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Originally Processed With FOIA(s): FOIA Number: S S FOIA MARKER This is not a textual record. This is used as an administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential Library Staff. Record Group/Collection: George H.W. Bush Presidential Records Collection/Office of Origin: Speechwriting, White House Office of Series: Speech File Backup Files Subseries: Chron File, 1989-1993 OA/ID Number: 13750 Folder ID Number: 13750-012 Folder Title: Houston Fast Track Briefing 4/8/91 [OA 6897] [1] Stack: Row: Section: Shelf: Position: G 26 21 3 3 Grant/Dooley April 1, 1991 A:Mextrade / Draft five PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: HISPANIC FREE TRADE BREAKFAST THE HOUSTONIAN MONDAY, APRIL 8, 1991 TIME? ((Acknowledgements)) Good morning. I've been looking forward to meeting with you today, because I want to discuss two issues important to us all: America's ability to compete in the global marketplace and our ability to negotiate with our trading partners. I've said many times that the hard work of freedom awaits us. Today, I've come to ask your help in that challenge. Last month, I asked Congress to extend our "fast track" authority in trade negotiations. Through this mechanism, our negotiators can assure their counterparts that agreements they reach at the bargaining table will be the same ones voted on at home. It makes us good to our word. Fast-track doesn't affect Congress' power to accept or reject treaties. It just prevents Congress from changing agreements we have reached, and forcing everyone involved to start from scratch. We need fast track now to pursue vital trade pacts -- the North American Free Trade Agreement, the Uruguay Round and the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative. If we lose our fast track authority, we lose all three of those agreements. We lose trade. We surrender our role as a world leader and role model. 2 Those who oppose fast track cite a variety of issues -- wage rates, environmental quality, health and safety concerns. We care about those, too. And we're working on them, with a step-by-step plan to resolve each and every challenge. Here's the key: A vote against fast-track is a vote against things we all hold dear -- growth in other lands -- prosperity at home. It ignores the dramatic and wonderful changes in the world economy. We want to play a leading role in that emerging, exciting world; we don't want to hide from it. We want to join in the thrilling business of innovation; we don't want to chain people to outmoded technologies and ideas. Let me be clear about this: A vote against fast track is a vote against our negotiators. It is a vote against our trading partners. It is a vote against progress. Right now, we have the chance to expand opportunity and economic growth from the Yukon the the Yucatan. The North American Free Trade Agreement would link us with our largest trading partner, Canada, and our third-largest partner, Mexico. It would create the largest, richest trade zone on earth -- 360 million consumers in a market that generates $6 trillion in output a year. Just think of the benefits: A unified North American market would let us all build on our strengths. It would provide more and better jobs for U.S. workers. It would stimulate price competition, lower consumer prices, improve product quality. If 3 you want to talk about a compelling fairness issue, consider this: The agreement would make necessities such as food and clothing more affordable, and more available to our poorest citizens. It would raise productivity and produce a higher standard of living throughout the continent. Let me illustrate the stakes involved in the fast-track debate by discussing the Mexican component of the North American Free Trade Agreement. Trade with Mexico has helped both our countries. Just four years ago, we had a $91 million trade deficit with Mexico. Today, we enjoy a $28 billion surplus. This turnaround took place because Mexican President Carlos Salinas believes in free trade. He has slashed tariff rates for some goods from 100 percent to 10 percent. As a result, our exports to Mexico have doubled in the past four years. That export boom has created 320,000 new jobs in the United States, good jobs. Each additional billion dollars in exports creates 20,000 new jobs here in the United States. Now, I don't have to tell anyone in this room about Mexico's market potential -- 80 million consumers who want to buy our goods. Nor do I have to tell you that as Mexico grows and prospers, it will need even more of the goods we're best at producing -- computers, manufacturing equipment, high-tech and high-value products. Unfortunately, we have a tough fight ahead of us. One of our Congressional opponents said the other day, "My concern is that our trade negotiators keep uppermost in their mind the 4 impact of this agreement on American jobs, American companies, and American exports." /// I couldn't agree more. Let's talk about his concerns. We've already seen what the reduction in Mexican tariffs has done for American exports. A free-trade agreement would eliminate the remaining tariffs entirely. That would stimulate exports, create new jobs, generate wealth and hope on both sides of the border. Let's take a look at the impact on American companies. When trade barriers vanish, goods flow freely across borders. Investment flows freely across borders. And everybody -- businessmen and workers, to farmers and consumers -- reaps the benefits of growth. Consider the environment: The North American Free Trade Agreement fits into a winning strategy for improving environmental quality. Opponents of fast-track and the trade pacts forget that prosperity offers the surest road to worker safety, public health and environmental quality. This Administration wants to ensure that Mexican economic growth goes hand in hand with environmental protection. Our E.P.A. is already assisting the Salinas government with its environmental programs. President Salinas has shown he's serious about cleaning up the environment -- by requiring all new cars to have catalytic converters and recently by shutting down Mexico's largest oil refinery for pollution violations. I believe that President Salinas cares deeply about his nation and its people, 5 and that he means business when he says he wants to clean up Mexico's air and water. Finally, consider the matter of working conditions in Mexico. The trade surplus has caused Mexican wages to rise very quickly over the last few years, and it has produced no tangible reduction in American wages. That being the case, someone ought to ask the opponents of fast track why they oppose prosperity in Mexico. Someone should ask why they oppose letting our neighbors enjoy the benefits of progress. Ask them what is wrong with increased productivity in the countries. throughout both continuat Ask them why Mexicans should not enjoy higher wages and better lives. And ask them what's wrong with a more stable Mexico. As you know, Mexico is in the midst of a brain drain. It already graduates more engineers per capita than the U.S. does -- yet more and more good workers who can't find jobs head for the border every day. A free-trade pact would encourage investment, create jobs, lift wages and give talented Mexican citizens opportunites they don't enjoy today. A stronger Mexico, in turn, means a stronger United States, and a stronger North American alliance. So you see, we have much to gain from extending fast track -- a new era of open, free and fair trade -- a future of unprecedented economic growth and regional harmony. The vote on fast-track -- and on the trade agreements -- really is a vote on what kind of America we want to build. A "yes" vote expresses confidence in American know-how and 6 ingenuity. It says we believe in Mexico's ability to adapt to a level economic playing field. Free and open markets let people pursue their dreams by competing against other dreamers, entrepreneurs. As with most good things in life, competition involves risk. But we always have been a nation of risk-takers, adventurers. Our forefathers hacked an industrial superpower out of a rough wilderness. We have tamed hostile land and explored deep space. We have created technologies and products unlike any others produced in human history. We have placed the wisdom of the ages within reach of anyone who can operate a computer. We are the world's largest trader, and we have nothing to fear but the fear-mongers themselves. // Opponents of fast track and the Free Trade Agreement like to focus on envy, suspicion, fear -- sentiments unworthy of us as a people. They like to pretend that the world has not moved into a new era of international competition and cooperation. They seem to be the only ones who haven't learned that defeatism produces defeat, while confidence and self-reliance produce greatness. We stand ready to seize the opportunities that the new world economy offers us. With your help, I know we can conquer the demagogues of defeat. // Thank you for your support, and God bless our great country. # # # Grant/Dooley April 1, 1991 A:Mextrade / Draft four PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: HISPANIC FREE TRADE BREAKFAST THE HOUSTONIAN MONDAY, APRIL 8, 1991 TIME? ((Acknowledgements)) Good morning. I've been looking forward to meeting with you today, because I want to discuss two issues important to us all: America's ability to compete in the global marketplace and our ability to negotiate with our trading partners. I've said many times that the hard work of freedom awaits us. Today, I've come to ask your help in that challenge. Last month, I asked Congress to extend our "fast track" authority in trade negotiations. Through this mechanism, Congress ensures that the President can negotiate on equal terms with his counterparts. It lets our negotiators ensure our partners that the agreements reach at the bargaining table will be the same ones voted on at home. Fast-track doesn't affect Congress' power to accept or Good reject treaties. It just lets us assure our partners that for Congress will not change agreements that we have reached. our word We need fast track now to pursue vital trade agreements -- the North American Free Trade Agreement, the Uruguay Round and the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative. If we lose our fast track authority, we lose all three of those agreements. We lose trade. We surrender our role as a world leader and role model. BF 2 Those who oppose fast track cite a variety of issues -- wage rates, environmental quality, health and safety concerns. We care about those, too. And we're working on them, with a step-by-step plan to resolve each and every challenge. Here's the key: A vote against fast-track is a vote against things we all hold dear. It rejects growth in other lands. (It rejects prosperity at home. It ignores the dramatic and wonderful changes in the world economy. We want to play a leading role in that emerging, exciting world; we don't want to hide from it. We want to join in the thrilling business of innovation; we don't want to enslave people with outmoded technologies and ideas. Let me be clear about this: A vote against fast track is a vote against our negotiators. It is a vote against our trading partners. It is a vote against progress. Right now, we have the chance to expand opportunity and economic growth from the Yukon the the Yucatan. The North American Free Trade Agreement would link us with our largest trading partner, Canada, and our third-largest partner, Mexico. It would create the largest, richest trade zone on earth -- 360 million consumers in a market that generates $6 trillion in output a year. Just think of the benefits: A unified market would let us all build on our strengths. It would provide more and better jobs for U.S. workers. It would stimulate price competition, lower consumer prices, improve product quality. If you want to 3 talk about a compelling fairness issue, consider this: The agreement would make necessities such as food and clothing more affordable, and more available to our poorest citizens. It would raise productivity and produce a higher standard of living throughout the continent. Let me illustrate the stakes involved in the fast-track debate by discussing the Mexican component of the North American Free Trade Agreement. Trade with Mexico has helped both our countries. Just four years ago, we had a $91 million trade deficit with Mexico. Today, we enjoy a $28 billion surplus. This turnaround took place because Mexican President Carlos Salinas believes in free trade. He has slashed tariff rates for some goods from 100 percent to 10 percent. As a result, our exports to Mexico have doubled in the past four years. That move? export boom has created 320,000 new jobs in the United States, good jobs Each additional billion dollars in exports creates 20,000 new jobs here in the United States. Now, I don't have to tell anyone in this room about Mexico's market potential -- 80 million consumers who want to buy our goods. Nor do I have to tell you that as Mexico grows and prospers, it will need even more of the goods we're best at producing -- computers, manufacturing equipment, high-tech and high-value goods. Unfortunately, we have a tough fight ahead of us. One of our Congressional opponents said the other day, "My concern is that our trade negotiators keep uppermost in their mind the 4 impact of this agreement on American jobs, American companies, and American exports." /// I couldn't agree more. Let's talk about his concerns, one at a time. We've already seen what the reduction in Mexican tariffs has done for American exports. A free-trade agreement would eliminate the remaining tariffs entirely. That would stimulate exports, create new jobs, generate wealth and hope on both sides of the border. Let's take a look at the impact on American companies. When trade barriers vanish, goods flow freely across borders. Investment flows freely across borders. And everybody -- from businessmen and workers, to farmers and consumers -- reaps the benefits of growth. Consider the environment: Fast-track fits into a winning strategy for improving environmental quality. Opponents of fast- track authority forget that prosperity offers the surest road to worker safety, public health and environmental quality. This Administration wants to ensure that Mexican economic growth goes hand in hand with environmental protection. Our E.P.A. is already assisting the Salinas government with its environmental programs. President Salinas has shown he's serious about cleaning up the environment --- by requiring all new cars to have catalytic converters and recently by shutting down Mexico's largest oil refinery for pollution violations. I believe that President Salinas cares deeply about his nation and its people, What happened to 5 and that he means business when he says he wants to clean up Mexico's air and water. Finally, consider the matter of working conditions in Mexico. The trade surplus has caused Mexican wages to rise very quickly over the last few years, and it has produced no tangible reduction in American wages. That being the case, someone ought to ask the opponents of fast track why they oppose prosperity in Mexico. Someone should ask why they oppose letting our neighbors enjoy the benefits of progress. Ask them what is wrong with increased productivity in the both countries. Ask them why Mexicans should not enjoy higher wages and better lives. Indeed, ask them what's wrong with a more stable Mexico. As you know, Mexico is in the midst of a brain drain. It already graduates more engineers per capita than the U.S. does -- yet more and more good workers who can't find jobs head for the border every day. A free-trade pact would encourage investment, create jobs, lift wages and give talented Mexican citizens a reason to stay home, set down roots, and build a better country A stronger Mexico, in turn, means a stronger United States, and a stronger North American alliance. So you see, we have much to gain from extending fast track -- a new era of open, free and fair trade -- and with it, a future of unprecedented economic growth and regional harmony. The vote on fast-track really is a vote on what kind of future Americans want. A "yes" vote expresses confidence in American know-how and ingenuity. It says we believe in Mexico's 6 ability to adapt to a level economic playing field. Free and open markets let people pursue their dreams by competing against other dreamers, entrepreneurs. As with most good things in life, competition involves risk. But we always have been a nation of risk-takers, adventurers. Our forefathers hacked an industrial superpower out of a rough wilderness. We have tamed hostile land and explored deep space. We have created technologies and products unlike any others produced in human history. We have placed the wisdom of the ages within reach of anyone who can operate a computer. We are the world's largest trader, and we have nothing to fear but the fear-mongers themselves. // The North American Free Trade Agreement lets us exercise our national genius for innovation. It lets us show generosity toward our neighbors and friends. Opponents of this agreement like to focus on envy, suspicion, fear -- sentiments unworthy of us as a people. They like to pretend that the world has not moved into a new era of international competition and cooperation. They seem to be the only ones who haven't learned that defeatism produces defeat, while confidence and self- reliance produce greatness. We stand ready to seize the opportunities that the new world economy offers us. With your help, I know we can conquer the high priests of defeat. // Thank you for your support, and God bless our great country. # # # 2 Those who oppose fast track cite a variety of issues -- wage rates, environmental quality, health and safety concerns. We care about those, too. And we're working on them, with a step-by-step plan to resolve each and every challenge. Here's the key: A vote against fast-track is a vote against things we all hold dear. It rejects growth in other lands. It rejects prosperity at home. It ignores the dramatic and wonderful changes in the world economy. We want to play a leading role in that emerging, exciting world; we don't want to hide from it. We want to join in the thrilling business of innovation; we don't want to enslave people with outmoded technologies and ideas. Let me be clear about this: A vote against fast track is a vote against our negotiators. It is a vote against our trading partners. It is a vote against progress. Right now, we have the chance to expand opportunity and economic growth from the Yukon the the Yucatan. The North American Free Trade Agreement would link us with our largest trading partner, Canada, and our third-largest partner, Mexico. It would create the largest, richest trade zone on earth -- 360 million consumers in a market that generates $6 trillion in output a year. Just think of the benefits: A unified market would let us all build on our strengths. It would provide more and better jobs for U.S. workers. It would stimulate price competition, lower consumer prices, improve product quality. If you want to Grant/Dooley April 1, 1991 A:Mextrade / Draft four PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: HISPANIC FREE TRADE BREAKFAST THE HOUSTONIAN MONDAY, APRIL 8, 1991 TIME? ((Acknowledgements)) Good morning. I've been looking forward to meeting with you today, because I want to discuss two issues important to us all: America's ability to compete in the global marketplace and our ability to negotiate with our trading partners. I've said many times that the hard work of freedom awaits us. Today, I've come to ask your help in that challenge. Last month, I asked Congress to extend our "fast track" authority in trade negotiations. Through this mechanism, Congress ensures that the President can negotiate on equal terms with his counterparts. It lets our negotiators ensure our partners that the agreements reach at the bargaining table will be the same ones voted on at home. Fast-track doesn't affect Congress' power to accept or reject treaties. It just lets us assure our partners that Congress will not change agreements that we have reached. We need fast track now to pursue vital trade agreements -- the North American Free Trade Agreement, the Uruguay Round and the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative. If we lose our fast track authority, we lose all three of those agreements. We lose trade. We surrender our role as a world leader and role model. 2 Those who oppose fast track cite a variety of issues -- wage rates, environmental quality, health and safety concerns. We care about those, too. And we're working on them, with a step-by-step plan to resolve each and every challenge. Here's the key: A vote against fast-track is a vote against things we all hold dear. It rejects growth in other lands. It rejects prosperity at home. It ignores the dramatic and wonderful changes in the world economy. We want to play a leading role in that emerging, exciting world; we don't want to hide from it. We want to join in the thrilling business of innovation; we don't want to enslave people with outmoded technologies and ideas. Let me be clear about this: A vote against fast track is a vote against our negotiators. It is a vote against our trading partners. It is a vote against progress. Right now, we have the chance to expand opportunity and economic growth from the Yukon the the Yucatan. The North American Free Trade Agreement would link us with our largest trading partner, Canada, and our third-largest partner, Mexico. It would create the largest, richest trade zone on earth -- 360 million consumers in a market that generates $6 trillion in output a year. Just think of the benefits: A unified market would let us all build on our strengths. It would provide more and better jobs for U.S. workers. It would stimulate price competition, lower consumer prices, improve product quality. If you want to 3 talk about a compelling fairness issue, consider this: The agreement would make necessities such as food and clothing more affordable, and more available to our poorest citizens. It would raise productivity and produce a higher standard of living throughout the continent. Let me illustrate the stakes involved in the fast-track debate by discussing the Mexican component of the North American Free Trade Agreement. Trade with Mexico has helped both our countries. Just four years ago, we had a $91 million trade deficit with Mexico. Today, we enjoy a $28 billion surplus. This turnaround took place because Mexican President Carlos Salinas believes in free trade. He has slashed tariff rates for some goods from 100 percent to 10 percent. As a result, our exports to Mexico have doubled in the past four years. That export boom has created 320,000 new jobs in the United States, good jobs. Each additional billion dollars in exports creates 20,000 new jobs here in the United States. Now, I don't have to tell anyone in this room about Mexico's market potential -- 80 million consumers who want to buy our goods. Nor do I have to tell you that as Mexico grows and prospers, it will need even more of the goods we're best at producing -- computers, manufacturing equipment, high-tech and high-value goods. Unfortunately, we have a tough fight ahead of us. One of our Congressional opponents said the other day, "My concern is that our trade negotiators keep uppermost in their mind the 4 impact of this agreement on American jobs, American companies, and American exports." /// I couldn't agree more. Let's talk about his concerns, one at a time. We've already seen what the reduction in Mexican tariffs has done for American exports. A free-trade agreement would eliminate the remaining tariffs entirely. That would stimulate exports, create new jobs, generate wealth and hope on both sides of the border. Let's take a look at the impact on American companies. When trade barriers vanish, goods flow freely across borders. Investment flows freely across borders. And everybody -- businessmen and workers, to farmers and consumers -- reaps the benefits of growth. Consider the environment: Fast-track fits into a winning strategy for improving environmental quality. Opponents of fast- track authority forget that prosperity offers the surest road to worker safety, public health and environmental quality. This Administration wants to ensure that Mexican economic growth goes hand in hand with environmental protection. Our E.P.A. is already assisting the Salinas government with its environmental programs. President Salinas has shown he's serious about cleaning up the environment -- by requiring all new cars to have catalytic converters and recently by shutting down Mexico's largest oil refinery for pollution violations. I believe that President Salinas cares deeply about his nation and its people, 5 and that he means business when he says he wants to clean up Mexico's air and water. Finally, consider the matter of working conditions in Mexico. The trade surplus has caused Mexican wages to rise very quickly over the last few years, and it has produced no tangible reduction in American wages. That being the case, someone ought to ask the opponents of fast track why they oppose prosperity in Mexico. Someone should ask why they oppose letting our neighbors enjoy the benefits of progress. Ask them what is wrong with increased productivity in the both countries. Ask them why Mexicans should not enjoy higher wages and better lives. Indeed, ask them what's wrong with a more stable Mexico. As you know, Mexico is in the midst of a brain drain. It already graduates more engineers per capita than the U.S. does -- yet more and more good workers who can't find jobs head for the border every day. A free-trade pact would encourage investment, create jobs, lift wages and give talented Mexican citizens a reason to stay home, set down roots, and build a better country. A stronger Mexico, in turn, means a stronger United States, and a stronger North American alliance. So you see, we have much to gain from extending fast track -- a new era of open, free and fair trade -- and with it, a future of unprecedented economic growth and regional harmony. The vote on fast-track really is a vote on what kind of future Americans want. A "yes" vote expresses confidence in American know-how and ingenuity. It says we believe in Mexico's 6 ability to adapt to a level economic playing field. Free and open markets let people pursue their dreams by competing against other dreamers, entrepreneurs. As with most good things in life, competition involves risk. But we always have been a nation of risk-takers, adventurers. Our forefathers hacked an industrial superpower out of a rough wilderness. We have tamed hostile land and explored deep space. We have created technologies and products unlike any others produced in human history. We have placed the wisdom of the ages within reach of anyone who can operate a computer. We are the world's largest trader, and we have nothing to fear but the fear-mongers themselves. // The North American Free Trade Agreement lets us exercise our national genius for innovation. It lets us show generosity toward our neighbors and friends. Opponents of this agreement like to focus on envy, suspicion, fear -- sentiments unworthy of us as a people. They like to pretend that the world has not moved into a new era of international competition and cooperation. They seem to be the only ones who haven't learned that defeatism produces defeat, while confidence and self- reliance produce greatness. We stand ready to seize the opportunities that the new world economy offers us. With your help, I know we can conquer the high priests of defeat. // Thank you for your support, and God bless our great country. # # # THE WHITE HOUSE Office of the Press Secretary For Immediate Release March 19, 1991 EXTENSION OF FAST TRACK AUTHORITY FACT SHEET FAST TRACK PROCEDURES Historical Background to the Fast Track For the better part of this century, the Congress and the Executive have recognized that the negotiation and implementation of trade agreements require special cooperation. In the aftermath of the record-high rates of the Smoot- Hawley Tariff Act of 1930 and the Depression they helped fuel, both the Congress and the Executive branch recognized that only by working closely together could the two branches effectively bring down barriers to our foreign trade and open international markets for U.S. products and services. This new partnership was reflected in the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act of 1934, which gave the President authority not only to conclude tariff-cutting agreements but also to implement them without the need for subsequent legislation. As countries began to rely less on tariff protection and more on non-tariff trade barriers, the scope of trade negotiations broadened, and the "fast-track" procedures were created by the Congress as the necessary complement to this broader trade agenda. Fast track procedures for approval of trade agreements were included by the Congress in trade legislation in 1974, 1979, and again in the 1988 Trade Act. Fast Track is Essential to Successful Trade Negotiations While assuring the Congress meaningful participation throughout the negotiation process, fast track provides two guarantees essential to the successful negotiation of trade agreements: (1) a vote on implementing legislation within a fixed period of time, and (2) no amendments to that legislation. 2 These procedures reflect the understanding that trade agreements, in which results in one area are often linked to results in others, are particularly vulnerable to multiple amendments that, while possibly small in themselves, could unravel entire agreements. Whether the balance of benefits contained in any trade agreement is in the overall interest of the United States can only be determined by looking at the whole package. Through the fast track, the Congress gave the President the same bargaining power possessed by his counterparts: the ability to ensure that the agreement reached internationally would be the agreement voted on at home. Without fast track, the President cannot assure our negotiating partners that the deal they strike is the deal that will be voted on by the Congress. Without that assurance, foreign governments are reluctant to negotiate with the United States and will not make the tough concessions necessary to reach agreements the United States would be willing to sign. No trading partner will give its bottom line knowing that the bargain could be reopened. Using fast track, the United States has negotiated and implemented three remarkable agreements that were each approved by an overwhelming majority in both Houses of the Congress. These agreements -- the results of the Tokyo Round in 1979, the Free Trade Agreement with Israel in 1985, and the Free Trade Agreement with Canada in 1988 -- have reduced barriers to trade and contributed to growth in the United States and worldwide. The United States has much to gain from trade agreements that open markets and provide rules for free and fair trade. Maintaining the fast track will preserve our ability to continue our efforts to liberalize trade and open markets through the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, through other multilateral agreements and through bilateral agreements. The Congress is an Essential Part of the Fast Track Process o Fast track procedures preserve the role of the Congress during the negotiation, approval, and implementation of trade agreements. To ensure congressional and private sector input, the fast track statute contains extensive notification and consultation requirements. At each step along the way, from 3 initiation through implementation, the Congress is an active partner. To use the fast track for any agreement, bilateral or multilateral, the President must notify the Congress 90 calendar days before signature. By the time the President gives his 90-day notification, our many private sector advisory committees must report their views on the agreement both to the Congress and to the President. For bilateral agreements, the Congress must be given advance notice of the negotiations; during the following 60 legislative working days, either the Senate Finance or House Ways and Means Committee can vote to deny fast track treatment. Once an agreement is reached, the Congress and the Administration work in close consultation to formulate implementing legislation. The process has involved the full participation of all committees of jurisdiction, not only those committees traditionally consulted in setting trade negotiating objectives. If the agreement and its implementing legislation are still not acceptable, they can be rejected by a majority vote of either House. 0 We are today engaged in bilateral and multilateral trade initiatives that hold unprecedented promise for the advancement of U.S. economic objectives. With such initiatives in train, it is clearly in the national interest to continue a partnership that has proved its worth for almost 60 years. Use of Fast Track if Extended In incorporating the fast track in the 1988 Trade Act, the Congress expressly contemplated that an extension might be necessary and appropriate in order for the President to pursue effectively the trade policy goals set out in the law. If extended, the fast track would be available until June 1, 1993, and would be used to implement trade initiatives such as completing the Uruguay Round, negotiating a North America Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) with Mexico and Canada, and pursuing the trade objectives of the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative. o Supporting fast track will allow these important initiatives to go forward without in any way detracting from the ability of the Congress to assess each agreement on its merits when presented for approval. 4 A Vote Against Fast Track Denies Fast Track for all Agreements Current fast track authority would have expired on June 1 if the President had not requested an extension by March 1. The requested extension is granted automatically unless either house passes a statutorily prescribed disapproval resolution before June 1. The language of the disapproval resolution, which is set out in the statute, makes clear that disapproval eliminates all fast track authority, multilateral and bilateral. The disapproval resolution cannot be amended to eliminate fast track for some agreements but not others because the resolution itself cannot be amended. It is not possible, for example, to vote against the fast track for the Uruguay Round agreements but preserve it for the NAFTA. If a disapproval resolution is passed by either House, the fast track is gone for all purposes, and the President's ability to successfully negotiate any trade agreement requiring congressional approval, bilateral or multilateral, is severely crippled if not eliminated entirely. Simply put, a vote against fast track is a vote against trade. Continuing Fast Track is Essential to Securing Economic Gains As the world's largest trader, the United States has an enormous stake in the future of the global trading system. Exports have become a vital source of strength to the U.S. economy. In 1990, the nearly 8.5 percent growth in U.S. exports accounted for 88 percent of U.S. economic growth. In order to sustain the expansion of exports and consequent growth, we must continue our efforts to open world markets. We must maintain our active leadership role. Without an extension of fast track, those efforts are futile. Maintaining fast track procedures -- and the partnership between the Congress and the executive branch that fast track represents -- will keep on course our joint efforts to liberalize trade and open markets through the GATT, through other multilateral agreements, and through bilateral agreements. No country stands more to gain from those efforts than the United States. As we approach the beginning of a new century, we should not hesitate to pursue the opportunities for expanded economic growth and prosperity presented by successful trade negotiations. 5 In order to turn those opportunities into realities, the Congress and the Executive must continue to work together in the manner envisioned by the fast track. THE IMPORTANCE AND BENEFITS OF THE URUGUAY ROUND Uruguay Round is the Most Ambitious of Trade Negotiations to Date The world trading system is now vastly more complex than it was when the GATT was written in 1947. Over one-third of world trade, more than $1 trillion, is inadequately covered by international trade rules. The Uruguay Round negotiations -- in which 108 countries participate -- are an ambitious effort to strengthen and expand the global trading system as well as to further lower trade barriers. Launched in 1986 in Punta del Este, Uruguay, these negotiations are the eighth round of multilateral trade negotiations conducted under the auspices of GATT. The United States led the call for the far-reaching agenda of issues in the Uruguay Round. The Congress established objectives for the Uruguay Round in the Omnibus Trade and Competitiveness Act, passed in August of 1988. The negotiating agenda runs the gamut of U.S. interests, both in opening world markets and in establishing internal rules of fair play in areas vital to U.S. competitiveness -- services, investment, agriculture, and intellectual property. The negotiations fall into four broad categories: market access (tariffs and non-tariff measures, natural resource-based products, tropical products, and textiles); -- the "new" areas of services, trade-related intellectual property rights (TRIPs), and trade-related investment measures (TRIMs); agriculture; and GATT rules (dispute settlement, safeguards, GATT Articles including balance of payments reform, and the non-tariff measure codes, including subsidies and antidumping). o Moreover, unlike previous GATT negotiating rounds, developing countries are active participants in every aspect of the negotiations. 6 The Administration is Committed to Ensuring that the Uruguay Round Results in Agreements that Truly Meet U.S. Objectives o This resolve was demonstrated at Brussels in December 1990. The U.S. delegation and other important delegations determined that it was preferable to end the ministerial meeting without result rather than to lower ambitions and accept minimal Uruguay Round agreements. The negotiations formally resumed in all areas on February 26, 1991, when a framework to negotiate agricultural reform was reached. The exact pace of negotiations will depend on how quickly we are able to reach an acceptable solution on agriculture. The Administration is not prepared to accept an inadequate agreement for the sake of an agreement; but we are prepared to continue to negotiate to obtain a good result. A Successful Uruguay Round Would Bring Substantial Benefits to the U.S. and World Economies O Exports have become a vital source of strength to the U.S. economy. Since the Round was launched in 1986, export expansion has been responsible for 40 percent of total growth in U.S. GNP. In 1990, export growth accounted for 88 percent of U.S. GNP growth. o An open multilateral trading system is the best guarantee that U.S. export opportunities continue to expand into the next century. The Uruguay Round is the most important initiative to expand these opportunities. Specifically, a successful Uruguay Round would provide substantial benefits to the U.S. economy, including: Lower tariff and non-tariff barriers to manufactured products and other goods, which could increase world output by $5 trillion and U.S. output by over $1 trillion over the next 10 years, meaning an additional $16, 000 for every American family of four; Rules to protect the intellectual property of U.S. entrepreneurs, who lose $60 billion annually through theft and counterfeiting of their ideas; New markets for U.S. services firms, which export $115 billion annually and generate 90 percent of new U.S. jobs; 7 An agreement opening world markets to investment, which helps generate $240 billion, or two-thirds of total U.S. exports in goods; Fair competition and open markets in agriculture, creating new opportunities for American farmers, who lead the world with more than $40 billion in annual exports; The full participation of developing countries in the global trading system, which could increase U.S. exports by $200 billion over the next 10 years; and Strengthened rules on dispute settlement, antidumping, subsidies and trade remedy provisions, which should provide predictability and certainty in access to foreign markets and ensure fair trade at home. Conversely, failure to extend fast track authority will end the Uruguay Round negotiations, damaging prospects for world economic growth and cooperation. A collapse of the Round brought about by removal of U.S. fast track authority would increase worldwide pressures to raise trade and investment barriers. A sufficiently sharp movement away from open markets could contribute to a global recession, as it did in the 1930s. Although the ultimate success of the Uruguay Round cannot be guaranteed, the United States should continue negotiations because a successful Round is overwhelmingly in our long- term economic interests. IMPORTANCE OF A NORTH AMERICAN FREE TRADE AGREEMENT A NAFTA Would Create One of the World's Largest Free Trade Areas A NAFTA would create an enormous market, encompassing some 360 million consumers and total output of $6 trillion. The progressive elimination of barriers to the flow of goods, services, and investment and strengthened protection of intellectual property rights would benefit a broad spectrum of businesses, workers, farmers, and consumers. Creation of a NAFTA would be a catalyst for economic growth and development in the United States, Mexico and Canada through increased trade, investment, and jobs. 8 The Importance of North American Trade Canada and Mexico are America's first and third largest trading partners, respectively. In turn, the United States accounts for over two-thirds of their total trade. In 1990, three-way trade came to about $237 billion. Since 1980, U.S. exports to Mexico and Canada have doubled, rising from $55.3 billion to $111.4 billion. Our exports to our neighbors have grown substantially faster than those to the rest of the world. Removal of Barriers Would Create New Trade and Investment Opportunities o Since Mexico joined the GATT in 1986 and started its unilateral policy of lowering trade barriers, U.S. exports have more than doubled, growing from $12.4 billion to $28.4 billion. -- U.S. agricultural exports to Mexico totalled $2.5 billion in 1990, our third largest market. -- Consumer goods exports from the United States to Mexico have tripled since 1986, rising from $1 billion to $3 billion. -- U.S. exports of capital goods have grown from $5 billion in 1986 to about $9.5 billion last year. We can do better. Mexico has greater barriers to U.S. exports than we impose on Mexican shipments to the United States. For example: -- Mexican tariffs average 10 percent, compared to the average tariff of 4 percent we impose on Mexican exports to us. : Mexico still maintains a restrictive import licensing regime, one that affects 40 percent of U.S. agricultural exports to Mexico. o In addition, while Mexico has liberalized its investment regime, it is still closed to many U.S. investments, both in manufacturing and in services, and performance requirements distort export opportunities for U.S. products. o Mexico has already pledged to improve its protection for intellectual property rights, and we expect action on those pledges in the near future. A NAFTA will make those reforms secure. 9 A NAFTA Offers Benefits to U.S. Producers, Workers and Consumers Economic analyses show that a NAFTA will have a positive impact on the U.S. economy and U.S. employment. U.S. producers and workers will benefit from a NAFTA through increased sales opportunities, improved operating efficiencies, and strengthened competitiveness vis-a-vis Asia and Europe. U.S. consumers will enjoy increased access to lower cost, higher quality products. A NAFTA Strengthens the Broader North American Relationship A NAFTA would help cement the extensive historical, familial, cultural, and language links the United States has with both Mexico and Canada. More prosperous neighbors are better neighbors and better customers for U.S. goods and services. We have a broad agenda with both Mexico and Canada that goes well beyond trade, economic, and investment links. By boosting economic prosperity in all three nations, a NAFTA will help us make progress on issues such as the environment, drugs, and immigration. # # # David P. Goldman Senior Economist 86 Maple Avenue Morristown, NJ 07960 Tel. 201-267-4640 Home 212-866-3671 POLYCONOMICS, INC. Political and Economic Communications Mike Wilson 546- 4400 Return your CALL. HollY William tal Mex pop 1940 86 million US 1990 249 mill (1987) Review - US 77,1000 eng/lyr Mex 25,300 both = .03% per capita basis 2% of all graduating engs. in U.S. op = = 10% To Peggy Date 4-1 Time 9:45 WHILE YOU WERE OUT M David Beightal of Phone Area Code Number Extension TELEPHONED PLEASE CALL CALLED TO SEE YOU WILL CALL AGAIN WANTS TO SEE YOU URGENT RETURNED YOUR CALL Message Operator AMPAD EFFICIENCY® 23-023 CARBONLESS MEXICO 647-9292 I Sales .ract Aunt GilbertA Aguello 1988 now not time to turn back on coop. intl. relations THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Miles Frechette 395-6135 Charlie Reese 4800 - Generic Fast Track Rackage U5- U5-Canada-8 serious mos rayrs. 2 yrs. Rowe or Bob 21/2, Bruzzica yrs. Chip 4866 27 Dec 88 finished leg negs- til July Aug +Sept 88 submit passed 90.1. longress trade agreement # treaty Grant/Dooley econ= David Walters 3583 April 1, 1991 A:Mextrade / Draft six PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: HISPANIC FREE TRADE BREAKFAST THE HOUSTONIAN MONDAY, APRIL 8, 1991 TIME? 8:00 a.m. Host Committee, Lionel Sosa (produces) ((Acknowledgements)) Mayor Whitmire, Judge Lindsay Good morning. I've been looking forward to meeting with you today, because I want to discuss two issues important to us all: America's ability to compete in the global marketplace and our ability to negotiate with our trading partners. I've said many times that the hard work of freedom awaits us. Today, I've come to ask your help in that challenge. Last month, I asked Congress to extend our "fast track" authority in trade negotiations. This mechanism lets our negotiators assure their counterparts that agreements they reach at the bargaining table will be the same ones voted on at home. It makes us good for our word. Fast-track doesn't affect Congress' power to accept or reject treaties. It just prevents changing agreements we have trade agreements reached, and forcing everyone involved to start from scratch. We need fast track now to pursue vital trade pacts -- the North American Free Trade Agreement, the Uruguay Round and the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative. If we lose our fast track authority, we lose all three of those agreements. We lose trade. We surrender our role as a world leader and role model. Those who oppose fast track cite a variety of issues -- wage rates, environmental quality, health and safety concerns. 2 We care about those, too. And we're working on them, with a USTR step-by-step plan to resolve each and every challenge. Here's the key: A vote against fast-track is a vote against things we all hold dear -- growth in other lands -- prosperity at home. It ignores the dramatic and wonderful changes in the world economy. We want to play a leading role in that emerging, exciting world; we don't want to hide from it. We want to join in the thrilling business of innovation; we don't want to chain people to outmoded technologies and ideas. Right now, we have the chance to expand opportunity and economic growth from the Yukon the the Yucatan. The North American Free Trade Agreement would link us with our largest trading partner, Canada, and our third-largest partner, Mexico. USTR It would create the largest, richest trade zone on earth -- 360 million consumers in a market that generates $6 trillion in output a year. A unified North American market would let us all build on our strengths. It would provide more and better jobs for U.S. workers. It would stimulate price competition, lower consumer prices, improve product quality. If you want to talk about a compelling fairness issue, consider this: The agreement would make necessities such as food and clothing more affordable, and more available to our poorest citizens. It would raise productivity and produce a higher standard of living throughout the continent. Total us since 1986, xaren Kizer 3 Treasury, OMB, 4594 USTR Let me illustrate the stakes involved in the fast-track debate by discussing the Mexican component of the North American Free Trade Agreement. Trade with Mexico has helped both our x 4.9 billion countries. Just four years ago, we had a $91 million trade deficit with Mexico. Today, we enjoy a $28 billion surplus. def. 1.8 billion $ 2% 2 billio, This turnaround took place because Mexican President Carlos surplus Salinas believes in free trade. He has slashed tariff rates for some goods from 100 percent to 10 percent. As a result, our X 130% - more than 12.46-7 xMef exports to Mexico have doubled in the past four years. That 28.4b 300,000 export boom has created 320,000 new jobs in the United States, USTR most in the areas of design, manufacturing and engineering. Each additional billion dollars in exports creates 20,000 new jobs here in the United States. Now, I don't have to tell anyone in this room about Mexico's 85 x market potential -- 80 million consumers who want to buy our 86 million Mex goods. Nor do I have to tell you that as Mexico grows and state Dept. July 1980 by prospers, it will need even more of the goods we're best at producing -- computers, manufacturing equipment, high-tech and high-value products. Unfortunately, we have a tough fight ahead of us. One of our Congressional opponents said the other day, "My concern is that our trade negotiators keep uppermost in their mind the impact of this agreement on American jobs, American companies, and American exports." /// I couldn't agree more. 4 Let's talk about his concerns. We've already seen what the reduction in Mexican tariffs has done for American exports. A free-trade agreement would eliminate the remaining tariffs entirely. That would stimulate exports, create new jobs, generate wealth and hope on both sides of the border. Let's take a look at the impact on American companies. When trade barriers vanish, goods flow freely across borders. Investment flows freely across borders. And everybody -- businessmen and workers, to farmers and consumers -- reaps the benefits of growth. Consider the environment: The North American Free Trade Agreement fits into a winning strategy for improving environmental quality. Opponents of fast-track and the trade pacts forget that prosperity offers the surest road to worker safety, public health and environmental quality. This Administration wants to ensure that Mexican economic growth goes hand in hand with environmental protection. Our Ted Garmey EPA E.P.A. is already the Salinas government with its working working.w/ 382-7961 7969 EPA environmental programs. President Salinas has shown he's serious about cleaning up the environment -- by requiring all new cars to Mex have catalytic converters and recently by shutting down Mexico's largest oil refinery for pollution violations. I believe that President Salinas cares deeply about his nation and its people, and that he means business when he says he wants to clean up Mexico's air and water. Javier Maldonado 2-way trade 9 non-oil 215/667-7716 wages a mfr- 5 Finally, consider the matter of working conditions in Mexico. The trade surplus has caused Mexican wages to rise very Met quickly over the last few years, and produced no tangible reduction in American wages. That being the case, someone ought to ask the opponents of fast track why they oppose prosperity in Mexico. Someone should ask why they oppose letting our neighbors enjoy the benefits of progress. Ask them what is wrong with 20c. of Hisp. increased productivity throughout the continent. rof Engineers 3970 213 725-3970 And ask them what's wrong with a more stable Mexico. As you Margarita colmenares medicine medicine-close - close know, Mexico is in the midst of a brain drain. It already all graduates more engineers per capita than the U.S. does -- yet prnando Laclette more and more good workers who can't find jobs head for the NHI. For border every day. A free-trade pact would encourage investment, jose Tello 14/699-9878 create jobs, lift wages and give talented Mexican citizens 415/866 -556 opportunites they don't enjoy today. A stronger Mexico, in turn, means a stronger United States, and a stronger North American alliance. So you see, we have much to gain from extending fast track -- a new era of open, free and fair trade -- a future of unprecedented economic growth and regional harmony. The vote on fast-track and on the trade agreements really is a vote on what kind of America we want to build. A "yes" vote expresses confidence in American know-how and ingenuity. It says we believe in Mexico's ability to adapt to a level economic playing field. Free and open markets let people OSTP NSF 6 pursue their dreams by competing against other dreamers, entrepreneurs. As with most good things in life, competition involves risk. But we always have been a nation of risk-takers, adventurers. Our forefathers transformed a rough wilderness into an industrial superpower. We have created technologies and products unlike any others produced in human history. We have placed the wisdom of the ages within reach of anyone who can operate a computer. We are the world's largest trader, and we have nothing to USTR fear but the fear-mongers themselves. // Opponents of fast track and the Free Trade Agreement like to focus on envy, suspicion, fear -- sentiments unworthy of us as a people. They like to pretend that the world has not moved into a new era of international competition and cooperation. They seem to be the only ones who haven't learned that defeatism produces defeat, while confidence and self-reliance produce greatness. We stand ready to seize the opportunities that the new world economy offers us. With your help, I know we can conquer the demagogues of defeat. // Thank you for your support, and God bless our great country. # # # A20 WSJ 4/2/91 REVIEW & OUTLOOK Mexican Reveille House Majority Leader Richard ciples in fear of fresh Mexican toma- Gephardt said last week he'll only toes. Roger Milliken and the textile in- support a U.S.-Mexico free-trade dustry keep shoving campaign money agreement with conditions-so many at protectionists in Congress. They conditions that it wouldn't be worth a know that if they can defeat fast-track devalued peso. It looks like it's time they can keep charging monopoly to blow reveille/a a White House still profits of up to 58% on every towel, sleeping after its post-Iraq victory shirt, dress and pair of underwear party. Indeed, we wonder if Mr. Bush (according to the Federal Trade Com- knows just how much trouble his mission). trade agenda is in on Capitol Hill. A These protectionists have been motley crew of special-interest oppo- joined by the familiar anti-growth nents is lining up Democrats and Re- zealots. Sierra Club Chairman Mi- publicans alike, while the White House chael McCloskey told Congress last admires its poll ratings. month that "areas being rapidly in- It's not as if President Bush has -dustrialized as a result of freer trade anything more important on his agreements are usually environmen- agenda. With a capital-gains tax cut tal disaster areas." He also endorsed on the back burner, the North Ameri- higher tariffs to achieve "certain so- can free-trade agreement is Mr. cial goals," presumably his own. Mr. Bush's only pro-gròwth economic pro- McCloskey clearly hasn't compared posal. It's also his most important for- free-trade Hong Kong with the air eign-policy priority, given the uncer- over Beijing lately. tainties in Moscow and the Middle Spokesman Paul Speck says the East. A defeat in Congress on either National Wildlife Federation opposes the Mexico pact or the Uruguay round any agreement that doesn't "produce of world trade-opening talks would sustainable development," which also be a political humiliation. means no development. Mexico's Trade rep Carla Hills could use leadership clearly has other higher some lobbying help against the motley priorities, such as raising the coun- crew, but John Sununu and Dick Dar- try's average wage above 1989's $2.32 man seem distracted with a continu- an hour. President Salinas knows free ing defense of last year's budget deal. trade didn't produce the environmen- And the Secretary of State prefers to tal catastrophe now evident in the spend his time banging up against the command-and-control economies of Arab-Israeli conflict. the former Soviet bloc. It's true President Bush has given The Child Labor Coalition wants a speech or two on trade, but an issue any agreement to cover "sweatshops" of this importance requires a higher in Mexico, as if faster economic profile. Members of Congress have to growth flowing from freer trade won't know they'll pay a price for opposi- do far more for child welfare. Ralph tion. Otherwise they'll take the easy Nader's' omnipresent Public Citizen way and side with the special seems afraid that lower prices may pleaders. A public campaign for open do more for consumers than his own trade risks cutting into Mr. Bush's lawyers-enrichment lobby ever has. postwar political capital, but it'd be All of this opposition has coalesced spent securing an historic agreement. in Mr. Gephardt, who vows to oppose The point of a 90% approval rating is any agreement unless it fights for to accomplish something with it. American jobs, preserves the world's The protectionists aren't waiting environment and defends the rights of for the White House to wake up. The Mexican workers." Freer trade would "fast-track" negotiating process-an do all three, but Mr. Gephardt will get authority Congress has granted Presi- away with this line of demagogy un- dents since the 1970s-is especially less the White House speaks up, vulnerable this time because it would The analogy worth recalling here is cover both the GATT and Mexican "fairness" and taxes. Tax fairness free-trade talks. All opponents need is was a nonstarter throughout the 1980s, a simple majority in either house of until Mr. Bush abandoned his pro- Congress before June 1 and the pro- growth, anti-tax platform last fall. cess goes down. Then Democrats made hay. They'll do The AFL-CIO is mounting one of it again on the trade issue if the White its largest lobbying campaigns ever, House doesn't start aggressively buttonholing Members one by one. Ag- framing the debate on its real riculture interests that used to support merits-namely growth or no-growth, free trade are abandoning their prin- trade or no-trade. CIEMEX-WEFA Apr 3,91 15:12 No. .004 P.01 CIEMEX-WEFA PROJECT DATE: April 3, 1991 TO: FAX No. (202) 456-6218 COMPANY NAME THE WHITE HOUSE ATTENTION MS. PEGGY DOOLEY PHONE No. (202) 456-7750 FROM: NAME JAVIER MALDONADO 91 APR 3 P2: 59 PHONE No. (215) 667-7716 Message: If you need further information, please do not hesitate to contact us. Regards. Number of pages Including cover sheet 2 150 Monument Road Suite 101 Bala Cynwyd, PA 19004 a (215) 667-7740 FAX: (215) 667-7806 - Telex: 9102505496 CIEMEX-WEFA CIEMEX-WEFA Apr 3,91 15:13 No.004 P.O INDEX OF MANUFACTURING COMPENSATIONS PER WORKER ANNUAL % CHA REAL ANNUAL % NGE CHANGE 1989 JAN 40.874 4.689 FEB 34.254 6.644 MAR 29.725 7.117 APR 29.299 8.476 MAY 29.617 9.341 JUN 28.690 9.444 JUL 29.979 11.274 AUG 30.683 11.839 SEP 29.238 10.181 OCT 31.068 10.953 NOV 29.852 9.853 DEC 30.391 8.934 ANNUAL % CHA REAL ANNUAL & NGE CHANGE 1990 JAN 29.911 6.071 FEB 28.721 4.166 MAR 29.651 4.262 APR 29.532 4.096 MAY 30.691 4.647 JUN 29.662 2.820 JUL 30.703 2.807 AUG 31.558 2.715 SEP 29.631 0.742 SOURCE: National Institute of Statistics (INEGI) MEMORANDUM OF CALL Previous editions usable TO: PD X YOU WERE CALLED BY- YOU WERE VISITED BY- Bob Fisher OF (Organization) USTR PLEASE PHONE FTS AUTOVON 3412 WILL CALL AGAIN IS WAITING TO SEE YOU RETURNED YOUR CALL WISHES AN APPOINTMENT MESSAGE RECEIVED BY DATE TIME 63-110 NSN 7540-00-634-4018 STANDARD FORM 63 (Rev. 8-81) Prescribed by GSA * U.S. GPO: 1987-181-246/40025 FPMR (41 CFR) 101-11.6 What other nation in history, when it became supremely powerful, has had no thought of territorial aggrandizement, no ambition but to use its resources for the good of the world. -- Churchill, to Lord Moran, his doctor, The Diaries of Lord Moran, January 10, 1952 possibly in speech to Congress in 1952 25/WHRTON ECONOMETRICS Swarthmore- 8531 LeeAnn Quincy Pl.Apts pl. 215/328-8600 til 6 pm 703/528 Jacob 215/328-8452 KUANA 11600 9:10 Lisa Battuglia - Greater Host Comm. Chief State School John kwam - Gordon Ambach - NSX White 351 Dr., 2832 buence 434- Resource 4640 pressigned litho Mary Ingals 4 Dirk Blansfield mil. Harrison Wenzel total us exports to mex 1990 28.3 b of that, .5 b was petroleum (or related products) total us imports from mex 1990 30.2 b of that, 5.1 b was petroleum all trade, def. of 1.8 b excluding petro, surplus of about 2.7 b 1986 us expo to mex 12.4 b of that, .3 b petro 1986 us impo fr 17.3 b of that, 3.7 b petro total trade def 1986 4.9 b ex petro, trade def 1.5 b trade def cut by 2/3 exclu petro, 1.5 def to 2.7 sur don't want to and measuge that we have surplus Commerce Roger 377-3917 Wallace DUS Trade 718/545-7108 (n) David Goldman / Poleconomics Narrow argument Mexico 1.6 billion/year trade deficit mostly to US; mostly in manufacturing and non-oil. There is no way we can lose jobs when we have a trade surplus with them and will continue it. Rebut Gep, who says we want to improve relations with Japan (they have surplus with us) and not Mexico (they ahve deficit with us). They will be a hugely expanding market. 80 million people getting richer by the minute who want to buy our goods. 200 % tarrifs down to 20% top; proposing to elminate all tarriffs. No lose win-win for us. Staggering markets. Environmental: Salinas just shut down largest oil refinery in Mexico for pollution. He's serious. Shown determination. Labor: Greater efficiency means more product means higher wages. Higher productivity will cause wage rates to rise in both countries. Meixcan wage rates are already rising very quickly during last few years. Mexico has already liberalized tarriff structure; trade surplus has caused their wages to rise, not ours to fall. Broader point: World revolution toward human freedom; Mexico is successful case study. However, much less statist-controlled economy than EAst Europe but people have decided to privatize industry, cut taxes, 150 % inflation to 14% by end of this year; negative economic growth to strong economic growth. Wave of freedom Mexico is leading edge toward free market economy. Not merely a matter of economic advantage to US; it's cutting edge of whole process. Our appeal to the world to adopt free enterprise has been listened to by countries in Third World. Mexico is not their model. All other countries in Lat Am are looking to Mexican revolution, Eastern Europe to follow. Shining example of what the economic component of what the New World Order. Exemplary role in this new world order. Bob Fisher -USTR 5443 chip Rowe Suarez- Manuel Mier-Mier 728-1464 MAR 28 '91 15:00 FROM USTR PUBLIC AFFAIRS PAGE. 001 Instructions to Sender: Please be dertain all shaded areas are completed and no staples. FACSIMILE COVER SHEET OFFICE OF THE UNITEDISTATES TRADE REPRESENTATIVE Executive Office of the President MAR 29 P3: 20 Washington, D.C. 20506 Section # Clearance (to Geneva) Date Time Sent 3/28/91 C.D. Log Number Number of Pages Excluding Cover 9 TO: NAME: AGENCY PHONE #: FAX #: Peggy Dooley ( ) ( 1395-6218 ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) FROM: PHONE: FAX #: (202)395-3911 CONTACT: If There are any problems please call: (202)395-3419 SUBJECT: MAR 28 '91 15:01 FROM USTR PUBLIC AFFAIRS PAGE 002 TESTIMONY OF BASSADOR CARLA A. HILLS UNITED STATES TRADE REPRESENTATIVE BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS UNITED TATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES MARCH 12, 1991 Introduction Thank you, Mr. Ghairman, for the invitation to testify about the President's request to extend fast track procedures. Fast track is crucial to United States leadership in the global economy. The procedure enables us together to pursue and implement United States trade policy, a policy which has been developed and implemented in a close working partnership with Congress and the prigate sector. Overview of Fast Track Still, there is a widespread misunderstanding about what fast track is and what it isn't; about its origins and its application today. For more than 50 years, Congress and the Executive Branch have worked together in close coordination and consultation to negotiate and implement trade agreements. In the aftermate of the disastrous Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930 and the Great Depression it helped fuel, your predecessors and mine realized that we, the Legislative and Executive Branches, must work together to craft a national trade policy that opens markets and promotes U.S. exports. That meant insgitutionalizing a system of trust and partnership which WAS first reflected in the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act of 1934. Congress delegated to the President the power to negotiate pariff-cutting agreements with other nations and to implement them by proclamation without the need for subsequent legislation. In the years after its enactment, the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act proved a great success. Congress's action in passing the 1934 Act can be credited with helping make possible the extraordinary economic growth after World War II, both in the United States and around the world. Our partnership in developing and implementing U.S. trade policy evolved in later years as trading nations began to rely less on tariffs to protect their markets and more on non-tariff MAR 28 '91 15:01 FROM USTR PUBLIC AFFAIRS PAGE. 003 2 trade barriers. consequently, the scope of trade negotiations, was broadened to include new areas previously uncovered by international rules. The fast track procedures were created by Congress as the necessary complement bo this broader trade agenda. Fast track procedures for approval of trade agreements were included by Congress in trade legislation in 1974, 1979, and again in the Omnibus Trade and competitiveness Act of 1988. While giving Congress the assurance of meaningful participation throughout the negotiating process, East track also provides two guarantees essential to the successful negotiation of trade agreements: First, a vote on implementing legislation within a fixed period of time; and, second, no amendments to that legislation. These procedures reflect an understanding that trade agreements, in which results in one area are often linked to results in others, are particularly vulnerable to multiple amendments that, while possibly small in themselves, could unravel entire agreements. Whether the balance of benefits contained in any trade agreement is in the overall interest of the United States can only be determined by looking at the whole package. Through the fast track, Congress has given the President the same bargaining power possessed by his counterparts: The ability to ensure that the agreement reached internationally would be the agreement voted on at home. Without that assurance, foreign governments are reluctant to negotiate with the United States and will not make the tough concessions necessary to reach agreements the United States would be willing to sign. No negotiating partner will give its bottom line knowing that the bargain could be re-opened. Myths of Fast Track Let me take a New moments to dispel two myths about fast track: Fast track procedures are not "fast" and are not an inevitable "track." The process is actually quite deliberate and relatively slow and the outcome is not assured. To be more specific, fast track procedures have absolutely nothing to do with the pace at which we conduct negotiations. Let me reiterate and assurance that I have given to this Committee: We will not rush to conclude any agreement, merely for the sake of any agreement. We proved that in Brussels and our high standards have not changed. While we are eager to secure as soon as possible the benefits that trade agreements promise, we will take whatever time is needed to arrive at MAR 28 '91 15:02 FROM USTR PUBLIC AFFAIRS PAGE. 004 3 agreements that are truly in the economic interest of the United States. We will consider all relevant issues in a negotiation and consult fully with you and the private sector. Until we arrive at good agreements -- ones that we believe you will agree are good - there simply will be no agreements. Your vote to approve fast track extension does not mean that whatever the Administration negotiates afterward is automatically, or even rapidly, approved. Fast track procedures preserve Congress's role during the negotiation, approval, and implementation of trade agreements. The fast track statute includes extensive notification and consultation requirements with both Congress and the private sector throughout the process. Each step of the way this Administration will continue its close consultation with Congress and the private sector. For example, we started formal and informal consultations with Congress on an FTA with Mexico almost a year ago, well before our formal notification of negotiations. We have been talking to a range of Committees and members about their objectives and advice, and will continue to do so once negotiations commence, Once an agreement is reached, Congress and the Administration work in close consultation to formulate implementing legislation. The process has been open to all committees of jurisdiction. If the agreement and its implementing legislation are still not acceptable, they can be rejected by majority vote of either house. Economic Reasons for Extending Fast Track The United States has much to gain through trade agreements that open markets and provide rules for free and fair trade. Maintaining the fast track will preserve our ability to continue efforts to liberalize trade and open markets through the GATT, through other multilateral agreements, and through bilateral agreements. Opening markets and expanding trade is at the top of the President's agenda. As 1991 begins international trade is more important than ever to the United States. our economy has enjoyed six years of record expansion. the engine of this expansion was U.S. exports. Over the past three years, exports of goods and services contributed more than 50 percent of the growth of GNP. And while exports expanded at a rate of 16 percent from 1987 through 1990, imports grew less than half as fast. MAR 28 '91 15:03 FROM USTR PUBLIC AFFAIRS PAGE. 005 4 The U.S. economy now has entered a temporary recession. But the vitality of U.S. trade has not been interrupted. As the President said in his State of the Union Address, "Exports are running solid and strong." In 1990, the rate of growth of U.S. exports was twice as fast as the rise in imports. The nearly 8.5 percent growth in exports generated 88 percent of our total economic growth last year. This is because the global economy remains strong, and U.S. goods are in great demand around the world. The flow of U.S. goods must be maintained and expanded lest exports -- our vital engine of growth -- sputter or stall. More than ever, we need the billions of dollars a year of economic stimulus that greater access to foreign markets could provide. As Dr. Michael Boskin, chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers, said last week: "Fast track is integral to a strategy of American economic growth and success." Opening markets and expanding trade also will enhance the economic growth of poorer nations, including the emerging democracies of Eastern Europe and Latin America. Such growth not only promotes political stability, but will also make those countries much better customers for U.S. products. Without the impetus of a more open trading system, these nations will be drained by the massive costs of protections now imposed on them -- costs that now total two-and-a-half times all the aid they receive from industrialized countries. We find ourselles at this critical time with real opportunities to open markets in areas that will expand our trade. It was precisely to take advantage of such opportunities that Congress contemplated in the 1988 Trade Act a two-year extension of the fast track procedures that would otherwise have expired in June of this year. Fast Track is Crucial to Concluding a Successful Uruguay Round our top priority is to complete a comprehensive agreement in the Uruguay Round of global trade talks and in so doing to strengthen and broaden the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, or GATT. The GATT is without doubt the world's most important trade agreement. Indeed, it is the Constitution of World Trade. Under GATT spensorship, the world's trading nations have held seven successful rounds of negotiations since World War II MAR 28 '91 15:03 FROM USTR PUBLIC AFFAIRS PAGE 006 5 in which tariff rates were slashed by more than 75 percent. As a result, trade exploded from just $60 billion in 1950 to nudge the $4 trillion mark this year. This enormous expansion in global commerce has fueled a spectacular surge of the world and U.S. economies. Both have grown faster in the last 40 years than in any four decades of world prosperity. history. Consequently, we have enjoyed unparalleled global The GATT has opened new markets for business, increased choices and lowered prices for consumers, and led to higher incomes and more jobs for workers. But just as a thriving family outgrows its first house, so too has the family of 100 nations, who make up the GATT and account for 85 percent of world trade, outgrown the rules that have served us so well for so long. Today, a third of world trade -- more than $1 trillion of international commetce a year -- is not adequately covered by internationally agreed rules. Areas inadequately covered by GATT rules, like agriculture, or not covered at all like services, investment, and intellectual property have taken on an enormous importance in global trade generally and to the United States in particular. The United States led the call for the far-reaching agenda of issues in the Uraguay Round. Congress and the private sector supported this effort. Congress laid out the negotiating objectives for the Druguay Round in the 1988 Trade Act. Several members of this Committee, and your staffs, were with us in Brussels last December. Rather than conceding our goal of an ambitious agreement, together we agreed that no agreement solution. was far better than a hastily negotiated face-saving After a threemonth suspension, the countries that brought the talks to a halt returned to the table with a new-found willingness to negotiate specific commitments in the critical area of agricultural trade reform. As you know, this area is the linchpin of the Roand; without real reform, many of the countries participating in the talks are not willing to negotiate in many of the Round's other important areas. The prospects for a successful conclusion are better now, but we have tough negotiating ahead. We will continue to work with you to bring these talks to fruition. MAR 28 '91 15:04 FROM USTR PUBLIC AFFAIRS PAGE 007 6 The benefits the Uruguay Round could bring to America are encrmous: © Lower tariff and non-tariff barriers to manufactured products and other goods could increase world output by $5 trillion, and U.S. output by more than $1 trillion over the next 10 years, meaning an additional $17,000 for every American family of four; Rules to protect the intellectual property of America's antrepreneurs, ending the $60 billion lost each year through theft and counterfeising; New markets for U.S. service firms, which today export $115 billion annually and create 9-out-of-10 of our new jobs; Broader market opportunities for international investment, creating expanded opportunities in a sector that already helps generate more than $240 billion of U.S. exports, or two-thirds of total U.S. exports in goods; Fair competition and open markets for U.S. farmers, the lead the world with more than $40 billion in annual exports; Full participation of developing countries in our global trading system, which could increase G.S. exports 50 percent, or $200 billion, RY the year 2000; And, strengthened rules on dispute settlement, antidumping, subsidies, and trade remedy provisions, that should provide predictability and certainty in access to foreign markets and ensure fair trade at home. The fact is that a failure to extend fast track authority will effectively end the Uruguay Round negotiations. It will damage prospects for world economic growth and cooperation. A collapse of the Roand brought about by the removal of fast track would increase worldwide pressures to raise trade and investment barriers. And, of course, the unraveling of the international trading system would deny U.S. consumers and workers the enormous benefits of open markets. MAR 28 '91 15:04 FROM USTR PUBLIC AFFAIRS PAGE. 008 7 Fast Track is Essential to Negotiate a North American FTA Beyond the Uruguay Round negotiations, we continue to press for open markets. A North American Free Trade Agreement more closely linking the economies of the United States, Mexico, and Canada could be a potent force for regional growth and prosperity. We expect these discussions to lead to market opening agreements that will create new and improved opportunities for U.S. exports across the entire spectrum of American industry. The United States is Mexico's principal trading partner; Mexico is our third largest customer. Canada is our largest trading partner. Lisking our complementary economies through free trade will strengthen these economic bonds and increase regional political stability. Ultimately, the creation of a North American Free Trade Area will create the largest, richest market in the world with 360 million consumers and $6 trillion annual output. Also, a North American Free Trade Agreement also will support our broader him of open markets and expanded trade globally, for other countries will have greater incentive to seek open markets with us. It also can serve as a starting point for the pursuit of a hemispheric free trade area -- the long-term objective of the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative. Despite these Benefits, some critics claim that an FTA will be a "one-way street" with inexpensive Mexican goods flowing into the United States and few of ours going the other way. The evidence disproves this notion. Since 1986, when Mexico joined the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, and reduced its tariff protections from 100 percent to roughly 10 percent, U.S. exports to Mexico have more than doubled rising from $12.4 billion to an annualized rate of $28.4 billion in 1990. The doubling of U.S. exports created 320,000 U.S. jobs. Each additional $1 billion of U.S. exports will mean more than 20,000 new U.S. jobs. All sectors of the U.S. economy have benefited from this market opening: exports of automobiles and auto parts have quadrupled; exports of corn have tripled; and exports of telecommunications equipment have doubled. Exports of iron and steel, that were running a $12 million deficit four years ago, now are tallying a $300 million surplus. Just four years ago, we had a $91 million deficit in textiles and apparel trade with Mexico. Today, we are running a surplus. A free trade agreement would not only lock in these gains, but also spread them throughout the U.S. economy. MAR 28 '91 15:05 FROM USTR PUBLIC AFFAIRS PAGE. 009 8 There is also a Bear that a free trade agreement will export U.S. jobs to Mexico. But again, the experience of the last decade disproves this speculation. During the 1980s U.S. firms set up factories in Mexico at a record pace under the maquiladora program. As a result, thousands jobs were created and retained on the U.S. side of the border to support those facilities, according to some studies. A good example in Deltec, a San Diego electronics manufacturer. Since Lit started a maquiladora five years ago, its sales have quadrupled and its workforce has tripled with employment in San Diego rising by 50 percent. Neisinki Finland Many of its San Diego workers were retrained to fill higher- skill and higher-paying jobs. Deltec' added business also generated new jobs in and around San Diego as its spending for raw materials and services there grew four-and-a-half times. Indeed, the availability of Mexico as a factory site is saving U.S. jobs. Kondall Co., a Massachusetts-based medical equipment maker, says that were it not for the maquiladora program its ability to compete effectively in certain segments of the health-care market would have been significantly impacted. This fact could very well have jeopardized the approximately 3,000 jobs which currently exist within the United States. Other companies that would have been forced to relocate operations offshore to remain competitive instead are setting up operations in Mexico. While the benefits of an FTA are apparent, the Administration recognizes that some groups worry about the consequences of increased competition from Mexico. We are sensitive to these concerns and want to work with Congress and the private sector to ensure that our negotiating objectives take these concerns into account. In this regard, nothing we negotiate will be implemented overnight. We know that business, labor, and farmers on both sides of the border will need time to adjust. We will ensure that any agreement be phased in over time and provide an effective mechanism to protect against import surges. In the end, we will have a new economic regime that will benefit all. Progress in the trade area also will support and reinforce progress in our broader bilateral agenda with Mexico. Long before there was any talk about an FTA with Mexico or a North American FTA, the United States and Mexico were discussing and acting upon a broad bilateral agenda extending far beyond trade. Our countries share a common goal of an improved way of life, both economically and socially, for our people. Agencies such as the EPA and the Departments of State, Justice, and Labor, have MAR 28 '91 15:06 FROM USTR PUBLIC AFFAIRS PAGE. 010 9 been working in their area of expertise to promote our broader bilateral agenda. Welhave worked with Mexico to support and enhance its own efforts to address pressing social needs. Progress in North American free trade negotiations would assist efforts on our broader agenda. Conversely, rejection of fast track would hinder our efforts in all areas. The goal of United States trade policy is to open markets and expand trade for U.S. goods throughout the world and so provide a powerful stimulus for economic growth. A North American Free Trade Agreement will do just that and create on the North American continent a new era of opportunity and prosperity. Conclusion Supporting fast track will allow these important initiatives to go forward without in any way detracting from Congress's ability approval. to assess each agreement on its merits when presented for We have much to gain from extending fast track: an era of extraordinary economic growth, geopolitical stability, lower prices and greater choices for consumers, more jobs for workers, and a better standard of living for our people. We have all this to lose, and more: after the enormous international respect and goodwill we have gained from our role in the liberation 02 Kuwait, to deny the President the ability to negotiate trade agreements would be a severe set back. For the United States, the world's biggest market, its largest exporter, the leader of the free world, not to be a real participant at the bargaining table would be an abdication of responsibility to the world trading system, the U.S. economy, and, above all, to the American people. Congress and the Executive Branch must continue to work together. Fast trank will facilitate that partnership. # # # LANE KIRKLAND, WASH. :03-25-91 Highballing on the fast track I t is no accident that the Bush development that has occurred in tions. The Europeans have also cre- administration and its allies want the U.S.-Mexico free- the Pacific Rim countries. Instead, it ated a $68 billion Regional Develop- has turned the Mexican border re- ment Fund to narrow the gap in per trade agreement to be consid- ered on the congressional fast track, gion into an economic, environmen- capita income between rich and poor. tal and social disaster. countries in the market - a gap that a procedure that prohibits amend- A free-trade agreement with is only one-fifth as wide as the one ments and significantly limits Mexico would expand this program between the United States and debate. beyond the border area to include Mexico. Otherwise, the American people might learn the facts about this the entire country. It would undoubt- As currently described, the pro- edly mean more factory relocations posed U.S.-Mexico free-trade agree- agreement, particularly its disas- and more job losses in the United ment would contain none of these trous potential for workers on both States. social dimensions. And fast-track sides of the border. There are those who still argue consideration would prevent Con- What, specifically, do proponents that the jobs it has brought to Mexi- gress from insisting that such provi- of a free-trade agreement have to can workers are better than no jobs sions be included. fear from public debate? For start- at all. But are they really? In this way, the insistence on fast- ers, we might get a full airing of A few years ago, when Mexican track consideration speaks volumes what is going on with the maquila- wages were actually higher in dollar about who this agreement is really dora program, a miniature version terms than they are today, an article intended to help. of free trade that currently enables in the pro-maquiladora Twin Plant The fact is that trade is good for American firms to set up factories workers on both sides of the border News advised U.S. parent compa- on the Mexican side of the border nies that they could keep their mini- only when it is carried out side-by- and export products back to this side with minimum standards on mum wage people at the minimum country with minimal duty charges. wage by collecting donated clothing wages, benefits, safety and environ- The maquiladoras were touted as and blankets for their Mexican em- ment. Without them, it merely a godsend to Mexican workers - a ployees, because many of their serves as a vehicle for capital to lo- source of desperately needed jobs houses are poorly heated, if heated cate where labor is cheap and gov- and economic development for an at all, and warm clothing and blan- ernment governs least. kets feel good on those cold nights. The problems of poverty and eco- As for food, the magazine sug- nomic development in both the United States and Mexico are too se- GLOBA gested a free kilo of tortillas each week or a few kilos of frijoles. rious to be left solely to the interests If these jobs are so good for Mexi- of private capital. And the proposed can workers, why do workers need free-trade agreement between the handouts to survive? two countries is far too serious a And to those who talk glowingly matter to be kept from the realm of of the Mexican market of 88 million public debate and left largely to these same interests. people that a free-trade agreement would open to American producers, We need a full airing of views so what do they propose be sold to peo- that the American people can decide impoverished region. What actually ple who earn $25 for a 48-hour week? for themselves whether this agree- happened, though, is that hundreds These are the kinds of issues that ment is in their long-term interests. of U.S. companies, lured by Mexico's proponents of the U.S.-Mexico free- Undoubtedly, they will see it for comparative advantages of rock- bottom wages and lack of effective trade agreement want to avoid. Fast- what it is - a golden opportunity for track authority would help them do the rich to get richer at the expense government regulations, have shut down factories north of the border it by limiting the debate before Con- of the working poor. and relocated them in the maquila- gress to one simple question: Are dora areas. you for free trade or against it? In this scenario, proponents are sure to argue that the agreement is During the past decade, while a necessary step for America to com- hundreds of thousands of American pete in an era when Europe is head- workers were losing their jobs to this ing rapidly-toward a single market. form of dislocation, more than a But the proposed Yukon-to-Yucatan half-million Mexicans working in common market, which would also maquiladora plants were joining the include Canada, has little in common humans on the planet. ranks of the most crudely exploited with that of the European Commu- nity. Earning 60 to 80 cents an hour, For instance, the European Com- many of these workers live in card- mon Market contains a social board shacks with no heat, electric- charter establishing rights to a mini- ity or running water. Independent mum wage, social assistance, col- sources have documented wide- lective bargaining, vocational train- spread instances of child labor, il- ing and health and safetv protec- legal dumping of toxic wastes and the use of old chemical drums to hold drinking water. The Wall Street Journal noted that the maquiladoras' very success is helping turn much of the border region into a sinkhole of abysmal liv- degradation. ing conditions and environmental Clearly, the maquiladora pro- gram has not brought the kind of WASH TIMES 03-05-91 No Mexican standoff 33/184 I t's a long way from the Yukon the to Yucatan, but submit such a pact to a yes-or-no vote. There would be U.S. citizens may find that distance shortened no death by amendments. considerably in the years to come. Last week, the As might be expected, groups that have enjoyed the Bush administration sent Congress a request for fruits of protectionism aren't thrilled about the pros- "fast-track" procedures for congressional approval of pect of competition. The United Auto Workers fears international trade agreements, including a free-trade low-wage Mexican workers. Growers fear low-cost pact with Mexico. If the pact eventually becomes law, produce from across the border. And so on. "A lot of it could open all kinds of roads long closed to busi- workers will simply lose their jobs as whole factories nesses and the consumers they serve. are shipped down to Mexico," one lawmaker told the The administration initiative comes at a time when Congressional Quarterly. No one knows for sure most of the world is showing less interest in trade than whether the future would bear out these hair-raising in trade wars. The General Agreement on Tariffs and warnings. But critics should remember that compa- Trade, which has been floating around international nies already can pull up stakes and head for Mexico if conference rooms since 1986, was taking on lots of the place is all that great. A free-trade agreement won't water when last seen in December. The European change that fact. Community and the Japanese didn't want to cut their high-priced agriculture subsidies. American groups The weakness of these complaints is the more obvi- were concerned about having to give up textile and ous for the ones protectionists have turned to in des- other quotas. In the end, consumers who would have peration since. Some argue that a free-trade pact benefited from freer trade and cheaper prices got would spur the flow of illegal drugs, as though existing little more than an expensive stalemate. import barriers on, say, steel have somehow stemmed The administration hasn't given up on GATT, but it the flow where border patrols could not. Others are wouldn't mind setting up a North American free-trade warning of a plague of Mexican pesticides, a variation zone incorporating the United States, Mexico and on the good old killer-apple theme. Canada in the meantime, one with 360 million people There must be a zillion ways to try to defend protec- and a $6 trillion economy. The United States already tionism. But in the end, they all reduce to the sugges- enjoys a free-trade agreement with Canada. The fast tion that the government has to protect consumers track President Bush is proposing to Congress would from the likes of cheap avocados and inexpensive let him seek speedy congressional approval of a simi- shirts. Mr. Bush, fortunately, isn't buying that argu- lar agreement with Mexico: Lawmakers would have to ment. Consumers shouldn't either. WASH. POST 03-14-91 -Free Trade With Mexico- Thomas R. Donahue 184/30/53 Conspiracy for the Rich There are always a good many Farther up the ladder, large corpo- If the administration wants a conti- schemes floating around to help the rations would hit the jackpot. Mexican nental arrangement to compete with rich get richer and the poor get poor- plants are already a bonanza for them. the EC Single Market, it's doing it all er, but the one currently being con- They can take advantage of the terri- wrong. The Single Market includes a sidered here-the proposed North ble poverty in Mexico and pay work- Social Charter. It sets out rights to a American free trade agreement-is ers a small fraction of average U.S. minimum wage, social assistance, col- in a class by itself. wages, and they don't have to pay for lective bargaining, vocational training Its scale is vast-Yukon to Yuca- workmen's compensation, unemploy- and health and safety protection in all tan. It would profoundly disrupt the ment insurance, health insurance or of the member countries, partly to $6 trillion North American economy other essentials of civilized life. discourage runaway plants. Besides, and throw 90 million Mexicans into Would Mexican workers benefit workers have recourse to such insti- cutthroat competition with 270 mil- from an FTA? Again, the maquilador- tutions as the European Parliament lion Canadians and U.S. citizens. In as are a gruesome preview. They pay and Court of Justice. fact, the list of FTA victims in all employees about 60 to 80 cents an The FTA's worker protections can three nations would be colossal. In hour, hardly enough for subsistence. be summarized in two words: "Tough this country and Canada it would in- Workers in many maquiladoras live luck." clude hundreds of thousands of work- in shacks made of packing materials. The Europeans have a $68 billion ers whose jobs would be exported to Their drinking water is sometimes in Regional Development Fund to nar- Mexico. large 50-gallon drums that previously row the gap between rich areas such We have a preview of an FTA in contained toxic materials. The Wall as western Germany and poor areas the maquiladoras, the U.S.-owned Street Journal noted that the maqui- such as Portugal. Here, the per-capita plants that operate south of the bor- ladoras' "very success is helping turn income ratio of the United States and der and exploit about 500,000 Mexi- much of the border region into a Mexico is a staggering 10 to 1-far can workers. Plenty of U.S. employ- sinkhole of abysmal living conditions larger than anything in Western Eu- ees of Electrolux, Zenith, GE, Ford, and environmental degradation." rope. In a free-trade area, that would AT&T, Chrysler and other companies When the maquiladoras started, be an economic time bomb, but the have seen their jobs vanish, then sud- they were supposed to help Mexico FTA wouldn't provide a nickel to denly reappear among the maquila- join Hong Kong, Singapore, South defuse it. doras. Under an FTA, their numbers Korea and Taiwan. But years later, No matter. The administration has would mushroom. northern Mexico remains an environ- its FTA scenario all worked out. How many people in the United mental, economic and social inferno. First, Congress will hand it "fast-track States would be hurt by the upheav- Small wonder. The original purpose of authority." In other words, the House als? An International Trade Commis- maquiladoras-their "comparative and the Senate will forfeit their right sion report admits that "unskilled advantage" in international trade— to change anything in the final agree- workers" would suffer a "slight de- was providing multinational corpora- ment. The administration will be firm- cline" in real income, but it happily tions with a poor, frightened work ly, in control of negotiations. In the reports that "skilled workers and force. That's never changed. end, members of Congress will vote owners of capital services" would ben- An FTA would turn much of Mexi- only on the full package. They can efit. For millions, the decline would CO into a huge maquiladora. Mexico's take it or leave it-but the adminis- actually be more than "slight"-but wealthiest classes would cash in, but tration is confident that they will take the important point here is that peo- most workers would suffer the fate it. ple on the bottom economic rungs their sisters and brothers along the All this could happen. If it does, a would lose and those on the top rungs border have endured for years. good many of the working people of would win. So what keeps the FTA idea going? North America will find themselves The commission mysteriously re- A glitzy brand name has something to on the "fast track" to being either laid fuses to say whom it counts as "un- do with it. The "free trade" label has off or exploited. skilled workers," but it reportedly political clout these days, especially includes all workers with four years of with the European Community's 1992 The writer is secretary-treasurer of high school or less. This would mean Single Market on the horizon. But the AFL-CIO and chairman of the that a majority of the working popula- using "free-trade" to justify an FTA is Labor Advisory Committee for U.S. tion-52.5 percent-would be hurt like using "the sanctity of the family" Trade Policy and Trade by an FTA. to justify beating the children. Negotiations. WASH. POST 03-03-91 Free Trade With Mexico 1844 O PPOSITION to the future free trade trying to block the much broader-and entirely agreement with Mexico is rising with star- separate-worldwide trade negotiations called tling speed. When the similar agreement the Uruguay Round. To get through Congress, establishing free trade with Canada was being both of these agreements will need the fast-track negotiated three years ago, it stirred few feelings procedure. In return for giving Congress extraor- one way or the other in this country-but the dinary influence over the negotiating process, Canadian standard of living is very close to the this procedure assures the final deal a prompt American. Now that the three countries propose up-or-down vote without being eroded by spe- to extend the continental free trade zone south- cial-interest amendments. The fast-track legisla- ward, it would join economies with very different tion expires shortly, but President Bush can wage levels. A number of industries and, espe- extend it-unless either house of Congress pass- cially, trade unions are protesting vehemently. es a resolution preventing it. The votes on those Disinterested economists say that tariffs be- resolutions will probably come in the late spring. tween the two countries have already been cut so Without fast-track, the chances of getting either low that the further step to free trade would have the Mexican agreement or the Uruguay Round little immediate effect in this country. But it's not approved drop close to zero, and American for- the disinterested economists who are carrying eign economic policy collapses. their fears to Congress. While the Mexican agreement may have little The opponents are widening their objections to immediate effect on jobs here, in Mexico it will include the differences in environmental protec- tion in the two countries. They ask whether it's encourage investment, create jobs and lift wages. That, rather than more armed men on the fair to let producers go south to escape costly border, is the way to discourage illegal immigra- environmental requirements. The answer is that tion into this country's labor market. As for the the agreement, when it's finally written, will Uruguay Round, it will open new markets for probably have to try to reconcile some of the dozens of American industries. differences in pollution control standards. The politics of the Mexican agreement is A recession is never a good time to try to get trade legislation through Congress. But the coun- getting complicated. The people fighting it are try is counting on rising exports to pull its working in close alliance with those who are economy into recovery. THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON (anada Free Trade - finished negotiations- Dec. 1987 Submit legislation - 1 July 1988 passed Aug + Sept. 1988 90% langress ederal Deposit Insurance Corp. THE WASHINGTON POST volved a publishing company, Feist test. Publications Inc., that specializes in "It is not only unoriginal, it is prac- area-wide telephone directories. ly would delay other as- tically inevitable," O'Connor said of ised that FDIC Chairman L. William Feist asked the Rural Telephone plan. this arrangement. "This time- Seidman "will go to the hill and try to Service Co., which operates in IC had not discussed any honored tradition does not possess unconfuse the situation." northwest Kansas, to purchase the rrow money until earlier the minimal creative spark required He said the FDIC does not plan to Gonzalez noted. Then the right to use its local listings in com- by the Copyright Act and the Consti- borrow $70 billion to pay for bank fail- piling its broader regional directory. tution." ted a plan to borrow $15 ures, but has outlined borrowing plans in a month it raised that Rural refused, but Feist used the O'Connor said a number of lower that could provide that much money in $25 billion and then only a information anyway, copying at least courts were wrong when they decid- case the nation should fall into a se- er asked for power to bor- 1,309 names, towns and telephone ed compilations or other works were vere recession. n as $70 billion. numbers of Rural subscribers. Rural entitled to copyright protection by a e numbers shift by $45 bil- Gonzalez said the banking commit- then filed a copyright infringement "sweat of the brow" test in which the gle week, it is time to nar- tee will begin hearings immediately af- suit. amount of effort that went into gath- essing game," said Gonza- ter the Easter break on FDIC financ- A basic principle of copyright law ering the data is taken into account. ople are beginning to smell es, splitting that issue off from the is that facts themselves cannot be Originality, not effort, is the yer bailout." 300-page proposed rewrite of banking copyrighted because they are not "touchstone of copyright protection," kesman Alan Whitney said laws sent to Congress last week. "original works of authorship." How- she said, noting that copyright "is is gotten confused over the "It would be a mistake for Congress ever, compilations of facts can be not a tool by which a compilation au- rrowing plans and prom- See FDIC, B15, Col. 5 copyrighted, under the 1976 copy- See COPYRIGHT, B12, Col. 3 Gephardt: Safeguards Needed 478483 In Trade Pact With Mexico If this DR SINTAL 044639 By John Burgess questions about the pact, which Washington Post Staff Writer would lower many trade and invest- ment barriers between the two House Majority Leader Richard countries. The 478347 A. Gephardt (D-Mo.) yesterday - Combined with a similar free- joined the chorus on Capitol Hill trade agreement already signed with questioning President Bush's pro- Canada, a pact with Mexico would posed free-trade pact with Mexico, move North America toward a single now 254992 saying he wanted safeguards against large numbers of American jobs market of 360 million people with an annual output of about $6 trillion. moving across the border. "My concern is that our trade ne- The administration proposed the 478097 gotiators keep uppermost in their accord a year ago after concluding mind the impact of this agreement the Canada agreement. "We believe on American jobs, American compa- that by reducing trade barriers mu- nies and American exports," Gep- tually that we will sponsor growth 18 BERN 293862 hardt told reporters. and jobs and economic develop- Gephardt said he also wanted pro- ment," U.S. Trade Representative visions to aid displaced American Carla A. Hills told a gathering at the workers and to assure that any Brookings Institution on Tuesday. American companies making the Hills also said U.S. companies move would have to comply in Mexi- stand to increase exports to Mexico 082961 CO with strict standards for pollution under such a pact. She cited tariff control, job safety and workers' reductions and other reforms that rights. Mexico has already made on its own BY FRANK JOHNSTON-THE WASHINGTON POST Other influential members of Con- as the reason U.S. exports to the rol's name may not disappear from smaller outlets in the area. gress have already raised similar See GEPHARDT, B14, Col. 4 WP 3/28/91 fused to confirm or deny the link with y-vs Business Technoimpex or the proposal to buy the Thomet House. Gephardt 1 for Hotel Even if an accord between the councils is worked out and Marriott Calls for buys the property, it would face an- LUXURY FOR LESS other hurdle: the tenants. City offi- ed out by the swamped government cials say that under communist laws oureaucracy. Safeguards 1991 Air Cond., Air Bog, ABS, Power Windows Cassette, still in force, individual tenants cannot 16 Valve performance of 27 MPG Highway Poland's situation is similar to Hun- 36 month lease '299 per be evicted. They must be coaxed out me. gary's. The Polish parliament is set to Closed end lease 10% cop cost reduction of the building through compensation GEPHARDT, From B11 fees & taxes due with BMW approved cre lebate a land ownership law but no packages that could total $500,000 or consensus has yet emerged on the ex- country rose from $12 billion in COLLEGE GRAD PROGRA more for each tenant. No previous car credit necessary ent of reprivatization or the type of 1986 to $28 billion in 1990. ompensation. Because a large por- "It would cost a fortune," Juhasz ad- But some members of Congress 2.9% 8.9% FACTORY FINANCIN mitted. and U.S. labor unions believe it Call for Detail ion of Polish farmland remained in rivate hands under communist rule, There's more. Like many buildings would lead large numbers of Ameri- 1991 525i Fully Loaded, Leather, Air Bog, ABS Auto irban land is the key element. in Eastern Europe, the Thomet can companies to shift production to 30 Mo. $439 Per House's interior is in bad shape and Mexico, where workers earn as little Lease Month In Germany, where the unification Closed end lease 10% cap cost reduction reaty set out procedures to deal with virtually beyond hope for renovation. as one-tenth what Americans in fees & taxes due with BMW approved CR he problem of land claims stemming Juhasz said everything except the fa- comparable jobs do. 1991 535i rom the communist and Nazi eras, cade would be razed for construction Environmentalists have said that Fully Loaded, Leather, Air Bog, ABS 30 Mo. companies might go so as to avoid Lease $475 Per nore than 1 million property claims of an entirely new building. That Month ave been filed and many investors would take two to three years. tougher U.S. standards for pollution. Closed and lease 10% cap cost reduction fees & taxes due with BMW approved CTY are waiting for the courts to decide Marriott is not alone in trying to Gephardt suggested that the trea- of this price, plus tax, tog & freig he issue. find a site in Hungary. About 15 major ty should be implemented over many MARTENS BMW In Bethesda-based Marriott's ef- firms are "aggressively" searching for years to soften the impact and The Closest BMW Dealer to the Bel orts to find a hotel site, the problem sites, according to Jeremy Holder, a should contain provisions that would (301) 423-270 allow the United States to back out if 5050 Auth Way, Exit 78, Silver loes not involve a pre-communist director of the London-based Interna- Marlow Heights, Md. tional Hotel and Leisure Associates. large numbers of jobs made the wner's claim for the building, but be- ause the Budapest city council and Few have come close to striking a deal move. In a letter to President Bush out- Coming Sunday he neighborhood council are squab- and one of the successful firms, Oberoi Hotels International, has mixed feel- lining his position, he also expressed DINING GUIDE ling over ownership rights, accord- ng to Juhasz and officials in the gov- ings. concern that large numbers of Mexi- Issue of The Magazine rnment and hotel industry, the Vijay Raina, a vice president of Ob- can workers might enter the U.S. la- vinning council stands to gain a finan- eroi, is unsure whether the firm would bor market. ial windfall, either from Marriott or have embarked on its planned $70 mil- erhaps from another bidder offering lion acquisition of the Gresham Palace ALL nore money. building if it had known how difficult Juhasz said Technoimpex submit- the process would be. Even though it TISCHER MODELS ed a memorandum to city officials has received a green light from the ast year proposing the land purchase. city and neighborhood councils, Oberoi He said the firm is trying to persuade faces the daunting prospect of getting Audi he warring councils to come to terms rid of the building's tenants. AUTOM ver the Thomet House instead of "It has sapped a lot of our energy," vaiting for a new land law from Par- he said. EVERY 91 AUDI 100 & ament. He gives the deal a 50-50 But Raina, echoing many financial EVERY AUDI 200 ROCKVILLE, MD (301) hance of becoming a reality. experts, said firms that turn their AT TYSONS CORNER A Marriott spokeswoman in Be- backs on Eastern Europe during these (703) hesda refused to comment on the ne- confusing, almost lawless days may FACTORY INVOICE gotiations, saying only that the firm is lose a crucial opportunity. "The time (PURCHASE ONLY) serious about development" of an ap- to get in is now," he said. "It's tough to Borrow proximately 500-room hotel in Hun- negotiate. But the cost of entry later gary and is involved in talks. She re- will be much, much higher." First Virgini PORSCHE '91 944 CONVERTIBLE STERLING ROVER '90 928 $4 91 944 COUPE AT FACTORY INVOICE The Sterling Challenge FINANCING AS LOW AS 2.95% APR 24 mos with approved credit If you can find another car with all the standard equipment M of a 1991 Sterling 827 SL for $28,500 (MSRP*) or less, SP Sterling will buy it for you. BMW the mon 1991 318i improve You have until March 31st. worthwh Quite frankly, after looking around themselves, Sterling $318 per mo paid on a H 42 mos Our offer app Stk# 3973 doesn't think you find a car that qualifies. monthly payments are auton NO DOWN PAYMENT checking account. Monthly I Even if you had forever. Closed end leases with purchase ophon. total of pay - of months X payments, texas, fogs & security for five years would be $21 deposit due on delivery. Expires 3/31/91 Percentage Rate for a ten-y Mexico Becoming a Window of Opportunity for Central America 172 SAN JOSE, Costa Rica-Long known in Honduras, El Salvador and Nicaragua to protection faces resistance from the re- ico. But we must be realistic. For exam- Central America as a champion of the rad- meet during two days in Tuxtla Gutierrez, gion's industrialists who are accustomed to ple, while Costa Rica has taken the lead in WALL ST.J:03-15-91 ical left and a strong advocate of big gov- the capital of the Mexican state of protective barriers. Local producers would signing a framework agreement with ernment, Mexico has made a full turn- Chiapas. The summit produced a new ar- prefer duty-free access to foreign mar- Washington, protectionist pressures on about to become a promoter of free trade rangement concerning the payment of kets-as provided by the U.S. Caribbean Capitol Hill and existing limitations might and private enterprise. This remarkable Mexican oil and formalized the plan for a Basin Initiative-while enjoying tariff pro- not be so easy to overcome. Moreover, as a transformation, thanks to the policies of free-trade zone with the Isthmus. tection at home. However, all but the most top U.S. diplomat told an audience here re- President Carlos Salinas de Gortari, has Mexico and Venezuela are the main rigid protectionists seem to understand cently, Costa Rica and other small nations won praise from public officials as well as providers of petroleum to Central Amer- that the price to be paid for falling trade will have "to queue up" in order to negoti- business leaders in the north. But little no- ica. (Oil imports of the five nations totaled barriers is more than offset by the oppor- ate a lengthy process in which the larger ticed has been Mexico's positive influence some $400 million last year. Pursuant to tunities of entering the global economy. Latin American countries will, no doubt, on the countries south of its border. The the 1980 Pact of San Jose, importing na- The views of Samuel Yankelewitz, pres- take precedence. The new trade arrange- nations of Central America today seek tions pay 20% of their bill in local currency ident of the Costa Rican Chamber of Indus- ments with Mexico will be much faster and Mexico's advice and cooperation in their into their own central banks and use such less difficult to achieve than bilateral own transitions to more open economies. funds in development projects. From now agreements with the U.S. under the Bush And one stimulus to such discussions is on, according to the new Chiapas declara- initiative. Gulf of Mexico Mexico's push for a free-trade zone with tion, Mexico and Venezuela will apply the CUBA Of course, by itself access to larger Central America. remaining 80% to finance regional projects markets does not guarantee expanded ex- Two weeks ago, Costa Rican President through the Interamerican Development ports or sustained economic growth. To Rafael Angel Calderon went to Mexico-his Bank. In addition, if international oil succeed in the new international environ- prices exceed $27 a barrel, the percentage Mexico City BELIZE ment, local entrepreneurs must be un- The Americas kept by each country in local currency will shackled from oversized state bureaucra- increase to 30%. MEXICO cies, red tape and high taxes. Costa Rica More important, the presidents also HONDURAS and its neighbors have pursued programs By Jaime Daremblum committed to create a free-trade zone by GUATEMALA the end of 1996, possibly extending to Co- Tegucigalpa in conjunction with the International Mone- tary Fund and the World Bank meant to lombia and Venezuela. This is to be accom- Guatemala San Salvador / Managua balance their governments' accounts. But second visit this year conclude a wide plished through a gradual reduction of tar- EL SALVADOR little can be achieved in this regard if, at range of agreements that will eliminate iffs, accompanied by measures to elimi- some trade barriers to Costa Rican goods, nate domestic subsidies and other unfair NICARAGUA the same time, taxes are raised to wash Pacific Ocean away mounting government expenses and increase air and land transportation be- practices. Mexico's tariffs top off at about San Jose fiscal deficits. tween the two countries and encourage 20%, compared with a 40% average top 0 200 COSTA RICA Mexican firms to invest in Costa Rica. One Mexico's current revolution goes far be- rate in Central America, a substantial dif- major Mexican financial organization- ference that should cushion the shock of Miles yond foreign trade. It involves a wide and Serfin-already announced plans to open a competition for protected industries. unprecedented liberalization of the econ- bank in San Jose, and a group of promi- Although trade with Mexico has been omy. Undoubtedly, it has a long stretch try, are typical. He expresses concern nent Mexican executives will come to ahead, and its economic liberalization still relatively modest so far, the planned com- about "Costa Rican producers becoming Costa Rica in June to define investment mercial integration holds a huge potential needs to be coupled with a more deter- overdependent on Mexican suppliers of plans. Mr. Calderon also obtained from his for Central America. Currently, Central mined commitment to political democracy. raw materials." However, he anticipates host promises of support for programs de- American imports from Mexico consist that the elimination of barriers is bound to But the dynamic is right, and it just may signed to assist industries in becoming mostly of oil, and exports to that country stimulate Central American exports, par- help to pull prospective Central American more competitive and to cope with de- are largely foodstuffs and some finished ticularly agricultural ones, for which there commercial partners in the direction of creasing levels of protection. products. Costa Rica, for instance, last open markets. is increasing demand in Mexico. In addi- President Calderon has not been the year imported $100 million of goods-half tion, investment facilities may encourage only Central American head of state trying of it oil-and exported to Mexico only $15 Mexican firms to establish operations in to enhance economic ties with Mexico. In million worth, a third of which were food- Central America. Mr. Daremblum is a Costa Rican busi- mid-January. Mr. Salinas invited Mr. Cal- stuffs. Central American nations would love to ness lawyer and a columnist for La Nation deron and the presidents of Guatemala, As could be expected, the lowering of expand open export markets beyond Mex- newspaper. N.Y.TIMES 02-21-91 Concerns Raised on Mexican Trade 189/53/20 as companies struggled to meet the will have successful negotiations." By CLYDE H. FARNSWORTH low-wage Mexican competition. A number of other concerns, involv- Representative Frank J. Guarini, ing items ranging from steel and beer Special to The New York Times Democrat of Jersey City, said Mexico to fruits and vegetables, were high- WASHINGTON, Feb. 20 - The had a "lax track record" in enforce- lighted as the committee, which has United States trade representative, ment of environmental regulations jurisdiction over trade matters in the Carla A. Hills, today ran into a fusil- and that as a result more American House, held its first hearing on Presi- lade of hostile questions at a House companies might move south of the dent Bush's request for authority to Ways and Means Committee hearing border to cut regulatory and other negotiate a trade agreement with on a projected free trade agreement costs. Mexico. with Mexico, signaling a tough battle While expressing their concerns, North American Trade Zone ahead in selling an accord to Con- many of the lawmakers still voiced gress. general support for the free trade The goal is a comprehensive North The principal concerns were about idea. As Representative Richard T. American trade agreement linking weaker Mexican environmental rules Schulze, Republican of Pennsylvania, 360 million people who produce $6 put it: "While I have said at this early trillion of goods and services a year in and lower Mexican wages that under stage that I support a U.S.-Mexico what would become the largest free free trade conditions, several law- Free Trade Agreement, I cannot trade zone in the world. Canada makers said, might erode standards stress enough that my support is not would participate in the negotiations, in this country. unconditional." which could lead to certain modifica- Representative Donald J. Pease, a Sam Gibbons, Democrat of Florida, tions - what officials are calling "en- Democrat representing an industrial chairman of the Ways and Means hancements" - in its two-year-old area outside of Cleveland, said he Committee's Trade subcommittee, free trade agreement with the United feared the agreement would cause told Mrs. Hills that despite the an- States. factory wages to slide in his district tagonistic questioning, "I think you Provided the Bush Administration gets the authority to negotiate a pact that would be submitted to Congress for approval or disapproval without amendments, the United States would start talks with Mexico in June and expects to wind them up by the end of the year. Mrs. Hills, who spent nearly four hours fielding questions at the packed hearing, said those who do not sup- port freer exchanges with Mexico view trade as a "zero sum game" and did not take into account mutually reinforced growth that would make both Mexico and the United States more prosperous. 'Win-Win Situation' "Reduced barriers will improve the efficiency and productivity of U.S. and Mexican industry and enhance their competitiveness in international markets,' she stressed, calling a free trade agreement a "win-win situa- tion." arguments She strongly disputed assertions that jobs would be lost or standards slide in the United States as a result of a trade agreement. A number of Government studies, including ones published by the Labor Department and the International Trade Commission, have projected overall benefits for the economy. On the question of environmental standards, she said environmental issues might needlessly complicate an agreement about lowering tariffs and other trade matters, but stressed that the Administration still "wants to insure that Mexico does as much as is humanly possible to protect the en- vironment." She pointed to commitments on en- vironmental improvement made by President Carlos Salinas de Gortari of Mexico, including a requirement that all new cars be equipped with catalytic converters this year, and noted that the Environmental Protec- tion Agency was already assisting the Mexicans with their environmental programs.