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21
3
2
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
MARTINIQUE
Nexis: wall
4 times fought
Mr. Aublin 944-6070
6000
I Last time met in Caribbean
STAFFED
# NSC sending comments substantive
Fact Check copy
(Hinchliffe/Cawley)
March 11, 1991 6 p.m.
MARTINIQUE
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: MARTINIQUE LUNCH TOAST
March 16, 1991
Today, we see a world that's changed remarkably since the
last time we met in the Caribbean. When we were together in St.
H12-16-89 Negis News
SVC Martin, it was shortly after the dramatic fall of the Berlin
Wall. And, together, we looked optimistically to the exciting
future the new freedom would bring.
Since then, we have been gratified to see liberty and the
rule of law plant firm roots in the lands where totalitarianism
once reigned. We have seen astounding change in Central and
Eastern Europe -- and we see the promise of more.
But, as partners in the extraordinary challenge of our
shared New World Order, we have also seen dark threats elsewhere
in the world. We are here today to celebrate the defeat of that
darkness. France and the United States worked closely together
to bring about the liberation of Kuwait. Our nations have now
fought side by side four times -- for four great causes and each
I>
time brave Americans and Frenchmen fought side by side for
freedom.
Fodors hibbean, 338
Mr. President, thank you for hosting us on this splendid
"Island of Flowers." In the restfulness and beauty of this
place, there is such a feeling of peace. And that's the vision
to which we recommit ourselves today -- peace for our world.
So let's raise our glasses to toast that friendship, and to
toast the ideals that bind our nations: Liberty. Equality. And
brotherhood. May God Bless both our lands.
Dr. Al Pierce
Nt'l War College
475-1935
US/F have joined many times-
1982-84: hebanon
French barracks bombed too
1984: Chad
us in Sudan w/ AWACS to help
Fr in chan
1987: us + F replag Kuwaiti tankers
in Gulf
Yorktown PA in Rev. war: Fr. w/us in battle
P.g. war today
Lafayette gave GW the key
to the Bastille as gratitude
for ideals learner
lent to Fr. Rev.
key is @ Mt. V.
(Hinchliffe/Cawley)
March 11, 1991 1 p.m.
MARTINIQUE
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: MARTINIQUE LUNCH TOAST
March 16, 1991
Today we see a world that's changed remarkably since the
last time we met in the Caribbean. When we were together in St.
Martin, it was shortly after the dramatic and inspiring crumbling
of the Berlin Wall. And together we looked optimistically to the
exciting future we envisioned the new freedom would bring.
Since then, we have been gratified to see liberty and the
rule of law plant firm roots in the lands where totalitarianism
once reigned. We have seen astounding change in Central and
Eastern Europe -- and we see the promise of more.
But, as partners in the extraordinary challenge of our
shared New World Order, we have also seen dark threats elsewhere
in the world. We are here today to celebrate the defeat of that
darkness. France and the United States worked closely together
to bring about the liberation of Kuwait. Our nations have now
fought side by side four times -- for four great causes. For our
independence. For others' independence. For your independence.
And now -- for the independence of a friend.
Mr. President, thank you for hosting us on this splendid
"Island of Flowers." In the restfulness and beauty of this
place, there is such a feeling of peace. And that's the vision
to which we re-commit ourselves today -- peace for our world.
So let's raise our glasses to toast that friendship, and to
toast the ideals that bind our nations: Liberty. Equality. And
brotherhood. May God Bless both our lands.
SUGGESTED TOAST
WORKING LUNCH WITH FRENCH PRESIDENT MITTERRAND
The world has changed a lot since we last met in the
Caribbean. Our meeting in St. Martin came just weeks after the
fall of the Berlin Wall, when together we confronted the
exciting and historic challenges of the new freedom in
Europe.
Since then liberty and the rule of law have set down firm
roots where totalitarianism once reigned. The world has
changed for the better in Central and Eastern Europe, although
our continued attention will be required. Now the Gulf war has
brought other challenges forward.
Mr. President, we worked together closely to liberate
Kuwait and roll back Iraq's aggression. I hope we can now find
a way to seize the present opportunities to begin building
peace and prosperity throughout the Middle East.
ONGRESS
mpidou
cted his
Georges Pompidou, President of the Republic of
opted a
British
France
lance of
Address before a Joint Meeting of the U.S. Senate and House of
States,
an inde-
Representatives
military
February 25, 1970
rranean
ies, and
e Amer-
Mr. Speaker, I thank you for the
hasis on
noble words which you have spoken to introduce me. Through me,
e United
they are addressed to France, where they will be received with
IS meant
emotion and gratitude. How could I myself fail to be moved on
between
addressing the assembled representatives of a great, a free people,
ritical of
on addressing the Congress of the United States, the embodiment of
ompidou
the oldest democracy? For if it is true that France helped in the birth
signing a
of the United States of America, if French philosophers of the 18th
century were often the inspiration of your founders, your indepen-
dou died
dence and your Constitution have given an unprecedented grandeur
action in
and magnetic force to liberty, to the rights of man and to democracy
d quietly
h he had
through election.
In 1789, in a letter addressed to a member of the French
int. What
Academy of Science, Benjamin Franklin wrote:
period of
Our Constitution is in actual operation: everything appears to
promise that it will last: but in this world nothing is certain but death
and taxes.
For once, Benjamin Franklin was being pessimistic. Certainly
death and taxes have remained. But after two centuries, this
Constitution, intended for a population scattered over 13 colonies,
continues to direct the growth and power of a nation of over 200
million inhabitants and a federation of 50 States.
This surprising and almost unique political stability, conquered
right from the start and maintained through vast changes and
upheavals, is something which we French admire all the more that it
has often escaped us. France at the present time is aware of this and
feels profound gratitude for General de Gaulle for having endowed
her with well-balanced institutions, in the shelter of which freedom
Congressional Record, 91st Congress, 2nd Session, vol. 116, part 4, pp. 4713-4714.
819
820
FOREIGN VISITORS TO CONGRESS
GEORGES Pc
can be fully enjoyed without endangering the necessary continuity
difficult it
and efficacy of governmental action. The year 1969 brought proof to
more diffi
this. It was a year in which the crucial period brought on by General
won. Allo
de Gaulle's voluntary withdrawal was weathered smoothly. There-
Vietnam
fore, it is not without some pride that I am today the first President
victories-
of the Republic of France elected by universal suffrage to bring the
How
greeting of my country to this Congress and to convey to you the
Judging it
friendship of the French people.
preventive
It is a friendship which reaches both into a distant and a recent
battlefield
past, into the struggles waged together, the invaluable services
often bee
rendered, whether long ago for your independence or 25 years
Nations re
ago-as no Frenchman has forgotten-for our liberation. But it is a
here the r
we share
living and active friendship because over and above interests which
security ai
what
sometimes are bound to differ, there are common ideals which
Pres Pompidou
unite us and command our action.
sovereign
called
run the b
Such is first of all, love of liberty, that is, the firm desire to
stand that
safeguard our own freedom, to maintain it in our institutions, to
entente WI
defend it if necessary against any external threat. "Our reliance is in
renunciati
the love of liberty which God has planted in us," Lincoln said. But
an proble
there is also respect for the liberty of others, that is, for the right of
fanatical F
all peoples to self-determination and to organize themselves as they
ed, procee
see fit. "We believe that every nation has a right to live its own life,"
said another of your Presidents, General Eisenhower. It is a fact that
agreement
to define a
many nations do not live according to the principles which we
provide th
believe in. We must admit that this is their right. The crusading
Believ
spirit, in the last analysis, is the spirit of domination. In politics, as in
conflicts h
religion, freedom is akin to tolerance and does not seek to convert
seek, we W
except by example.
founded 0
Tolerance in the world today means coexistence, not accepted
and a hom
as a passing obligation but wanted and sought after as being the
The e
path which leads to lasting détente and peace. Herein, of course,
lies the second powerful ideal we have in common-the desire for
crime agai
us to mak
peace. The alliance which unites us has no other aim but to defend,
are the m
were it necessary, our freedom and our independence. It threatens
are respor
no one; it rejects all spirit of aggression. France, having known war
only too well, seeks merely to safeguard her own peace and to
responsibi
follow the
facilitate, within her means, the reestablishment or maintenance of
but love,"
this peace throughout the world. It is in this spirit that we welcomed
So ma
the conference on Vietnam in Paris. At times we have regretted its
to devote (
length and wondered whether the paths followed had always been
which is n
the speediest and the surest. But I know, from having observed it
even yesterday, the will to peace which guides the President of the
being guai
technical :
United States. I know-because France has experienced it-how
enormous
O CONGRESS
GEORGES POMPIDOU (1970)
821
continuity
difficult it is to end such conflicts and that the stronger a people, the
ht proof to
more difficult the effort required, but also the greater the honor
by General
won. Allow me, as a friend, to tell you that the end of the war in
nly. There-
Vietnam will be for the United States the most worthy of
:
President
victories-a victory won first over oneself.
bring the
How could I not also mention the conflict in the Middle East?
to you the
Judging its existence threatened, the State of Israel has started a
preventive action which has brought it undeniable success on the
d a recent
battlefield. France has indicated her position in terms which have
e services
often been criticized or misunderstood. Faithful to the United
25 years
Nations resolution for which our two countries voted, I reaffirm
But it is a
here the right of the State of Israel not only to existence but also to
ests which
security and the free exercise of all the rights of an independent and
als which
sovereign state. But who cannot see the precarious and in the long
run the barren nature of military success? Who does not under-
desire to
stand that there is no assured future for Israel outside a lasting
utions, to
entente with the world which surrounds it-entente which implies
iance is in
renunciation of military conquest and the solution of the Palestini-
said. But
an problems. Such a result, in a situation where emotions and
le right of
fanatical passions are increasing daily, should, to be quickly reach-
es as they
ed, proceed from United Nations action and in particular from the
own life,"
agreement of the four permanent members of the Security Council
a fact that
to define and propose the general conditions for a settlement and to
which we
provide the guarantees for it.
crusading
Believe me, France's intention in the face of these different
itics, as in
conflicts has never been to wrong the one and to serve the other. We
0 convert
seek, we want only peace, a peace that is sound and just because it is
founded on the will of peoples and the right of all men to a home
accepted
and a homeland.
being the
The extensive means of destruction invented by science, the
f course,
crime against mankind that a nuclear war would constitute, compel
desire for
us to make peace our first and permanent goal. And, because you
0 defend,
are the most powerful nation on earth, you, more than any other,
threatens
are responsible for peace. Never has any nation borne SO heavy a
iown war
responsibility. But there is no nobler mission for a people than to
e and to
follow the age-old words of Antigone: "My vocation is not hatred,
nance of
but love," not war, but peace.
elcomed
So many necessary and exciting tasks await us, if we are allowed
retted its
to devote ourselves to them. With you, as with us, there is poverty
ays been
which is not yet overcome, human dignity which is far from always
served it
being guaranteed. There are innumerable perils stemming from
nt of the
technical and scientific progress and problems by the growth of
it-how
enormous and often inhuman cities. There are whole continents
822
FOREIGN VISITORS TO CONGRESS
around us where underdevelopment nurtures want. We have no
duty more imperious than to help them develop without seeking to
make them dependent; decolonization must be coupled with an
Rafa
active cooperation whereby the richer nations assist the less-favored
without encroaching on their independence. Poverty is proud. Let
Venezu
us respect it as such, but let us help it.
Liberty, peace, cooperation. Such are ideals common to us and
INTRODUC
to France. These are what closely unite us because they correspond
to our common concept of life and of the destiny of mankind. Of
course, there are times where immediate interests prevail. Some-
times these words-liberty, peace, cooperation-are distorted and
they are used for less honorable ends. We know full well that men
universi
are not perfect and states even less so. But our ambition must be to
democr
resist the lurking temptations of individual or national selfishness.
youth, }
Never have men seemed so divided yet never have they been so
social j
close. We recently had proof of this when Neil Armstrong and
ideas. I
Edwin Aldrin set foot on the moon. This unprecedented feat was
one of ,
hailed as a victory for all mankind. That day, all men felt a sense of
exile d
brotherhood with the American astronauts and were proud of their
emerge
success. May that demonstration of human solidarity inspire our
cessful
action.
from 1
Vive les États Unis.
Du
[Applause, the Members rising.]
over 9
percen
nation
zation
cartel
declin
impor
Venez
1967 ]
Middl
rose 9
adjust
U.S. t
petrol
$2.00
boycc
howe
1973.
tiona
I
Vincent Auriol, President of the Republic of
France
INTRODUCTION BY ALAIN SILVERA
See lost page
VINCENT AURIOL WAS BORN IN
modest circumstances, the son of a baker, in the village of Revel
(Haute-Garonne) in the southwest of France on August 27, 1884.
After studying law and philosophy at the University of Toulouse, he
soon entered the ranks of the Socialist party (SFIO) and in 1909
launched a local socialist paper, Le Midi Socialiste, to challenge the
popular Radical daily, La Depêche du Midi. Dividing his time
between newspaper work and his law practice, he married into a
family belonging to the circle of the great socialist leader, Jean
Jaurès, a native son of Toulouse, and in 1914 won election to
Parliament, serving continuously as the deputy of Muret until the
fall of the Third Republic in 1940.
The turning-point in his career took place at the Congress of
Tours in 1920, where he sided with Léon Blum, Jaurès' successor as
party leader, against Lenin's efforts to incorporate the SFIO into the
Communist International. As Blum's loyal lieutenant in a truncated
SFIO, he represented his party in the finance committee of the
Chamber, joined the prime minister, Edouard Herriot, in London in
1925 to negotiate the Dawes plan, and accompanied the Radical
Joseph Caillaux on a mission to Washington, D.C., in a futile effort to
reach a settlement on France's war debts. In 1936, he served as
finance minister in Léon Blum's Popular Front government but
failed to halt the panic produced in financial circles by his timid
efforts to stimulate the economy through a policy of budgetary
deficits and was finally compelled to proclaim a devaluation of the
franc.
Following the collapse of France in 1940, he took-along with
Blum and a handful of other Socialists-a heroic stand against the
Pétainist regime, as one of the eighty deputies assembled by Pierre
Laval in a casino in Vichy who refused to grant full powers to
Marshal Pétain. His role in the internal Resistance and as a
supporter of de Gaulle, first in London, then in Algiers, paved the
365
366
FOREIGN VISITORS TO CONGRESS
way to his election as the first president of the Fourth Republic in
1947. Noted as a conciliator and an effective leader of the Third
Force, a coalition of centrist parties who tried to steer a middle
Vincei
course between the Gaullist Right and the Communists, he played a
France
major part in drawing France closer to the Atlantic alliance. He died
in Paris on January 1, 1966, having lived long enough to witness the
Address
fall of the Fourth Republic.
Represer
Auriol's speech to the joint meeting of Congress in 1951
April 2,
coincided with the launching of the Schuman Plan, a French effort
for promoting European integration by pooling Western Europe's
coal and steel resources, and with the vocal opposition expressed by
a coalition of Republican and southern Democratic senators against
President Truman's expressed desire to reinforce the defense of
ators,
Europe by sending an additional four U.S. divisions to the Conti-
excepti
nent. In his speech, Auriol went straight to the heart of the matter by
before
declaring that "neutralism was a moral absurdity" and "geographi-
It will 1
cal and historical nonsense." He also pointed to the Schuman plan
this ho
as an illustration of the extent to which his country was prepared to
Ia
surrender a part of its sovereignty in the search for peace. Truman
by a P1
succeeded in overcoming Republican opposition to strengthen
Repub
NATO, and Auriol's vision of a united Europe has by now become a
visits 1
more tangible reality.
Benjai
First 1
It
men
rushe
fight.
T
ry alr
I:
the gi
heart
comr
with
repre
peop
attac
proc.
Inde
citize
Congre
NGRESS
olic in
Third
iddle
Vincent Auriol, President of the Republic of
yed a
France
e died
SS the
Address before a Joint Meeting of the U.S. Senate and House of
Representatives
1951
April 2, 1951
effort
ope's
ed by
gainst
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Sen-
se of
ators, and Members of Congress, I am deeply moved by the
Conti-
exceptional honor you are rendering me in allowing me to appear
er by
before this assembly and to address you from this glorious rostrum.
raphi-
It will touch the heart of the people of France to whom, through me,
plan
this homage and this warm welcome are directed.
ed to
I am the more deeply moved that my visit is the first one made
ıman
by a President of the French Republic, in the name of France to the
gthen
Republic of the United States and that it recalls to me two historic
me a
visits to our country made by two of your illustrious statesmen:
Benjamin Franklin in 1776, and, a century and a half later, after the
First World War, President Wilson.
It gives me an opportunity to pay tribute to your heroic young
men who under the command of their glorious leaders twice
rushed to our ravaged country to share with our own sons in the
fight.
These memories illustrate our common history, and this histo-
ry already long and always friendly is a history of freedom.
In recalling these memories in the presence of the Congress of
the great American democracy, I want to express our constant and
heartfelt sympathy to all the families whose sons have died for our
common ideal and are resting forever in French soil, side by side
with the sons of France and of the other Allied Nations. Through you
representing the 48 States of the Union, I wish to tell the American
people of our grateful and loyal friendship and of our unshakable
attachment to the great human principles France has always
proclaimed-principles embodied both in your Declaration of
Independence and in our declaration of the rights of man and of the
citizen, principles which, 3 years ago, after SO many trials and
Congressional Record, 82nd Congress, 1st Session, vol. 97, part 3, pp. 3118-3120.
367
368
FOREIGN VISITORS TO CONGRESS
VINCEN
contests, have received the unanimous consecration of the United
nor D
Nations.
post,
These sacred achievements of man which are not only the most
of an
precious values in our civilization but also the conditions for all
F
future improvement, for all individual and social progress, are
extrer
today threatened-we are sorrowfully obliged to admit this-only
the Fr
6 years after our two people made sacrifices never before equaled in
the W(
history, for the attainment and organization of a just and tranquil
Franc
peace.
great
Confronted with this situation, far different from what we had
whole
wanted and expected, with our security threatened, any nation
the St
worthy of her freedom must face reality and take stock of her own
civiliz
responsibilities. Today I have come to tell you what France thinks
I:
and what France seeks.
young
Gentlemen, you are the representatives of a people who insist
Parlia
upon truth. Your opinions are based on facts and your judgments on
stands
acts and not on words.
This is why I will ask you this question: When in the defense of
her independence and the sacred cause of liberty a nation has lost
SO
is
1,357,000 men from 1914 to 1918, 575,000 dead from 1939 to
ha
1945-240,000 perished in uniform in the first and the last battles
su
for freedom, 112,000 were shot or were killed by bombing, 182,000
wl
died deported to Germany for belonging to the underground, and
40,000 died in enemy labor camps; when, for the same cause, the
Be
same nation, fighting at the door to southeastern Asia, in Indochina,
did no
a war which has lasted more than 4 years, does not hesitate to
collect
reaffirm her faith in international law by sending to Korea officers
nations
and men whose heroism makes them the worthy comrades of your
institut
officers and men; then I ask you, who could seriously question her
once n
determination? In fact, what nation has ever proven better her love
other,
for independence and for peace and her will to defend both?
their fc
The attitude which has been given the barbarous name of
word,
"neutralism" has always been foreign to the French soul, not only
almost
because it is a moral absurdity-can anyone be neutral between
If
servitude and liberty, between good and evil-but because it is
hesitate
geographical and historical nonsense. Our people have experienced
they ha
the frailty of their exposed land and sea frontiers. Almost alone in
oppress
1914 and again in 1939 they have met the first shock of armies so
their pl
powerful that each time it has taken 4 years of ceaseless effort and a
they ha
coalition of the world's forces to defeat them. Therefore they know
the bal:
that right without might is powerless. They know that isolation is
and for
death. They know that neutrality, whether declared, armed or
what W
disarmed, has protected neither Belgium, the Netherlands, Norway,
Aft
NGRESS
VINCENT AURIOL (1951)
369
United
nor Denmark and that an aggressor would never stop at a frontier
post, even should it be surmounted with a dove holding the branch
e most
of an olive tree. [Applause.]
for all
Finally, they know that France is not simply the western
s, are
extremity of Europe in the Mediterranean and the Atlantic, but that
-only
the French Union extends its influence and civilization to all parts of
led in
the world and that in the common strategy for freedom and peace,
anquil
France has courageously accepted the tasks and responsibilities of a
great world power. They know also that once France has fallen, the
e had
whole of Europe will be in chains with all her potential strength in
nation
the service of the invader and that the whole world, indeed
r own
civilization itself, will be in mortal danger.
thinks
I shall always remember the clear warning when, in 1919, as a
young deputy I heard it stated from the rostrum of our own
insist
Parliament by the President of the United States that France still
its on
stands at the frontier:
use of
Here is where the blow fell because the rulers of the world did not
S lost
sooner see how to prevent it
they know that the only way to do this
39 to
is to make it certain that the same thing will not always happen that has
attles
happened this time, that there never shall be any doubt or waiting or
2,000
surmise, but that whenever France or any free people is threatened, the
whole world will be ready to vindicate its liberty.
and
e, the
Because they did not establish this union in time, because they
hina,
did not organize soon enough and at the most vulnerable points a
te to
collective defense prepared for instant action, the democratic
ficers
nations with their decisions delayed by the interplay of their
your
institutions or by the scruples and indiscipline of freedom were
n her
once more thrown into the most destructive of wars. One after the
love
other, nations fell which would have been saved had they joined
their forces. And France herself who entered the fight faithful to her
e of
word, was wounded on the ramparts, imprisoned for 4 years, and
only
almost destroyed.
ween
If our people had given up, if for a single moment they had
it is
hesitated between resistance and collaboration with the enemy, if
nced
they had not been willing to subject themselves to an implacable
ne in
oppression, had not chosen to destroy, often with their own hands,
es so
their properties and their tools, rather than work for the enemy, if
and a
they had permitted him at times when the fortunes of war were in
now
the balance to have a free disposition of their remaining resources
on is
and forces in metropolitan France and in her overseas territories,
d or
what would Europe and the world be today?
way,
After such common fights and sacrifices, the achievement of
370
FOREIGN VISITORS TO CONGRESS
VINCEI
the final victory must not make us forget the perils to which we were
rearn
led by an uncoordinated diplomacy and strategy. It is the very old
majo
story of the Horatii and the Curiatii. For the goal to be reached is not
spite
to liberate a Europe which may once more be occupied, enslaved,
reequ
exploited, and ravaged, and whose name, you may be sure, would
fault
only recall the final ruin of a civilization, but rather, by shielding her
orgar
against aggression, to protect the whole community of the free
The S
nations and in this way to save peace.
men.
In putting into practice an effective union, in which risks as
form
well as efforts must be shared, France has a clear understanding of
arma
her duties and of her rights. [Applause.]
turne
Her contribution to the defense of freedom and of peace is first
to th
of all her own recovery.
statu
Undoubtedly, gentlemen, our people are sometimes dispar-
and 1
aged, and they are sometimes guilty of self-disparagement. But
that
those of you whom we have had the joy of welcoming in our country
trooj
have been able to see the road covered since the liberation.
Atlar
In 1944, the country was bled white, the state disrupted, 90
of pe
percent of our departments were in ruins, our lands were laid
fallow, our industrial equipment was pillaged or obsolete, our ports,
not (
our means of communication were in shambles, more than two
and
million houses were destroyed or damaged, our economy and our
to ar
finances were ruined.
the I
In 1951, there is an increased population, republican institu-
tions are reestablished, our production has been raised to the level
the :
of 133 as compared with a 100 in 1938, our commercial balance is
force
in equilibrium and our currency stabilized before the rise in prices
whic
of raw materials could compromise the equilibrium thus gradually
their
attained, our homes have been built again and the specter of social
troubles and of despair has been pushed aside. Gentlemen, it is with
are
pride that I speak of the accomplishments of our workers, of our
amo
engineers, of our leaders of enterprise, of our farmers, of our
case
administrators, of all Frenchmen and of their representatives. The
Cha:
generous aid that you have given us through the Marshall plan, for
case
which I am happy to thank you today publicly, has not been
of 0
extended to us in vain. In giving a decisive impulse to our paralyzed
prov
economy, it has again opened for us the way to work and to hope,
upo
and by driving away the threat of unemployment and misery, it has
preserved us from those social upheavals which are the breeding
Nati
ground for adventure and tyranny. [Applause.]
tries
Though a great deal remains to be done, this first balance sheet
all (
of our recovery testifies to the courage of our people, supported by
your brotherly assistance.
by a
Our next contribution to the cause of freedom and peace is our
RESS
VINCENT AURIOL (1951)
371
vere
rearmament effort which our Parliament has voted by a huge
old
majority without hesitation or reservations. This has been done in
not
spite of the already enormous burden of our reconstruction and
ved,
reequipment and of our military expenditures. It is certainly not the
ould
fault of our two nations if world collective security has not been
her
organized, though we consider this failure as merely temporary.
free
The spirit of aggression is foreign to both Americans and French-
men. But in the face of threats of totalitarian expansion and the
S as
formation of certain mighty groups of powers whose policies and
g of
armaments are not subject to the free control of the people, we have
turned thoughtfully and inflexibly to regional pacts and especially
first
to the regional pact of the North Atlantic which, conforming to the
statutes of the United Nations, has but one aim-to deter aggression
par-
and to strengthen the peace. Thus, by our reciprocal undertakings
But
that we shall from now on pool together our resources of arms and
ntry
troops at all threatened and strategic points, we have made the
Atlantic community a solid foundation of our common security and
90
of peace. [Applause.]
laid
For us, indeed, the effort for peace and the effort for defense are
orts,
not contradictory; they complement each other. With the prudence
two
and firmness dictated by our said experience, we shall never cease
our
to answer negation, procedural obstructionism and propaganda in
the language of right, of truth, and of sincerity.
titu-
Let us not fail to speak clearly, frankly, and firmly. Let us put at
evel
the service of peace and freedom, side by side with our material
e is
forces as long as those are needed, the invincible moral forces
ices
which always animate free people aware of the righteousness of
ally
their cause.
cial
We shall not tire, on our part, of repeating the conditions that
with
are necessary for the reestablishment of trust and cooperation
our
among all peoples. Does everyone sincerely want peace? In that
our
case, everyone must respect the commitments subscribed to in the
The
Charter of the United Nations by all the Allies of yesterday; in that
for
case, certain countries must stop interfering in the internal affairs
een
of others in an effort to weaken their freely chosen regimes, to
zed
provoke troubles, to paralyze production and to pour daily insults
ope,
upon their governments.
has
In that case, international and permanent control by the United
ling
Nations Organization of armaments, of all armaments, in all coun-
tries, must be accepted, in order to limit fairly and later to destroy
neet
all classic or atomic weapons.
1 by
In that case, the national armies must be progressively replaced
by a United Nations army as provided by the common Charter.
our
In that case, every country must agree to the free movement of
372
FOREIGN VISITORS TO CONGRESS
VINCE
wealth, ideas, and persons as well as the free and sincere expression
of view, under international control of peoples on whom regimes
adap¹
have been imposed by force.
plaus
1
Here are, among so many others, the questions to which
Unite
answers must be found. And so that they may be answered clearly,
I am asking them here, clearly and publicly, before the legislature
inde₁
of An
of a great Nation which is ridiculously accused every day, as is
the W
ours, of warmongering, and I am certain that I speak in the name
of Vi
of all the men who want peace with liberty, the only peace worth
Exhil
living for.
Finally, our effort to unite and organize Europe must be
considered a contribution to the defense of peace and liberty by all
who believe that it is not sufficient to guarantee the security of
welfare and justice, enrich their existence and increase their
attachment to society.
France is working toward this goal by the creation of communi-
ties of production of which the coal and steel pool, that bears the
name of its moving spirit, President Schuman, is but a beginning
and a preface for others that we are preparing. [Applause.] France is
working toward this goal through the Council of Europe and the
Strasbourg Assembly which she initiated. She is working toward it
in seeking the formation of a European army-the nucleus of a
future international army-to take its place, first of all, in the great
Atlantic army whose illustrious leader, General Eisenhower, I wish
thos
to salute here today.
Mem
Passionately devoted to the realization of a European federation
which will put an end to secular antagonisms, France has put aside
her legitimate resentment against the enemy of yesterday, demand-
ing of it only that it bring to the cause of cooperation the admission
of its responsibilities as well as the proof of its redemption through
the repudiation of its old regime and the sincere attachment to the
cause of democracy. Convinced of the need for supranational
institutions, France has declared herself prepared to grant to those
bodies, in conformity with her constitution and under condition of
reciprocity, part of her sovereignty. [Applause.] And she hopes to
convince the still hesitant nations that they will not curtail their
sovereignty but on the contrary strengthen it by associating it with
others, by uniting their resources and labor to increase their forces,
by developing and coordinating their industrial and agricultural
economies, by widening their markets, by raising the standard of
living of their workers, in a word, by making of the old divided
Europe, slow of decision, torn with antagonisms, distrustful of
herself, a new and harmonious organism animated by one soul and
RESS
VINCENT AURIOL (1951)
373
sion
adapted to the needs and exigencies of the modern world. [Ap-
mes
plause.]
ich
Patiently and untiringly, we shall pursue the realization of these
arly,
United States of a free Europe which, with full respect for the
independence and dignity of all nations, will join the United States
ure
S is
of America to work still more effectively for the welfare and peace of
the world. In this way, we shall translate into actuality the prophecy
ame
orth
of Victor Hugo who said, 75 years ago, on the eve of the Philadelphia
Exhibition:
be
/ all
The future is already foreseeable. It belongs to a united and
peaceful democracy. And you, our delegates to the Philadelphia
of
Exhibition, you are beginning under our eyes and the superb realiza-
neir
tion which the twentieth century will witness: the union of the United
States of America and of the United States of Europe.
Go, workers
uni-
of France, go, workers of Paris who know how to think, go, girl artisans
the
of Paris who know how to fight, useful men, brave women, go and carry
the good news, go and tell the new world that the old world is young.
ing
You are the ambassadors of fraternity. The two continents will ex-
e is
change not only their products, their trade, their industries, but also
the
their ideas and the progress they make in justice as well as in
d it
prosperity.
of a
reat
Gentlemen, I would be happy if today, I could have been one of
vish
those useful ambassadors of friendship and of peace. [Applause, the
Members rising.]
ion
side
nd-
ion
ugh
the
nal
ose
1 of
; to
eir
with
ces,
ıral
I of
ded
of
and
CONGRESS
nerican
t. At the
nuclear
Charles de Gaulle, President of the Republic of
moting
France
tions SO
Address before a Joint Meeting of the U.S. Senate and House of
Representatives
April 25, 1960
Mr. Speaker, the eloquent words
you have just spoken, and for which I want to thank you, were
inspired by the reason and sentiment which have at all times
distinguished the relations between our two countries. Since the
appearance of the United States on the world scene, we have fought
side by side on three occasions and for three great causes. First, it
was for your independence. [Applause.] Later on it was for the
independence of others. Finally, it was for the independence of
France herself. Our common past is filled with efforts and sacrifices.
It is great because at all times we have served together for freedom.
now, for Kuwait
It is dear to us, so much so that in spite of vicissitudes the friendship
between Americans and Frenchmen, though two centuries old, is
today more alive than ever. [Applause.]
Under any circumstances, I would have come with joy to see my
illustrious friend President Eisenhower, to bring to your Congress
Rev. W& W2 us some
the very cordial salutations of the French Republic and to renew a
direct contact with the American people.
I visited you in 1944, at a time when, under the leadership of
Roosevelt, your decisive contribution to the war was to bring about
the liberation of France and of Europe. I came back in 1945 on the
morrow of the great victories won by the armies of the West, in
Europe under the command of Dwight Eisenhower, in the Pacific
under the orders of MacArthur, and while President Truman was
striving to build a peace both firm and just.
But from that time on, the world was destined to remain beset
by troubles and dangers. My present trip is taking place on the eve of
an international meeting where the fate of mankind may be
oriented either toward calamity or toward peace. This explains the
great importance which I attach to the conversations I have just had
with the President and members of the administration and also to
Congressional Record. 86th Congress. 2nd Session, vol. 106, part 7, pp. 8643-8644.
675
676
FOREIGN VISITORS TO CONGRESS
CHARLES DE
my meeting with you distinguished Senators and Congressmen at
can achie
the Capitol in Washington.
remain th
Indeed, I do not believe that the human race has ever been
and Amer
more threatened than it is today. Mechanism now dominates the
other tim
earth. It has brought forth gigantic material progress. But at the
that, in th
same time, it has produced two apparently irreconcilable systems,
the destir
each of which claims it possesses the only workable way to
and the M
transform society.
Let t]
Moreover, the convulsions of two world wars have aroused in
happen t
peoples, who number 2 billion, the will to liberate themselves from
undoubte
all foreign subjection and the passionate desire to reach the stage of
inconcei
development of the most advanced countries. Finally, there is no
social or
end to the accumulation and the perfecting of the means of nuclear
sively rec
destruction capable of annihilating life over vast spaces and the
Unti
vehicles which can carry them anywhere. Given these elements
relations
which are bound with one another, the equilibrium of the world is
sion of ti
no more than a cold war, a war that engenders fear, incites
statutes
invectives and engulfs resources, and all problems appear insoluble
untimely
and envenomed.
aim to es
But, if in material terms the balance between the two camps
could be
which divide the universe may seem equal, morally it is not. France
view.
made her choice. She has chosen to be on the side of the free
Ever
peoples; she has chosen to be there with you. [Applause.] Certainly
referring
in this decision what counts for much is the memory of what our
my inten
alliance has been, the help given us under the Marshall plan after
any atter
the last war to restore our economy, the threat that the Soviet bloc
must be
raises for us and for you and finally the colossal effort you are
the great
making SO that, should the occasion arise, aggression brings death
it does in
to the aggressor even if it must at the same time cause the death of
Europe
the defender. But what has led France to your side and holds her
possible
there are her national spirit which is a thousand years old, her
um bet
tradition which made her a champion of freedom, her ideal which
populati
has for name the Rights of Man and her conviction that in the end,
one day,
order in the world calls for democracy on the national plane and the
its two ]
right of self-government on the international plane. [Applause.] And
civilizati
these are the very things which are also the vision, the inspiration
to help
and the spirit of the American people.
unfavor
Nonetheless while France has chosen to belong altogether to
Africa.
the gathering of the free peoples, she does not despair at all of
Ind
seeing peace established in the world.
is, for th
Since all things have to have a beginning, she believes that only
and the
a détente is now possible and necessary. But this détente, who else
the grea
CONGRESS
CHARLES DE GAULLE (1960)
677
smen at
can achieve it, but the nations who have been the creators and who
er been
remain the bearers of modern civilization? This means all Europe
and America, her daughter. To be sure, the fate of the universe has at
ates the
other times depended on peoples of other regions. It may happen
t at the
that, in the future, such might become the case again. But, today,
ystems,
the destiny of our human race depends upon the states of the Old
way to
and the New World.
Let them be agreed and no one will ignore them. If this cannot
used in
happen then every point on the land, the sea and the sky will
:S from
undoubtedly contain a virulent cause of conflict. Besides, is it
tage of
inconceivable that the evolution taking place within each of the two
= is no
social orders now in existence in the modern nations may progres-
uclear
sively reduce their differences and their oppositions?
nd the
Until these nations have reached a true modus vivendi in their
ments
relations, however, any demand that might be made for the conclu-
orld is
sion of treaties, the definition of borders, and the modification of
ncites
statutes in the most sensitive regions, would be unfortunate and
bluble
untimely, because it would jeopardize the better relations which we
aim to establish. On the other hand in the peaceable climate which
amps
could be created, objective solutions would little by little come into
rance
view.
free
Everybody understands that, in bringing up such subjects, I am
tainly
referring in the first place to those which relate to Germany. It is not
t our
my intention to deal with them in detail here. But I want to say that
after
any attempt to aggravate the wounds suffered by the German people
bloc
must be avoided. I will even add that Federal Germany is rendering
1 are
the greatest possible service to coexistence by incorporating itself as
leath
it does into Western Europe. Through the organization of a Western
th of
Europe ensemble, facing the bloc built by the Soviets, it will be
her
possible to establish, from the Atlantic to the Urals, some equilibri-
her
um between those two zones which are comparable, both in
hich
populations and in resources. Alone such a balance may perhaps,
end,
one day, enable the old continent to bring a reconciliation between
the
its two parts, to find peace within itself, to give a fresh start to its
And
civilization and lastly to have the possibility, together with America,
tion
to help, in an atmosphere of serenity, the development of the
unfavored masses of Asia and of the awakening populations of
r to
Africa.
I of
Indeed, such aid, offered to the countries that lack everything,
is, for those who do not lack anything, both the greatest human duty
nly
and the most fruitful policy. How much less the chances of war if
lse
the great modern states should choose as a common aim such an
678
FOREIGN VISITORS TO CONGRESS
undertaking? What a sigh of relief would pass across the globe if, in
this field, above their rivalries, these great states established practi-
cal cooperation were it only, to begin with, limited to a few matters.
Ma
But, whatever the men who bear the paramount responsibility
in the United States, the Soviet Union, Great Britain, and France
INTROD
may attempt in a near future toward improving relations between
their countries, increasing human, economic, cultural exchanges as
well as their cooperation for the development of certain Asiatic or
African areas, peace and life will nevertheless be in jeopardy if the
temptation and the threat of war remain hanging over the world due
to nuclear weapons. To destroy these weapons by common consent,
joint I
to enter the commitment not to manufacture any others, to open up
the U
all territories to reciprocal supervision, there is no other hope for
Hima
the future of our species. [Applause.] One can indeed apply contrac-
relati
tual measures first to the vehicles of death, missiles, planes, ships,
nent.
which, even today, it is possible to prevent from carrying bombs and
recog
to supervise in common. It is precisely thus that France recom-
the bi
mends that disarmament be started. But we have reached the last
(
moment when an agreement appears possible. Failing the renuncia-
comr
tion of atomic armaments by those states who are provided with
direc
them, the French Republic obviously will be obliged to equip itself
state
with such armaments. In consequence, how many others will
the g
attempt to do the same? In the state of increasing uncertainty in
relati
which fear throws the peoples of the world, the risk grows that, one
in 19
day, events will escape from the control of those who obey reason
direc
and that the worst catastrophes will be unleashed by fanatics,
giant
lunatics or men of ambition.
Cons
Three weeks from now, Messrs. Eisenhower, Macmillan,
1959
Khrushchev and myself will compare our views after having done
so two by two. I do not think that anyone believes that it will be
une
enough that the four of us sit together for problems of such
yan
magnitude to be effectively solved. Perhaps we shall, at last, decide
Indi
on the road to follow, however long and arduous the stages may be.
emp
In any event, my country has determined its purposes and its hopes.
U.S.
Americans, let me say to you: in the big contest which lies
eco
ahead, nothing counts more for France than the wisdom, the
seci
resolution, the friendship of the great people of the United States.
This is what I came here to tell you. [Applause, the Members rising.]
the
duc
anc
Par
sha
[President Charles de Gaulle's address was translated from French.]
U.S
UNITED STATES
CAPITOL HISTORICAL SOCIETY
FOREIGN VISITORS
TO CONGRESS
SPEECHES AND HISTORY
to
A the used merican see De for Gaulles example fighting. speech the if us consition.)
du Motier,
The Marquis de Lafayette, Republic of France
INTRODUCTION BY FRED SOMKIN
LAFAYETTE WAS BORN INTO A NO-
ble and wealthy French family. At the age of nineteen his idealism
was aroused by the American Declaration of Independence and he
offered his services in the Revolution. In consideration of
Lafayette's important connections, his request to serve as a volun-
teer major-general at his own expense was approved by the Conti-
nental Congress, which was seeking loans and military assistance
from France. To the end of his life he was regarded in America as a
special protégé of George Washington.
Later Lafayette became prominent in Europe as a champion of
liberalism, suffering persecution from French Revolutionary radi-
cals, Napoleon, Austria, and the restored Bourbon monarchy. In
1824, at a low point in his political fortunes, he decided to revisit
America. His associates planned to use their reporting of the trip as
propaganda against their opponents. Lafayette's intention became
known in the United States a few weeks after the issuance of the
Monroe Doctrine and coincided with a felt American need for a
reassertion of republican nationalism against reactionary European
powers. A formal invitation was extended to Lafayette by the
president and Congress, with the offer of a warship for his transpor-
tation.
For thirteen months Lafayette rode through the states of the
Union by steamboat and stagecoach, meeting everywhere with
parades and speeches. The new generation of Americans were
proud of their prosperity, but sought confirmation from Lafayette as
the representative of the founders that they had not abandoned the
ideals of their fathers in the race to get rich. This was the implicit
theme sounded in Congress by Speaker Henry Clay as he greeted
"the nation's guest,' and Lafayette answered with the needed
reassurance.
In France the American reception of Lafayette provided ammu-
nition for the anti-government forces, and Lafayette himself gained
3
4
FOREIGN VISITORS TO CONGRESS
an improvement in his personal fortunes when Congress voted him
a gift of $200,000 and a township of lańd. For the American people
the great tour provided an occasion for one last expression of
Marie-Jo
national unity before the break-up of the "era of good feelings" and
the beginning of the divisiveness that was to lead on to the Civil War.
The Mar
Address bef
Representati
December
the House (
and their h
make choic
person thei
the princip
am proud :
dear revolt
uncandid a
those testin
which no a
My obl
might claim
to be adop
have been c
affection ar
ing invitati
hour of wh
tions and S1
The ap
tives, for I
revolution,
"firm and e
am declare
American I
devotion to
continue to
You ha
felicity of m
Register of Deba
[The Marquis d
did not give an
CONGRESS
voted him
an people
ression of
Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-CGilbert du Motier,
lings" and
Civil War.
The Marquis de Lafayette, Republic of France
Address before a Joint Meeting of the U.S. Senate and House of
Representatives
December 10, 1824
(167 yrs. ago)
Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of
the House of Representatives: While the people of the United States
and their honorable representatives in Congress have deigned to
make choice of me, one of the American veterans, to signify in his
person their esteem for our joint services, and their attachment to
the principles for which we have had the honor to fight and bleed, I
am proud and happy to share those extraordinary favors with my
dear revolutionary companions. Yet it would be, on my part,
uncandid and ungrateful not to acknowledge my personal share in
those testimonies of kindness, as they excite in my breast emotions
which no adequate words could express.
My obligations to the United States, sir, far exceed any merit I
might claim. They date from the time when I have had the happiness
to be adopted as a young soldier, a favored son of America. They
have been continued to me during almost half a century of constant
affection and confidence; and now, sir, thanks to your most gratify-
ing invitation, I find myself greeted by a series of welcomes, one
hour of which would more than compensate for the public exer-
tions and sufferings of a whole life.
The approbation of the American people, and their representa-
tives, for my conduct during the vicissitudes of the European
revolution, is the highest reward I could receive. Well may I stand
"firm and erect," when, in their names, and by you, Mr. Speaker, I
am declared to have, in every instance, been faithful to those
American principles of liberty, equality, and true social order, the
devotion to which, as it has been from my earliest youth, so it shall
continue to be to my latest breath.
You have been pleased, Mr. Speaker, to allude to the peculiar
felicity of my situation, when, after SO long an absence, I am called
Register of Debates in Congress, 18th Congress, 2nd Session, vol. 1, pp. 4-5.
[The Marquis de Lafayette appeared before the U.S. Senate on December 9, 1824, but he
did not give an address.]
5
6
FOREIGN VISITORS TO CONGRESS
to witness the immense improvements, the admirable communica-
tions, the prodigious creations, of which we find an example in this
city, whose name itself is a venerated palladium; in a word, all the
Louis ]
grandeur and prosperity of these happy United States, which, at the
same time they nobly secure the complete assertion of American
INTRODUCTI
independence, reflect on every part of the world the light of a far
superior political civilization.
What better pledge can be given of a perservering national love
of liberty, when those blessings were evidently the result of a
virtuous resistance to oppression, and of institutions founded on the
United Sta
rights of man and the republican principle of self-government? No,
of the mos
Mr. Speaker, posterity has not begun for me-since, in the sons of
Kossuth, a
my companions and friends, I find the same public feelings, and,
war for H1
permit me to add, the same feelings in my behalf, which I have had
1848; whe
the happiness to experience in their fathers.
crush Kos
Sir, I have been allowed, forty years ago, before a committee of
Kossuth fl
a Congress of thirteen States, to express the fond wishes of an
American heart. On this day I have the honor, and enjoy the delight,
Many
to congratulate the representatives of the Union, so vastly enlarged,
held a spe
the world,
on the realization of those wishes, even beyond every human
ian libert
expectation, and upon the almost infinite prospects we can with
certainty anticipate.
European
Permit me, Mr. Speaker, and gentlemen of the House of
then ragir
continent.
Representatives, to join, to the expression of those sentiments, a
seized the
tribute of my lively gratitude, affectionate devotion, and profound
American
respect.
success of
For m
tics as ma
quarter-m
passed res
sian despo
exploit K
and those
any talk o
noncomm
Kossu
with adm
demandin
ing spirit
price of th
Kossuth d
ment in L
PN6081
THE HOME BOOK
OF
QUOTATIONS
Classical and Modern
France quote
SELECTED AND ARRANGED BY
BURTON STEVENSON
Editor The Home Book of Verse
Remarks leaders Martinique sessions to by of color
Joingress.
I can tell thee where that saying was born
SHAKESPEARE, Twelfth Night
Act i, SC. 5,1.9
TENTH EDITION
DODD,MAD & COMPANY
NEW YORK
FRANCE A:
720 FRANCE AND THE FRENCH
FRANCE AND THE FRENCH
Who loving novels
12
1
My thoughts and wishes bend again toward
"Tis better using France than trusting France.
Receive the mann
SHAKESPEARE, III Henry VI. Act iv, SC. 1, 1. 42.
Du BARTAS, Devir
France.
13
i, day 2. (Sylve
SHAKESPEARE, Hamlet. Act i, SC. 2, 1. 55.
The faithless vain disturber of mankind,
1
2
The French woma
That sweet enemy, France.
Insulting Gaul.
THOMSON, The Seasons: Autumn, 1. 1076.
a Parisienne, and
SIR PHILIP SIDNEY, Astrophel and Stella. Son-
14
pears altogether h
net xli.
The cross of the Legion of Honor has been
EMERSON, Uncoll
3
And threat'ning France, plac'd like a painted
conferred upon me. However, few escape that
There is a quality
Jove,
distinction.
world can compete
Kept idle thunder in his lifted hand.
MARK TWAIN, A Tramp Abroad. Ch. 8.
-it is the power
DRYDEN, Annus Mirabilis. St. 39.
We distribute tracts, the French distribute medals.
will draw wit out 0
Attributed to W1
4
GEORGE MOORE, Meissonier and the Salon
"They order," said I, "this matter better in
Julian.
Every Frenchwom:
France."
or ill, how to do a
LAURENCE STERNE, A Sentimental Journey. Ch.
IV-France: Her Language
(Toute Française,
15
i, 1. 1.
Sait, bien ou mal,
Ther was also a Nonne, a Prioresse,
VOLTAIRE, Le Bé
These things are managed so well in France.
And Frensh she spak ful faire and fetisly,
BRET HARTE, The Tale of a Pony.
She's only a darne
After the scole of Stratford atte Bowe,
W.S. GILBERT, I
III-France: Her Faults
For Frensh of Paris was to hir unknowe.
2
5
CHAUCER, Canterbury Tales: Prologue, 1. 118.
I hate the French
The thirst for truth is not a French passion.
(c. 1386)
and wear wooder
In everything appearance is preferred to
16
GOLDSMITH, Ess
reality, the outside to the inside, the fashion
The Frenchman feels an easy mastery in
abled Soldier.
to the material, that which shines to that
speaking his mother tongue, and attributes
3
which profits. opinion to conscience. That is
it to some native superiority of parts that
Fifty million Fre
to say, the Frenchman's centre of gravity
lifts him high above us barbarians of the
Attributed to
is always outside him,-he is always thinking
West.
World-Telegra
of others, playing to the gallery.
J. R. LOWELL, On a Certain Condescension in
4
The French are
AMIEL, Journal, 22 Jan., 1875.
Foreigners.
17
a book on every
6
France, fam'd in all great arts, in none
The French tongue, which is the speech of
SAMUEL JOHNSC
the clear, the cheerful, or the august among
5
supreme.
A Frenchman lo
MATTHEW ARNOLD, To a Republican Friend.
men.
JOHN MORLEY, Rousseau, p. 436.
stract.
7
The most frivolous and fickle of civilised na-
HENRY SETON T
Speak in French when you can't think of the
6
tions-they pass from the game of war to
English for a thing.
the game of peace, from the game of science
LEWIS CARROLL, Through the Looking-Glass.
Why, is it not a
that we should
to the game of art, from the game of liberty
Ch. 2.
18
strange flies, th
to the game of slavery, from the game of
It is the true and native language of insin-
perdona-mi's.
slavery to the game of licence.
WALTER BAGEHOT, Literary Studies: Shake-
cerity.
SHAKESPEARE, 1
ALFRED SUTRO, A Marriage Has Been Ar-
1. 32.
speare.
ranged. Referring to the French language.
7
Fickle in everything else, the French have been
A nation of mor
faithful in one thing only,-their love of change.
V-France: The French
rots.
SIR ARCHIBALD ALISON, History of Europe.
19
JOSEPH SIEYÈS,
8
The French are wiser than they seem, and
to Mirabeau.
My scrofulous French novel.
the Spaniards seem wiser than they are.
ROBERT BROWNING, Soliloquy in a Spanish
Your nation is di
FRANCIS BACON, Essays: Of Seeming Wise.
of idle monkeys
Cloister.
20
9
Frenchmen are like gunpowder, each by it-
the other of tige
Never was there a country where the prac-
VOLTAIRE, Lett
self smutty and contemptible; but mass them
tice of governing too much had taken deeper
Nov., 1766.
together, they are terrible indeed!
root and done more mischief.
Something of tl
S. T. COLERIDGE, Table Talk.
THOMAS JEFFERSON, Writings. Vol. vii, p. 445.
from a little Frt
10
21 The Frenchman, easy, debonair, and brisk,
HAWTHORNE, J
Have the French for friends, but not for
Give him his lass, his fiddle, and his frisk,
8
neighbors.
If they have a
EMPEROR NICEPHORUS, when treating with the
Is always happy, reign whoever may,
LAURENCE STE
ambassadors of Charlemagne in 803.
And laughs the sense of mis'ry far away.
The Address
11
COWPER, Table Talk, 1. 237.
9
Others import yet nobler arts from France,
22
I do not dislike
Teach kings to fiddle, and make senates dance.
Much like the French (or like ourselves,
antipathy betwe
POPE, The Dunciad. Bk. iv, 1. 597.
their apes),
Who with strange habit do disguise their
shapes;
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2ND STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1989 Federal Information Systems Corporation;
Federal News Service
DECEMBER 16, 1989, SATURDAY
SECTION: FROM THE WHITE HOUSE
LENGTH: 6382 words
HEADLINE: CB
JOINT PRESS CONFERENCE
BY PRESIDENT BUSH AND PRESIDENT MITTERRAND
FROM ST. MARTIN, CARIBBEAN
KEYWORD:
BUSH/MITTERRAND P.C. FROM ST. MARTIN -12/16/89
BODY:
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: (Through interpreter.) Ladies and gentlemen, we have just
completed our political conversation, and we have spoken for several hours of
those subjects which seem most important, given the turn of events in the world.
You already have the lists, I can imaginem, just in your own mind.
First of all, the evolution of Europe and naturally, Eastern Europe, and
particularly, Eastern Germany, without forgetting others.
Recent meetings with Mr. Gorbachev, the conclusions or what we could infer from
these conversations, enable us to compare point of views and our impressions.
And -- I'm waiting for the sound to be completely adjusted. Can you hear?
(Laughter.)
And at the same time, we dealt with all the subjects connected to the conference
on their forms of disarmament and the forms of assistance, name of the banks,
vis-a-vis, eastern countries.
And - moving from this major problem, we dealt with it on other matters, such
as Lebanon, for instance. And we considered the evolution of mind or attitudes,
vis-a-vis of problems arising for peace; and the various pressing statements of
the Secretary of State, Mr. Baker - what we both thought about it and what
could be done to take into account the rapid evolution of events and situations.
It would be ridiculous to let themselves be superceded by events, and at the
same time, one needs to assess them. Things move fast. They moved very fast in
these past few weeks, and they might move very fast in the coming weeks. And
let us seriously consider what is going on from day to day without losing sight
of a desirable perspective. Well, this is a list. It's a pure description,
what I'm doing here, as I would like, to the journalists who came to St.
Martin -- I would like to leave it up to you to stress those points you're
most interested in.
But, first of all, I would like to say how very pleased I was to be able to
receive President George Bush. It's a very great pleasure and a very great
honor for our country, as WE are here -- here at home in French land, and
they're our neighbor and friend -- a personal friend as well -- came to talk
with us, and to talk about the experience required during these difficult days,
our feelings and our values. And I must say that from most point of views, we
reached a harmony of views and were able to develop a policy, a common policy,
not only amongst ourselves, but with others.
And therefore, I would like to repeat here how very pleased we were in St.
Martin to be able to receive George Bush, not only because as the
President, but also because of the people he represents. And it occurred
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very informally, as you see, as it always does. I felt, somewhat the same
atmosphere of -- we had in Kennebunkport in the home of George Bush, and it
continued exactly in the same spirit. And I would very much like this to go on
for a long time. Thank you.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you, Mr. President. Let me simply thank you for your
hospitality, everyone else in St. Martin. And to say that, as with our
earlier talks, not just in Maine, but in Paris at the time of that glorious
celebration, off in the corner at NATO, I learned a lot. I can say to this
distinguished group that I feel that France and the United States, regarding
these dynamic changes that are taking place, are very close together. And I
would also add that I think it is very important that France and the United
States be close together as we discuss the changes that are taking place. So,
sir, thank you very much for your warm hospitality. I have only one complaint
-- put it this way, one regret, and that is that we have to leave this beautiful
paradise on such a short time schedule. But you were wonderful to come all this
way, and from the American side, my sincerest thanks to you, sir.
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: Well, a lot of people are asking for the floor. First of
all, as we're in France here, American journalists therefore. Obviously, I
can't recognize you. Yes, sir?
Q (Off-mike) -- for both Presidents. I understand that one area of disagreement
between the both of you was on the subject of export controls on highly
sensitive goods shipped into Eastern Europe, the so-called COCOM regulations.
President Bush, I wonder if at this point, since you're making overtures in
other areas, you feel it's time to relax these regulations? And also if
President Mitterrand would respond, too, if you and the United States are in
more agreement today on this than you were before the meeting?
PRESIDENT BUSH: One, I did not have a discussion with the President of France
on that subject. Two, we should and will review our COCOM --- our participation
in COCOM, our discussions in COCOM. There are certainly still legitimate
national security interests that must be preserved, and I don't think we have
one iota of difference with France on that. But I think it is timely that we
take a new look at some of the commercial constraints.
Q Could I follow that up, sir? When you were in Malta, you promised President
Gorbachev certain economic concessions, including observer status in GATT. In
the last couple of days the Congress of Peoples' Deputies has seen them move
away some of the perestroika reforms of President Gorbachev. Were the things
that you promised contingent on certain things happening in the Soviet Union?
PRESIDENT BUSH: Well, there are certain things happening in the world, certain
things happening in terms of the necessary steps that'd be taken inside the
Soviet Union. But I would not say -- I would not say that I've seen anything in
the last couple of days that negates my hopes for doing business with the Soviet
Union along the lines President Gorbachev and I talked about.
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: (Through interpreter.) I'll answer along the same lines.
Yes, the situation changing. It is normal for our regulations to become more
flexible, to which extent -- at which rate it would feel(?) this is still
something which has to be resolved by technical diplomatic discussion amongst
ourselves.
Yes, madame?
Q (Off mike) -- Wednesday in Paris. What achievement you would like to see out
of this dialogue? And if I may ask, President Bush, are you hopeful for a
dialogue, Israeli-Palestinian?
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: (Through interpreter.) Well, that was not at all the
center of our conversations, although this is a very important subject. We
couldn't talk about everything. And I must say that we talked about the Near
East. We dwelled on Lebanon. Well, obviously we discussed Israel, but Israel
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vis-a-vis the Arab countries was not raised in sufficient, clear way for me to
be able to give you anything new. So let's talk about Lebanon, if you like.
For Lebanon we recalled our positions, which I myself expressed on French
television to give the opinion of my country -- for the opinion of my country,
rather. And I said that we had supported the Paris Agreements, and we
recognized the various elements, the implementation of these agreements as from
the moment the Lebanese parliamentarians accepted them and elected a president
of the republic, and then another one who appointed a government. So it is a
legitimate government -- a legitimate situation which can be justified only in
seeking a dialogue and civilian peace amongst Lebanese which must therefore
exclude any foreign intervention. But, it is legitimate, and I express this
view in writing at various times to General Aoun. We French feel very close to
all Lebanese, and particularly to those who feel threatened, and it's not always
the same at the same time. But we do think that the best guarantee for all is
the law, the situation of legitimate constitutional order, and we believe that
it would be wise for everybody to recognize this supreme law.
In any case, such is the position of France. I discussed this with President
Bush, and I don't think that we were in any disagreement on the subject.
PRESIDENT BUSH: No, and your question that you directed to me - yes, that's
what the Baker points - five points are about. That's what Mr. Mubarak was
attempting to do to get dialogue and discussion going on the West Bank which
would include Palestinians. So, we are for that, and I'm hopeful that the
meetings that Secretary Baker will be having after the first of the year with
the foreign ministers will move that peace process forward. We are committed to
it.
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: It will be easy for me to add my own opinion, very briefly
-- we can't and you can't solve the problem of the Palestinians without the
Palestinians. Yes, sir?
Q (Inaudible) because I think there is a problem between Libya and France, and
also there is a problem between America and Libya, so do you have a shared point
of view on your relations with Libya?
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: Are you putting the question to me? Yes, very well. So
-- our relations with Libya have been fairly complicated. Well, first of all,
there was the war in Chad. And we supported these forces of the legitimate
Chaddian leaders 50 as to reconquer their independence, their sovereignty, and
the unity of their country, which meant that we countered the ambition of Libya,
which indeed created a rather difficult atmosphere. But this war was won by the
Chaddians. This country has become what we expected of it, free and sovereign,
and it will regain its unity, and therefore we consider that our actions
fulfilled this objective, but it took five years' patience and struggle, but it
is done now. At the same time, a bone of contention was disappearing with Libya
at the same time. And if obviously this country had feelings of revenge
vis-a-vis Chad, they would find themselves in exactly the same situation
vis-a-vis us.
Other events have occurred which touch the United States of America more. I do
not think that it's up to me to discuss this subject. One can only hope to see
countries of Magreb and North Africa prefer the ways of peace and the refusal of
terrorism to the means of war or international disorder. And it is along these
lines that our diplomacy continues to have a dialogue with ups and downs with
the Libyan leaders. And I express the hope, why shouldn't this come to an end,
obviously in respecting the rights of people?
PRESIDENT BUSH: I'll simply say that we have not changed our view on Libya. I
know that some countries are reaching out a little more today to Libya. We are
not. We have not seen the hard evidence that we'd like to see to show a
renunciation of international terror. And until we do, there will be no
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improved relations between the United States and Libya.
Q Mr. President, Mr. President.
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: It's really very difficult to make a choice. Yes, please?
Behind! Behind!
Q French Journalist. Thank you, Mr. President.
Mr. President, what was your reaction after the proposal and suggestions of the
American Secretary of State, Mr. Baker, in Berlin as to the reform of NATO and
as to the construction of Europe, faster (?) and more and more open?
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: Well, there are quite a few elements in this very
important statement which obviously meet with my approval. It is very important
to become aware of the future of the Community, and of the necessary
acceleration strengthening its structures. It's very important, as well, to be
aware of the importance of the CF CE (?) conference on measures of security which
must be decided by the European countries, plus United States and Canada.
A whole series of these proposals go exactly along -- I mean, but our views --
we think that the very future of Eastern Europe is conditioned by the way
Eastern countries organize themselves, structure themselves, coordinate their
efforts, and endow themselves with common source.
I often made this comparison -- including with President Bush -- if the horses
of the team don't move at the same speed, there will be an accident. And we
have to deal with the German problem, in particular and that of Eastern Europe
at a pace which must be harmonious. It must be in step with that of European
construction. And I must say that Mr. Baker's statement on the subject seemed
to show great understanding of the needs of Europe.
Afterwards, there was the part that had to do with the evolution of the alliance
and the content of NATO. Well, this is a subject to be discussed. We do not
refuse. When a situation changes, the content of alliances may change. And we
belong to this alliance, although we have a special status within it. We are
fully aware of our obligations as allies, as others must have as well in the
same way. So, now, this subject is under study. The ideas were launched before
the world public opinion, particularly Europe, and I have not yet met with my
European partners since this major statement.
But, I agree on one point --- we cannot stay where we were before the collapse of
all the walls that existed between the peoples of Europe, and likewise, the
concept of antagonists of enemies. A possible conflict no longer arises in the
same terms, or at least, I hope. But, we need, as the President George Bush
was saying before, we need to know and observe the evolution of the forthcoming
months, which remains uncertain and which needs some time to rest, so as to
enable us to see exactly what is going on. At the present time, we see the
major trends, and one can plan those perspectives, but we need this now to be
completed before drawing any diplomatic and military consequences.
PRESIDENT BUSH: May I - may I just add one word, Mr. President? We've spent
a lot of time talking about Eastern Europe, on the dynamic changes taking place
there and inside the Soviet Union. And I would simply not go into detail on
this answer except to say that I feel very close to President Mitterrand's views
here. Secretary Baker had a chance to go over these matters with Roland Dumas,
and I think there is -- there may be some nuances of difference. But, in terms
of the big questions of Eastern Europe, I feel -- I would say simply reassured
that President Mitterrand and I are viewing these the same way.
Mr. President, would it be all right to take under the policy of dual
recognition the man that thought he had been recognized here? (Laughter.)
Q Thank you. Well, my question is to President Mitterand. (Laughter.)
Rich
Faber (ph), a correspondent of the Haitian Information Agency. So, during your
visit to South America, President Perez of Venezuela suggested holding an
international conference on Haiti, and I would like to know whether you
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discussed it with President Bush and if so, did he agree?
PRESIDENT MITTERAND: (Through interpreter) We did not at all discuss this, as
you think. But this is an important subject and, which might come up in our
next exchange of correspondence, and I am sure we'll have many of those in 1990.
Q (Name inaudible.) Do you fear an increase of terrorist attacks either blind or
striking American interests in Europe, and did you evoke any reason -- the
reasons for better protecting ourselves against terrorism?
PRESIDENT MITTERAND: Well, quite a lot of information seems to show that there
might be some awakening, reawakening of terrorists intents, particularly in some
regions of the Near East. But from there to actually go on to the act and even
specify the intention, I mean, there may be a great distance and I cannot
prejudge this. I really don't know. The duty of states is to protect ourselves
against terrorism, and nothing can be done which might weaken the moral,
psychological, and practical defense of police and security against such danger.
From this point of view, as many others, we have had relations of work and trust
with the US and we shall continue.
PRESIDENT BUSH: We add to that that the cooperation has been superb and I was
delighted yesterday -- this was not discussed today -- but delighted yesterday
when the Colombian government brought to bay the, I think the man who is ranked
as the third most prominent narco-terrorist in Colombia, Mr. Gacha. And that
was a very courageous, courageous effort on the part of the Colombians; and we
have all different kinds of terrorists. This narco-terrorism is simply
outrageous and unacceptable, and when you see a president of a battled country,
and Colombia fits that description, doing its level best to bring them to
justice, I think we ought to all salute him.
Q (Inaudible) on East Germany, do you have any specific prescriptions to keep
the situation from running wild? Apparently it's quite different from what was
going on in Poland and Hungary. Mr. President, perhaps some instant food aid as
winter approaches? Is there some special way to treat the East German chaotic
situation?
PRESIDENT BUSH: I don't know there's a special way, but we spelled out at NATO
the four points that relate to German reunification -- the Strasbourg
declaration under the meeting headed by President Mitterrand addressed
themselves to that question. Obviously, if there's emergency food aid required
there - we have no request for that - but if it's required, we would be very
responsive, as I expect others in the Alliance would be.
Q Mr. President -- President Bush, do you now have a special relationship with
the French government and President Mitterrand that rivals the supposed special
relationship with the government of Mrs. Thatcher, and can you discuss that for
us?
(Some audience laughter)
PRESIDENT BUSH: Well, put it this way, there's not supposed to be any rivalry
of this nature. We have a special relationship with the United Kingdom. I
think everybody knows it. I'd like to think I have a very special relationship
with President Mitterrand, and I can tell you that the ability to pick up the
phone, no matter what the subject is, as I have done on occasions and he has
done on occasions and have honest exchanges of information, has been
extraordinarily helpful I think to both sides. I can speak for the US. So I
hope it is a special relationship, but perhaps I ought to let the President of
the Republic speak to that.
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: Well, I mean -- we're not sometimes sentimental
competition. I mean, there is room enough for several friendships in life. I
don't see why without necessarily moving to excess -- I mean, you know the poet
who wrote of the enumerable heart -- well, not enumerable, but one may have
one's heart open to several friendships (audience laughs). And then -- to
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classify isn't easy. They're also very French -- a very interesting thing
that's called the map of love -- well, to you journalists -- well just -- the
map of love in French is up to you to decipher this map. It's not mine. But,
what I do certainly hope is that we keep very close friendship with the United
States of America as we shall have with the United Kingdom.
(Some discussion in French)
Q Given that answer before January 20th, 1989?
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: Before the 20th of January? What happened on the 20th of
January? (Laughter) You seem to remember my own feelings more than I do myself.
I would have said -- even before Mr. Bush's election, is that what you mean? I
mean from what I am able to deduce? Because you need a triple translation to
get to your meaning. I got a long very well with Mr. Reagan, and now that he's
no longer President of the United States of America, and I would want to say
anything that might seem slight or restrictive, that's the way history was, and
now with Mr. Bush we are working together, and I think in a very good, close
understanding. But to say more on what you're interested in, sir, that is -
well -- just kind of sentimental press. I'm certainly not going to say any
more. Yes, sir.
Q President Bush, General Noriega of Panama, who has long been a thorn in the
side of the United States, has just this week declared war on the United States.
How do you respond to this last outrage of General Noriega?
PRESIDENT BUSH: Well, I don't respond to it. I notice that he was made
supreme leader, or something of that nature. It has not changed our view of him
at all. He is a narcotics -- an indicted narcotics dealer. And he ought to get
out. And the minute he got out, the relations between Panama and the United
States would improve dramatically. And not only is he a narcotics -- indicted
narcotics dealer, but he singlehandedly aborted the free will of the Panamian
people -- the will being expressed in open and free elections. And Mr. Noriega
singlehandedly sent out his dignity battalions to beat up the elected vice
president and to keep the will of the people from being fulfilled. And that is
unacceptable as we see the world -- particularly in these times when we 52e the
world moving more and more towards democratic change.
Monsieur.
Q President Mitterrand, I'd like to ask you if you discussed in any way China,
and what you think of President Bush's decision to send his envoys to China
recently? And if I could follow on that, Mr. Bush, if perhaps you've had second
thoughts about the nature in which this was done, in the secretive fashion, and
in the toasting of the Chinese while your envoys were there?
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: (Through interpreter.) Thank you for this question. Well,
I should have said in my presentation, indeed we did talk about China, and this
was at the initiative of President Bush, who himself expressed the wish of
being able to give us his views on this subject and the reason for what was
done. So, I think now you might hear this.
PRESIDENT BUSH: I have no second thoughts at all. And being somewhat familiar
with China, I've learned that you listen to everything that's said in a toast.
We've looked at every word and analyzed it, and I'm strongly supportive of this
mission by General Scowcroft and Larry Eagleburger. I've said that I initiated
it and I'm not going to go further, except to say that I hope that it will have
positive results.
And we've already seen an indication -- a couple of indications of that, but I
think, knowing China, again, I think time is required. But -- this is a billion
plus people, and I do not want to hurt the billion plus people further, and I
think we've made the right step and only time will tell how this leadership in
China views the mission.
Q Is there any agreement between France and the US to slow down Mr. Kohl in
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his drive toward reunification?
(Laughter.)
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: (Through interpreter.) I have your answer. Is there an
agreement or conformity of view to slow down? Yes, there's a great conformity
of views -- particilarly to slow down the -- as to - considering slowing down
Mr. Kohl, that's a specific matter. But we think that everything as was said in
Strasbourg is to be done in the respect of treaties and the principles of
Helsinki.
And that at present there are two states. And if the evolution seems to
strengthen and hasten, it would be a good thing for the German authority to
contribute at the same time to give up the construction which is indispensable
for the new European political order, community, CSC(?) etc. Chancellor Kohl
was telling me this yesterday as we were together in Switzerland and he says it
constantly; and there is no reason to doubt this, that I did not set any
timetable to the aspiration which is that of all Germans and particular mind
towards reunification. Therefore I am not precipitating events even though I do
hope for this. This is what Mr. Kohl said.
In any case, he is to conform with the treaties and agreements which preside
today to the European balance. And therefore I don't have any particular
complaints. Chancellor Kohl is -- Germany -- he's a German patriot and he
obviously has reflections(?) which are not mine. But the main thing, when we
are together and when we speak as responsible for our own countries, we sketch
an outline which we can agree, and in any case, I shall be meeting with
Chancellor Kohl on the fourth of January. And next, he shall be coming to see
me in France.
Yes, sir?
Q Mr. Bush about China, do you believe that other countries that follow the
United States' lead on sanctions should now relieve those sanctions to lighten
them? And how would you feel if they did that against your wishes?
PRESIDENT BUSH: I think each country has got to make its own determination,
but I think basically, if I had to answer yes or no, I'd say -- I'd say no. I
think they've got to wait and see how matters evolve. That's what we're doing,
and I think it's prudent.
And for those who suggested that I have normalized relations with this power
because of one visit, they simply are wrong -- off the reservation on that. So
I think that's a matter for other countries to determine.
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: Yes, over there. I didn't give the floor to that end of
the room. Yes? Which paper?
Q Mr. President. Yes?
(INTERPRETER:) I can't really -- I can't really see you, I mean -- but that's
your - I'm terribly sorry. You're saying -- you're standing in the shadows,
but you're able to move out of the shadows, nonetheless, if I give you the floor
---
Q Thank you, Mr. President. May I continue to say, Thank you, Mr. President?
Well, obviously the question of evolution of the east was the major question
today but the question of a nonevolution in the east is also a major question.
The question of Romania in particular. Is there a common -- a position of
common action been decided or will be decided? Well, a common position is very
easy to determne this is a regime which we condemn. These are behaviors which
are unacceptable and intolerable, in fact. And this is in Romania in relation
to the sovereign state.
I mean, we deplore the situation that the Romanian people have to live in and we
do hope that the winds of freedom, which have been blowing through other
countries of Europe will also come to Romania, SO our feelings cannot be
misunderstood.
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And for the rest, I presume they have nothing to add.
Q Monsieur Mitterrand.
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: Yes?
Q Also on the Romanian --
Excuse me, may I have your answer on the problem of Romania after what President
Mitterrand has just said?
PRESIDENT BUSH: My response is "ditto." The same. (Laughter.) We view Romania
as 'way behind the power curve in terms of change and it's too bad that they are
behaving as they are, but let's hope they get the word, too.
Q Mr. President, my question is addressed to you on Lebanon. If General Aoun
refuses to leave, do you approve of a military operation against him, and did
you discuss this situation with President Mitterrand?
PRESIDENT BUSH: We did discuss the Lebanese situation. Both of us want to see
a bloodbath avoided there. It is the position of the United States that Mr.
Hrawi is the head of government there and recognized as such and that, in our
view, things would be much benefited if Mr. Aoun left. But I will let President
Mitterrand obviously address himself on that point. But we are together in
working as best we can to avoid bloodshed, and we have supported the tripartheid
agreement, and again, I'd like to salute them here, because without that, I
don't think this process would be anywhere along, and so let's just hope they
can resolve this matter without the loss of a lot of innocent life in Lebanon.
It plagues me, particularly at this joyous time of the year, that Lebanon is
having this terrible, terrible grief.
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: I have already stated my views on this.
Q Do you still have differences on accepting President Gorbachev's offer to move
the CF CE talks from 1992 up to 1990? Did you, considering your affection for
each other -- were you able to sway each other's opinion on this? And if not,
could you explain your different opinions?
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: Well, I have already stated in - (inaudible) - in
particular that I agreed for this meeting to be held -- (inaudible) -- next
year, because I think that the events at the pace they are moving should be
followed closely. But I haven't tried to proselytize vis-a-vis President
Bush. And I think -- I mean, he can (see matters/manage?) for himself.
PRESIDENT BUSH: (Off-mike) -- very well indeed, and when I talked to Mr.
Gorbachev, we talked about trying to complete the conventional force agreement
so we would have a CFE summit. I also expressed an open mind about the CFCE,
but we want to know a little more about that, 50 we had a very good meeting --
so we had a very good discussion with the President of France to understand it
better. That matter, incidentally, was not raised by me -- to me by President
Gorbachev, as you may remember. So this was an interesting discussion, and I
think I understand the hopes of President Mitterrand as a result of the
discussion.
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: Yes?
Q Do the two of you disagree over whether CF CE or NATO should be the proper
forum, and within the Alliance, for discussing the changes in Eastern Europe?
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: Well, these are two meeting places which are equally
important. For the time being, the advantage of CFC is that it groups all
European countries -- all of them, which is not the case of NATO, which is an
expression of an alliance, and this is why it had been proposed that we give
another content to NATO. But that's not -- we have not. But to deal with
today's reality, and today's reality is that all European countries can debate
within CFC which is desireable, and is not at all in contradiction with any new
behavior or any new evolutions in NATO. But we have not advanced sufficiently
in this field for me to be able to say more.
PRESIDENT BUSH: I'd simply say there are many forums. You've got CF CE, you
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got the EC, you've NATO, you've got the G-7. You have a wide array of groups
that are interested in the peaceful, democratic evolution change in Europe. And
so it isn't a question of one or the other, and I think I would simply say the
President of France expressed it very well there.
Q May I follow that up --
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: You've already spoken -- haven't you spoken already?
(Laughter) Microphone --
Q May I simply ask sir, do you feel that as the need for the American military
-- again? Do you feel that as the need for the American nuclear shield recedes,
that American political leadership of NATO will recede as well?
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: Well, all this some day we will discuss amongst ourselves.
We cannot prejudge any result to a situation which is evolving obviously. If
the risk of conflict and antagonism between the two blocks recede, obviously the
military content of the Alliance could change. But, it is nothing else I can
add to this. Yes. You sir?
Q Mr. President, do you expect that the rapid changes occuring in Eastern Europe
will have a spill-over effect in other areas of the world, particularly in South
Africa, and probably here in the Caribbean in Cuba?
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: And who is the question addressed to?
Well, I mean, it's a difficult question -- practically impossible. It's true
that failure of the Eastern European systems will obviously have a spillover
effect on other regions of the world where their system was imitated. It's
likely. You take a country such as Benin, which has just officially stated that
it renounced its definition, criterium of Marxism-Leninism, but, as I say,
cannot prejudge of the reactions of those countries that you have mentioned.
Q (Through interpreter.) Same question to you and to President Bush. You met
with President Gorbachev for a very long time recently. I imagine he
discussed the difficulties he has within his country. Do you have the feeling
that he will outlast the winter?
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: Yes, and probably beyond that, as well. I hope I'm not
wrong.
Yes, madame?
Q (Through interpreter.) My question is to the President of the United States.
Mr. President, Mikhail Gorbachev quite often mentions his idea of the common
European house. Is there any room for you Americans in this common house? What
kind of house would you like it to be? What model house, what layout? Could
you tell us about it -- the kind of house that you would like to see?
PRESIDENT BUSH: Yes, I think that even Mr. Gorbachev recognizes a role for the
United States in this common European home. We talk about a Europe "whole and
free." He talks about a "common European home." He talked to us about wanting to
see the United States remain involved. So, I don't find any countries
suggesting that the United States should decouple from Europe, even the bloc
countries. I know that the countries in Eastern Europe, to whose leaders I've
talked -- Poland and Hungary certainly feel that way.
So I don't think you're going to see out of all this dynamic change a tendency
to try to push the United States out of Europe. You might see some
isolationistic pressures develop in our country that I will fight, because I
don't want to see us decoupled from Europe. I don't want to see us "pull out"
of Europe, if you will. I want to see us work with the EC, as I talked about
and as Secretary Baker elaborated on. So, I don't think there's any pressure to
see us disengage, you might say.
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: (Through interpreter.) You know, it's very difficult,
amongst all the questions, the hands that are raised -- yes, behind? And then
come to you afterwards.
Q My question is to President Bush -- I have a question of Panama. Noriega,
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obviously -- well you intend to try and get rid of him, but it's known that when
you're responsible for the CIA, he also collaborated with the CIA. Don't you
think that your margin for maneuver here is a very narrow one indeed?
PRESIDENT BUSH: Yes, I think -- (inaudible) -- with the Central Intelligence
Agency but I think its narrow margin for maneuvers -- it's a good way of putting
it -- but that doesn't lessen our determination to see the Panamanian people get
what they want and that is a democratic form of government. And it doesn't
lessen my determination to see this indicted drug deal -- dealer brought to
trial.
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: We're reaching the last questions because we do -- we are
short of time now. Yes, sir?
Q Mr. President, can you tell us as you approach the next budget year in the
United States, can you confirm for us that you are considering real dollar cuts
in the US defense budget? And considering a meeting like this one, can you let
us in on some of your thinking? When you think about those budget cuts, are
they driven by the legal necessity in the United States to reduce the budget, or
rather by events in each -- Eastern Europe?
PRESIDENT BUSH: I think events in Eastern Europe are driving some to suggest
that we can dramatically flash our defense budget. I will resist that. I can't
give you a final figure, the budget will be put to bed from administration's
standpoint early this coming week. But I would not look in dollar terms for
cuts. There are places we can save and we're going to be always looking for
them. But I will resist these euphoric views that we no longer need a very
strong defense. We do need it. And I think our European friends understand
that. I would like to move forward in the arms control agenda that we've got
before us, talking about START, chemical weapons, and conventional forces, and
that should not be the end. We should move beyond those. As you know, we've
instructed the Pentagon to do some very serious analysis in terms of looking at
what kind of force will be needed into the future estimating as best they can
what the threat will be. So, we're in the process of doing that right now. But
I would not look for the administration to send up dramatically reduced levels
of spending in defense. I hope some day that we can have a far different force,
and deployed far differently. But we are not going to unilaterally pull away
from our friends in NATO without serious consultation, and we're not going to
pull away from our obligations elsewhere. But we are reviewing the whole
defense budget given the changes that have taken place.
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: It is impossible to prolong this press conference. Sir,
no -- you already spoke, I'm sorry. No, you've already spoken, no, no, sit
down. You already asked a question. Many others might complain that they
weren't able to do 50. Yes, one last question. You sir.
Q I would like to ask President Mitterrand if you extended on behalf of the EC
an invitation to the United States to join this bank for European reconstruction
and development, and I would like to ask President Bush what the US position
is in terms of joining that bank?
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: I told President Bush that I had precisely signed in
Paris just before I left, I signed a letter in which I invite the United States
of America to participate in the creation of capital and the -- and this bank.
And my letter was sent to many other directions because it's not a bank of the
community. It is a bank which goes far beyond this. It's to the 24 --- to all
those who wish and who are able to -- including to Eastern European countries,
and particularly the Soviet Union, if they were to accept to make the necessary
effort that Mr. Gorbachev has already given me his agreement. It was -- thank
you very much. We have to leave you now. Thank you President Bush, once
more. Oh, here -- he will answer you, yes. But afterwards, we leave.
PRESIDENT BUSH: We discussed it, expressed keen interest in it and decided
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that we would talk about it further. But the United States is very interested
in that proposal, would be interested in being a part of it, but at this
juncture we need to know a little bit more about the details of it, that we gave
a positive indication of American interest to President Mitterrand.
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND: I have already planned a meeting to start the work on 15th
of January next, and in the meantime will no doubt have the necessary answers.
Thank you, and thank you particularly to President Bush, who did prove his
friendship coming here to St. Martin. And I wish him now Godspeed.
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F1609
F63
1991
Fodor's91
WH
Caribbean
2/5/91
PROPERTY OF
LIBRARY
and
EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF
THE PRESIDENT
Fodor's Travel Publications, Inc.
New York and London
338
by Honey Naylor
Not for naught did the Arawaks name Martinique Mandinina,
Before You Go
which means "Island of Flowers.' This is one of the most beau-
information from the French Government
tiful islands in the Caribbean, lush with exotic wild orchids,
New York, NY 10020, tel. 212/757-1125;
frangipani, anthurium, jade vines, flamingo flowers, and hun-
Beverly Hills, CA 90212, tel. 213/272-2
dreds of vivid varieties of hibiscus. Trees bend under the
Ave., Chicago, IL 60611, tel. 312/337-63
weight of such tropical treats as mangoes, papayas, bright red
Center, Dallas, TX 75258, tel. 214/720-4
West Indian cherries, lemons, limes, and bananas. Acres of ba-
Suite 250, San Francisco, CA 94102, tel
nana plantations, pineapple fields, and waving green seas of
sugarcane show the bounty of the island's fertile soil.
Ave. McGill College (490), Montreal, Q
2W9, tel. 514/288-4264; 1 Dundas St.
The towering mountains and verdant rain forest in the north
ronto, Ont., Canada M5G 1Z3, tel. 416
lure hikers, while underwater sights and sunken treasures at-
6911). Piccadilly, London, United Kingdom W1
tract snorkelers and scuba divers. Martinique appeals as well
to those whose idea of exercise is turning over every 10 or 15
Arriving and
minutes to get an even tan or whose adventuresome spirit is
Departing
Minerve Airlines (800/765-6065), a Frenc
satisfied by finding booty in a duty-free shop. Francophiles in
By Plane
flies twice weekly nonstop from New York
particular will find the island enchanting.
son only (December through early April).
ican (tel. 800/433-7300) has daily service
This 425-square-mile island, the largest of the Windward Is-
U.S. cities to San Juan, from which the air
lands, is 4,261 miles from Paris, but its spirit (and language)
gle wing flies on to Martinique. Air France
is French with more than a mere soupçon of West Indian spice.
flies direct from Miami and San Juan; Air C:
Tangible, edible evidence of that fact is the island's cui-
6232) has service from Montreal and Toro
sine, which is a tempting blend of classic French and Creole
462-0700) flies in from neighboring islands;
dishes.
(tel. 596/51-09-90) has service to and
Dominica, Barbados, St. Lucia, St. Vincen
Columbus sailed near Martinique in 1493, but it was not until
Island, and Trinidad.
his fourth voyage in 1502 that he came ashore at Le Carbet. He
From
the
Airport
paused long enough to remark, "My eyes would never tire of
You'll arrive at Lamentin International Airp
contemplating such vegetation," and to put ashore a number of
a 15-minute taxi ride from Fort-de-France
goats to provide fresh meat for future visits. His eyes very
located. utes from the Trois-Ilets peninsula where m
quickly tired of the snakes he saw slithering about in his new-
found Eden, SO he weighed anchor and put water between him
Passports
and them, never to return.
and Visas
U.S. and Canadian citizens must have a pa
passport may be used as long as the expirati
By the time Columbus made his way to Martinique, the canni-
than five years ago) or proof of citizenship, S
balistic Caribs had long since arrived on the island and eaten
(not photocopied) birth certificate or a voter
the Island of Flowers's Arawaks. Carib arrows kept outsiders
at bay until 1635, when Pierre Belain d'Esnambuc, a Norman
addition, all visitors must have a return or on
British citizens are required to have a passp
accompanied by a government-authorized ph
nobleman and adventurer, landed with a group of 100 settlers
at the mouth of the Roxelane River. The French promised the
Caribs the western half of the island, but instead polished them
and Duties
Customs Items for personal use, including tobacco, C
are admitted free.
off and imported African slaves to work their sugarcane planta-
tions.
Language The official language is French, and you will }
less you have either a nodding acquaintance V
By the mid-17th century, Martinique was an important sugar-
or a good phrase book. While it is true that fr
producing island. Britain wanted to pluck the pearl away from
the French, and the two nations fought over the island until the
difficulty understanding it. Most menus are
nel in the tourist hotels speak some English
mid-19th century. In 1815, the island was ceded by treaty to
even in the major tourist areas, waiters and wa
France, and French it has remained ever since.
not speak English. And rare is the Martinica
Martinique became an overseas department of France in 1946
side who speaks English. Outside the majo
and a région in 1974, a status not unlike that of an American
state vis-à-vis the federal government. The Martinicans vote in
ing of French.
you'll certainly have to resort to charades if yo
French national elections and have all the benefits of France's
Precautions Exercise the same safety precautions as you W(
social and economic systems. The island is governed by a pre-
big city: Leave valuables in the hotel safe-de
fect who is appointed by the French minister of the interior.
lock your car, with luggage and valuables stasl
Martinique has one of the highest standards of living in the Ca-
Also, don't leave jewelry or money unattende
ribbean.
Beware of the mancenillie (manchineel) tree:
Before You Go
ous. Sap and even raindrops falling from the
trees with little green fruits that look like ap]
Tourist Contact the French West Indies Tourist Office (610 5th Ave.,
skin can cause painful, scarring blisters. The
Information New York, NY 10020, tel. 212/757-1125). You may also obtain
warning signs posted by the Forestry Commiss