentary system and
States, soldiers whom it will not be physically possible to employ across the vast
hould become pledge-
distances and poor communications of the Japanese war. There will certainly be large
in honourable duties,
numbers of men, not only abroad but at home, who will have to be brought back to
ity to serve the public
their families and to their jobs or to other equally good jobs. For all these, after full
e enforced, premature
provision has been made for the garrisoning of the guilty countries, return to some-
1 to make any number
thing like home and freedom will be their hearts' desire. However vigorously the war
'S and glowing leading
against Japan is prosecuted, there will certainly be a partial demobilisation following
order to win political
on the defeat of Hitler, and this will raise most difficult and intricate problems, and we
are taking care in our arrangements to avoid the mistakes which were so freely
esent task, and on that
committed last time.
ister has ever received.
Of course these ideas may be completely falsified by events. It may be that
kindness to me and for
Japan will collapse before Hitler, in which case quite another lay-out will be necessary.
ark, and disappointing
As, however, many people wish ardently to discuss the future, I adopt for this purpose
confidence by making
tonight what seems to me the most likely supposition.
ot. At my time of life I
On this assumption it would be our hope that the United Nations, headed by the
el I can truthfully say
three great victorious Powers, the British Commonwealth of Nations, the United
tion and of the British
States, and Soviet Russia, should immediately begin to confer upon the future world
organisation which is to be our safeguard against further wars by effectually disarming
am resolved not to give
and keeping disarmed the guilty States, by bringing to justice the grand criminals and
tales to you who have
their accomplices, and by securing the return to the devastated and subjugated
: valley of the shadow,
countries of the mechanical resources and artistic treasures of which they have been
nd with firmly planted
pillaged.
We shall also have a heavy task in trying to avert widespread famine in some at
future to the end of the
least of the ruined regions. We must hope and pray that the unity of the three leading
and forethought for the
victorious Powers will be worthy of their supreme responsibility, and that they will
every reserve and not
think not only of their own welfare but of the welfare and future of all.
ear-but it may well be
One can imagine that a world institution embodying or representing the United
m and his powers of evil
Nations, and some day all nations, there should come into being a Council of Europe
and a Council of Asia. As. according to the forecast I am outlining, the war against
6758
Speeches of Winston Churchill
Japan will still be raging, it is upon the creation of the Council of Europe and the
settlement of Europe that the first practical task will be centred. Now this is a
stupendous business. In Europe lie most of the causes which have led to these two
world wars. In Europe dwell the historic parent races from whom our western
civilisation has been so largely derived. I believe myself to be what is called a good
European, and deem it a noble task to take part in reviving the fertile genius and in
restoring the true greatness of Europe.
I hope we shall not lightly cast aside all the immense work which was accom-
plished by the creation of the League of Nations. Certainly we must take as our
foundation the lofty conception of freedom, law and morality which was the spirit of
the League. We must try-I am speaking of course only for ourselves-to make the
Council of Europe, or whatever it may be called, into a really effective League, with all
the strongest forces concerned woven into its texture, with a High Court to adjust
disputes, and with forces, armed forces. national or international or both, held ready
to impose these decisions and prevent renewed aggression and the preparation of
future wars.
Anyone can see that this Council when created must eventually embrace the
whole of Europe, and that all the main branches of the European family must some
day be partners in it. What is to happen to the large number of small nations whose
rights and interests must be safeguarded? Here let me ask what would be thought of an
army that consisted only of battalions and brigades, and which never formed any of
the larger and higher organisations like army corps. It would soon get mopped up. It
would therefore seem, to me at any rate, worthy of patient study that side by side
with the Great Powers there should be a number of groupings of States or Confedera-
tions which would express themselves through their own chosen representatives, the
whole making a Council of great States and groups of States.
It is my earnest hope, though I can hardly expect to see it fulfilled in my
lifetime, that we shall achieve the largest common measure of the integrated life of
Europe that is possible without destroying the individual characteristics and traditions
of its many ancient and historic races. All this will I believe be found to harmonise
with the high permanent interests of Britain, the United States, and Russia. It certainly
cannot be accomplished without their cordial and concerted agreement and participa-
tion. Thus and thus only will the glory of Europe rise again.
I only mention these matters to you to show you the magnitude of the task that
will lie before us in Europe alone. Nothing could be more foolish at this stage than to
plunge into details and try to prescribe the exact groupings of States or lay down
precise machinery for their co-operation, or still more to argue about frontiers now
while the war even in the West has not yet reached its full height, while the struggle
with the U-boats is raging, and when the war in the Far East is only in its first phase.
This does not mean that many tentative discussions are not taking place between the
great nations concerned. or that the whole vast problem of European destiny-for that
is what I am speaking of now-is not the subject of ceaseless heart-searchings.
We must remember, however. that we in Britain and the British Commonwealth
of Nations, although almost a world in ourselves, shall have to reach agreements with
great and friendly equals. and also to respect and have a care for the rights of weaker
and smaller States. and that it will not be given to any one nation to achieve the full
A Time of Triumph: 1943
6759
Winston Churchill
satisfaction of its individual wishes. I have said enough, however, I am sure, to show
of Europe and the
you, at least in outline, the mystery, the peril, and, I will add, the splendour of this
ed. Now this is a
vast sphere of practical action into which we shall have to leap once the hideous spell
e led to these two
of Nazi tyranny has been broken.
vhom our western
Coming nearer home, we shall have to consider at the same time how the
at is called a good
inhabitants of this island are going to get their living at this stage in the world story,
ertile genius and in
and how they are going to maintain and progressively improve their previous standards
of life and labour. I am very much attracted to the idea that we should make and
which was accom-
proclaim what might be called à Four Years' Plan. Four years seems to me to be the
e must take as our
right length for the period of transition and reconstruction which will follow the
ich was the spirit of
downfall of Hitler. We have five-year Parliaments, and a Four Years' Plan would give
selves-to make the
time for the preparation of a second plan. This Four Years' Plan would cover five or
tive League, with all
six large measures of a practical character which must all have been the subject of
igh Court to adjust
prolonged, careful, energetic preparation beforehand, and which fit together into a
or both, held ready
general scheme.
the preparation of
When this plan has been shaped, it will have to be presented to the country,
either by a National Government formally representative. as this one is, of the three
itually embrace the
parties in the State, or by a National Government comprising the best men in all
n family must some
parties who are willing to serve. I cannot tell how these matters will settle themselves.
small nations whose
But in 1944 our present Parliament will have lived nine years, and by 1945 ten years,
uld be thought of an
and as soon as the defeat of Germany has removed the danger now at our throats, and
never formed any of
the register can be compiled and other necessary arrangements made, a new House of
n get mopped up. It
Commons must be freely chosen by the whole electorate. including, of course, the
dy that side by side
armed forces wherever they may be. Thus whoever is burdened with the responsibility
States or Confedera-
of conducting affairs will have a clear policy, and will be able to speak and act at least
I representatives. the
in the name of an effective and resolute majority.
From what I have said already you will realise how very difficult and anxious
ee it fulfilled in my
this period will be, and how much will depend not only on our own action but on the
the integrated life of
action of other very powerful countries. This applies not only to the carrying to a
eristics and traditions
conclusion of the war against Japan. but also to the disarming of the guilty and to the
found to harmonise
settlement of Europe; not only to the arrangements for the prevention of further wars,
id Russia. It certainly
but also to the whole economic process and relationship of nations, in order that
eement and participa-
employment and production may be at a high level, and that goods and services may
be interchanged between man and man, and between one nation and another, under
itude of the task that
the best conditions and on the largest scale.
h at this stage than to
The difficulties which will confront us will take all our highest qualities to
f States or lay down
overcome. Let me, however, say straight away that my faith in the vigour, ingenuity,
: about frontiers now
and resilience of the British race is invincible. Difficulties mastered are opportunities
(ht, while the struggle
won. The day of Hitler's downfall will be a bright one for our country and for all
only in its first phase.
mankind. The bells will clash their peals of victory and hope, and we shall march
ing place between the
forward together encouraged. invigorated, and still, I trust. generally united upon our
pean destiny-for that
further journey.
t-searchings.
I personally am very keen that a scheme for the amalgamation and extension of
British Commonwealth
our present incomparable insurance system should have a leading place in our Four
reach agreements with
Years' Plan. I have been prominently connected with all these schemes of national
or the rights of weaker
compulsory organised thrift from the time when I brought my friend Sir William
tion to achieve the full
6760
Speeches of Winston Churchill
Beveridge into the public service 35 years ago, when I was creating the labour
exchanges, on which he was a great authority, and when, with Sir Hubert Llewellyn
Smith, I framed the first unemployment insurance scheme. The prime parent of all
national insurance schemes is Mr. Lloyd George. I was his lieutenant in those distant
days, and afterwards it fell to me, as Chancellor of the Exchequer 18 years ago, to
lower the pensions age to 65 and to bring in the widows and orphans.
The time is now ripe for another great advance, and anyone can see what large
savings there will be in the administration once the whole process of insurance has
become unified, compulsory, and national. Here is a real opportunity for what I once
called "bringing the magic of averages to the rescue of the millions.' Therefore, you
must rank me and my colleagues as strong partisans of national compulsory insurance
for all classes for all purposes from the cradle to the grave. Every preparation,
including, if necessary, preliminary legislative preparation, will be made with the
utmost energy, and the necessary negotiations to deal with worthy existing interests
are being actively pursued, so that when the moment comes everything will be ready.
Here let me remark that the best way to insure against unemployment is to have
no unemployment. There is another point. Unemployables, rich or poor, will have to
be toned up. We cannot afford to have idle people. Idlers at the top make idlers at the
bottom. No one must stand aside in his working prime to pursue a life of selfish
pleasure. There are wasters in all classes. Happily they are only a small minority of
every class. But anyhow we cannot have a band of drones in our midst, whether they
come from the ancient aristocracy or the modern plutocracy or the ordinary type of
pub-crawler.
There are other large matters which will also have to be dealt with in our Four
Years' Plan. upon which thought, study, and discussion are advancing rapidly. Let me
take first of all the question of British agriculture. We have, of course, to purchase a
large proportion of our food and vital raw materials oversea. Our foreign investments
have been expended in the common cause. The British nation that has now once again
saved the freedom of the world has grown great on cheap and abundant food. Had it
not been for the free trade policy of Victorian days, our population would never have
risen to the level of a Great Power, and we might have gone down the drain with many
other minor States, to the disaster of the whole world.
Abundant food has brought our 47,000.000 Britons into the world. Here they
are, and they must find their living. It is absolutely certain we shall have to grow a
larger proportion of our food at home. During the war immense advances have been
made by the agricultural industry. The position of the farmers has been improved, the
position of the labourers immeasurably improved. The efficient agricultural landlord
has an important part to play. I hope to see a vigorous revival of healthy village life on
the basis of these higher wages and of improved housing, and, what with the modern
methods of locomotion and the modern amusements of the cinemas and the wireless,
to which will soon be added television. life in the country and on the land ought to
compete in attractiveness with life in the great cities.
But all this would cost money. When the various handicaps of war conditions are
at an end. I expect that better national house-keeping will be possible. and that, as the
result of technical improvements in British agriculture, the strain upon the State will
be relieved. At the same time the fact remains that if the expansion and improvement
Winston Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1943
6761
eating the labour
of British agriculture is to be maintained, as it must be maintained, and a reasonable
Hubert Llewellyn
level of prices is to be maintained, as it must be maintained, there are likely to be
rime parent of all
substantial charges which the State must be prepared to shoulder. That has to be borne
nt in those distant
in mind.
:r 18 years ago, to
Next there is the spacious domain of public health. I was brought up on the
maxim of Lord Beaconsfield which my father was always repeating: "Health and the
can see what large
laws of health." We must establish on broad and solid foundations a National Health
SS of insurance has
Service. Here let me say that there is no finer investment for any community than
ity for what I once
putting milk into babies. Healthy citizens are the greatest asset any country can have.
Therefore, you
One of the most sombre anxieties which beset those who look 30 or 40 or 50
npulsory insurance
years ahead, and in this field one can see ahead only too clearly, is the dwindling
Every preparation,
birth-rate. In 30 years, unless present trends alter, a smaller working and fighting
be made with the
population will have to support and protect nearly twice as many old people: in 50
y existing interests
years the position will be worse still. If this country is to keep its high place in the
thing will be ready.
leadership of the world, and to survive as a great Power that can hold its own against
ployment is to have
external pressures, our people must be encouraged by every means to have larger
r poor. will have to
families.
p make idlers at the
For this reason, well-thought-out plans for helping parents to contribute this
sue a life of selfish
life-spring to the community are of prime importance. The care of the young and the
a small minority of
establishment of sound hygienic conditions of motherhood have a bearing upon the
midst, whether they
whole future of the race which is absolutely vital. Side by side with that is the war
the ordinary type of
upon disease, which, let me remind you, so far as it is successful, will directly aid the
national insurance scheme. Upon all this, planning is vigorously proceeding.
alt with in our Four
Following upon health and welfare is the question of education. The future of
cing rapidly. Let me
the world is to the highly-educated races who alone can handle the scientific apparatus
ourse, to purchase a
necessary for pre-eminence in peace or survival in war. I hope our education will
foreign investments
become broader and more liberal. All wisdom is not new wisdom, and the past should
t has now once again
be studied if the future is to be successfully encountered. To quote Disraeli again in
bundant food. Had it
one of his most pregnant sayings: "Nations are governed by force or by tradition." In
ion would never have
moving steadily and steadfastly from a class to a national foundation in the politics
the drain with many
and economics of our society and civilisation, we must not forget the glories of the
past, nor how many battles we have fought for the rights of the individual and for
the world. Here they
human freedom.
shall have to grow a
We must beware of trying to build a society in which nobody counts for
e advances have been
anything except a politician or an official, a society where enterprise gains no reward
as been improved, the
and thrift no privileges. I say "trying to build," because of all races in the world our
agricultural landlord
people would be the last to consent to be governed by a bureaucracy. Freedom is their
healthy village life on
life-blood. These two great wars. scourging and harrowing men's souls. have made the
what with the modern
British nation master in its own house. The people have been rendered conscious that
emas and the wireless.
they are coming into their inheritance. The treasures of the past, the toil of the
on the land ought to
centuries, the long-built-up conceptions of decent government and fair play, the
tolerance which comes from the free working of Parliamentary and electoral institu-
; of war conditions are
tions, and the great Colonial possessions for which we are trustees in every part of the
ssible, and that. as the
globe-all these constitute parts of this inheritance, and the nation must be fitted for
in upon the State will
its responsibilities and high duty.
sion and improvement
Human beings are endowed with infinitely varying qualities and dispositions, and
6762
Speeches of Winston Churchill
each one is different from the others. We cannot make them all the same. It would be
a pretty dull world if we did. It is in our power, however, to secure equal opportunities
for all. The facilities for advanced education must be evened out and multiplied. No
one who can take advantage of a higher education should be denied this chance. You
cannot conduct a modern community except with an adequate supply of persons upon
whose education, whether humane, technical, or scientific, much time and money have
been spent.
There is another element which should never be banished from our system of
education. Here we have freedom of thought as well as freedom of conscience. Here
we have been the pioneers of religious toleration. But side by side with all this has
been the fact that religion has been a rock in the life and character of the British
people upon which they have built their hopes and cast their cares. This fundamental
element must never be taken from our schools, and I rejoice to learn of the enormous
progress that is being made among all religious bodies in freeing themselves from
sectarian jealousies and feuds, while preserving fervently the tenets of their own faith.
The secular schooling of the great mass of our scholars must be progressively
prolonged, and for this we must both improve our schools and train our teachers in
good time. After schooltime ends, we must not throw our youth uncared-for and
unsupervised on to the labour market, with its "blind alley" occupations which start
so fair and often end so foul. We must make plans for part-time release from industry,
so that our young people may have the chance to carry on their general education, and
also to obtain a specialised education which will fit them better for their work.
Under our ancient monarchy, that bulwark of British liberties, that barrier
against dictatorships of all kinds, we intend to move forward in a great family,
preserving the comradeships of the war, free for ever from the class prejudice and
other forms of snobbery from which in modern times we have suffered less than most
other nations, and from which we are now shaking ourselves entirely free. Britain is a
fertile mother, and natural genius springs from the whole people.
We have made great progress, but we must make far greater progress. We must
make sure that the path to the higher functions throughout our society and Empire is
really open to the children of every family. Whether they can tread that path will
depend upon their qualities tested by fair competition. All cannot reach the same
level, but all must have their chance. I look forward to a Britain so big that she will
need to draw her leaders from every type of school and wearing every kind of tie.
Tradition may play its part, but broader systems must now rule.
We have one large immediate task in the replanning and rebuilding of our cities
and towns. This will make a very great call on all our resources in material and labour,
but it is also an immense opportunity, not only for the improvement of our housing,
but for the employment of our people in the years immediately after the war.
In the far-reaching scheme for reorganising the building industry, prepared by
the Minister of Labour and the Minister of Works, will be found another means of
protecting our insurance fund from the drain of unemployment relief. Mr. Bevin is
attacked from time to time, now from one side, now from another. When I think of
the tremendous changes which have been effected under the strain of war in the lives
of the whole people, of both sexes and of every class, with so little friction, and when
I consider the practical absence of strikes in this war compared to what happened in
the last, I think he will be able to take it all right.
Winston Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1943
6763
same. It would be
You will see from what I have said that there is no lack of material for a Four
qual opportunities
Years' Plan for the transition period from war to peace, and for another plan after
nd multiplied. No
that. For the present during the war our rule should be, no promises but every
1 this chance. You
preparation, including where required preliminary legislative preparation.
y of persons upon
Before I conclude I have to strike two notes, one of sober caution and the other
e and money have
of confidence. You shall have the caution first. All our improvements and expansion
must be related to a sound and modernised finance.
om our system of
A friend of mine said the other day in the House of Commons that "pounds,
conscience. Here
shillings, and pence were meaningless symbols." This made me open my eyes. What
e with all this has
then are we to say about the savings of the people? We have just begun a "Wings for
ter of the British
Victory" War Savings campaign, to which all classes have subscribed. Vast numbers of
This fundamental
people have been encouraged to purchase war savings certificates. Income-tax is
n of the enormous
collected from the wage-earners of a certain level and carried to a nest-egg for them at
g themselves from
the end of the war, the Government having the use of the money meanwhile. A
of their own faith.
nest-egg similar in character will be given to the armed forces. Those whose houses
st be progressively
have been destroyed by air raid damage and who have in many cases paid insurance are
in our teachers in
entitled to compensation. All these obligations were contracted in pounds. shillings,
h uncared-for and
and pence.
ations which start
At the end of this war there will be seven or eight million people in the country
ease from industry,
with £200 or £300 apiece, a thing unknown in our history. These savings of the
eral education, and
nation, arising from the thrift, skill, or devotion of individauls, are sacred. The State is
their work.
built around them, and it is the duty of the State to redeem its faith in an equal degree
erties, that barrier
of value. I am not one of those who are wedded to undue rigidity in the management
in a great family,
of the currency system, but this I say: That over a period of 10 or 15 years there
:lass prejudice and
ought to be a fair, steady continuity of values if there is to be any faith between man
ered less than most
and man or between the individual and the State. We have successfully stabilised prices
ely free. Britain is a
during the war. We intend to continue this policy after the war to the utmost of our
ability.
progress. We must
This brings me to the subject of the burden and incidence of taxation. Direct
ciety and Empire is
taxation on all classes stands at unprecedented and sterilising levels. Besides this there
read that path will
is indirect taxation raised to a remarkable height.
ot reach the same
In war-time our people are willing and even proud to pay all these taxes. But
SO big that she will
such conditions could not continue in peace. We must expect taxation after the war to
g every kind of tie.
be heavier than it was before the war. but we do not intend to shape our plans or levy
taxation in a way which, by removing personal incentive, would destroy initiative and
uilding of our cities
enterprise.
naterial and labour,
If you take any single year of peace and take a slice through the industry and
ent of our housing,
enterprise of the nation-see how important is the spirit of enterprise and ingenuity-
er the war.
you will find work which is being done at the moment, work that is being planned for
lustry, prepared by
the next year, and projects for the third, fourth, and even the fifth year ahead which
1 another means of
are all maturing. War cuts down all this forward planning, and everything is subor-
relief. Mr. Bevin is
dinated to the struggle for national existence. Thus, when peace came suddenly, as it
er. When I think of
did last time, there were no long carefully prepared plans for the future. That was one
n of war in the lives
of the main reasons why at the end of the last war, after a momentary recovery, we
: friction. and when
fell into a dreadful trough of unemployment. We must not be caught-again that way.
) what happened in
It is therefore necessary to make sure that we have projects for the future
employment of the people and the forward movement of our industries carefully
6764
Speeches of Winston Churchill
foreseen, and, secondly, that private enterprise and State enterprise are both able to
play their parts to the utmost.
A number of measures are being and will be prepared which will enable the
Government to exercise a balancing influence upon development which can be turned
on or off as circumstances require. There is a broadening field for State ownership and
enterprise, especially in relation to monopolies of all kinds. The modern State will
increasingly concern itself with the economic well-being of the nation, but it is all the
more vital to revive at the earliest moment a widespread healthy and vigorous private
enterprise without which we shall never be able to provide, in the years when it is
needed, the employment for our soldiers, sailors, and airmen to which they are
entitled after their duty has been done.
In this brief survey I have tried to set before you both hopes and fears: I have
given both caution and encouragement. But if I have to strike a balance, as I must do
before the end, let me proclaim myself a faithful follower of the larger hope. I will
proceed to back this hope with some solid facts. Anyone can see the difficulties of
placing our exports profitably in a world so filled with ruined countries. Foreign trade
to be of value must be fertile. There is no use in doing business at a loss. Nevertheless I
am advised that in view of the general state of the world after the defeat of Hitler.
there will be considerable opportunities for re-establishing our exports. Immediately
after the war there will be an intense demand, both for home and export, for what are
called consumable goods, such as clothes, furniture, and textiles.
I have spoken of the immense building programme, and we all know the stimulus
which that is to a large number of trades, including the electrical and metal industries.
We have learnt much about production under the stress of war. Our methods have
vastly improved. The lay-out of our factories presents an entirely new and novel
picture to the eye. Mass production has been forced upon us. The electrification of
industry has been increased 50 per cent. There are some significant new industries
offering scope for the inventiveness and vigour which made this country great. When
the fetters of wartime are struck off and we turn free hands to the industrial tasks of
peace, we may be astonished at the progress in efficiency we shall suddenly find
displayed. I can only mention a few instances of fields of activity.
The ceaseless improvements in wireless and the wonders of radio-location.
applied to the arts of peace, will employ the radio industry. Striking advances are open
for both gas and electricity as the servants of industry, agriculture, and the cottage
home. There is civil aviation. There is forestry. There is transportation in all its forms.
We were the earliest in the world with railways; we must bring them up to date in
every respect. Here, in these few examples, are gigantic opportunities which, if used,
will in turn increase our power to serve other countries with the goods they want.
Our own effort must be supported by international arrangements and agree-
ments more neighbourlike and more sensible than before. We must strive to secure our
fair share of an augmented world trade. Our fortunes will be greatly influenced by the
policies of the United States and the British Dominions, and we are doing our utmost
to keep in ever closer contact with them. We have lately put before them and our
other friends and allies some tentative suggestions for the future management of the
exchanges and of international currency, which will shortly be published. But this is a
first instalment only.
ches of Winston Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1943
6765
terprise are both able to
I have heard a great deal on both sides of these questions during the forty years I
have served in the House of Commons and the twenty years or more I have served in
d which will enable the
Cabinets. I have tried to learn from events, and also from my own mistakes, and I will
ent which can be turned
tell you my solemn belief, which is that if we act with comradeship and loyalty to our
for State ownership and
country and to one another, and if we can make State enterprise and free enterprise
The modern State will
both serve national interests and pull the national wagon side by side, then there is no
te nation, but it is all the
need for us to run into that horrible, devastating slump or into that squalid epoch of
thy and vigorous private
bickering and confusion which mocked and squandered the hard-won victory we
in the years when it is
gained a quarter of a century ago.
nen to which they are
I end where I began. Let us get back to our job. I must warn every one who
hears me of a certain, shall I say, unseemliness and also of a danger of its appearing to
hopes and fears: I have
the world that we here in Britain are diverting our attention to peace, which is still
e a balance, as I must do
remote, and to the fruits of victory, which have yet to be won, while our Russian allies
f the larger hope. I will
are fighting for dear life and dearer honour in the dire, deadly, daily struggle against all
in see the difficulties of
the might of the German military machine, and while our thoughts should be with our
countries. Foreign trade
armies and with our American and French comrades now engaged in decisive battle in
at a loss. Nevertheless I
Tunisia. I have just received a message from General Montgomery that the Eighth
ter the defeat of Hitler,
Army are on the move and that he is satisfied with their progress.
If exports. Immediately
Let us wish them Godspeed in their struggle, and let us bend all our efforts to
and export, for what are
the war and to the ever more vigorous prosecution of our supreme task.
S.
ve all know the stimulus
cal and metal industries.
TUNISIAN CAMPAIGN
war. Our methods have
March 24, 1943
entirely new and novel
i. The electrification of
House of Commons
nificant new industries
is country great. When
0 the industrial tasks of
It is my duty to let the House and the country know that this great battle now
we shall suddenly find
proceeding in Tunisia has by no means reached its climax, and that very much hard
fighting now lies before the British and the United States Forces. The latest informa-
y.
tion from the Mareth Front-later, that is, than that published in this morning's
ders of radio-location.
newspapers-shows that the Germans, by counter-attacks. have regained the greater
king advances are open
part of the bridgehead which had been stormed. and that their main line of defence in
ulture, and the cottage
that quarter is largely restored. I take occasion to make that statement, as I do not
ortation in all its forms.
wish hopes of an easy decision to be encouraged. On the other hand. I have good
ng them up to date in
confidence in the final result.
unities which, if used.
goods they want.
TUNISIAN OPERATIONS
rangements and agree-
ust strive to secure our
March 30, 1943
eatly influenced by the
House of Commons
e are doing our utmost
before them and our
re management of the
Since I informed the House last week of the check sustained on the Mareth
published. But this is a
front, the situation has turned very much in our favour. General Montgomery's
decision to throw his weight on to the turning movement instead of persisting in the
inston Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1945
7241
r more to wield
re-echoed, not only by future generations in this Island and in the Empire and
d a man receive
Commonwealth ranged about it, but that our men and their deeds will be respected
al Eisenhower. I
wherever the cause of freedom is held in honour throughout the world.
respect.
ved, not merely
olution follows
vards. But now,
"THE VOICE OF YOUTH"
ime. In the last
October 31, 1945
Sturdee, Rear
ere all thanked
Harrow School
and convincing
I Allenby, Lord
[Extract]
As a youth, I always wanted to play the kettledrum, and when
yng, Sir Henry
that could not be arranged I thought I would like to be leader of the school orchestra.
od, Sir Maurice
That could not be arranged either, but eventually, and after a great deal of persever-
nts.
ance I rose to be the conductor of quite a considerable band. It was a very large band
my Atkins get?
and played very strange and formidable instruments. The roar and thunder of its music
resounded throughout the world. We played all sorts of tunes, and we finished up the
man shows his
concert with "Rule, Britannia!" and "God save the King."
(Cheers.)
This is a time when the voice of youth will be welcomed in the world. We have
that the right
come out of this struggle in many ways impoverished and with many burdens and the
e Motion?
future is by no means clear. Always remember you are citizens of a country which
n. Gentleman,
holds its own in the very foremost ranks of the nations of the world and is entitled to
receive from all of them a tribute of respect, because it was on our country that the
S I was saying,
whole brunt of the burden fell for more than a year of saving civilization and the
a similar set of
world. We did not flinch, we did not fail.
:ry great credit
Atkins" would
ere is no set of
know that this
THE ANGLO-AMERICAN ALLIANCE
$ who have led
November 7, 1945
racts from the
House of Commons
e expressed in
S the less."] -
0,000,000 or
The departure of the Prime Minister for the United States in all the present
e served with
circumstances is so important, that we thought it right there should be a Debate in this
air bombard-
House beforehand. Although we are divided in domestic affairs by a considerable and
fulness. If we
widening gulf, we earnestly desire that in our foreign relations we shall still speak as
surmounting
the great united British nation, the British Commonwealth and Empire, which strove
this war have
through all the perils and havoc of the war, unconquered and unconquerable. It is our
ory would, as
wish, on this side of the House, so far as we can give effect to it, and as long as we can
give effect to it, that the Prime Minister shall represent abroad, not only the Socialist
nd wanting in
majority in the present, and we trust, transient House of Commons, but all parties in
Commons to
the State. What I am anxious to submit to the House this afternoon has no other
hanks will be
object than that.
7242
Speeches of Winston Churchill
From the conversations I have had with the Prime Minister and the Foreign
Secretary, I have formed the opinion that His Majesty's Government would think it
inopportune today for our Debate to range over the whole European scene, or to
deviate either into the tangled problems of particular European countries, or into the
troubles of the Middle East, for example, Greece, Syria, Palestine, Egypt. It would
seem wise to concentrate, therefore, as much as possible, on the eve of a mission of
this character, upon the supreme matter of our relations with the United States, and,
in particular, as it seems to me, upon the momentous declaration to the world made
by President Truman in his Navy Day address in New York on Saturday, 27th
October.
It would not, however, be possible to speak on this subject of the United States
without referring to the other great partner in our victory over the terrible foe. To
proceed otherwise would be to derange the balance which must always be preserved, if
the harmony and poise of world affairs is to be maintained. I must, therefore, begin by
expressing what I am sure is in everybody's heart, namely, the deep sense of gratitude
we owe to the noble Russian people and valiant Soviet Armies, who, when they were
attacked by Hitler, poured out their blood and suffered immeasurable torments until
absolute victory was gained. Therefore, I say that it is the profound desire of this
House-and the House speaks in the name of the British nation-that these feelings of
comradeship and friendship, which have developed between the British and Russian
peoples, should be not only preserved but rapidly expanded. Here I wish to say how
glad we all are to know and feel that Generalissimo Stalin is still strongly holding the
helm and steering his tremendous ship. Personally, I cannot feel anything but the most
lively admiration for this truly great man, the father of his country, the ruler of its
destinies in times of peace, and the victorious defender of its life in time of war.
Even if as, alas, is possible-or not impossible-we should develop strong differ-
ences on many aspects of policy, political, social, even, as we think, moral, with the
Soviet Government, no state of mind must be allowed to occur in this country which
ruptures or withers those great associations between our two peoples which were our
glory and our safety, in the late frightful convulsion. I am already trespassing a little
beyond those limits within which I have agreed with the Government it would be
useful that this Debate should lie, but I feel it necessary to pay this tribute to Soviet
Russia with all her tragic load of suffering, all her awful losses and devastation, all her
grand, simple, enduring effort. Any idea of Britain pursuing an anti-Russian policy, or
making elaborate combinations to the detriment of Russia, is utterly opposed to
British thought and conscience. Nothing but a long period of very marked injuries and
antagonisms, which we all hope may be averted, could develop any such mood again in
this land.
I must tell the House, speaking with my own knowledge, that the world outlook
is, in several respects, today less promising than it seemed after the German capitula-
tion of 1918, or after the Treaty of Versailles in 1919. I remember well the period
immediately after the last war, when I was a Minister in high office and very close to
the Prime Minister of the day. Then. there were much higher hopes of the world's
future than there are now. Many things. no doubt. have been done better this time,
though we have not yet felt the effects of them. but certainly there is today none of
ton Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1945
7243
the Foreign
that confidence among men that they or their children will never see another world
ould think it
war, which there undoubtedly was in 1919. In 1919 there was the same sense of hope
scene, or to
and belief as there is now that we were moving into a new world and that easements
S, or into the
and ameliorations awaited the masses of our people. But added to that, there was the
ypt. It would
buoyant and comforting conviction that all the wars were ended. Personally, I did not
a mission of
share that conviction even at that enthusiastic moment, but one felt it all round one in
d States, and,
a degree that is lacking today.
: world made
It is our first duty to supply the solid grounds on which this hope may arise
turday, 27th
again and live. I think the speech of the President of the United States on 27th
October is the dominant factor in the present world situation. This was the speech of
United States
the head of a State and nation, which has proved its ability to maintain armies of
rrible foe. To
millions, in constant victorious battle in both hemispheres at the same time. If I read
: preserved, if
him and understand him correctly, President Truman said, in effect, that the United
ore, begin by
States would maintain its vast military power and potentialities, and would join with
e of gratitude
any like-minded nations, not only to resist but to prevent aggression, no matter from
en they were
what quarter it came, or in what form it presented itself. Further, he made it plain that
orments until
in regions which have come under the control of the Allies, unfair tyrannical Govern-
desire of this
ments not in accordance with the broad principles of democracy as we understand
ese feelings of
them would not receive recognition from the Government of the United States.
1 and Russian
Finally, he made it clear that the United States must prepare to abandon old-fashioned
h to say how
isolation and accept the duty of joining with other friendly and well-disposed nations.
ly holding the
to prevent war, and to carry out those high purposes, if necessary, by the use of force
but the most
carried to its extreme limits.
ne ruler of its
It is, of course, true that all these propositions and purposes have been set forth
of war.
in the Declaration of the United Nations at San Francisco in May. None the less, this
strong differ-
reaffirmation by the President of the United States on 27th October is of transcendent
oral, with the
importance. If such a statement had been made in the Summer of 1914, the Kaiser
would never have launched an aggressive war over a Balkan incident. All would have
country which
hich were our
come to a great parley, between the most powerful Governments of those days. In the
face of such a declaration, the world war of 1914 would not have occurred. Such a
bassing a little
t it would be
declaration in 1919 would have led to a real Treaty of Peace and a real armed League
bute to Soviet
of Nations. Such a declaration at any time between the two wars would have
station, all her
prevented the second. It would have made the League of Nations, or a world League
sian policy, or
strong enough to prevent that re-arming of Germany, which has led all of us through
so much tribulation and danger, and Germany herself to punishment and ruin which
y opposed to
ed injuries and
may well shock the soul of man. Therefore, I feel it is our duty to-day, in the most
definite manner, to welcome and salute the noble declaration made by the President of
mood again in
the United States and to make it plain that upon the principles set forth in the 12
world outlook
Articles, which follow so closely upon those of the Atlantic Charter, we stand by the
United States with a conviction which overrides all other considerations. I cannot
rman capitula-
ell the period
bring myself to visualise, in its frightful character, another world war, but none of us
i very close to
knows what would happen if such a thing occurred. It is a sombre thought that, so
of the world's
long as the new world organisation is so loosely formed, such possibilities and their
tter this time,
consequences are practically beyond human control.
today none of
There is a general opinion which I have noticed, that it would be a serious
7244
Speeches of Winston Churchill
disaster if the particular minor planet which we inhabit blew itself to pieces, or if all
human life were extinguished upon its surface, apart, that is to say, from fierce beings,
armed with obsolescent firearms, dwelling in the caverns of the Stone Age. There is a
general feeling that that would be a regrettable event. Perhaps, however, we flatter
ourselves. Perhaps we are biased but everyone realises how far scientific knowledge has
outstripped human virtue. We all hope that men are better, wiser, more merciful than
they were 10,000 years ago. There is certainly a great atmosphere of comprehension.
There is a growing factor which one may call world public opinion, most powerful,
most persuasive, most valuable. We understand our unhappy lot, even if we have no
power to control it.
Those same deep, uncontrollable anxieties which some of us felt in the years
before the war recur, but we have also a hope that we had not got then. That hope is
the strength and resolve of the United States to play a leading part in world affairs.
There is this mighty State and nation, which offers power and sacrifice in order to
bring mankind out of the dark valley through which we have been travelling. The
valley is indeed dark, and the dangers most menacing, but we know that not so far
away are the broad uplands of assured peace. Can we reach them? We must reach
them. This is our sole duty.
I am sure we should now make it clear to the United States that we will march at
their side in the cause that President Truman has devised, that we add our strength to
their strength, and that their stern sober effort shall be matched by our own. After all,
if everything else fails-which we must not assume-here is the best chance of survival.
Personally, I feel that it is more than survival. It may even be safety, and, with safety,
a vast expansion of prosperity. Having regard to all these facts of which many of us
here are aware at the present time, we may confidently believe that with the British
Empire and Commonwealth standing at the side of the United States, we shall together
be strong enough to prevent another world catastrophe. As long as our peoples act in
absolute faith and honour to each other, and to all other nations, they need fear none
and they need fear nothing. The British and American peoples come together natural-
ly, and without the need of policy or design. That is because they speak the same
language, were brought up on the same common law, and have similar institutions and
an equal love of individual liberty. There is often no need for policy or statecraft to
make British and Americans agree together at an international council table. They can
hardly help agreeing on three out of four things. They look at things the same way. No
policies, no pacts, no secret understandings are needed between them. On many of the
main issues affecting our conduct and our existence, the English-speaking peoples of
the world are in general agreement.
It would be a mistake to suppose that increasingly close and friendly relations
between Great Britain and the United States, imply an adverse outlook towards any
other Power. Our friendship may be special, but it is not exclusive. On the contrary,
every problem dealing with other Powers is simplified by Anglo-American agreement
and harmony. That is a fact which I do not think the Foreign Secretary, or any one
who took part in the recent Conference. would doubt. It is not as if it were necessary
to work out some arrangement between British and Americans at a conference. In
nearly every case where there is not some special difficulty between them. they take
nston Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1945
7245
pieces, or if all
the same view of the same set of circumstances, and the fact that that is so, makes it
m fierce beings,
all the more hopeful that other Powers gathered at the Conference will be drawn into
Age. There is a
the circle of agreement which must precede action.
ever, we flatter
It is on this basis I come-and I do not want to detain the House very long-to
knowledge has
the atomic bomb. According to our present understanding with the United States,
e merciful than
neither country is entitled to disclose its secrets to a third country without the
comprehension.
approval of the other. A great deal has already been disclosed by the United States in
most powerful,
agreement with us. An elaborate document giving an immense amount of information
if we have no
on the scientific and theoretical aspects was published by the Americans several weeks
ago. A great deal of information is also common property all over the world. We are
elt in the years
told by those who advocate immediate public disclosure, that the Soviet Government
n. That hope is
are already possessed of the scientific knowledge, and that they will be able to make
I world affairs.
atomic bombs in a very short time. This, I may point out, is somewhat inconsistent
ice in order to
with the argument that they have a grievance, and also with the argument, for what it
travelling. The
is worth, that we and the United States have at this moment any great gift to bestow,
that not so far
such as would induce a complete melting of hearts and create some entirely new
Ve must reach
relationship.
What the United States do not wish to disclose is the practical production
e will march at
method which they have developed, at enormous expense and on a gigantic scale. This
our strength to
would not be an affair of scientists or diplomatists handing over envelopes containing
own. After all,
formulæ. If effective, any such disclosure would have to take the form of a consider-
nce of survival.
able number of Soviet specialists, engineers and scientists visiting the United States
d. with safety,
arsenals, for that is what the manufacturing centres of the atomic bomb really are.
ch many of us
They would have to visit them, and they would have to dwell there amid the plant, so
ith the British
that it could all be explained to them at length and at leisure. These specialists would
shall together
then return to their own country, carrying with them the blueprints and all the
peoples act in
information which they had obtained, together, no doubt, with any further improve-
need fear none
ments which might have occurred to them. I trust that we are not going to put
gether natural-
pressure on the United States to adopt such a course. I am sure that if the circum-
peak the same
stances were reversed, and we or the Americans asked for similar access to the Russian
stitutions and
arsenals, it would not be granted. During the war we imparted many secrets to the
r statecraft to
Russians, especially in connection with Radar, but we were not conscious of any
able. They can
adequate reciprocity. Even in the heat of the war both countries acted under consider-
same way. No
able reserve.
n many of the
Therefore, I hope that Great Britain, Canada and the United States will adhere
ng peoples of
to the policy proclaimed by President Truman, and will treat their knowledge and
processes as a sacred trust to be guarded for the benefit of all nations and as a
ndly relations
deterrent against aggressive war. I myself, as a British subject, cannot feel the slightest
: towards any
anxiety that these great powers should at the present moment be in the hands of the
the contrary,
United States. I am sure they will not use them in any aggressive sense, or in the
an agreement
indulgence of territorial or commercial appetites. They, like Great Britain, have no
y, or any one
need or desire for territorial gains. To my mind, it is a matter for rejoicing-[Interrup-
vere necessary
tion. 1 Is this an argument or a duet?
onference. In
Mr. Logan (Liverpool, Scotland): I said that if the bomb went off there would
m, they take
be no working class.
7246
Speeches of Winston Churchill
Mr. Churchill: I am not sufficiently familiar with the vernacular to follow the
exact purpose and intensity of that joke. I am sure they will not use those powers in
any aggressive way. Like Great Britain, they have no need for territorial gain.
Personally, I feel it must be in most men's minds here today that it is a matter for
rejoicing that these powers of manufacture are in such good hands. The possession of
these powers will help the United States and our Allies to build up the structure of
world security. It may be the necessary lever which is required to build up that great
structure of world security.
How long, we may ask, is it likely that this advantage will rest with the United
States? In the Debate on the Address I hazarded the estimate that it would be three or
four years. According to the best information I have been able to obtain, I see no
reason to alter that estimate, and certainly none to diminish it, but even when that
period is over, whatever it may prove to be, the progress made by the United States'
scientists and, I trust, by our own, both in experiment and manufacture, may well
leave us and them with the prime power and responsibility for the use of these dire
superhuman weapons. I also agree with President Truman when he says that those who
argue that, because of the atomic bomb, there is no need for armies, navies and air
forces, are at present 100 per cent. wrong. I should be glad to hear, in whatever terms
His Majesty's Ministers care to express themselves, that this is also the view of His
Majesty's Government.
I cannot leave this subject without referring to another aspect which is forced
upon me by speeches made in a recent Debate on the Adjournment. It was said that
unless all knowledge of atomic energy, whether of theory or production, were shared
among all the nations of the world, some of the British and American scientists would
act independently, by which, I suppose, is meant that they would betray to foreign
countries whatever secrets remained. In that case, I hope the law would be used against
those men with the utmost rigour. Whatever may be decided on these matters should
surely be decided by Parliaments and responsible Governments, and not by scientists,
however eminent and however ardent they may be. Mr. Gladstone said that expert
knowledge is limited knowledge. On many occasions in the past we have seen attempts
to rule the world by experts of one kind and another. There have been theocratic
Governments, military Governments and aristocratic Governments. It is now suggested
that we should have scientistic-not scientific-Governments. It is the duty of scien-
tists, like all other people, to serve the State and not to rule it because they are
scientists. If they want to rule the State they must get elected to Parliament or win
distinction in the Upper House and so gain access to some of the various administra-
tions which are formed from time to time. Most people in the English-speaking world
will, I believe, think it much better that great decisions should rest with Governments
lawfully elected on democratic lines. I associate myself with the majority in that
opinion.
The hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for the King's Norton Division of
Birmingham (Captain Blackburn) showed the other night that some breach of trust
had already occurred, when he referred to the secret agreement signed by President
Roosevelt and myself at Quebec in 1943, and endeavoured to give some account of it.
Let me say that, so far as I am concerned, I have no objection to the publication of
I Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1945
7247
follow the
any document or any agreement which I have signed on this subject with the late
powers in
President. Surely, however, this is a matter for both the British and United States
orial gain.
Governments to settle together in full agreement. Neither of them has the right to
matter for
publish without the consent of the other, and it would be very wrong for anyone to
ssession of
try to force their hands or press them unduly.
ructure of
Captain Blackburn (Birmingham, King's Norton): May I point out that I did
that great
not make the suggestion that I knew of any secret agreement or that a leakage had
occurred? I said that it was apparent from the Smyth Report, to which the right hon.
the United
Gentleman has referred, and from the White Paper and other circumstances, that some
be three or
such agreement must, in fact, have been entered into.
n, I see no
Mr. Churchill: I took great pains to read carefully what the hon. and gallant
when that
Gentleman said in his very eloquent and able speech, and I think the references which
ited States'
I have made today, and which also were carefully considered, will be found appropri-
may well
ate and not unjust. I am not making any attack. I only say that it occurred to me to be
these dire
quite clear from what he said that there has been somewhere a breach of confidence,
those who
which he published and brought to the notice of the House in the exercise of his
vies and air
responsibilities as a Member of Parliament. This, of course, was immediately tele-
tever terms
graphed to the United States, and at the Press Conference the next day President
view of His
Truman was questioned about it. A truncated report appeared in some of the
newspapers here, with the answers which he gave, but not setting forth the exact
ch is forced
question which elicited the answer. I have taken pains to verify the actual text of the
as said that
answers which President Truman gave at his Press Conference on 3 1st October. He was
were shared
asked by correspondents the following question:
itists would
to foreign
Mr. President, it was said in the House of Commons yesterday that
used against
President Roosevelt and former Prime Minister Churchill reached a secret
tters should
agreement at Quebec on the peacetime use of the atom bomb. Do you-
y scientists.
that expert
The President interposed:
en attempts
I do not think that is true.
a theocratic
W suggested
Those were the exact words, where he interposed.
ity of scien-
se they are
As nearly as I can find out, on the atom energy release programme,
nent or win
Great Britain, Canada and the United States are in equal partnership on its
administra-
development, and Mr. Attlee is coming over here to discuss that phase of
aking world
the situation with the President of the United States.
Governments
Question: Well, Mr. President, are these three countries in equal posses-
rity in that
sion of the knowledge of how we produce the bomb?
The President: They are.
1 Division of
Question: Great Britain knows as much about how we produced that as
ach of trust
we do?
by President
The President: They do.
ccount of it.
iblication of
It seems to me that that is a satisfactory statement of the whole position, and it
7248
Speeches of Winston Churchill
affords an exceedingly good basis upon which the Prime Minister may begin any
discussion he may wish to have with the President. Subject to anything that the
Foreign Secretary may say, I strongly advise the House for the present to leave the
question where it now lies.
May I in conclusion submit to the House a few simple points which, it seems to
me, should gain their approval? First, we should fortify in every way our special and
friendly connections with the United States, aiming always at a fraternal association
for the purpose of common protection and world peace. Secondly, this association
should in no way have a point against any other country, great or small, in the world,
but should, on the contrary, be used to draw the leading victorious Powers ever more
closely together on equal terms and in all good faith and good will. Thirdly, we should
not abandon our special relationship with the United States and Canada about the
atomic bomb, and we should aid the United States to guard this weapon as a sacred
trust for the maintenance of peace. Fourthly, we should seek constantly to promote
and strengthen the world organisation of the United Nations, so that, in due course, it
may eventually be fitted to become the safe and trusted repository of these great
agents. Fifthly, and this, I take it, is already agreed, we should make atomic bombs,
and have them here, even if manufactured elsewhere, in suitable safe storage with the
least possible delay. Finally, let me say on behalf of the whole House that we wish the
Prime Minister the utmost success in his forthcoming highly important visit to
Washington.
A NEW EUROPE
November 12, 1945
French Institute, Paris
[Extract]
Everywhere I have been I have received proof of affection and
hospitality that have profoundly touched me.
I can recall that a year ago I witnessed Paris in the joy of liberation.
After the terrible tests we have passed through we cannot expect everything to
be settled immediately. But from what I have seen I feel that I can congratulate France
on the progress made.
My hope. as you know, is that a new and happier Europe may one day raise its
glory from the ruins we now see about us. And in this noble effort the genius, the
culture and especially the power of France should play its true and incontestable role.
eeches of Winston Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1950
8051
or a Secret Session in order
faithful discharge of our national duty by everyone of us laying aside all impediments
the state of our defences at
will give the Conservative Party a chance of rendering true service to Britain, its
d. But I hold that Members
Empire and the world. In this there lies before us an opportunity such as the centuries
ituencies for making them-
do not often bring.
le lives and safety of those
ority are content to remain
vote down any proposal to
among ourselves in Parlia-
THE UNITED NATIONS AND PEACE
resentatives of the people.
redecessors before the war
THROUGH STRENGTH
Parliament is more unin-
July 20, 1950
Ve do not want to be told
nd truly where we are and
Bath
n Secret Session anything
eady know. But Members
[Extract]
It is very hard on the great nations of the western world after their
of responsibility for their
efforts and triumph in the last war to find, when only five years have passed, dark
free discussion within the
shadows hanging over the progress of mankind, great obstacles barring their onward
is.
march, the United Nations divided, rent, and harassed in its work, but still
Session. The disclosure of
vilege, and this has always
courageously performing its task.
I do not think myself that there is a greater war imminent. But I am sure of this,
e General Election we got
that if there were any weakness or division in the English-speaking world, if it were not
heir fellow-travellers; and I
for the great and courageous championship of the cause of freedom by the mighty
1 what His Majesty's Gov-
United States, if outside the iron curtain there were not strong and loyal supporters of
ell the Russians what they
the maintenance of peace, then there could be no limit to the miseries which the
ower to raise these matters
whole world would have to undergo. I greatly welcome the action of the United States
be forced upon us by our
and I am sure they will find in our island and the array of Commonwealths and States
arliament were to disperse
gathered round it real allies and faithful friends.
ceiving from the Ministers
If we are to save mankind from a renewal of the horrors SO needlessly inflicted
rope, and indeed our own
n Communist onslaught. I
uponit in the past, if we could ward off this great danger, it would be by seeking peace
through strength. This is the intention of all the Governments concerned. It is our
h things were at least as
duty here in this country to do everything in our power to increase the strength of the
United Nations, and with the full authority of the greatest international policy yet
ng all the Western Democ-
created, determine to stand foursquare against all the winds that blow.
and unspeakable miseries
ade on the highest level to
the facts which confront
h I expressed to you five
the two worlds, if not in
EUROPEAN UNITY AND THE COLD WAR
he cold war. But of this I
th of the Western Democ-
July 21, 1950
e causes for which they
Albert Hall, London
1 wisdom and power may
being understood by the
[Extract]
We are sure that the new Germany can make a fruitful, powerful,
ieve, moreover, that the
and constructive contribution to the new Europe that we shall build together.