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Joint Session of Congress 3/6/91 [OA 6856] [3]
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Joint Session of Congress 3/6/91 [OA 6856] [3]
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Speech Backup Chronological Files
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S
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MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
Library Staff.
Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting, White House Office of
Series:
Speech File Backup Files
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Chron File, 1989-1993
OA/ID Number:
13748
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13748-012
Folder Title:
Joint Session of Congress 3/6/91 [OA 6856] [3]
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1
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Sample
January 1, 1991
SAMPLE
President George Bush
Due PJL monday
White House
Washington, D. C.
29
BWH
Dear President Bush,
In May, 1989 our son, David and all of our family
were proud when Dave graduated from the United
States Military Academy at West Point. Our other
son, Dan was especially proud of his brother as
Dan was a 1984 graduate of West Point and ten
months into his army career he had to lose out
on his military service goals due to the effects
of a severe closed head trauma injury.
Dave has been serving in Saudi Arabia since early
September, 1990 as a Platoon 2LT with the 101st
Airborne Division. He is proud to be serving
his country. Recently, at Christmas Dave sent to
us a Christmas card with a written note on the
back of the card. It was a wonderful gift for us.
It was heart-warming for his Mom as Helen has beer
battling two forms of cancer for several years.
There are times when we read or hear of letters tc
the editor, etc. that are critical of our presence
in Saudi Arabia and in some instances, negative
opinions from armed forces members. We wanted
to share with you a copy of Dave's note to us
because we know that his thoughts represent the
thoughts of more than the majority of our armed
forces.
All of us in our family, the both of us and Debbie
Dan, David and Kathy support you 100% in the job
you are doing relative to the Mid-East crisis and
in your presidency. God bless you and your family
and God bless America.
Sincerely,
I Helen Briath
Bill & Helen Priatko
1nt Dad,
Just before I started to write this card I realized
that this will be my first Christmas away from home. To the
best of my knowledge, this will be the First time that our whole
family hasn't been together for the holidays. There 15 always
a first time for everything and we all knew that one ofus
wald eventually be away for the holidays. I miss all of you
and wish I could be home to share theyay of Christmas. But
I realize that there is mere imper tant business at hand right
now, that must be tended to. I am thankful that I can be
here to serve my country. If I were given the option to
came home for Christmas, Inald refuse it ands stay until
the job is done. I have no regrets for taking the carse in life
that has led here to the desert, regardless of the atcome.
As parents, you have instilled values within me that have
helped me to stands strong in the face of adversi and stand
up for who his right. I Feel of peace despite
the unfaverable situation and uncertainty concerning the
Future. I attribute than AMERICAN peace GREETINGS to my farth in Jesus Christ
knowing that he can overcome death and has promised us life
eternal. As I look at the men I work with. I can net help
feeling sorry for them. Most do not have a Christian Foundation
and their attack on life is dr fferent. They lookat the future
with a sense of fear because their lives are focused on
earthly things. As I see these things, I thank God for
having parents like you who taught ME what is really
importantin life. Thank you Mamand Dad for always being
there andrisking your popularity by disciplining
51022
us to teach us to do the harder right. May you
have a blessed Christmas and a prosperous
New Year.
LOVE,
0 181541" 4
Dame
250X 1810-1D
+
C'AMERICAN GREETINGS CORP
MADE INUSA
ITE HOUSE
HINGTON
Dear Mr. and Mrs. Priatko:
Thank you for your heartfelt message about the
conflict in the Persian Gulf and for enclosing a
copy of the letter from your son. I was deeply
moved by his strong feelings about duty, justice,
and faith. I know you are worried about David, and
my heart goes out to you during this stressful
time.
I am grateful that our courageous troops face
this historic challenge knowing that they have
the support of millions of people around the world
and that we are all tremendously proud of the job
they are doing. Rest assured that our troops have
maximum support and protection and that we will
bring them home as soon as possible.
I appreciate your encouraging thoughts and share
your pride in David and in his fellow soldiers.
Barbara and I are praying for you and for your
family. God bless you.
Sincerely,
Mr. and Mrs. Bill Priatko
12378 Longview Drive
North Huntingdon, Pennsylvania 15642
Jan 19, 1991
DEAR President Bush;
On JAN 16 I watched And
Listened To your Address to ThE
nation. I could SEE the obvious
PAin And SAdnESS on your fACE
AS you told America what WE had
feared WAS inevitable for SOME TIME.
I know The Decision to send
our troops into battle must have
weighed hEAVY on your heart.
God bless you for your CourAgE.
My name is Donald Shelton, I
reside in LAFAYETTE, GEORGIA. I
have A 24 year old son who is
A machine qunner with the 82nd
Airborne Division now deployed
in in SAudi Arabia. His name
is Sgt Michael Shelton. HE hAs
bEEn in the persian Gulf since the
first troops Armued. During the
past months AS we corresponded
by mail he informed me several
times that his squad was very much
behind our presence there And
WAS ready to do what hAd to be
done.
Mr. Bush there is nothing more
precious to MG than the life
of my son, I know in The
days AhEAd he MAY bE in grave
peril. But I Also rEAlize what
sacnifices Americans have hAd to
make to KEEP our country free
And strong.
I just Felt compelled to write
this letter of support. In the
days AhEAd I Know you will
have many difficult decisions
to make. PlEASE TAKE comfort
in this dArk hour of history
in knowing that America loves
you And supports you to ThE
fullest.
I will pray Every morning that
God grant you the COUrAgE to
lEAd our Country through this
Crisis And that he will watch OVEr
our troops in this time of Peril.
Donald Sincerely F. Shelton
1304 Fornwood Dr.
LAFAYETTE, Georgia
30728
January 21, 1991
Mr. John S. Grabinski
24324 South 80th Avenue
Frankfort, Illinois 60423
Dear Mr. President,
I am sure that in these troubled times for our Nation, it will be some
time before my correspondence will reach you, providing that it is passed
on through the proper channels, however I felt compelled to write to you
in light of the political and public criticism that must weight heavy on
your fulfilling your responsibilities, and feel that you could use a vote
of confidence.
Our son Todd is one of the many troops participating in Operation
Desert Storm, and his mother and I have not heard from him since the
start of the conflict and refuse to burden the Military phone lines in
trying to learn of his status. I am comforted by his photo which hangs
on the wall over my desk next to a photo of General Schwarzkoph.
We are proud of our son, love him dearly and it would be devestating
to louse him, but Mrs. Grabinski and myself believe in you as the Father
and Head of this Nation in crisis, and can only offer this thought as
a possible comfort for you: Be assured, that if we loose our son the
fault does not rest with you and we will always look upon you as a man
of peace, a leader who exhausted all means to avoid a war, we believe
in you, pray for you and all the men involved in this world crisis
and know that our son is employed by the greatest Nation in the World.
I hope God grants you peace and wisdom in the troubled times ahead.
Maintain the thought that we believe in you and your direction of the
Country. God bless you and the United States.
Sincerely,
Mr. John S. Grabinski
comper
January 11, 1991
FEB
14
FEB 15 Igni
Dear Mr. President
1991
It is a cold and damp Friday afternoon in Columbia, S.C. My
seven-year-old daughter, Margaret, who is very like her father,
is baking cookies and our kitchen is just a little too warm. From
the next room i hear the bips and bleeps of the Nintendo game my
older daughter, Elizabeth, now ten and probably getting braces on
her teeth soon, is playing. I am enjoying my few days of leisure
before i begin the final semester of work towards my master's degree
in teaching mathematics. On this date, i know that you cannot enjoy
any such relaxing pastimes.
For several months past i have read and listened to the well-aired
complaints of some Americans who blame you for the crisis in the
Middle East which has taken son or husband, daughter, sister, or
mother away and who promise to hold you personally responsible if
that loved one does not return. As a military wife of fifteen years,
i have strong, unfavorable opinions of military families who thus
publicly undermine the positions and missions of servicemembers,
but i have known that these families speak out of their pain. I
think that this pain and their real sacrifices entitle them to speak,
even if SO wrongheadedly. It has seemed to me that my support for
you and my wholehearted agreement with the policies of your admini-
stration did not bear the costly stamp of personal hardship and so
must be given less weight.
However, next week my husband, the father of the little girls who
occupy the first paragraph of this letter, will leave his job training
young people to become Navy and Marine Corps officers and will become
a Desert Shield warrior. He is exhilarated by this, the challenge
for which most of his life has been a preparation. I am filled with
pride and love for my best friend and the finest Marine officer i
have known. But being a temporary single parent is a charmless
prospect. Besides, it hurts. So now my family is paying that price
and may pay a price unspeakable higher. And i still say, sir, you
are right. This must be done. It is worth the cost. Thank you
for your tireless, meticulous, and farsighted leadership and for
your adamance in the face of cunning evil. I know that if the
horror must happen, you will ensure that is is over as soon as
possible. Not just my family, but many families are trusting you
with our beloved ones because we believe you have proved yourself
worthy of our trust and will continue to do SO.
God bless you!
Olen Klatt
Ellen Klatt
2512 Bendemeer Drive
Columbia, S.C. 29209
B.L.P.O.T.A.
Ref.
PR1175
F44
WH
Y
THE
SS
BEST LOVED POEMS
;
b
O
of the American People
ai
na
ve
n.
a
Selected by
ch
1 :
HAZEL FELLEMAN
ing
11
r,
dv
ibu
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, ]
and
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The
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harge
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& Company. Inc.. Garden City, New York
PATRIOTISM AND WAR
PATRIOTISM AND WAR
When can their glory fade?
In the cradle of our soldier race,
O the wild charge they made!
After one good stand-up fight.
All the world wonder'd.
My grandfather fell on Vinegar Hill,
Honor the charge they madel
And fighting was not his trade;
Honor the Light Brigade,
But his rusty pike's in the cabin still,
With Hessian blood on the blade."
Noble six hundred!
"Aye, aye," said Kelly, "the pikes were great
ALFRED TENNYSON
When the word was 'clear the way!'
We were thick on the roll in ninety-eight-
Kelly and Burke and Shea."
THE FIGHTING RACE
"Well, here's to the pike and the sword and the like!"
"READ OUT the names!" and Burke sat back,
Said Kelly and Burke and Shea.
And Kelly drooped his head,
And Shea, the scholar, with rising joy,
While Shea-they called him Scholar Jack-
Said, "We were at Ramillies;
Went down the list of the dead.
We left our bones at Fontenoy
Officers, seamen, gunners, marines,
And up in the Pyrenees;
The crews of the gig and yawl,
Before Dunkirk, on Landen's plain,
The bearded man and the lad in his teens,
Cremona, Lille, and Ghent;
Carpenters, coal passers-all.
We're all over Austria, France and Spain,
Then, knocking the ashes from out his pipe,
Wherever they pitched a tent.
Said Burke in an offhand way:
We've died for England from Waterloo
"We're all in that dead man's list, by cripe!
To Egypt and Dargai;
Kelly and Burke and Shea."
And still there's enough for a corps or crew,
"Well, here's to the Maine, and I'm sorry for Spain,"
Kelly and Burke and Shea."
Said Kelly and Burke and Shea.
"Well, here's to good honest fighting blood!"
Said Kelly and Burke and Shea.
"Wherever there's Kellys there's trouble," said Burke.
"Wherever fighting's the game,
"Oh, the fighting races don't die out,
Or a spice of danger in grown man's work,"
If they seldom die in bed,
Said Kelly, "you'll find my name."
For love is first in their hearts, no doubt,"
"And do we fall short," said Burke, getting mad,
Said Burke; then Kelly said:
"When it's touch and go for life?"
"When Michael, the Irish Archangel, stands,
Said Shea, "It's thirty-odd years, bedad,
The Angel with the sword,
Since I charged to drum and fife
And the battle dead from a hundred lands
Up Marye's Heights, and my old canteen
Are ranged in one big horde,
Stopped a rebel ball on its way;
Our line, that for Gabriel's trumpet waits,
There were blossoms of blood on our sprigs of green-
Will stretch three deep that day,
Kelly and Burke and Shea-
From Jehoshaphat to the Golden Gates-
And the dead didn't brag." "Well, here's to the flag!"
Kelly and Burke and Shea."
Said Kelly and Burke and Shea.
"Well, here's thank God for the race and the sod!"
Said Kelly and Burke and Shea.
-
"I wish 'twas in Ireland, for there's the place,"
JOSEPH I. C. CLARKE
Said Burke, "that we'd die by right,
443
442
St. Alban's Catholic Church
Sample
Cathedral Chapel
DESIGNATE
ANGELICAN RITE AGLIPAYAN
P.O. BOX 924944
HOUSTON, TEXAS 77292
(713) 683-6224
CAPITAS
SCIENTIA LIBERTAS
Tuesday - February 5th
ST. AGATHA
Dear Mr. President:
This is my very first experiance at writing to such an
high and esteemed official, so please forgive any gramatical
errors (or) miss-spelling.
I am certain that traditional Anglicans all join in our
complete and total support of our President and our fine
young men and women who serve our cause in the Persian Gulf
crisis.
Please know that our continued prayers (both) for the
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES and for our Armed Forces
shall be said during each celebration of the Holy Eucharist.
This may not be a very "priestly" request, but I would
consider it to be a very personal favor to me
an old
Anglican Priest down here in Houston, Texas
Please, if you can, pass along to the proper military personel
who re-load our aircraft with armed missiles
to
inscribe
(for me) an appropriate message on one of them
perhaps:
"UP YOUR'S, Saddam" would do very nicely
and make it
"from Father Bill".
THANK YOU, Mr. President, for the calling for a National
day of prayer
and God continue to Bless you in all ways.
Very Respectfully
Your Humble Servant in Christ
The Very Reverend Monsignor
William Phompion +
William Champion
P5586
45
WHRC
COMBINED MID-CENTURY EDITION
Modern American Poetry
YAN
Modern British Poetry
Edited by Louis Untermeyer.
11
'HITMAN
HARCOURT, BRACE AND COMPANY, NEW YORK
RUDYARD KIPLING
135
KIPLING
Dun and saffron, robed and splendid,
No rampart withstands 'em,
Broke the solemn, pitying Day,
Their fury will last,
And I knew my pains were ended,
Till the Sign that commands 'em
And I turned and tried to pray;
Sinks low or swings past.
But my speech was shattered wholly,
And I wept as children weep,
Through abysses unproven
Till the dawn-wind, softly, slowly,
And gulfs beyond thought,
Brought to burning eyelids sleep.
Our portion is woven,
Our burden is brought.
Yet They that prepare it,
AN ASTROLOGER'S SONG
Whose Nature we share,
To the Heavens above us
Make us who must bear it
Oh, look and behold
Well able to bear.
The Planets that love us
All harnessed in gold!
Though terrors o'ertake us
What chariots, what-horses
We'll not be afraid.
Against us shall bide
No power can unmake us
While the Stars in their courses
Save that which has made.
vaiting,
Do fight on our side?
Nor yet beyond reason
ties were dumb,
Or hope shall we fall-
stating
All thought, all desires,
All things have their season,
That are under the sun,
And Mercy crowns all!
ory-
Are one with their fires,
d I said-"
As we also are one:
Then doubt not, ye fearful-
lory,
All matter, all spirit,
The Eternal is King-
in my head;
All fashion, all frame,
Up, heart, and be cheerful,
and weeping,
Receive and inherit
And lustily sing:-
Their strength from the same.
What chariots, what horses
S eyes,
eeping
Against us shall bide
m the skies;
(Oh, man that deniest
While the Stars in their courses
All power save.thine.own,
Do fight on our side?
ith wrath,
Their power in the highest
City
Is mightily shown.
ny path.
Not less in the lowest
RECESSIONAL
That power is made clear.
God of our fathers, known of old,
ain
Oh, man, if thou knowest,
Lord of our far-flung battle-line,
g race,
What treasure is here!)
Beneath whose awful hand we hold
rtain
Dominion over palm and pine-
place;
Earth quakes in her throes
Lord God of Hosts, be with us yet,
d maddened
And we wonder for why!
Lest we forget-lest we forget!
fire,
But the blind planet knows
I saddened
When her ruler is nigh;
vire.
And, attuned since Creation
The tumult and the shouting dies;
To perfect accord,
The captains and the kings depart:
She thrills in her station
Still stands Thine ancient sacrifice,
And yearns to her Lord.
An humble and a contrite heart.
less,
Lord God of Hosts, be with us yet,
1 afar;
The waters have risen,
Lest we forget-lest we forget!
I eyed me,
The springs are unbound—
id,
The floods break their prison,
Far-called, our navies melt away;
hide me,
And ravin around.
On dune and headland sinks the fire:
Things Made.
136
RUDYARD KIPLING
RUDYARD KIP
Lo, all our pomp of yesterday
Lord God of Hosts, be with us yet,
There we
Is one with Nineveh and Tyre!
Lest we forget-lest we forget!
And they
Judge of the Nations, spare us yet,
When they le
Lest we forget-lest we forget!
For heathen heart that puts her trust
In reeking tube and iron shard,
Loud sang the S
If, drunk with sight of power, we loose
All valiant dust that builds on dust,
Plucking at t.
Wild tongues that have not Thee in awe,
Such boastings as the Gentiles use,
And, guarding, calls not Thee to guard,
"Our thu
For frantic boast and foolish word-
And the
Or lesser breeds without the Law-
Thy Mercy on Thy People, Lord!
May we lift a
Then said the
THE LAST CHANTEY
Fettered wris
"And there was no more sea"
"Ho, we
O'er the
Thus said the Lord in the Vault above the Cherubim,
Calling to the Angels and the Souls in their degree:
Heave or sin!
"Lo! Earth has passed away
On the smoke of Judgment Day.
Up spake the S
That Our word may be established shall We gather up the sea?"
(He that led
"Oh, the
And the
Loud sang the souls of the jolly, jolly mariners:
Will Ye whe
"Plague upon the hurricane that made us furl and flee!
But the war is done between us,
Loud sang the
In the deep the Lord hath seen us--
Crying: "Ur
Our bones we'll leave the barracout', and God may sink the sea!"
Must W
On the
Then said the soul of Judas that betrayed Him:
Take back y
"Lord, hast Thou forgotten Thy covenant with me?
How once a year I go
Then stooped
To cool me on the floe?
And stablis
And Ye take my day of mercy if Ye take away the sea."
That su
For to
Then said the soul of the Angel of the Off-shore Wind:
They may e
(He that bits the thunder when the bull-mouthed breakers flee):
"I have watch and ward to keep
Sun, Wind, a:
O'er Thy wonders on the deep,
Stinging, ri;
And Ye take mine honor from me if Ye take away the sea!"
And th
To the
Loud sang the souls of the jolly, jolly mariners:
Who heard
"Nay, but we were angry, and a hasty folk are we.
If we worked the ship together
Till she foundered in foul weather,
Are we babes that we should clamor for a vengeance on the sea?"
Sp
Th
Then said the souls of the slaves that men threw overboard:
Sp
"Kenneled in the picaroon a weary band were we;
Fo
But Thy arm was strong to save,
Bu
And it touched us on the wave,
Ar
And we drowsed the long tides idle till Thy Trumpets tore the sea."
W
Then cried the soul of the stout Apostle Paul to God:
So
"Once we frapped a ship, and she labored woundily.
TI
ts
Harry S. Truman, 1945
Oct. 27 [178]
ressed in this mighty
178 Address on Foreign Policy at the Navy Day Celebration
peace.
in New York City. October 27, I945
led Manchuria, men
led by force intended
Mayor La Guardia, ladies and gentlemen:
Stalingrad, and Mid-
I am grateful for the magnificent reception which you have given me
= powers of good-
today in this great city of New York. I know that it is given me only
1. We will not run
as the representative of the gallant men and women of our naval forces,
and on their behalf, as well as my own, I thank you.
the United Nations
New York joins the rest of the Nation in paying honor and tribute
-ld and to help the
to the four million fighting Americans of the Navy, Marine Corps,
ational gangster. A
and Coast Guard-and to the ships which carried them to victory.
ould be off the coast
On opposite sides of the world, across two oceans, our Navy opened
n Pacific from Pearl
a highway for the armies and air forces of the United States. They
1 put more than one
landed our gallant men, millions of them, on the beachheads of final
triumph. Fighting from Murmansk, the English Channel and the
her than force will
Tyrrhenian Sea, to Midway, Guadalcanal, Leyte Gulf and Okinawa-
strive to make that
they won the greatest naval victories in history. Together with their
ure that no possible
brothers in arms in the Army and Air Force, and with the men of the
S on the part of the
Merchant Marine, they have helped to win for mankind all over the
world a new opportunity to live in peace and dignity-and we hope,
alizing for our own
in security.
ible; and helping to
In the harbor and rivers of New York City and in other ports along
anklin D. Roosevelt
the coasts and rivers of the country, ships of that mighty United States
sks. And now, the
Navy are at anchor. I hope that you and the people everywhere will
tim.
visit them and their crews, seeing for yourselves what your sons and
ther shall we. But
daughters, your labor and your money, have fashioned into an in-
sevelt whose words
vincible weapon of liberty.
will, we must!"
The fleet, on V-J Day, consisted of I200 warships, more than 50,000
land A. Daubin, com-
supporting and landing craft, and over 40,000 navy planes. By that day,
New York Navy Yard,
ours was a seapower never before equalled in the history of the world.
cek, captain of the car-
'ranklin D. Roosevelt.
There were great carrier task forces capable of tracking down and
sinking the enemy's fleets, beating down his airpower, and pouring
destruction on his war-making industries. There were submarines
which roamed the seas, invading the enemy's own ports, and destroying
his shipping in all the oceans. There were amphibious forces capable
43I
[178]
Oct. 27 Public Papers of the Presidents
of landing soldiers on beaches from Normandy to the Philippines.
There were great battleships and cruisers which swept the enemy ships
from the seas and bombarded his shore defense almost at will.
las
And history will never forget that great leader who, from his first
day in office, fought to reestablish a strong American Navy-who
th
watched that Navy and all the other might of this Nation grow into
of
an invincible force for victory-who sought to make that force an
instrument for a just and lasting peace-and who gave his life in the
effort-Franklin D. Roosevelt.
b
The roll call of the battles of this fleet reads like a sign post around
d
the globe-on the road to final victory: North Africa, Sicily, Italy,
Normandy, and Southern France; the Coral Sea, Midway, Guadalcanal,
and the Solomons; Tarawa, Saipan, Guam, the Philippine Sea, Leyte
Gulf; Iwo Jima and Okinawa. Nothing which the enemy held on any
coast was safe from its attack.
Now we are in the process of demobilizing our naval force. We are
laying up ships. We are breaking up aircraft squadrons. We are
rolling up bases, and releasing officers and men. But when our demo-
bilization is all finished as planned, the United States will still be the
greatest naval power on earth.
In addition to that naval power, we shall still have one of the most
powerful air forces in the world. And just the other day, so that on
short notice we could mobilize a powerful and well-equipped land,
sea, and air force, I asked the Congress to adopt universal training.
Why do we seek to preserve this powerful Naval and Air Force, and
establish this strong Army reserve? Why do we need to do that?
We have assured the world time and again-and I repeat it now-
that we do not seek for ourselves one inch of territory in any place
in the world. Outside of the right to establish necessary bases for our
own protection, we look for nothing which belongs to any other power.
We do need this kind of armed might, however, for four principal
tasks:
First, our Army, Navy, and Air Force, in collaboration with our
allies, must enforce the terms of peace imposed upon our defeated
enemies.
432
Harry S. Truman, 1945
Oct. 27 [178]
he Philippines.
Second, we must fulfill the military obligations which we are under-
he enemy ships
taking as a member of the United Nations Organization-to support a
st at will.
lasting peace, by force if necessary.
, from his first
Third, we must cooperate with other American nations to preserve
in Navy-who
the territorial integrity and the political independence of the nations
tion grow into
of the Western Hemisphere.
that force an
Fourth, in this troubled and uncertain world, our military forces
his life in the
must be adequate to discharge the fundamental mission laid upon them
by the Constitution of the United States-to "provide for the common
gn post around
defense" of the United States.
1, Sicily, Italy,
These four military tasks are directed not toward war-not toward
, Guadalcanal,
conquest-but toward peace.
ine Sea, Leyte
We seek to use our military strength solely to preserve the peace
ny held on any
of the world. For we now know that this is the only sure way to make
our own freedom secure.
force. We are
That is the basis of the foreign policy of the people of the United
ons. We are
States.
nen our demo-
The foreign policy of the United States is based firmly on funda-
ill still be the
mental principles of righteousness and justice. In carrying out those
principles we shall firmly adhere to what we believe to be right; and
ie of the most
we shall not give our approval to any compromise with evil.
ay, so that on
But we know that we cannot attain perfection in this world over-
quipped land,
night. We shall not let our search for perfection obstruct our steady
al training.
progress toward international cooperation. We must be prepared to
Air Force, and
fulfill our responsibilities as best we can, within the framework of our
O do that?
fundamental principles, even though we recognize that we have to
peat it now-
operate in an imperfect world.
in any place
Let me restate the fundamentals of that foreign policy of the United
bases for our
States:
other power.
I. We seek no territorial expansion or selfish advantage. We have
our principal
no plans for aggression against any other state, large or small. We
have no objective which need clash with the peaceful aims of any other
ion with our
nation.
our defeated
2. We believe in the eventual return of sovereign rights and self-
government to all peoples who have been deprived of them by force.
433
[178]
Oct.
27
Public Papers of the Presidents
3. We shall approve no territorial changes in any friendly part of the
world unless they accord with the freely expressed wishes of the people
concerned.
4. We believe that all peoples who are prepared for self-government
should be permitted to choose their own form of government by their
own freely expressed choice, without interference from any foreign
a
source. That is true in Europe, in Asia, in Africa, as well as in the
Western Hemisphere.
a
5. By the combined and cooperative action of our war allies, we shall
a
help the defeated enemy states establish peaceful democratic govern-
ments of their own free choice. And we shall try to attain a world
in which Nazism, Fascism, and military aggression cannot exist.
6. We shall refuse to recognize any government imposed upon any
nation by the force of any foreign power. In some cases it may be
impossible to prevent forceful imposition of such a government. But
the United States will not recognize any such government.
7. We believe that all nations should have the freedom of the seas
and equal rights to the navigation of boundary rivers and waterways
and of rivers and waterways which pass through more than one country.
8. We believe that all states which are accepted in the society of
nations should have access on equal terms to the trade and the raw
materials of the world.
9. We believe that the sovereign states of the Western Hemisphere,
without interference from outside the Western Hemisphere, must work
together as good neighbors in the solution of their common problems.
IO. We believe that full economic collaboration between all nations,
great and small, is essential to the improvement of living conditions all
over the world, and to the establishment of freedom from fear and
freedom from want.
II. We shall continue to strive to promote freedom of expression and
freedom of religion throughout the peace-loving areas of the world.
I2. We are convinced that the preservation of peace between nations
requires a United Nations Organization composed of all the peace-
loving nations of the world who are willing jointly to use force if
necessary to insure peace.
434
lents
Harry S. Truman, 1945
Oct. 27 [178]
any friendly part of the
Now, that is the foreign policy which guides the United States. That
sed wishes of the people
is the foreign policy with which it confidently faces the future.
It may not be put into effect tomorrow or the next day. But none-
red for self-government
theless, it is our policy; and we shall seek to achieve it. It may take a
of government by their
long time, but it is worth waiting for, and it is worth striving to
ence from any foreign
attain.
frica, as well as in the
The Ten Commandments themselves have not yet been universally
achieved over these thousands of years. Yet we struggle constantly to
our war allies, we shall
achieve them, and in many ways we come closer to them each year.
ful democratic govern-
Though we may meet setbacks from time to time, we shall not relent
I try to attain a world
in our efforts to bring the Golden Rule into the international affairs of
sion cannot exist.
the world.
ent imposed upon any
We are now passing through a difficult phase of international rela-
some cases it may be
tions. Unfortunately it has always been true after past wars, that the
h a government. But
unity among allies, forged by their common peril, has tended to wear
rnment.
out as the danger passed.
e freedom of the seas
The world cannot afford any letdown in the united determination
rivers and waterways
of the allies in this war to accomplish a lasting peace. The world can-
nore than one country.
not afford to let the cooperative spirit of the allies in this war disinte-
ted in the society of
grate. The world simply cannot allow this to happen. The people in
le trade and the raw
the United States, in Russia, and Britain, in France and China, in col-
laboration with all the other peace-loving people, must take the course
Western Hemisphere,
of current history into their own hands and mold it in a new direc-
emisphere, must work
tion-the direction of continued cooperation. It was a common danger
ir common problems.
which united us before victory. Let it be a common hope which con-
1 between all nations,
tinues to draw us together in the years to come.
E living conditions all
The atomic bombs which fell on Hiroshima and Nagasaki must be
edom from fear and
made a signal, not for the old process of falling apart but for a new
era-an era of ever-closer unity and ever-closer friendship among peace-
om of expression and
ful nations.
areas of the world.
Building a peace requires as much moral stamina as waging a war.
eace between nations
Perhaps it requires even more, because it is so laborious and pains-
ed of all the peace-
taking and undramatic. It requires undying patience and continuous
intly to use force if
application. But it can give us, if we stay with it, the greatest reward
that there is in the whole field of human effort.
435
[178] Oct. 27 Public Papers of the Presidents
Differences of the kind that exist today among nations that fought
Nav
together so long and so valiantly for victory are not hopeless or irrecon-
cate
cilable. There are no conflicts of interest among the victorious powers
and
so deeply rooted that they cannot be resolved. But their solution will
T
require a combination of forbearance and firmness. It will require a
Uni
steadfast adherence to the high principles which we have enunciated.
mo
It will also require a willingness to find a common ground as to the
tha
methods of applying those principles.
gre
Our American policy is a policy of friendly partnership with all
ord
peaceful nations, and of full support for the United Nations Organiza-
tion. It is a policy that has the strong backing of the American people.
atc
It is a policy around which we can rally without fear or misgiving.
of
The more widely and clearly that policy is understood abroad, the
Fo
better and surer will be the peace. For our own part we must seek to
understand the special problems of other nations. We must seek to
understand their own legitimate urge toward security as they see it.
The immediate, the greatest threat to us is the threat of disillusion-
ment, the danger of insidious skepticism-a loss of faith in the effec-
SC
tiveness of international cooperation. Such a loss of faith would be
pl
dangerous at any time. In an atomic age it would be nothing short of
disastrous.
There has been talk about the atomic bomb scrapping all navies,
armies, and air forces. For the present, I think that such talk is I00
percent wrong. Today, control of the seas rests in the fleets of the
United States and her allies. There is no substitute for them. We
have learned the bitter lesson that the weakness of this great Republic
a
invites men of ill-will to shake the very foundations of civilization all
over the world. And we had two concrete lessons in that.
What the distant future of the atomic research will bring to the
fleet which we honor today, no one can foretell. But the fundamental
mission of the Navy has not changed. Control of our sea approaches
and of the skies above them is still the key to our freedom and to our
ability to help enforce the peace of the world. No enemy will ever
strike us directly except across the sea. We cannot reach out to help
stop and defeat an aggressor without crossing the sea. Therefore, the
436
Harry S. Truman, 1945
Oct. 27 [178]
nations that fought
Navy, armed with whatever weapons science brings forth, is still dedi-
hopeless or irrecon-
cated to its historic task: control of the ocean approaches to our country
e victorious powers
and of the skies above them.
their solution will
The atomic bomb does not alter the basic foreign policy of the
It will require a
United States. It makes the development and application of our policy
e have enunciated.
more urgent than we could have dreamed 6 months ago. It means
1 ground as to the
that we must be prepared to approach international problems with
greater speed, with greater determination, with greater ingenuity, in
rtnership with all
order to meet a situation for which there is no precedent.
Nations Organiza-
We must find the answer to the problems created by the release of
American people.
atomic energy-we must find the answers to the many other problems
ar or misgiving.
of peace-in partnership with all the peoples of the United Nations.
stood abroad, the
For their stake in world peace is as great as our own.
t we must seek to
As I said in my message to the Congress, discussion of the atomic
We must seek to
bomb with Great Britain and Canada and later with other nations
y as they see it.
cannot wait upon the formal organization of the United Nations.
eat of disillusion-
These discussions, looking toward a free exchange of fundamental
faith in the effec-
scientific information, will be begun in the near future. But I em-
f faith would be
phasize again, as I have before, that these discussions will not be con-
nothing short of
cerned with the processes of manufacturing the atomic bomb or any
other instruments of war.
oping all navies,
In our possession of this weapon, as in our possession of other new
such talk is I00
weapons, there is no threat to any nation. The world, which has seen
the fleets of the
the United States in two great recent wars, knows that full well. The
for them. We
possession in our hands of this new power of destruction we regard as
S great Republic
f civilization all
a sacred trust. Because of our love of peace, the thoughtful people of
the world know that that trust will not be violated, that it will be
that.
faithfully executed.
ill bring to the
he fundamental
Indeed, the highest hope of the American people is that world co-
operation for peace will soon reach such a state of perfection that atomic
sea approaches
lom and to our
methods of destruction can be definitely and effectively outlawed
forever.
nemy will ever
We have sought, and we will continue to seek, the attainment of that
ich out to help
objective. We shall pursue that course with all the wisdom, patience,
Therefore, the
437
[178]
Oct.
27
Public Papers of the Presidents
and determination that the God of Peace can bestow upon a people
who are trying to follow in His path.
NOTE: The President spoke at 1:43 p.m.
to Mayor Fiorello H. La Guardia. The
from a stand at the south end of the
address was carried over all radio net-
Sheep Meadow in Central Park, New
works.
York City. His opening words referred
I79 Letter to Dr. Lyman J. Briggs on His Retirement as
Director of the National Bureau of Standards.
October 29, 1945
Dear Dr. Briggs:
Your retirement as the Director of the National Bureau of Standards
will deprive the nation of the services of an eminent scientist and
government administrator. You have well merited the wide recog-
nition which has come to you by virtue of your personal achievements
in the field of scientific research and by your competent direction of
the Bureau's diversified operations.
I should like to take this occasion to comment on your long and
unique record of public service. In World War I, military and naval
developments which you sponsored and actively developed were a
potent factor in our victory. In the decades of peace thereafter, you
guided the Bureau's activities into fruitful channels and added to your
own accomplishments, particularly in the then undeveloped field of
aerodynamics. As World War II approached, President Roosevelt ex-
pressed his confidence in your capabilities by designating you as Chair-
man of the First Committee on the Investigation of Atomic Energy.
The findings and recommendations of that Committee were an im-
portant factor in the decision to initiate the vast national effort for
developing atomic weapons, and the subsequent discoveries of the
National Bureau of Standards contributed greatly to the success of that
effort.
Your record has been one of ever-increasing achievement, and you
represent an outstanding example of the integrity and competence of
government-sponsored science and research. I hope that you will fully
438
[26] May 8
Public Papers of the Presidents
"I send also my personal appreciation of the superb leadership shown
by you and your commanders in directing the valiant legions of our
own country, and of our Allies, to this historic victory.
"Please transmit this message to the appropriate officers of your com-
mand, and publish it to all Allied forces in your theaters of operation."
And in the message to Marshal Stalin, we asked him to do the same
thing for the Russian commanders and Russian troops.
Reporter: Thank you, Mr. President.
NOTE: President Truman's sixth news
Cabinet, Mrs. Truman and Margaret
conference was held in his office at the
Truman, high United States and British
White House at 8:35 a.m. on Tuesday,
Army and Navy officials, and Senate
May 8, 1945. The White House Offi-
and Congressional leaders were grouped
cial Reporter noted that members of the
in chairs around the President's desk.
27 Broadcast to the American People Announcing the
Surrender of Germany. May 8, 1945
[ Delivered from the Radio Room at the White House at 9 a.m. ]
THIS IS a solemn but a glorious hour. I only wish that Franklin D.
Roosevelt had lived to witness this day. General Eisenhower informs
me that the forces of Germany have surrendered to the United Nations.
The flags of freedom fly over all Europe.
For this victory, we join in offering our thanks to the Providence
which has guided and sustained us through the dark days of adversity.
Our rejoicing is sobered and subdued by a supreme consciousness of
the terrible price we have paid to rid the world of Hitler and his evil
band. Let us not forget, my fellow Americans, the sorrow and the
heartache which today abide in the homes of so many of our neigh-
bors-neighbors whose most priceless possession has been rendered as
a sacrifice to redeem our liberty.
We can repay the debt which we owe to our God, to our dead and to
our children only by work-by ceaseless devotion to the responsibilities
which lie ahead of us. If I could give you a single watchword for the
coming months, that word is-work, work, and more work.
We must work to finish the war. Our victory is but half-won. The
West is free, but the East is still in bondage to the treacherous tyranny
48
ents
Harry S. Truman, 1945
May 8 [27]
perb leadership shown
of the Japanese. When the last Japanese division has surrendered un-
valiant legions of our
conditionally, then only will our fighting job be done.
tory.
We must work to bind up the wounds of a suffering world-to build
te officers of your com-
an abiding peace, a peace rooted in justice and in law. We can build
theaters of operation."
such a peace only by hard, toilsome, painstaking work-by understand-
ed him to do the same
ing and working with our allies in peace as we have in war.
pops.
The job ahead is no less important, no less urgent, no less difficult
than the task which now happily is done.
Truman and Margaret
I call upon every American to stick to his post until the last battle is
United States and British
won. Until that day, let no man abandon his post or slacken his efforts.
avy officials, and Senate
onal leaders were grouped
And now, I want to read to you my formal proclamation of this.
and the President's desk.
occasion:
"A Proclamation-The Allied armies, through sacrifice and devotion
and with God's help, have wrung from Germany a final and uncondi-
buncing the
tional surrender. The western world has been freed of the evil forces
which for five years and longer have imprisoned the bodies and broken
louse at 9 a.m. ]
the lives of millions upon millions of free-born men. They have vio-
lated their churches, destroyed their homes, corrupted their children,
vish that Franklin D.
and murdered their loved ones. Our Armies of Liberation have restored
I Eisenhower informs
freedom to these suffering peoples, whose spirit and will the oppressors
0 the United Nations.
could never enslave.
"Much remains to be done. The victory won in the West must now
ks to the Providence
be won in the East. The whole world must be cleansed of the evil
ark days of adversity.
from which half the world has been freed. United, the peace-loving
eme consciousness of
nations have demonstrated in the West that their arms are stronger by
of Hitler and his evil
far than the might of the dictators or the tyranny of military cliques
the sorrow and the
that once called us soft and weak. The power of our peoples to defend
many of our neigh-
themselves against all enemies will be proved in the Pacific war as it has
has been rendered as
been proved in Europe.
"For the triumph of spirit and of arms which we have won, and for
d, to our dead and to
its promise to the peoples everywhere who join us in the love of free-
to the responsibilities
dom, it is fitting that we, as a nation, give thanks to Almighty God,
e watchword for the
who has strengthened us and given us the victory.
iore work.
"Now, therefore, I, Harry S. Truman, President of the United States
; but half-won. The
of America, do hereby appoint Sunday, May 13, 1945, to be a day of
treacherous tyranny
prayer.
49
[27] May 8
Public Papers of the Presidents
"I call upon the people of the United States, whatever their faith, to
unite in offering joyful thanks to God for the victory we have won, and
to pray that He will support us to the end of our present struggle and
guide us into the ways of peace.
"I also call upon my countrymen to dedicate this day of prayer to the
memory of those who have given their lives to make possible our victory.
"In Witness Whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the
seal of the United States of America to be affixed."
28 Statement by the President Calling for Unconditional
Surrender of Japan. May 8, 1945
NAZI GERMANY has been defeated.
The Japanese people have felt the weight of our land, air and naval
attacks. So long as their leaders and the armed forces continue the
war the striking power and intensity of our blows will steadily in-
crease and will bring utter destruction to Japan's industrial war pro-
duction, to its shipping, and to everything that supports its military
activity.
The longer the war lasts, the greater will be the suffering and hard-
ships which the people of Japan will undergo-all in vain. Our blows
will not cease until the Japanese military and naval forces lay down
their arms in unconditional surrender.
Just what does the unconditional surrender of the armed forces mean
for the Japanese people?
It means the end of the war.
It means the termination of the influence of the military leaders who
have brought Japan to the present brink of disaster.
It means provision for the return of soldiers and sailors to their
families, their farms, their jobs.
It means not prolonging the present agony and suffering of the Jap-
anese in the vain hope of victory.
Unconditional surrender does not mean the extermination or en-
slavement of the Japanese people.
50
Harry S. Truman, 1945
Aug. 9 [97]
the officials and staff
97 Radio Report to the American People on the Potsdam
on the job. Their
Conference. August 9, 1945
tates expect them to
ed has passed.
[ Delivered from the White House at IO p.m. ]
My fellow Americans:
TRUMAN
I have just returned from Berlin, the city from which the Germans
intended to rule the world. It is a ghost city. The buildings are in
ruins, its economy and its people are in ruins.
Our party also visited what is left of Frankfurt and Darmstadt. We
} Him U.S.
flew over the remains of Kassel, Magdeburg, and other devastated
ssion of the
cities. German women and children and old men were wandering
over the highways, returning to bombed-out homes or leaving bombed-
out cities, searching for food and shelter.
War has indeed come home to Germany and to the German people.
ites Representative
It has come home in all the frightfulness with which the German lead-
ons established by
ers started and waged it.
In carrying out
The German people are beginning to atone for the crimes of the
f Ambassador.
gangsters whom they placed in power and whom they wholeheartedly
important under-
approved and obediently followed.
We also saw some of the terrific destruction which the war had
brought to the occupied countries of Western Europe and to England.
RUMAN
How glad I am to be home again! And how grateful to Almighty
ntative of the Presi-
God that this land of ours has been spared!
We must do all we can to spare her from the ravages of any future
:end the initial rou-
breach of the peace. That is why, though the United States wants no
he Executive Com-
mission, called for
territory or profit or selfish advantage out of this war, we are going
the United States
to maintain the military bases necessary for the complete protection of
:d by an officer of
our interests and of world peace. Bases which our military experts deem
it.
to be essential for our protection, and which are not now in our posses-
sion, we will acquire. We will acquire them by arrangements con-
sistent with the United Nations Charter.
No one can foresee what another war would mean to our own cities
and our own people. What we are doing to Japan now-even with the
new atomic bomb-is only a small fraction of what would happen to
the world in a third World War.
203
[97] Aug. 9
Public Papers of the Presidents
That is why the United Nations are determined that there shall be
no next war.
That is why the United Nations are determined to remain united
and strong. We can never permit any aggressor in the future to be
clever enough to divide us or strong enough to defeat us.
That was the guiding spirit in the conference at San Francisco.
That was the guiding spirit in the conference of Berlin.
That will be the guiding spirit in the peace settlements to come.
In the conference of Berlin, it was easy for me to get along in mutual
understanding and friendship with Generalissimo Stalin, with Prime
Minister Churchill, and later with Prime Minister Attlee.
Strong foundations of good will and cooperation had been laid by
President Roosevelt. And it was clear that those foundations rested
upon much more than the personal friendships of three individuals.
There was a fundamental accord and agreement upon the objectives
ahead of us.
Two of the three conferees of Teheran and Yalta were missing by
the end of this conference. Each of them was sorely missed. Each
had done his work toward winning this war. Each had made a great
contribution toward establishing and maintaining a lasting world peace.
Each of them seems to have been ordained to lead his country in its
hour of greatest need. And so thoroughly had they done their jobs
that we were able to carry on and to reach many agreements essential
to the future peace and security of the world.
The results of the Berlin conference have been published. There
were no secret agreements or commitments-apart from current
military arrangements.
And it was made perfectly plain to my colleagues at the conference
that, under our Constitution, the President has no power to make any
treaties without ratification by the Senate of the United States.
I want to express my thanks for the excellent services which were
rendered at this conference by Secretary of State Byrnes, and which
were highly commended by the leaders of the other two powers. I
am thankful also to the other members of the American delegation-
Admiral Leahy and Ambassadors Harriman, Davies, and Pauley-and
204
Harry S. Truman, 1945
Aug. 9 [97]
there shall be
to the entire American staff. Without their hard work and sound
advice the conference would have been unable to accomplish as much
remain united
as it did.
e future to be
The conference was concerned with many political and economic
questions. But there was one strictly military matter uppermost in the
Francisco.
minds of the American delegates. It was the winning of the war against
Japan. On our program, that was the most important item.
ts to come.
The military arrangements made at Berlin were of course secret.
ong in mutual
One of those secrets was revealed yesterday, when the Soviet Union
n, with Prime
declared war on Japan.
The Soviet Union, before she had been informed of our new weapon,
I been laid by
agreed to enter the war in the Pacific. We gladly welcome into this
dations rested
struggle against the last of the Axis aggressors our gallant and vic-
e individuals.
torious ally against the Nazis.
the objectives
The Japs will soon learn some more of the other military secrets
agreed upon at Berlin. They will learn them firsthand-and they will
re missing by
not like them.
missed. Each
Before we met at Berlin, the United States Government had sent to
made a great
the Soviet and British Governments our ideas of what should be taken
g world peace.
up at the conference. At the first meeting our delegation submitted
country in its
these proposals for discussion. Subjects were added by the Soviet and
one their jobs
British Governments, but in the main the conference was occupied with
ients essential
the American proposals.
Our first nonmilitary agreement in Berlin was the establishment of
ished. There
the Council of Foreign Ministers.
from current
The Council is going to be the continuous meeting ground of the
five principal governments, on which to reach common understanding
he conference
regarding the peace settlements. This does not mean that the five
to make any
governments are going to try to dictate to, or dominate, other nations.
States.
It will be their duty to apply, so far as possible, the fundamental prin-
; which were
ciples of justice underlying the Charter adopted at San Francisco.
s, and which
Just as the meeting at Dumbarton Oaks drew up the proposals to be
'O powers. I
placed before the conference at San Francisco, so this Council of For-
delegation-
eign Ministers will lay the groundwork for future peace settlements.
Pauley-and
This preparation by the Council will make possible speedier, more
205
[97] Aug. 9
Public Papers of the Presidents
orderly, more efficient, and more cooperative peace settlements than
could otherwise be obtained.
One of the first tasks of the Council of Foreign Ministers is to draft
proposed treaties of peace with former enemy countries-Italy, Ru-
mania, Bulgaria, Hungary, and Finland.
These treaties, of course, will have to be passed upon by all the na-
tions concerned. In our own country the Senate will have to ratify
them. But we shall begin at once the necessary preparatory work.
Adequate study now may avoid the planting of the seeds of future
wars.
I am sure that the American people will agree with me that this
Council of Foreign Ministers will be effective in hastening the day of
peace and reconstruction.
We are anxious to settle the future of Italy first among the former
enemy countries. Italy was the first to break away from the Axis.
She helped materially in the final defeat of Germany. She has now
joined us in the war against Japan. She is making real progress toward
democracy.
A peace treaty with a democratic Italian government will make it
possible for us to receive Italy as a member of the United Nations.
The Council of Foreign Ministers will also have to start the prepara-
tory work for a German peace settlement. But its final acceptance will
have to wait until Germany has developed a government with which a
peace treaty can be made. In the meantime, the conference of Berlin
laid down the specific political and economic principles under which
Germany will be governed by the occupying powers.
Those principles have been published. I hope that all of you will
read them.¹
They seek to rid Germany of the forces which have made her so
long feared and hated, and which have now brought her to complete
disaster. They are intended to eliminate Nazism, armaments, war
industries, the German General Staff and all its military tradition.
They seek to rebuild democracy by control of German education, by
reorganizing local government and the judiciary, by encouraging free
1 See Item 91.
206
Harry S. Truman, 1945
Aug. 9 [97]
tlements than
speech, free press, freedom of religion, and the right of labor to
organize.
ters is to draft
German industry is to be decentralized in order to do away with
ies-Italy, Ru-
concentration of economic power in cartels and monopolies. Chief
emphasis is to be on agriculture and peaceful industry. German eco-
by all the na-
nomic power to make war is to be eliminated. The Germans are not
have to ratify
to have a higher standard of living than their former victims, the people
aratory work.
of the defeated and occupied countries of Europe.
eeds of future
We are going to do what we can to make Germany over into a decent
nation, so that it may eventually work its way from the economic
1 me that this
chaos it has brought upon itself, back into a place in the civilized world.
ing the day of
The economic action taken against Germany at the Berlin confer-
ence included another most important item-reparations.
ng the former
We do not intend again to make the mistake of exacting reparations
rom the Axis.
in money and then lending Germany the money with which to pay.
She has now
Reparations this time are to be paid in physical assets from those
rogress toward
resources of Germany which are not required for her peacetime
subsistence.
will make it
The first purpose of reparations is to take out of Germany every-
Nations.
thing with which she can prepare for another war. Its second purpose
rt the prepara-
is to help the devastated countries to bring about their own recovery
cceptance will
by means of the equipment and material taken from Germany.
with which a
At the Crimea conference a basis for fixing reparations had been pro-
ence of Berlin
posed for initial discussion and study by the Reparations Commission.
; under which
That basis was a total amount of reparations of twenty billions of
dollars. Of this sum, one half was to go to Russia, which had suf-
dl of you will
fered more heavily in the loss of life and property than any other
country.
: made her so
But at Berlin the idea of attempting to fix a dollar value on the prop-
er to complete
erty to be removed from Germany was dropped. To fix a dollar value
naments, war
on the share of each nation would be a sort of guarantee of the amount
tary tradition.
each nation would get-a guarantee which might not be fulfilled.
education, by
Therefore, it was decided to divide the property by percentages of
couraging free
the total amount available. We still generally agreed that Russia
should get approximately half of the total for herself and Poland, and
207
[97] Aug. 9
Public Papers of the Presidents
that the remainder should be divided among all the other nations
entitled to reparations.
Under our agreement at Berlin, the reparations claims of the Soviet
Union and Poland are to be met from the property located in the zone
of Germany occupied by the Soviet Union, and from the German
assets in Bulgaria, Finland, Hungary, Rumania and East Austria. The
reparations claims of all the other countries are to be met from property
located in the western zones of occupation in Germany, and from the
German assets in all other countries. The Soviet waives all claim to
gold captured by the Allied troops in Germany.
This formula of taking reparations by zones will lead to less friction
among the Allies than the tentative basis originally proposed for study
at Yalta.
The difficulty with this formula, however, is that the industrial
capital equipment not necessary for German peace economy is not
evenly divided among the zones of occupation. The western zones
have a much higher percentage than the eastern zone, which is mostly
devoted to agriculture and to the production of raw materials. In
order to equalize the distribution and to give Russia and Poland their
fair share of approximately 50 percent, it was decided that they should
receive, without any reimbursement, IO percent of the capital equipment
in the western zones available for reparations.
As you will note from the communique, a further I5 percent of the
capital equipment in the western zones not necessary for Germany's
peace economy is also to be turned over to Russia and Poland. But
this is not free. For this property, Poland and Russia will give to the
western zones an equal amount in value in food, coal, and other raw
materials. This I5 percent, therefore, is not additional reparations for
Russia and Poland. It is a means of maintaining a balanced economy
in Germany and providing the usual exchange of goods between the
eastern part and the western part.
It was agreed at Berlin that the payment of reparations, from what-
ever zones taken, should always leave enough resources to enable the
German people to subsist without sustained support from other nations.
The question of Poland was a most difficult one. Certain compro-
208
Harry S. Truman, 1945
Aug. 9 [97]
e other nations
mises about Poland had already been agreed upon at the Crimea con-
ference. They obviously were binding upon us at Berlin.
ns of the Soviet
By the time of the Berlin conference, the Polish Provisional Govern-
ated in the zone
ment of National Unity had already been formed; and it had been
m the German
recognized by all of us. The new Polish Government had agreed to
st Austria. The
hold free and unfettered elections as soon as possible, on the basis of uni-
it from property
versal suffrage and the secret ballot.
y, and from the
In acceptance-in accordance with the Crimea agreement, we did
ves all claim to
seek the opinion of the Polish Provisional Government of National
Unity with respect to its western and northern boundaries.
1 to less friction
They agreed, as did we all, that the final determination of the borders
posed for study
could not be accomplished at Berlin, but must await the peace settle-
ment. However, a considerable portion of what was the Russian zone
: the industrial
of occupation in Germany was turned over to Poland at the Berlin
economy is not
conference for administrative purposes until the final determination
: western zones
of the peace settlement.
which is mostly
Nearly every international agreement has in it the element of com-
materials. In
promise. The agreement on Poland is no exception. No one nation
nd Poland their
can expect to get everything that it wants. It is a question of give and
hat they should
take-of being willing to meet your neighbor half-way.
pital equipment
In this instance, there is much to justify the action taken. The agree-
ment on some line-even provisionally-was necessary to enable the
5 percent of the
new Poland to organize itself, and to permit the speedier withdrawal
for Germany's
of the armed forces which had liberated her from the Germans. In
d Poland. But
the area east of the Curzon line there are over 3,000,000 Poles who are
will give to the
to be returned to Poland. They need room, room to settle. The new
and other raw
area in the West was formerly populated by Germans. But most of
reparations for
them have already left in the face of the invading Soviet Army. We
anced economy
were informed that there were only about a million and a half left.
ds between the
The territory the Poles are to administer will enable Poland better
to support its population. It will provide a short and more easily de-
ons, from what-
fensible frontier between Poland and Germany. Settled by Poles, it
es to enable the
will provide a more homogeneous nation.
n other nations.
The Three Powers also agreed to help bring about the earliest possible
Certain compro-
return to Poland of all Poles who wish to return, including soldiers,
209
[97] Aug. 9
Public Papers of the Presidents
with the assurance that they would have all the rights of other Polish
citizens.
The action taken at Berlin will help carry out the basic policy of the
United Nations toward Poland-to create a strong, independent, and
prosperous nation with a government to be selected by the people
themselves.
It was agreed to recommend that in the peace settlement a portion
of East Prussia should be turned over to Russia. That, too, was agreed
upon at Yalta. It will provide the Soviet Union, which did so much to
bring about victory in Europe, with an ice-free port at the expense of
Germany.
At Yalta it was agreed, you will recall, that the three governments
would assume a common responsibility in helping to reestablish in
the liberated and satellite nations of Europe governments broadly repre-
sentative of democratic elements in the population. That responsibility
still stands. We all recognize it as a joint responsibility of the three
governments.
It was reaffirmed in the Berlin Declarations on Rumania, Bulgaria,
and Hungary. These nations are not to be spheres of influence of any
one power. They are now governed by Allied control commissions
composed of representatives of the three governments which met at
Yalta and Berlin. These control commissions, it is true, have not been
functioning completely to our satisfaction; but improved procedures
were agreed upon at Berlin. Until these states are reestablished as
members of the international family, they are the joint concern of all
of us.
The American delegation was much disturbed over the inability of
the representatives of a free press to get information out of the former
German satellite nations. The three governments agreed at Berlin
that the Allied press would enjoy full freedom from now on to report
to the world upon all developments in Rumania, Bulgaria, Hungary,
and Finland. The same agreement was reaffirmed also as to Poland.
One of the persistent causes for wars in Europe in the last two cen-
turies has been the selfish control of the waterways of Europe. I mean
the Danube, the Black Sea Straits, the Rhine, the Kiel Canal, and all
210
Harry S. Truman, 1945
Aug. 9 [97]
other Polish
the inland waterways of Europe which border upon two or more states.
The United States proposed at Berlin that there be free and unre-
policy of the
stricted navigation of these inland waterways. We think this is im-
pendent, and
portant to the future peace and security of the world. We proposed
y the people
that regulations for such navigation be provided by international
authorities.
ent a portion
The function of the agencies would be to develop the use of the
, was agreed
waterways and assure equal treatment on them for all nations. Mem-
d so much to
bership on the agencies would include the United States, Great Britain,
e expense of
the Soviet Union, and France, plus those states which border on the
waterways.
governments
Our proposal was considered by the conference and was referred to
eestablish in
the Council of Ministers. There, the United States intends to press for
roadly repre-
its adoption.
esponsibility
Any man who sees Europe now must realize that victory in a great
of the three
war is not something you win once and for all, like victory in a ball
game. Victory in a great war is something that must be won and kept
ia, Bulgaria,
won. It can be lost after you have won it-if you are careless or negli-
ience of any
gent or indifferent.
commissions
Europe today is hungry. I am not talking about Germans. I am
hich met at
talking about the people of the countries which were overrun and dev-
lve not been
astated by the Germans, and particularly about the people of Western
procedures
Europe. Many of them lack clothes and fuel and tools and shelter and
tablished as
raw materials. They lack the means to restore their cities and their
incern of all
factories.
As the winter comes on, the distress will increase. Unless we do
inability of
what we can to help, we may lose next winter what we won at such
the former
terrible cost last spring. Desperate men are liable to destroy the struc-
d at Berlin
ture of their society to find in the wreckage some substitute for hope.
on to report
If we let Europe go cold and hungry, we may lose some of the founda-
1, Hungary,
tions of order on which the hope for worldwide peace must rest.
to Poland.
We must help to the limits of our strength. And we will.
ist two cen-
Our meeting at Berlin was the first meeting of the great Allies since
pe. I mean
victory was won in Europe. Naturally our thoughts now turn to the
hal, and all
day of victory in Japan.
2II
[97] Aug. 9
Public Papers of the Presidents
The British, Chinese, and United States Governments have given
the Japanese people adequate warning of what is in store for them.
We have laid down the general terms on which they can surrender.
Our warning went unheeded; our terms were rejected. Since then
the Japanese have seen what our atomic bomb can do. They can fore-
see what it will do in the future.
The world will note that the first atomic bomb was dropped on
Hiroshima, a military base. That was because we wished in this first
attack to avoid, insofar as possible, the killing of civilians. But that
attack is only a warning of things to come. If Japan does not sur-
render, bombs will have to be dropped on her war industries and,
unfortunately, thousands of civilian lives will be lost. I urge Jap-
anese civilians to leave industrial cities immediately, and save them-
selves from destruction.
I realize the tragic significance of the atomic bomb.
Its production and its use were not lightly undertaken by this Gov-
ernment. But we knew that our enemies were on the search for it.
We know now how close they were to finding it. And we knew the
disaster which would come to this Nation, and to all peace-loving
nations, to all civilization, if they had found it first.
That is why we felt compelled to undertake the long and uncertain
and costly labor of discovery and production.
We won the race of discovery against the Germans.
Having found the bomb we have used it. We have used it against
those who attacked us without warning at Pearl Harbor, against those
who have starved and beaten and executed American prisoners of war,
against those who have abandoned all pretense of obeying international
laws of warfare. We have used it in order to shorten the agony of
war, in order to save the lives of thousands and thousands of young
Americans.
We shall continue to use it until we completely destroy Japan's power
to make war. Only a Japanese surrender will stop us.
The atomic bomb is too dangerous to be loose in a lawless world.
That is why Great Britain, Canada, and the United States, who have
the secret of its production, do not intend to reveal that secret until
212
Harry S. Truman, I945
Aug. 9 [97]
have given
means have been found to control the bomb so as to protect ourselves
re for them.
and the rest of the world from the danger of total destruction.
n surrender.
As far back as last May, Secretary of War Stimson, at my sugges-
Since then
tion, appointed a committee upon which Secretary of State Byrnes
ley can fore-
served as my personal representative, to prepare plans for the future
control of this bomb. I shall ask the Congress to cooperate to the
dropped on
end that its production and use be controlled, and that its power be made
in this first
an overwhelming influence towards world peace.
S. But that
We must constitute ourselves trustees of this new force-to prevent
oes not sur-
its misuse, and to turn it into the channels of service to mankind.
lustries and,
It is an awful responsibility which has come to us.
I urge Jap-
We thank God that it has come to us, instead of to our enemies; and
save them-
we pray that He may guide us to use it in His ways and for His
purposes.
Our victory in Europe was more than a victory of arms.
by this Gov-
It was a victory of one way of life over another. It was a victory of
earch for it.
an ideal founded on the rights of the common man, on the dignity of
ve knew the
the human being, on the conception of the State as the servant-and
peace-loving
not the master-of its people.
A free people showed that it was able to defeat professional soldiers
id uncertain
whose only moral arms were obedience and the worship of force.
We tell ourselves that we have emerged from this war the most
powerful nation in the world-the most powerful nation, perhaps, in
ed it against
all history. That is true, but not in the sense some of us believe it to
gainst those
be true.
ners of war,
The war has shown us that we have tremendous resources to make
international
all the materials for war. It has shown us that we have skillful work-
ne agony of
ers and managers and able generals, and a brave people capable of
ds of young
bearing arms.
All these things we knew before.
pan's power
The new thing-the thing which we had not known-the thing we
have learned now and should never forget, is this: that a society of self-
vless world.
governing men is more powerful, more enduring, more creative than
s, who have
any other kind of society, however disciplined, however centralized.
secret until
We know now that the basic proposition of the worth and dignity
213
[97] Aug. 9
Public Papers of the Presidents
of man is not a sentimental aspiration or a vain hope or a piece of
rhetoric. It is the strongest, most creative force now present in this
world.
Now let us use that force and all our resources and all our skills
in the great cause of a just and lasting peace!
The Three Great Powers are now more closely than ever bound to-
gether in determination to achieve that kind of peace. From Teheran,
and the Crimea, from San Francisco and Berlin-we shall continue to
march together to a lasting peace and a happy world!
NOTE: The President returned to Wash-
after traveling by special train from
ington on August 7. He was welcomed
Newport News where he had disem-
by members of the Cabinet on his ar-
barked that afternoon.
rival at the White House at II p.m.,
98 Citation Accompanying the Distinguished Service Medal
Presented to James F. Byrnes. August 13, 1945
CITATION FOR DISTINGUISHED SERVICE MEDAL
MR. JAMES F. BYRNES, as Director of War Mobilization from
October 1942 to March 1945, discharged duties of great responsibility
with outstanding success. Faced with the problem of aiding the Chief
Executive in girding the nation for a conflict of unprecedented propor-
tions, he accomplished his task with exceptional skill. His sympa-
thetic consideration of both military and civilian needs struck a delicate
balance that insured the armed forces sufficient manpower and materiel
for a maximum effort in a global war while maintaining civilian econ-
omy at the highest level of any belligerent in World War II. When
necessary, he did not hesitate to support unpopular measures essential
to the successful prosecution of the war. He continually gave ready
hearing to all sides of momentous questions and rendered logical,
sound decisions. He accompanied the Commander-in-Chief to vital
conferences, applying his extensive knowledge of inter-Allied prob-
lems to their prompt and effective solution. With vast understanding,
exceptional ability as an arbiter, unswerving devotion to the national
214
McGroarty/Dooley
March 5, 1991
6:00 pm
[JSC]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: JOINT SESSION OF CONGRESS
THE CAPITOL
MARCH 6, 1990
9:00 PM
Mr. President. Mr. Speaker. Members of Congress: Five
short weeks ago, I came to this House to speak to you about the
State of the Union. We met then in time of war. Tonight, we
meet in a world blessed by the promise of peace. //
From the moment OPERATION DESERT STORM commenced on January
16, until the time the guns fell silent at midnight one week ago,
this nation has watched its sons and daughters with pride --
watched over them with prayer. // As Commander in Chief, I can
report to you: our armed forces fought with honor and valor. As
President, I can report to the nation -- mission accomplished.
No one nation can claim this hard-won victory for its own.
It is a victory for every nation in the coalition -- and for the
United Nations. It is a victory for the rule of law -- and for
what is right. //
DESERT STORM's success also belongs to the team that so ably
leads our Armed forces: our Secretary of Defense and our
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs: Dick Cheney and Colin Powell. //
And of course, this victory belongs to someone whose
reponsibilities keep him from joining us tonight. I'm talking
about the one the British now call the "Man of the Match" -- the
tower of calm at the eye of DESERT STORM -- General Norman
Schwarzkopf. ///
647-1135
DE LA BILL-EE-AIR
ROAK-JOAF-REH
2
1342-3800
KAH - LID KAH LID
Let us not forget Saudi General Khalid, or Britain's General
462-1340
/944-6000
de la Billiere, or General Roquejoffre of France -- and all the
others whose leadership played such a vital role. //
I thank the members of this Congress -- for once the battle
was joined, support here for our troops was steady and strong.
And above all, I thank those whose unfailing love and support
sustained our courageous men and women in the field. I thank the
American people. ///
Tonight, I come to this House to speak about our world --
our world after war.
The recent challenge could not have been clearer. Saddam
Hussein was the villain -- Kuwait the victim. To the aid of this
small country came nations from North America and Europe, from
Asia and South America, from Africa and the Arab world -- all
united against aggression. //
Our uncommon coalition fought in common cause. We must now
work in common purpose -- to forge a future that should never
again be held hostage to the darker side of human nature.
The work of peace begins with the liberation of Kuwait --
with a peace that makes a small nation whole. Throughout the
Middle East, we must work to put to rest the ancient enmities
that for so long have shattered the peace in this historic heart
and crossroads of civilization. //
I am pleased to report tonight that the ceasefire is holding
and appears to be secure. [[LATEST DEVELOPMENTS ON CEASEFIRE,
POWs, etc. ]]
3
Yes, Saddam Hussein remains in Iraq. But he walks amidst
ruin. I can report to you: His war machine is crushed. // I
can report to you: His ability to threaten mass destruction is
itself destroyed. // And this I promise you: for all that they
have done to their own people, to the Kuwaitis, and to the entire
world -- Saddam and those around him are accountable. ///
All of us grieve for the victims of war. For the people of
Kuwait -- and the suffering that scars the soul of that proud
nation. For all our fallen soldiers, and their families -- for
all the innocents caught up in this conflict. And for the people
of Iraq -- my hope is that one day we will welcome them once more
as friends into the community of nations -- for the people of
Iraq have never been our enemy.
To all who know America, it will come as no surprise that
our commitment to peace in the Middle East does not end with the
liberation of Kuwait. //
So tonight, let me outline four key challenges to be met:
First, we must work together to create shared security
arrangements in the region. Our friends and allies in the Middle
East recognize that they will bear the bulk of the responsibility
for regional security. But we want them to know that, just as we
stood with them to repel aggression -- so now America stands
ready to work with them to secure the peace.
What does this mean for the United States? It does not mean
stationing U.S. ground forces on the Arabian Peninsula -- but it
does mean, for example, American participation in joint
4
exercises -- involving both air and ground forces. And it means
maintaining a capable U.S. naval presence in the region -- just
as we have for over forty years.
All that we have accomplished in war will be in vain, if
this nation fails to serve -- now and in the future -- as a force
for peace and stability. //
Second, we must act to control the proliferation of weapons
of mass destruction and the missiles used to deliver them. This
calls for greater coordination among the suppliers of these
deadly technologies. And it calls for greater cooperation among
the states of the region to forego these and other modern
weapons. It would be tragic if the nations of the Middle East
and Persian Gulf were now, in the wake of war, to embark on a new
arms race.
Iraq requires special vigilance. Until Iraq convinces the
world of its peaceful intentions -- that its leaders will not use
new revenues to rearm Iraq and rebuild its menacing war machine -
- Iraq must not have access to the instruments of war. ///
Third, we must work to create new opportunities for peace
and stability in the Middle East. On the night I announced
OPERATION DESERT STORM, I expressed my hope that out of the
horrors of war might come new momentum for peace. // In the
conflict just concluded, Israel and many of the Arab states have
for the first time found themselves confronting the same
aggressor. We have learned in the modern age, geography cannot
guarantee security -- and that security does not come from
5
military power alone. There can be no substitute for
negotiations -- the tactics of terror lead nowhere. We must do
all that we can to close the gap between Israel and the Arab
states -- and between Israelis and Palestinians.
All of us know the depth of bitterness that makes the
dispute between Israel and its neighbors one of the world's most
painful and intractable. In 1948 and 1956 -- in '67 and again in
'73 -- in 1982 in Lebanon, and today in the violence of the West
Bank and Gaza -- hostility has spilled over into bloodshed and
open conflict. // For too long, the passage of time in the
Middle East has been measured by wars waged. //
By now, it should be plain to all that peacemaking in the
Middle East requires compromise from all parties. At the same
time, peace brings real benefits to everyone. A comprehensive
peace must be grounded in United Nations Security Resolutions 242
and 338 and the principle of territory for peace. This principle
must be elaborated to provide for Israel's security and
recognition, and at the same time for legitimate Palestinian
political rights. Anything else would fail the twin tests of
fairness and security. Let us bury the legacy of the 1967
conflict, once and for all. The time has come to put an end to
Arab-Israeli enmity. //
History has shown that this task will be far from easy. But
I guarantee you one thing: there will be no greater advocate of
peace in the Middle East than this President. //
6
Fourth, we must foster economic development for the sake of
peace and progress. The Persian Gulf and Middle East form a
region rich in natural resources -- with a wealth of untapped
human potential. The challenge is to promote open trade and
investment -- and achieve economic growth and opportunity for all
people of the region. //
By meeting these four challenges -- shared security
arrangements, controlling weapons of mass destruction, ending
Arab-Israeli enmity, and fostering economic development -- we can
build a framework for peace. / I have asked Secretary of State
Baker to go to the Middle East, to conduct a new round of
consultations. He will go to listen, to probe, to offer
suggestions -- to advance the search for peace and stability. I
have also asked him to raise the plight of the hostages held in
Lebanon. We have not forgotten them -- we will not forget them.
///
To all the challenges that confront this region of the
world, there is no single solution -- no solely American answer.
But we can make a difference. America will work tirelessly as a
catalyst for positive change. //
The consequences of this conflict reach far beyond the
confines of the Middle East. // Twice before in this century,
an entire world waged wars against aggression. Twice this
century, out of the horrors of war emerged hope for a more
peaceful world. Twice before, those hopes proved to be a distant
dream, beyond the grasp of man. Until now, the world we've known
7
has been a world divided -- a world of barbed wire and concrete
block, conflict and Cold War. ///
Now, we can see a new world coming into view. A world where
the United Nations -- freed from the clash of ideologies -- is
poised to fulfill the historic vision of its founders. A world
in which there is the very real prospect of a new world order,
where the conduct of nations is guided by the rule of law. In
the words of Winston Churchill, a "world order" in which "the
principles of justice and fair play
protect the weak against
the strong
"
A world in which freedom and respect for human
rights find a home among all nations. //
The Gulf war put this new world to its first test. / And
my fellow Americans: We passed that test. //
For the sake of our principles -- for the sake of the
Kuwaiti people -- we stood our ground. // Because the world
would not look the other way -- Mr. Ambassador, tonight, Kuwait
is free. ///
Tonight, as our troops begin to come home - let us recognize
that the hard work of freedom still calls us forward. / We've
learned the hard lessons of history. The victory over Iraq was
not "a war to end all wars." This new world order does not mean
an era of perpetual peace.
But our victory sends a clear signal. To any dictator -- to
any would-be tyrant, anywhere in the world, the message is clear:
Aggression will not stand. ///
8
not " almost yet sent ccPems had but we rest
Our success in the Gulf will shape not only the new world
order we seek -- but our mission here at home. //
comp last lete Yrs. to
In the war just ended, there were clear-cut objectives --
Hope
time tables -- and, above all, an overriding imperative to
soonend
achieve results. We must bring that same sense of self-
discipline -- that same sense of urgency -- to the way we meet
challenges here at home.
Brock Brower
514-4134
We can build on our successes -- and complete the unfinished
MILL
business that remains. Last year, we passed a Crime Bill that
we will sending Aloll
Payne
made a start in the right direction. This year, we ve sent to
Milettigan
Congress our comprehensive crime package. Last year, we passed
Airport Airway Expansion Act - FAA Reauth.
the Air Transport Act. This year, we've sent up our new Highway
Rob
Assistance
Bill -- the Surface Transportation Act. In 1990, we enacted an
historic Clean Air Act -- now we've sent forward a National
Ed
Goldstein
Energy Strategy. Last year, we passed a Child Care Bill that put
power in the hands of parents. Today, we're ready to do the same
ised
Torgston Dogreen
thing with our schools, and expand choice in education. //
It's time to finish the job. Tonight, I call on Congress to
move forward aggressively on the domestic front. Let's begin
with education, transportation and crime -- and let's commit
ourselves to passing forward-looking legislation without delay.
If our forces managed to win the ground war in 100 hours -- then
surely, we can pass this legislation in 100 days. // Let that
be a promise we make tonight to the American people. //
Five weeks ago, when I spoke in this House about the State
of our Union, I asked all of you: if we can selflessly confront
9
evil for the sake of good in a land so far away -- then surely we
can make this land all that it should be. // In the time since
then, the brave men and women of DESERT STORM accomplished more
than even they may realize. They set out to confront an enemy
abroad -- and in the process, they transformed a nation at home.
Think of the way they went about their mission -- with
confidence and quiet pride. // Think about their sense of duty
-- about all they taught us -- about our values. About
ourselves. //
We hear so often about our young people in turmoil -- how
our children fall short -- how our schools fail us. How American
products and American workers are second-class. // Well, don't
you believe it. // The America we saw in DESERT STORM was
first-class talent -- using first-class technology and text-book
tactics. The excellence embodied in the Patriot missile -- and
the patriots who made it work. And soldiers who know about honor
and bravery and duty and country -- and the world-shaking power
of these simple words. // There is something noble and majestic
about the pride -- about the patriotism -- that we feel tonight.
So, to everyone here -- and everyone watching at home --
think about how we can honor the men and women of DESERT STORM.
Let us honor them with our gratitude -- I ask the Congress
to join with me in proclaiming a special day of thanksgiving,
[DATE].
Let us comfort the families of the fallen -- and remember
each precious life lost. //
614-1492
Ken Carter
10
Let us learn from them as well. Let us honor those who have
served us / by serving others. //
Let us honor them as individuals -- men and women of every
race, all creeds and colors -- by setting the face of this nation
against discrimination, against bigotry and hate. ///
I'm sure many of you saw on television the unforgettable
scene of four terrified Iraqi soldiers surrendering. They
you
1584
emerged from their bunker -- broken, tears streaming from their
eyes, fearing the worst. / And then there was the American
chief
sergeant. Remember what he said? "It's okay. You're all right
Warrant watter
now. // You're all right now." //
Charlie
That scene says a lot about America -- a lot about who we
are. // Americans are a humble people. We are a good people -
a generous people. A people who believe in justice. Let us
804/444 PA.,Pendergast 4474 ///
always be humble and good and generous and just in all we do.
Soon, our troops will begin the march we've all been waiting
for -- their march home. // Let it remind us that those who
have gone before are linked with us in the long line of freedom's
march. Americans have always tried to serve -- to sacrifice
nobly for what we believe to be right. That proves that we can
come together with respect and compassion to serve a larger
purpose. //
[ [Tonight, I want to announce that during the week of May
11th the nation will celebrate the return of our troops. ]] Every
Main Street in every city and town in America will welcome them,
11
with open arms. They may have missed Thanksgiving and Christmas
-- but I can tell you this: for them and for their families, the
day they come home will be a holiday they'll never forget. //
In a very real sense, this victory belongs to them -- to the
privates and the pilots, to the sergeants and the supply
officers, to the men and women in the machines, and the men and
women who made them work. It belongs to the 101st Airborne. The
2nd Marine. To the 24th Mechanized -- the Wisconsin and the
Saratoga -- the 1st Tactical Fighter Wing. This victory belongs
to the finest fighting force this nation has ever known. ///
Let us honor those who have served us -- those who have
shown us all that America means to the world -- by making certain
that we here are worthy of them. ///
May God bless this great nation -- the United States of
America.
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