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Hampton University 5/12/91 [OA 8323] [4]
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Hampton University 5/12/91 [OA 8323] [4]
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Records of the White House Office of Speechwriting (George H. W. Bush Administration)
Speech Backup Chronological Files
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Originally Processed With FOIA(s):
FOIA Number:
S
S
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
Library Staff.
Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting, White House Office of
Series:
Speech File Backup Files
Subseries:
Chron File, 1989-1993
OA/ID Number:
13756
Folder ID Number:
13756-007
Folder Title:
Hampton University 5/12/91 [OA 8323] [4]
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
G
26
21
4
2
Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
(George Bush Library)
Document No.
Subject/Title of Document
Date
Restriction
Class.
and Type
01. Memo
Peggy Dooley to Viditor's Office, re: Social Security numbers
05/09/91
P-6, (b)(6)
of arrival ceremony attendees. (1 pp.)
Collection:
Record Group:
Bush Presidential Records
Office:
Speechwriting, White House Office of
Series:
Speech File, Backup
Subseries:
WHORM Cat.:
File Location:
Hampton University 5/12/91 [4]
Date Closed:
10/27/2004
OA/ID Number:
08323
FOIA/SYS Case #:
Re-review Case #:
2004-2265-S
P-2/P-5 Review Case #:
MR Case #:
Appeal Case #:
MR Disposition:
Appeal Disposition:
Disposition Date:
Disposition Date:
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act - [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
P-1 National Security Classified Information [(a)(1) of the PRA]
(b)(1) National security classified information [(b)(1) of the FOIA]
P-2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
(b)(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of an
P-3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
P-4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
(b)(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
(b)(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
P-5 Release would disclose confidential advise between the President
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(5) of the PRA]
(b)(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
P-6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
(b)(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed of
(b)(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
gift.
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
(b)(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
05/08/91 13:25
201539 4025
POLYCONOMICS
001/007
POLYCONOMICS, INC.
Political and Economic Communications
BOWAY
8 P12: 57
FAX NO. 201-539-4025
RECEIVING FAX NO.
TO:
Tony snow
ATTENTION:
FROM:
Kathy M'Namara (201)
1515
DATE:
5-8-91
TOTAL PACES:
7
(including this page)
If you do not receive all these pages please call Donna or Barbara
at your earliest convenience.
COMMENTS:
A comparison of the percents.
increase of
black owned firms to the
centage
increase of all u.s. firms Y Se helpful
for your purposes
NOTE THAT black owned jad, dual
proprietorships increased 7 % between
1982-1987 white all indian at propriershipship
increased only 28%
MG Maple Avenue
Marristown, N.I. 07960
201/267-4640
002/007
05/08/91
13:26
5201539 4025
POLYCONOMICS
ENTERPRISE BR.
POLYCONOMICS
002
05/08/01
10:50
3017631846
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS
Black-owned firms increased 37.6 percent from 308,260
Table B. Ten Largest Major Industry Groups In
in 1982 to 424,165 in 1957. Receipts Increased 105
Receipts for Bleck-Ownad Firms: 1987
percent from $9.6 billion to $19.8 billion. At least part of the
increase can bo attributed to 8 change in IRS regulations
Receipts
SIC
which gave tax advantages to business firms fillng as
code
Major industry group
Firms
(milion
(number)
dollars)
subohapter S corporations. Many firms changed their form
of ownership from partnerships and other kinds of corpo-
6$
Automotive doclare and service
rations to subchapter $ corporations for the tax benefits.
stations
3 690
? 186.
73
Business services
ED
1 570
Because other corporations are not included In the survey
30
Health services
30 026
351
17
Special trade contractors
20
314
universe, this resulted in artificial increases in total Black-
59
Miscellaneous relail
34870
I 086
owned firms as well as Black-owned subchapter S corpo-
59
Eating and drinking places
11 634
1084
rations,
42
Trucking and warehousing
19 603
1010
54
Food stores
8 858
I 001
See table A for a comparison of the Increase for
72
Personal services
58772
960
Black-owned firms and for all U.S. firms.
61
Wholesale trade-nondurable
goods
2 727
699
Table A. Parcent Increase by Legal Form of Organi-
zation for Black-Owned Firms Compared to
Table C shows the 10 metropolitan statistical areas
All U.S. Firms: 1982 to 1987
(MSA's) with the largest number of Black-owned firms and
compares the firms and receipts in these MSA's with the
Percent Increase
number in their respective States. These 10 MSA's account
for 35.8 percent of the total number of Black-owned firms
Legal form of organization
Black-
in the United States and 36.B percent of the gross receipts.
owned
All U.S.
firms
firms
Similarly, table D compares Black-owned firms between
counties and their respective States, and table E com-
Individual proprietorships
38.7
25.0
pares such firms between cities and States.
Partnerships
10.8
10.4
Subchapter 5 corporations
106.7
106.4
Other corporations
(NA)
4.1
LEGAL FORM OF ORGANIZATION
INDUSTRY CHARACTERISTICS
The majority of Black-owned firms operated as individ-
ual proprietorships In 1987 (400,339 or $4.4 percent, down
In 1687 the majority of Black-owned firmo wore concern
from 95.0 percent in 1982). This group accounted for 60.9
trated in the service industries. These Industries accounted
percent of gross receipts compared to 68.4 percent in
for 49 percent of all Black-owned firms and 31 percent of
1982. Of the total number of firms. 11,261 or 2.7 percent
gross receipts, The next largest concentration of Black-
were partnerships, accounting for 10 percent of gross
owned firms was In retail trade with 16.6 percent of the
receipts. Partncrehips accounted for 3.3 percont of the
firms and 29.8 percent of the receipts.
Black-owned firms and 13.9 percent of gross receipts In
The 10 Industry groups accounting for the largest dollar
1982. Subchapter S corporations accounted for only 3
volume of receipts for Black-owned tirms in 1887 are
percent of the total number of firms but 39.2 porcent of
summarized in table B.
gross receipts. This is up from 1.7 percent of the firms and
17.7 percent of gross receipts in 1982. (See the first
paragraph of the Summary of Findings.)
GEOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS
California had the largest number of Black-owned firms
SIZE OF FIRM
in 1987 with 47,728 firms whose gross receipts were $2.4
billion. New York was second with 96,289 firms and $1.3
Black-owned firms with paid employees accounted for
billion in gross receipts. Slightly less than 44 percent of
16.7 percent of the total number of firms and 71.5 percent
Black-owned firms and 44,7 percent of gross receipts
of gross receipts. There were 189 firms with 100 employ-
(185,563 firms and $6.8 billion In gross receipts) were
895 or more which accounted for $2 billion in gross
concentrated in California, New York, Texas, Horida, Geor-
receipts (14.2 percent of the total receipts of employer
gla, and Illinois.
firma).
2 BLACK
MINORITY-OWNED BUSINESS ENTERPRISER
003/007
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Table C. Comparison of Black-Owned Firms In 10 Largest Metropolitan Statistical Areas With Black-Owned
Firms In State: 1987
(For definition of MSA's, 300 appendix B]
Percent MSA to State
MSA
Firms
Receipts
State
Firms
Receipts
(number)
($1,000)
(number)
($1,000)
Firms
Receipts
New York, NY PMSA
28 083
1 234 910
New York
30 289
1 886 038
77
85
Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA PMSA
23932
1 300 336
California
47 728
2 384 024
50
55
Washington, DC-MD-VA MSA
23 048
951 945
District of Columbia
(X)
(X)
(X)
(X)
Chicago, IL PMSA
15 374
908 500
Illinois
19011
1 100 204
81
83
Houston, TX PMSA
12 939
372 256
Texas
35725
1 084
36
34
Atiante, GA MSA
11 804
747 367
Georgia
21 283
1 178 730
55
83
Philadelphia, PA-NJ PMSA
10 249
612 995
Pennsylvania
11 728
747 417
87
82
Detroit, MI PMSA
9 652
614 324
Michigan
13 708
701 335
72
73
Baltimore, MD MSA
B 593
331 493
Maryland
21 678
719715
40
46
Dallas, TX PMSA
7 857
234 823
Texas
35 725
1 084 014
22
22
Table D. Comparison of Black-Owned Firms In 10 Largest Countles With Black-Owned Firms In State: 1987
Percent county to State
County
Firms
Receipts
State
Firms
Receipts
(number)
($1,000)
(number)
($1,000)
Firms
Receipts
Los Angeles, CA
23 932
1 300 336
California
47 728
2 364 024
50
65
Cook, IL
15 011
071 459
Illinois
19011
1 100 204
79
70
Harris, TX
11 626
342 554
Texas
35725
1 084 014
33
32
Kings, NY
9 532
258 038
New York
36 289
1 888 038
26
14
District of Columbia
8 275
411 941
District of Columbia
(X)
(X)
(X)
(X)
Prince George's, MD
8 328
204 273
Maryland
21 678
719715
38
28
Wayne, MI
7 929
308 470
Michigan
13 708
701 335
58
44
Dallas, TX
7 078
205 915
Texas
35725
1084014
20
19
Dade, FL
6 747
276 184
Florida
25 527
1 211 646
26
23
Queens, NY
6 198
258 840
New York
36 289
1 888 038
17
14
Table E. Comparison of Black-Owned Firms In 10 Largest Cities With Black-Owned Firms in State: 1987
Percent city to State
City
Firms
Receipts
State
Firms
Receipts
(number)
($1,000)
(number)
($1,000)
Firms
Receipts
New York, NY
25 256
1 065 032
New York
36289
1 886 038
70
56
Los Angales, CA
11 607
721 956
California
47 728
2 364 024
24
31
Chicago, IL
11 156
670 369
Illinois
19 011
1 100 204
59
61
Houston, TX
10 025
288 697
Texas
35 725
1 084 014
28
27
District of Columbia
a 275
411 941
District of Columbia
(X)
(X)
(X)
(X)
Datroit, MI
7 116
258 375
Michigan
13 708
701 335
52
37
Dallas, TX
5 633
167 962
Texas
35725
1 084 014
16
15
Philadelphia, PA
$ 540
255 907
Pennsylvania
11 728
747 417
47
34
Ballimore, MD
5 044
165 350
Maryland
21 678
719 715
23
23
Memphis, TN
4 225
147 861
Tennessee
10 423
386 078
41
38
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+++ POLYCONOMICS
004
Black-owned firms with gross receipts of $1 million or
more accounted for 37 percent of the total gross receipts
own 17.1 percent of all firms and account for 8.5 percent of
gross receipts.
but only 0.5 percent of the total number of firms. Thirty-five
percent of the firms had gross receipts of less than $5
The District of Columbia had the largest percentage of
thousand.
Black-owned firms with 28.3 percent of the firms and 6.3
percent of gross receipts. Blacks owned the smallest
share of business in Montana with 0.1 percent of the firms
BLACK-OWNED FIRMS COMPARED TO ALL
and gross receipts.
FIRMS
The percentage of all firms owned by Blacks is directly
Black-owned firms accounted for 3.1 percent of all firms
related to the receipts size of the firm. For example, Blacks
in the United States and 1 percent of gross receipts. The
owned 3.8 percent of the firms with receipts less than
largest portion of firms owned by Blacks is transportation
$5,000, but only 0.8 percent of the firms with receipte of $1
and public utilities with 6.2 percent of all firms and 2.1
million or more. The same relationship is true for firms with
percent of gross receipts. Blacks are particularly concen-
paid employees, where Blacks owned 1.7 percent of the
firms with 1 to 4 employees and 0.9 percent of the firms
trated in local and Interurban passenger transit, where they
with 100 employees or more.
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11:02
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS
Women-owned firms increased 57.5 percent from 2,612,621
Table B. Ten Largest Major Industry Groups in
In 1982 to 4,114,787 in 1987. Receipts increased 183
Receipts for Women-Owned Firms: 1987
percent from $98.3 billion to $278.1 billion. At least part of
the increase can be attributed to a change in IRS regula-
tions which gave tax advantages to business firms filing as
SIC
Receipt
code
Major Industry group
Firms
(millio:
subchapter S corporations, Many firms changed their form
(number)
dollars
of ownership from partnerships and other kinds of corpo-
51
Wholesals trade-nondurable
rations to subchapter S corporations for the tax benefits.
goods
39 514
24 001
This resulted in artificial increases in total women-owned
59
Miscellaneous retail.
546 353
21 18
55
Automotive dealers and service
firms as well as women-owned subchapter S corporations
stations
20 942
2022
73
because other corporations are not included in this survey
Business services
690 494
18 936
50
Wholesale trade-durable goods
42 999
18797
universe.
64
Food stores
48 469
14428
See table A for a comparison of the increase for
58
Eating and drinking places
90 848
14 167
65
Real estate
335 429
12641
women-owned firms and for all U.S. firms.
72
Personal services
561 695
10 289
80
Health services
235 318
9 618
Table A. Percent Increase by Legal Form of Organi-
zation for Women-Owned Firms Compared
Texas in number of firms (284,912) but was second in
to All U.S. Firms: 1982 to 1987
receipts with $30 billion. New York accounted for 6.9
percent of all women-owned firms but 10.8 percent of their
receipts.
Percent Increase
Table C shows the 10 metropolitan statistical areas
Legal form of organization
Women-
(MSA's) with the largest number of women-owned firms
owned
All U.S.
firms
firms
and compares the firms and receipts in these MSA's with
the number In their respective States. These 10 MSA's
Individual proprietorships
55.8
28.0
account for 20 percent of the total number of women-
Partnerships
16.1
10.4
Subchapter S corporations
165.5
106.4
owned firms in the United States and 25 percent of the
Other corporations
(NA)
4.1
gross receipts.
LEGAL FORM OF ORGANIZATION
INDUSTRY CHARACTERISTICS
The majority of women-owned firms operated as Indi-
vidual proprietorships in 1987 (3,722,544 or 90.5 percent,
In 1987 the majority of women-owned firms were con-
down from 91.5 percent In 1982). This group accounted for
centrated in the service industries. These industries accounted
29 percent of gross receipts compared to 49.7 percent in
for 55.1 percent of all women-owned firms but only 22
1982. Of the total number of firms, 155,760 or 3.8 percent
percent of gross receipts. The next largest concentration
were partnerships, accounting for 10.5 percent of gross
of women-owned firms was in retail trade with 19.4 percent
receipts. Partnerships accounted for 5.1 percent of the
of the firms and 30.7 percent of the receipts.
women-owned firms end 19.9 percent of gross receipts in
The 10 industry groups accounting for the largest dollar
1982. Subchapter $ corporations accounted for only 5.7
volume of receipts for women-owned firms in 1987 are
percent of the total number of firms but 60.5 percent of
summarized in table B.
gross receipts. This is up from 3.4 percent of the firms and
30.4 percent of gross receipts in 1982. (See the first
GEOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS
paragraph of the Summary of Findings.)
California had the largest number of firms (559,821) and
SIZE OF FIRM
receipts ($31 billion), accounting for 13.6 percent of all
Women-owned firms with paid employees accounted
women-owned firms and 11.2 percent of their receipts.
for 15 percent of the total number of firms and 80.5 percent
Texas had the second largest number of firms (298,138)
of gross receipts. There were 2,937 firms with 100 employ-
but ranked sixth In receipts with $13.4 billion, accounting
ees or more which accounted for $53 billion in gross
for 7.2 percent of all women-owned firms but only 4.8
receipts (19.2 percent of the total receipts of employer
percent of their receipts. New York was slightly behind
firms).
006/007
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Table C. Comparison of Women-Owned Firms In 10 Largest Metropolitan Statistical Areas With Women-Owned
Firms In State: 1987
(For definition of MSA's, see appendix B)
Percent MSA to State
MSA
Firms
Receipts
State
Firms
Receipts
(number)
($1,000)
(number)
($1,000)
Firms
Receipts
Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA PMSA
162 417
10 775 455
California
559 821
31 026 855
29
35
New York, NY PMSA
136 209
17 314 335
New York
284 912
29 969 920
48
56
Chicago, IL PMSA
69 424
9 195 448
Illinois
177 057
13 884 278
51
66
Washington, DC-MD-VA MSA
78 744
4 940 165
District of Columbia
(X)
(X)
(X)
(X)
Philadelphia. PA-NJ PMSA
68 032
6 748 908
Pennsylvania
167 362
13 339 231
41
51
Houston, TX PMSA
50 866
2 652 715
Texas
298 136
13 384 958
20
20
Boston, MA PMSA
58 975
7 544 694
Massachusetts
111 376
11 139 810
53
68
Detroit. MI PMSA.
58 701
4 182 807
Michigan
133 958
7 889 112
44
53
Dalles, TX PMSA
55 452
2 721 988
Texas
298 138
13 384 958
19
20
Anaheim-Santa Ana, CA PMSA
54 367
3 266 368
California
559 821
31 026 855
10
11
Table D. Comparison of Women-Owned Firms In 10 Largest Counties With Women-Owned Firms In State: 1987
Percent county to State
County
Firms
Receipts
State
Firms
Receipts
(number)
($1,000)
(number)
($1,000)
Firms
Receipts
Los Angeles, CA
162 417
10 775 455
California
559 821
31 026 855
29
35
Cook. IL
70 922
7 811 707
Illinois
177 057
13 884 278
40
55
Orange, CA
54 367
3 266 368
California
559 821
31 026 855
10
11
New York, NY
54 186
8 914 477
New York
284 912
29 969 920
19
30
Harris, TX
52 474
2 420 478
Texas
298 138
13 384 958
18
18
San Diego, CA
47 450
2 201 124
California
559 821
31 026 855
8
7
Dallas, TX
40 338
2 226 982
Texas
296 138
13 384 956
14
17
Maricopa, AZ
37 407
1 900 336
Arizona
60 567
2 910 886
62
65
King, WA
35 267
1 652 997
Washington
DO 285
4689046
39
35
Dade, FL
32 937
2 953 840
Florida
221 361
16 828 094
15
18
Senta Clara, CA
31 082
1 399 470
California
559 821
31 026 855
6
5
Table E. Comparison of Women-Owned Firms in 10 Largest Cities With Women-Owned Firms In State: 1987
Percent city to State
City
Firms
Receipts
State
Firms
Receipts
(number)
($1,000)
(number)
($1,000)
Firms
Receipts
New York, NY
109 903
14 698 053
New York
284 912
29 969 920
39
49
Los Angeles, CA
71727
4 913 351
California
559 821
31 026 855
13
18
Houston, TX
35174
1 794 397
Texas
298 138
13 884 958
12
13
Chicago, IL
29812
3 423 774
Illinois
177 057
13 884 278
17
25
Dollas, TX
21 787
1 407 558
Texas
298 138
13 384 956
7
11
San Diego, CA
21 338
1 000 138
California
559 821
31 028 855
4
3
San Francisco, CA
18 694
1 907 688
California
559 821
31 026 856
4
6
Phoenix, AZ
16 575
834 450
Arizona
60 567
2 910 886
27
20
San Antonio, TX
14 393
723 657
Texas
298 136
13 384 958
5
5
Seattle, WA,
13 833
814 468
Washington
90 285
4 889 046
15
17
Philadelphia, PA
13 533
1 620 009
Pennsylvania
187 362
13 339 231
8
14
1987
ECONOMIC
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Women-owned firms with gross receipts of $1 million or
of gross receipts. Women are particularly concentrated In
more accounted for 53.1 percent of the total gross receipts
social services, where they own 83.3 percent of all firms
but only 0.8 percent of the total number of firms. Thirty-
nine percent of the firms had gross receipts of less than $5
and account for 55.7 percent of gross receipts and edu-
thousand.
cational services with 61.3 percent of all firms and 35.3
percent of gross receipts.
WOMEN-OWNED FIRMS COMPARED TO ALL
The percentage of all firms owned by women is directly
FIRMS
related to the receipts size of the firm. For example,
women owned 40.9 percent of the firms with receipts less
Women-owned firms accounted for 30 percent of all
than $5,000, but only 13.5 percent of the firms with
firms in the United States and 13.9 percent of gross
receipts of $1 million or more. Women owned 34.3 percent
receipts. The largest portion of firms owned by women was
of the firms with no paid employees but only 14.3 percent
in services, with 38.2 percent of all firms and 14.7 percent
of the firms with 100 employees or more.
4
WOMEN-OWNED
18-R
Sandi deployee Tony
Sergeant First Class Larry D. Lynch
RECEIVED
227-72-6236
Operations Desert Shield
2nd Transportation CO
4th Transportation BN
APO NY 09750
Schuduling 5-12- 5-12-91 The The
President
White House
Washington, DC 20500
Dear Mr. President:
My name is SFC Larry Lynch and I am assigned in Frieberg, West
Germany, presently still serving in the Persian Gulf. I am asking
if you could be so kind as the speaker for Hampton University on
May 12, 1991, to extend a special congratulations from me to my
daughter, Nilka Bacilio, Department School of Education and Liberal
Arts, with a degree in Bachelor of Science, and honor graduate in
Therapeutic Recreation, who will be graduating on that day.
This is a lifetime achievement and I am very proud of her and would
like for her to know this; and that I am thinking of her even as
I sit in the Gulf serving my country and cannot be there to see her
walk down the aisle.
Your assistance in this matter will be greatly appreciated. Many
thanks.
Larry Respectfully SFC LARRY Litch D. LYNCH
CERTIFIED
SFC Larry D. Lynch
227-72-6236
Operations Desert Shield
P 445 410 472
4th Transportation BN
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THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
May 9, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR SAM WALKER
FROM:
PEGGY DOOLEY
SUBJECT:
DAVIS-BACON LABOR LAW LANGUAGE
This is the paragraph for Sunday's speech:
5
We even have proposed reforming Davis-Bacon labor
restrictions, which have helped freeze small and minority
businesses out of the competition for federal construction
contracts. This archaic law has slammed opportunity's door long
enough: We need to open all our businesses to free and fair
competition.
# # #
Sam Walker
Asst Sec for Emp Standards
Vabor
05/08/91 10:49
201539 4025
POLYCONOMICS
001/002
91 Political
POLYCONOMICS, INC.
and Economic Communications
FAX NO. 201-539-4025
RECEIVING FAX NO.
TO:
Tony Snow
ATTENTION:
FROM:
Office of Jude Warmiski
DATE:
5-8-91
TOTAL PAGES:
32
(including this page)
If you do not receive all these pages please call Donna or Barbara
at your earliest convenience.
COMMENTS:
Here is are acticle from 9/12/90 - and
we are calling the Ceusus Bureau
& Small Business administration to get
Than in article
more and better #s- for more minorities
Barbara
86
Manle
a
-
05/08/91
10:50
201539 4025
POLYCONOMICS
002/002
"Black-Owned Firms in U.S. Are
Increasing at Rapid Rate"
By Eugene Carlson/Wall Street Journal
9-12-90/p. B2.
Without capgains rate reform, look
for a precipitous reversal of this.
Black-Owned Firms in U.S.
While the bulk of black-owned compa-
Are Increasing at Rapid Pace
nies remain tiny, owner-operated "mom
and pop" retail and service outlets. the
Census report showed an 87% jump to 70,-
815 in the number of black-owned compa-
By EUGENE CARLSON
The Census Bureau said the number of
nies with paid employees. The number of
StaReportero/TR WALLSTRENTJUURNAL
black-owned companies in the U.S. jumped
companies with workers had remained vir.
WASHINGTON - Entrepreneurship has
38% in the five years ending in 1987, the
tually unchanged in the previous five years
been growing much faster among blacks
bureau's newest figures. to 424,000 compa-
ending in 1982.
than among Americans in general. the gov.
nies. That's roughly 2½ times faster than
"I think that's a pretty encouraging
ernment's most comprehensive report on
the 14% growth rate of total new business
sign," said John Dodds, chief of the Census
black capitalism shows.
formations in the same period.
Bureau's enterprise statistics branch,
which compiles the report. "Before. people
very inexpensive because it uses existing
were making a business go just by hard
Distribution of Black-Owned
records."
work. maybe with a couple of family mem-
Companies By State: 1987
Because of statistical difficulties in-
bers. Now they're expanding and hiring
volved in matching stockholder ownership
people. It shows that black-owned firms
7,500 or more
by race, the report doesn't include pub-
are growing beyond the formative
licly owned companies. including those
stage.'
that may have predominantly black owner-
Timothy Bates, professor of urban pol-
ship.
icy at the New School for Social Research
Similar reports on companies owned by
in New York, says the increase in total
Hispanics, Asians, American Indians and
black-owned companies is "pretty impres-
women will be released later.
sive." but less significant than the sharp
Harry Brooks. chief executive officer of
rise in less traditional areas of black busi-
ness activity such as business services and
Advanced Consumer Marketing Corp.,
Burlingame. Calif.. says problems don't go
construction. The Census figures show the
number of black general contractors with
away as minority companies get larger.
He notes that 19 of the 100 largest black-
paid workers doubling in the five years
ending in 1987, and busirress-service con-
owned industrial and service companies
cerns with employees more than tripling.
listed by Black Enterprise magazine have
Suree: U.S. Department w Commerce
gone out of business in the past year.
"You're seeing a qualitative shift in the
"That is a scary trend." he says. "When
types of business." said Mr. Bates. "Fewer
populations. The cities with the most
you lose one of those companies, it's aw-
barber shops and more business-service
black-owned companies were New York,
fully difficult to replace."
companies. These are growth areas."
Los Angeles. Washington, D.C., Chicago,
Mr. Brooks, whose own concern is one
But if black business ownership has
Houston, and Atlanta.
of the bigger black-owned businesses, says
been surging, other figures in the Census
The Census Bureau began following mi-
shortage of capital is a primary concern
report paint a more sobering picture of the
nority business ownership trends in 1969.
for larger minority-owned companies. "We
economic realities of minority entrepre-
Tracking down black-owned companies in-
don't have the staying power," he adds.
neurship. Average annual receipts for all
volves considerable statistical legwork.
"As you start growing. you use cash at an
U.S. companies covered by the report
(which didn't include publicly owned cor-
The Internal Revenue Service gives the
accelerated pace. If you don't have some
porations ) were $146,000 in the 1983-1987 pe-
Census Bureau names, addresses, Social
semblance of deep pockets. you can be
riod, but only $47,000 for the average black
Security numbers and dollar receipts of ev-
profitable and still go out of business."
company. The annual sales of slightly
ery business tax return filed with the IRS.
Black entrepreneurs who have flour-
Names on the business tax returns are
ished under affirmative-action programs
more than half of all black-owned compa-
nies were less than $10,000.
then cross-matched with race codes on an
also worry they'll be hurt by a Supreme
individual's Social Security application to
Court decision last year. in a case brought
Black-owned concerns in 1987 repre-
compile a list of black business persons.
against the government of Richmond, Va.,
sented just 3% of all U.S. companies and
The bureau says its strict non-disclosure
the court said nearly all programs that set
accounted for only 1% of gross receipts.
policy protects the confidentiality of the
aside a share of state and local public-
By sales volume, automobile dealers
tax data.
works programs for minority-owned com-
and service stations ranked at the top of
Mr. Dodds says the bureau also reviews
panies are unconstitutional. These local
black-owned Industry groups with 52.2'bil-
lists from the Small Business Administra-
set-aside programs were designed to spur
lion of receipts in 1987. Next were business
tion's minority business office, and various
minority-business formation.
services, health services and special trade
minority company directories in compiling
contractors.
its flve-year survey. "This is a real effi-
Not surprisingly. black business owner.
cient operation." Mr. Dodds adds. "It's
ship is strongest in areas with large black
MAY 08 '91 09:53 7
P.1
FD-448 (Rev. 5-23-90)
OF THE
BUREAU * OF *
FBI FACSIMILE
COVERSHEET
CLASSIFICATION
PRECEDENCE
Top Secret
Time Transmitted: 10:00 a.m.
Immediate
Secret
Sender's Initials: wlt
Priority
Confidential
Number of Pages: 1 + cover
X
Routine
Sensitive
X
Unclassified
To: The White House
Date: 5/8/91
(Name of Office)
Facsimile number: (202) 456-6218
Attn: Ms. Peggy Dooley Research (202) 456-7750
(Name
Room
Telephone No.)
From: FBI Academy, Quantico. Virginia 22135
(Name of Office)
Subject: Hate Crimes Statistics
per your phone request, enclosed data submitted
Published material available should you so desire
Special Handling Instructions:
Originator's Name: Dr. William L. Tafoya
Telephone: (703) 640-1226
Originator's Facsimile Number: (703) 640-1321
Approved: JHIC/ wsd
FBVDOJ
MAY 08 '91 09:54 7
P.2
HATE CRIMES
RATIO
YEAR
INCIDENTS
PER DAY
1991
579 *
1990
2799
8
1989
2204
1988
1692
1987
1400
1986
1082
3
1985
1187
1984
945
1983
917
1982
840
1981
857
1980
660
2
* As of 5/8/91
Source: NEXIS/LEXIS (New York Times and Washington Post)
Key word search "Racism"
Note: These are individual incidents (not double counted) that
have been verified using the same definition as the one
used in the Hate Crimes Bill.
Other sources used to validate these data:
National Institute Against Prejudice & Violence
31 South Greene Street
Baltimore, Maryland 21201
(301) 328-5170
Southern Poverty Law Center
400 Washington Avenue
Montgomery, Alabama 36104
(205) 264-0286
Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith
823 United Nations Plaza
New York, New York 10017
(212) 490-2525
Jack Klenk
108-5346 401-0409
Teacher salary as a % of total spending for elem. and secondary
education from 1955-89:
1955: 55%
1989: 40%
Source: National Center for Education Statistics
1988 Assessment of Math and Science
(13 year olds)
of 11 industrialized nations, U.S.:
(1) ranked last in Math
(2) bottom group in Science
Source: Educational Testing Service
Science Knowledge of Students in 17 countries (1986)
grade 5
ranked 8th
grade 9
ranked 3rd to last
grade 12
scored lowest in Bio.
11th in Chem.
9th in Physics
as they get older they're less competitive
Source: International Assoc. for the Eval. of Educ. Achievement
International Test of Geographic Knowledge
18-24 year olds
1/3 could locate Vietnam
45% did not know where Central America was
Greater % of students in Japan, Canada, Central America, Mexico,
and Sweden than in the U.S., know U.S. population.
Source: National Geographic
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
THE WHITE HOUSE
Date: 5/9/91
WASHINGTON
5/9
TO: Scheduling Office
TO:
Tony Snaw
POTLIS is speaking at
Hampton Univ. May 12th writer's
FROM:
ANTONIO benedi
Deputy Director for Scheduling
Office of Presidential Appointments
daughter is graduating Writer
and Scheduling
just returned from Persian Gulf--
Room 182, OEOB, x7560
is teacher of volunteer for
another letter on
Habitat for Humanity-- possible
human want to know- EDUCATION
interest, or information - (
Hampton Commercement.
POTUS president; might points of lightjetc.). -
If it helps !
FROM: GLORIA CHONKA
Presidential Correspondence,
Mail Analysis
Room 58, Extension 6600
POTUS Speaking May 12th
25
Relating
SSG Willie M. Wilkerson
257-60-1921
Co C, 1st BN (PROV)
Ft. Stewart, Georgia 31314
Honorable George H. Bush
RECEIVED
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
MAY 9 REC'D
scheduling
The Honorable George H. Bush:
OFFICE
I wish to thank you and your staff for the outstanding
job. that was extremely well done. during the Middle East Crisis
and also for taking care of all the American troops!
I served as the senior chaplain assistant. morale booster
and counselor for the soldiers deployed with HHC 265th Engineer
Group. I enjoyed my work and I especially enjoyed serving the
U.S. Army and my country.
I would also like to thank you for accepting the invitation
to be the keynote speaker at the Hampton University Commencement
exercises for the class of 1991. It is one of the largest
graduating classes ever held at Hampton University. Our
daughter, Carol Roberyl will be one of the honor students
draduating Carol has maintained a remarkable grade point
average since her freshman year. My family and I are looking
forward to attending the graduation ceremonies.
The morale of the troops, here at Ft. Stewart is still very
high. The military families and the community really enjoyed
your visit and are very appreciative that you cared enough to
take time out of your busy schedule to visit.
!MAY GOD BLESS AND KEEP YOU AND YOUR FAMILY AND THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA!!
SINCERELY YOURS.
3275 Devilla Trace
WILLIE M. WILKERSON
College Park, GA. 30349
SSG/E-6
404-996-4678
257-60-1921
912-767-3615
Encl. 1
Please give
to P. Dooley
for research
file. TS has seen
SSG Willie M. Wilkerson
Flower
SIGNATURE: SA GA 314
Flower
257-60-1921
1
USA
Co C 1st Bn (Prov)
OFFICE
For addresses only
USA
SPON
Fort Stewart, Georgia 31314
29 APR
For U.S. For U.S. addresses only
/991
199
YMPIO
The Honorable George H. Bush, President
United States of America
The White House
Washington, D. C. 20500
PAGE 2 B
THE SUN.
7/12/90
College Park Men Help Build Homes in Mexico
Shirley F. Kilgore and Willie
also a former Peace Corps volur
Wilkerson, Jr., residents of Col-
teer.
GROUP
lege Park, joined former President
Carter and Rosalynn Carter in
Wilkerson said: "I particpate
Tijuana, Mexico, where they built
so I could help those people wh
homes with families currently liv-
are less fortunate than I am, an
ing in shacks made of cardboard
who are trying to help and in
and refuse.
prove themselves and better the
Kilgore and Wilkerson were
living conditions. I wanted to us
among 2,000 volunteers from the
some of my skills and gifts froi
U.S., Mexico, Canada, and China
God to help mankind.'
<<<<<<<<<<
CCCC
who, with the Carters, built 100
homes in Tijuana and seven in
Former President Jimmy Ca
San Diego, California. This effort
ter emphasized that projects lik
known as the Jimmy Carter Work
this remove barriers between pe
Project - was the focus of Habitat
ple. "Habitat breaks down th
chasm that exists between th
for Humanity's House-Raising
fortunate such as ourselves an
week worldwide 1990.
Low-income families worked
those who are not. The people wh
will live in the homes work sid
with volunteers, such as Kilgore
and Wilkerson, on construction of
by side with the volunteers," Ca
ter said.
the homes they purchased with
no-interest, no profit mortgages
"Your work promotes intern
from Habitat for Humanity Inter-
<<<<<<
tional friendship while helping 1
national.
meet the housing needs of th
Kilgore, now retired, also par-
poor. By pitching in to help you
ticipated in- the 1988 Jimmy Car-
neighbors on both sides of th
ter Work Project, held in Atlanta.
border, you set an outstandin
Helping Handymen
"This is a chance for me to use my
example of voluntary service,
skills and training to help those
President George Bush has tol
Willie Wilkerson, left, and Shirley Kilgore, right, both of
who need low-cost housing," he
volunteers.
College Park, help build homes for poor residents of Tijuana,
said.
Mexico, as part of a Habitat of Humanity project that recently
Wilkerson, a professional car-
Today, Habitat builds in OV
visited there and California. They were among 2,000 volunteers
penter, works at South Fulton
470 affiliated projects in the U.S
participating in the work, including former President Jimmy
Vocational Center. He has partici-
Canada, and Australia; 100 spo:
Carter and his wife, Rosalynn.
pated in three previous Jimmy
sored projects in 27 developir
Carter Work Projects: Charlotte,
countries; and one of each i
N.C. in 1987; Atlanta in 1988; and
South Africa. Recently, project
Milwaukee, Wis., in 1989. He is
were begun in Forest Park.
New Fort Gillem Commander
tenant in the infantry in 1969.
McArthur Barnes's Army life is
"Joining the Army was not a
and company commander and de-
M
If you think it's hard to change
One of the constants of Lt. Col.
Maneuver Training Command,
F
he's
had
to
to
a
number
hard decision T was a militarv
tachment commander of a Special
February, 1990
YOUTH VIEW
Atlanta, Georgia F
SCHOOL DIRECTORY
Teacher Serves Students and Community
By Cheryl Mullins
was so excited about getting to
school and beginning to teach that I
walked six miles to get there!"
Goister
Outside of school hours, Mr. Wilk-
W
EDUCATIONAL CENTER, INC.
erson's chief focus is in his volun-
illie Wilkerson is a man
teer work with Habitat for Human-
who loves his family, is enthusias-
ity. For seven years he has been a
Serves Special Educational Needs of Young Adults
tically dedicated to teaching, and is
volunteer construction supervisor
Ages 17-22
passionately concerned about. the
with that agency, working three
Residential & Day Students
welfare of his fellow man. Living
Independent Living Skills
Saturdays each month and often in
Academics
Job Readiness & Pre-Vocational Training
by the strength of these convictions
the evenings.
has produced a man who is in his
"Imagine in this beautiful city that
P.O. Box 80310
Conyers, Georgia 30208
23rd year of teaching, who is serv-
one in three houses is substandard!
ing as PTA president at his young-
(404) 483-0748
Just imagine! That's 31 percent of
estson's elementary school and who
Becky Bowman, Director
Atlanta's houses that are not fit to
is a past recipient of the Atlanta
Now accepting applications for residential and day students.
live in. Habitat for Humanity is
Journal/Constitution Community
working very hard to put a small
Service Award.
dent in that sad statistic,' Mr. Wilk-
Mr. Wilkerson, who teaches a
erson says.
THROUGH
OLD NATIONAL CHRISTIA
YOUTH
TRUTH
construction cluster incorporating
Willle Wilkerson is a past recipient
Through the Episcopal Church of
ACADEMY
of the Atlanta Journal and
plumbing, brick masonry, wiring
Constitution Community Service
the Incarnation, Mr. Wilkerson
2601 Flat Shoals Road, College Park, Georg
and carpentry at the South Fulton
Award.
assists a volunteer group in the
Vocational Center, describes him-
preparation of dinner one night each
OPEN HOUSE
self as a "country boy" who grew up
16 different dialects.
month for the women and children
OLD
NATION
MARCH 16, 1990
near Valdosta.
Mr. Wilkerson, whose wife Joyce
of a homeless women's shelter.
9:00 AM - 2:00PM
After graduating from Savannah
has been an elementary school
"I am so blessed," he explains as
"Building Youth Thru
State in 1963 with a degree in con-
teacher with Fulton County for 19
Truth"
Accepting Applications
he describes his volunteer-commit-
struction engineering,-h left for
years, began his carcer with the
Beginning March 1st
ments. "All of us in this world need
Grades K3-6
two exciting years in the Peace
same enthusiasm for his work that
to return just a small portion of our
Corps in West Africa. "I received
he exudes today. He recalls that "I
own blessings to others. That's all
Located at
1
so much more than I gave," he re-
began teaching with Fulton County
I'm doing."
1-225
Liveoak Baptist Church
calls. "My Peace Corps experience
on November 6, 1967. It was one of
Charles Johnson, Pastor
was the equivalent of two Ph.D.
the most important days of my
Camp Issue in March
degrees. At that time, I could speak
life I'll never forget that day! I
Old National Hey.
For additional Information Call: 996-0600,
ONCA
Flat Shouls Koad
David Barber, Principal-
13A
Old National Christian School admits students of any racc, colo
WILLIE M: WILKERSON, JR.
SOUTH
FULTON
Construction Instructor
IDENTIONAL vor ATIONAL THE
SOUTH FULTON VOCATIONAL CENTER
Fulton County Schools
Home: 996-4678
School: 964-3344
3275 DeVilla Trace
4025 Flat Shoals Road
College Park, Ga. 30349
College Park, Ga. 30349
05/09/91 16:47
201539 4025
POLYCONOMICS
001/009
POLYCONOMICS, INC.
Political and Economic Communications
FAX NO. 201-539-4025
RECEIVING FAX NO.
TO:
Peggy Dooley
ATTENTION:
FROM:
Kathy MiNamara
DATE:
5-9-91
TOTAL PAGES:
4
(including this page)
If you do not receive all these pages please call Donna or Barbara
at your earliest convenience.
COMMENTS:
as per our conversation, here. is the
Eugene Carlson article from the WSI
and the press releases from
Black Entrprise magazine Hope
this is helpful.
05/09/91
16:48
a 4025
POLYCONOMICS
002/009
SEPTEMBER 1990
POLYCONOMICS
Page 29
"Higher Taxes Will Hurt New Jersey"
By Jude Wanniski/Letter to Editor/
Home News/9-12-90/p. A10.
Higher taxes
A note on real economy V. econ 101.
will hurt
New Jersey
nor Florio were taught in Economics
In a demand model, it makes no
101, there is no economic effect in
difference how money arrives in a
taxing incomes of producers and dis-
consumer's pocket, whether by
In his Aug. 29 letter, Governor Flo-
persing the receipts to consumers.
wages or by selling a long-term, high-
rio's communications director, Jun
As long as "aggregate demand," the
risk investment in a capital asset. In
Shure. continues his insulting tone
total amount of money in the pock-
the classical model. the 28 percent
regarding our economic study of the
ets of New Jerseyans, remains the
capital gains tax implies a steady ero-
Florio tax program. He derides me
same, there are no adverse econo-
sion of the U.S. economy and its abili-
as "a leading right-wing Republican"
mic consequences. By this theory, if
ly to compete internationally.
whose report, which he says is
all incomes were taxed at 100 per-
To those people who have not
based on "washed-up economic phi-
cent and the receipts handed out "In
been instructed in Economics 101,
losophy," is "at best intellectually
the form of property tax relief,"
the supply-side arguments are more
dishonest and at worst an attempt to
there would be "no effect on overall
in line with common sense and hu-
mislead."
economic dehand."
man behavior. President Reagan's
1 hope your readers will note that
Classical supply-side theory, which
economic program was formed
in my Aug. 16 letter, I used no such
is the analytical framework we used
around the classical ideas he
intemperate language, but rather
in assessing the Florio program,
learned as a young man, when sup-
noted I consider both Governor Flo-
comes to different conclusions. As
ply theory still was taught in Amer-
rio and Sen. Bill Bradley as being
producers are taxed more heavily,
ican colleges and universities. It
well-intentioned, but are offing in
their incentive to produce declines,
found great favor among the Amer-
following an economic theory that
and tax receipts on that lessehed
ican people. Governor Florio, I sur-
does not address the adverse supply
production decline as well. Similarly,
mise, is now finding the obverse, i.e.,
effects of taxation
when consumers are given addi-
that the people of New Jersey are
Mr. Shure. in fact. makes a reveal-
tional grants of state subsidies, with-
not happy with his demand-side poli-
ing admission in his letter. "Tax rev-
out having worked for these grants,
cies of income redistribution. New
enue," he says will go right back
they also tend to work less and con-
Jersey will suffer, we concluded in
into the economy, in the form of
sume more.
property tax relief. having no effect
our study, unless and until these po-
In the same way, Senator Bradley
licies are reversed
on overall aggregate demand That's
has SO far successfully blocked
JUDE WANNISKI
something we all learn, even journal-
President Bush's proposed cut in the
President,
ists like myself, in Economics 101."
capital gains tax. which is now at 28
This is precisely my point. In the
Polyconomics, Inc.
percent and the highest in the indus-
Morristown
demand-side theory he and Gover-
trial world.
"Black-Owned Firms in U.S. Are
Increasing at Rapid Rate"
By Eugene Carlson/Wall Street Journal
9-12-90/p. B2.
Without capgains rate reform. look
for a precipitous reversal of this.
Black-Owned Firms in U.S.
While the bulk of black-owned compa-
Are Increasing at Rapid Pace
nies remain tiny, owner-operated "mom
and pop" retail and service outlets, the
Census report showed an 87% jump to 70,-
815 in the number of black-owned compa-
By EUGENECARLSON
The Census Bureau said the number of
nies with paid employees. The number of
SReporter/T WALSTREFTJOURNAL
black-owned companies in the U.S. jumped
companies with workers had remained vir-
WASHINGTON - Entrepreneurship has
38% In the five years ending in 1987. the
tually unchanged in the previous five years
been growing much faster among blacks
bureau's newest figures, to 424.000 compa-
ending in 1982.
than among Americans in general, the gov-
nies. That's roughly 2½ times faster than
"I think that's a pretty encouraging
ernment's must comprehensive report on
the 14% growth rate of total new business
sign." said John Dodds. chief of the Census
black capitalism shows.
formations in the
05/09/91
16:49
201539 4025
POLYCONOMICS
003/009
Page 30
POLYCONOMICS
SEPTEMBER 1990
which compiles the report. "Before, people
very Inexpensive because it uses existing
were making a business go just by hard
Distribution of Black-Owned
records."
work. maybe with a couple of family mem-
Companies By State: 1987
Because of statistical difficulties in-
bers. Now they're expanding and hiring
volved in matching stockholder ownership
people. It shows that black-owned firms
7,500 or more
by race, the report doesn't include pub-
are growing beyond the formative
licly owned companies, including those
stage."
that may have predominantly black owner-
Timothy Bates, professor of urban pol-
ship.
Icy at the New School for Social Research
Similar reports on companies owned by
in New York. says the increase in total
Hispanics. Asians, American Indians and
black-owned companies is "pretty impres-
women will be released later.
sive," but less significant than the sharp
rise in less traditional areas of black busi-
Harry Brooks. chief executive officer of
ness activity such as business services and
Advanced Consumer Marketing Corp.,
construction. The Census figures show the
Burlingame, Calif.. says problems don't go
number of black general contractors with
away as minority companies get larger.
paid workers doubling in the five years
He notes that 19 of the 100 largest black-
ending in 1987, and business-service con-
owned industrial and service companies
cerns with employees more than tripling.
listed by Black Enterprise magazine have
Surve: U.S. Department of Commerce
"You're seeing a qualitative shift in the
gone out of business in the past year
types of business. said Mr. Bates. "Fewer
"That is a scary trend." he says. "When
populations. The cities with the most
barber shops and more business-service
you lose one of those companies, it's aw-
black-owned companies were New York.
fully difficult to replace."
companies. These are growth areas."
Los Angeles, Washington, D.C., Chicago,
Mr. Brooks, whose own concern is one
But if black business ownership has
Houston. and Atlanta.
been surging, other figures in the Census
of the bigger black-owned businesses. says
The Census Bureau began following mi-
shortage of capital Is a primary concern
report paint a more sobering picture of the
nority business ownership trends in 1969.
for larger minority-owned companies. "We
economic realities of minority entrepre-
Tracking down black-owned companies In-
don't have the staying power," he adds.
neurship. Average annual receipts for all
volves considerable statistical legwork.
"As you start growing. you use cash at an
U.S. companies covered by the report
The Internal Revenue Service gives the
accelerated pace. If you don't have some
(which didn't include publicly owned cor-
porations ) were $146,000 in the 1983-1987 pe-
Census Bureau names. addresses. Social
semblance of deep pockets, you can be
riod, but only $47,000 for the average black
Security numbers and dollar receipts of ev-
profitable and still go out of business."
company. The annual sales of slightly
ery business tax return filed with the IRS.
Black entrepreneurs who have flour-
more than half of all black-owned compa-
Names on the business tax returns are
ished under affirmative-action programs
nies were less than $10,000.
then cross-matched with race codes on an
also worry they'll be hurt by a Supreme
Black-owned concerns in 1987 repre-
individual's Social Security application to
Court decision last year. In a case brought
against the government of Richmond, Va.,
sented just 3% of all U.S. companies and
compile a list of black business persons.
The bureau says Its strict non-disclosure
the court said nearly all programs that set
accounted for only 1% of gross receipts.
policy protects the confidentiality of the
aside a share of state and local public-
By sales volume, automobile dealers
tax data.
works programs for minority-owned com-
and service stations ranked at the top of
Mr. Dodds says the bureau also reviews
panies are unconstitutional. These local
black-owned industry groups with $2.2 bil-
lists from the Small Business-Administra-
set-aside programs were designed to spur
ilon of receipts in 1987. Next were business
tion's minority business office. and various
minority-business formation.
services. health services and special trade
minority company directories in compiling
contractors.
Its five-year survey. "This is a real effi-
Not surprisingly. black business owner-
cient operation." Mr. Dodds adds. "It's
ship is strongest in areas with large black
Peggy-
this is the
Statistic I was
referring to in our
last conversation
a
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BLACK ENTERPRISE
1970.1990
A GENERATION OF BUSINESS ACHIEVEMENT
NEWS RELEASE
Embargoed Until
Contact: Charles L. Smith
AM May 8, 1991
212 242-8000 ext. 560
Sheila Eldridge
201 843-2050
BLACK ENTERPRISE REPORTS BLACK-OWNED BUSINESSES
BATTLED ECONOMY FOR SURVIVAL IN 1990
New York, NY Caught in the vise-like grip of a tight economy
and a wavering national commitment to minority business
development, the nation's largest black-owned businesses proved
their resiliency last year and posted total revenues of $7.2
billion in 1990, representing a 5.2 percent increase over 1989
revenues of $6.8 billion--according to an exclusive report by
BLACK ENTERPRISE, published in the magazine's 19th Annual
Report on Black Business.
The report which appears in the June 1991 issue of BLACK
ENTERPRISE, features the B.E. 100s--the magazine's annual
listings of the nation's top 100 black-owned industrial/service
companies and top 100 black-owned automobile dealerships. Also
included in the report is a new combined ranking of the
nation's largest black-owned financial institutions (banks and
savings and loan associations) and a restructured ranking of
the nation's largest black-owned insurance companies.
Topping the list on the B.E. Industrial Service 100 for the
fourth consecutive year is TLC Beatrice International Holdings
Company headed by Reginald Lewis. The New York City-based
foods processor and distributor, had revenues of $1.5 billion
in 1990. Beranco Automotive Dealerships, the recently
consolidated metro-Atlanta mega-dealership of Gregory Baranco
is the new No. 1 company on the B.E. Auto 100 and posted
revenues of $190.4 million in 1990.
The combining of the nation's largest black-owned banks and
S&Ls to form the 1991 B.E. Financials List was precipitated by
the rapidly disintegrating and volatile environment of today's
financial sectors. The new financials list consolidates the 25
-
EARL a. GRAVES PUBLISHING COMPANY, INC.
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B.B. 1990 Report
largest black-owned banks and S&Ls. The 1991 B.E. Insurance
List has also been restructured and this year encompasses only
the 13 largest black-owned insurance concerns.
In releasing the 1991 report on black business, Earl G. Graves,
Black Enterprise Magazine Publisher said, "Even in difficult
times, the enduring institution of African-American
entrepreneurship remains unshaken. The CEOS of the B.E.
100s...reacted to the recession, the retrenchment of government
set-aside programs and diminished private procurement
opportunities, by showing just how good, smart--and tough-they
could be when the chips were down."
Graves continued, "The chief executives who successfully
negotiated 1990's dangerous terrain overcame economic adversity
not just because they wanted to, or even because they had to,
but because they have the knowledge, talent and tenacity to do
so."
There are 46 new companies to the B.E. 100s this year,
including 22 industrial/service companies and 24 automobile
dealerships. Among the new companies on the B.E. 100s is
Barden Communications Inc., a Detroit-based cable television
and real estate development concern which posted revenues of
$86 million and debuted on the B.E. Industrial/Service 100
ranked No. 6.
The 22 companies new on the B.E. Industrial/Service 100 posted
total revenues of $571.621 million. The 24 companies new on
the B.E. Auto 100 posted total revenues of $452.153 million.
The top five companies on the 1991 B.E. Industrial/Service 100
are: TLC Beatrice International Holdings Company, $1.5 billion;
Johnson Publishing Company, Inc., Chicago, $252.187 million;
Philadelphia Coca-Cola Bottling Company, Inc., $251.300
million; H.J. Russell & Company, Atlanta, $143.295 million; and
Soft Sheen Products, Inc., Chicago, $92.100 million.
The top five dealerships on the 1991 B.E. Auto 100 are:
The Baranco Automotive Dealerships, Decatur, Georgia, $190.426
million; Pavillion Lincoln-Mercury, Inc., Austin, Texas,
$173.584 $173 million; Shack-Woods & Associates, Long Beach,
California, $114.877 million; S&J Enterprises, Charlotte, North
Carolina, $105.419 million; Mel Farr Automotive Group, Oak
Park, Michigan, $84.269 million.
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On the newly combined B.E. Financials List, Carver Federal
Savings Bank in New York is ranked No. 1 with $251.847 million
in total assets. Carver is followed by: Independence Federal
Savings Bank, Washington, D.C., $232.649 million in total
assets; and Seaway National Bank of Chicago, with $173.919
million in total assets. There are 16 banks and 9 S&Ls listed
on the 1991 B.E. Financials List.
The 1991 B.E. Insurance List, is topped by North Carolina
Mutual Life Insurance Company in Durham, with $211.466 million
in assets.
The June 1991 issue of BLACK ENTERPRISE will be available on
selected newsstands May 21 or may be obtained by sending $3.75
plus $2.90 postage to the Circulation Department 130 Fifth
Avenue, New York, NY 10011-4306.
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BLACK ENTERPRISE
1970.1990
A
GENERATION OF BUSINESS ACHIEVEMENT
NEWS RELEASE
1991 B.E. 100s
19TH ANNIVERSARY FACT SHEET
Gross Sales for the 1991 B.E. 100s totaled $7.169 billion, an
increase of 5.2 percent over last year's total gross sales of
$6.814 billion.
Gross sales for the 1991 B.B. Industrial/Service 100 ranged
between $9,200 million and $1.496 billion (1990 sales). Gross
sales for the 1990 B.B. Auto 100 ranged between $11.515
million and $190.426 million (1990 sales).
Gross sales for the first B.E. 100, published in 1973, ranged
between $1.0 million and $40.0 million.
The average sales for the 1991 B.E. 100s companies is $35.845
million.
The total number of people employed by B.E. 100s companies is
37,778.
There are 46 companies new to the 1991 B.E. 100s: 22
industrial/service firms and 24 automobile dealerships.
The top five companies on the 1991 B.E. Industrial/Service 100
are:
TLC BEATRICE INTERNATIONAL HOLDINGS, INC., NEW YORK, N.Y.
REVENUES: $1.5 BILLION
JOHNSON PUBLISHING COMPANY, INC., CHICAGO, ILL.
REVENUES: $252.2 MILLION
PHILADELPHIA COCA-COLA BOTTLING CO., INC., PHILADELPHIA, PA.
REVENUES: $251.3 MILLION
H.J. RUSSELL & COMPANY, ATLANTA, GA.
REVENUES: $143.3 MILLION
SOFT SHEEN PRODUCTS, CHICAGO, IL.
REVENUES: $92.1 MILLION
-more-
BARL G. GRAVES PUBLISHING COMPANY, INC.
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1991 B.B. 100s FACT SHEET
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...The top five companies on the 1991 B.E. Auto 100 are:
THE BARANCO AUTONOBILE DEALERSHIPS, DECATUR, GA.
REVENUES: $190.4 MILLION
PAVILLION LINCOLN-MERCURY, INC., AUSTIN, TX.
REVENUES: $173.6 MILLION
SHACK-WOODS & ASSOCIATES, LONG BEACH, CA.
REVENUES: $114.9 MILLION
$ & J ENTERPRISES, CHARLOTTE, NC.
REVENUES: $105.4 MILLION
MEL FARR AUTOMOTIVE GROUP, OAK PARK, MI.
REVENUES: $84.3 MILLION
Industry categories represented on the 1991 B.E. 100s are:
Number of
% of Total
Industry
Companies Gross Sales*
Gross Sales
Automobile Dealers
100
2,651.131
37.0
Food & Beverage
15
2,141.918
29.9
Media
12
606.219
8.5
Technology
26
573,023
8.0
Manufacturing
18
430.057
6.0
Construction
11
310.359
4.3
Health & Beauty Aids
5
189.816
2.7
Miscellaneous
13
266.502
3.7
To be eligible for the B.B. 100s, a company must be at least 51
percent black-owned and have been fully operational in the
previous calendar year. Industrial/Service companies must
manufacture or own the product it sells or provide industrial
or consumer services. Brokerage firms, real estate firms and
firms that provide professional services such as accounting
firms, law offices, physicians, architectural firms, and
consultants are not eligible.
*In millions of dollars, to the nearest thousand.
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Ford Motor Company has the largest number of dealerships (47)
represented on the B.E. Auto 100, followed by General Motors
(20) and Chrysler (14). Eighteen dealerships sell more than
one manufacturer. One dealership sells imported cars
exclusively.
The Midwestern and Southern Regions of the country have the
largest number of B.B. 100s companies (71 each) followed by the
Northeast Region (34) and the Western Region (24).
Michigan leads all states with 27 companies on the 1991 B.E.
100s, followed by: New York (19), Illinois (18), California
(17) and Texas (14).
Financial institutions -- black-owned banks, savings and loan
associations and insurance companies -- are also included in
the BLACK ENTERPRISE Annual Report on Black Business.
Total assets for the nation's black-owned banks increased 3.6
percent from $1.879 billion in 1989 to $1.946 billion in 1990.
The total number of black-owned banks decreased by two, to
thirty-five.
The assets for the savings and loan associations decreased 12.2
percent from $1.326 billion in 1989 to $1.164 billion in 1990.
The total number of black-owned savings and loan associations
decreased by four, to twenty.
Black-owned insurance companies held their own with a modest
decrease of .9 percent in assets from $802.954 million in 1989
to $796.125 million in 1990. Total insurance in force of
black-owned insurance companies is $23.940 billion.
Black-owned insurance companies decreased by one, to
twenty-nine.
-30-
MAY 7 '91 16:16 FROM USTR PUBLIC AFFAIRS
PAGE. 001
91 MAY 7 P4:56
To: Peggy Dooley
FR: Bor Bnu
Re: Trade
727-4326
4326
Da: 5/7/91
See facts marked woth * in
This recent testuriony by Amt. Hills.
David Walters has disagreared.
I will trade Windown in the morning
< Bor
MAY
7
'91
16:16
FROM USTR PUBLIC AFFAIRS
PAGE. 002
TESTIMONY OF
AMBASSADOR CARLA A. HILLS
UNITED STATES TRADE REPRESENTATIVE
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FINANCE
UNITED STATES SENATE
MARCH 14, 1991
Introduction
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the invitation to testify about
the President's request to extend fast track procedures.
Fast track is crucial to United States leadership in the
global economy. The procedure enables us together to pursue and
implement United States trade policy, a policy which has been
developed in close partnership with Congress and the private
sector.
This morning, I would like to give the Committee an overview
of fast track and then discuss why it is essential to the Uruguay
Round and North American Free Trade negotiations, which could
offer so much for U.S. consumers and workers.
Overview of Fast Track
The United States is at an historic juncture. With the fast
track procedure available, the United States has the opportunity
to obtain trade agreements that can benefit the U.S. and world
economies. However, without fast track, the United States is not
even a player at the negotiating table.
There is, however, a widespread misunderstanding about what
fast track is and what it isn't; about its origins and its
application today.
For more than 50 years, Congress and the Executive Branch
have worked together in close coordination and consultation to
negotiate and implement trade agreements.
In the aftermath of the disastrous Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act
of 1930 and the Great Depression it helped fuel, your
predecéssors and mine realized that we, the Legislative and
Executive Branches, must work together to craft a national trade
policy that opens markets and promotes U.S. exports.
That meant institutionalizing a system of trust and
partnership which was first reflected in the Reciprocal Trade
Agreements Act of 1934. Congress delegated to the President the
MAY 7 '91 16:17
FROM USTR PUBLIC AFFAIRS
PAGE 003
2
power to negotiate tariff-cutting agreements with other nations
and to implement them by proclamation without the need for
subsequent legislation. In the years after its enactment, the
Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act proved a great success.
Congress's action in passing the 1934 Act can be credited with
helping make possible the extraordinary economic growth after
World War II, both in the United States and around the world.
Our partnership in developing and implementing U.S. trade
policy evolved in later years as trading nations began to rely
less on tariffs to protect their markets and more on non-tariff
trade barriers. consequently, the scope of trade negotiations
was broadened to include new areas previously uncovered by
international rules.
The fast track procedures were created by Congress as the
necessary complement to this broader trade agenda. Fast track
procedures for approval of trade agreements were included by
Congress in trade legislation in 1974, 1979, and again in the
Omnibus Trade and Competitiveness Act of 1988. While giving
Congress the assurance of meaningful participation throughout the
negotiating process, fast track also provides two guarantees
essential to the successful negotiation of trade agreements:
First, a vote on implementing legislation within a fixed period
of time; and, second, no amendments to that legislation.
These procedures reflect an understanding that trade
agreements, in which results in one area are often linked to
results in others, are particularly vulnerable to multiple
amendments that, while possibly small in themselves, could
unravel entire agreements. Whether the balance of benefits
contained in any trade agreement is in the overall interest of
the United States can only be determined by looking at the whole
package.
Through the fast track, Congress has given the President the
same bargaining power possessed by his counterparts: The ability
to ensure that the agreement reached internationally would be the
agreement voted on at home. Without that assurance, foreign
governments are reluctant to negotiate with the United States and
will not make the tough concessions necessary to reach agreements
the United States would be willing to sign. No negotiating
partner will give its bottom line knowing that the bargain could
be re-opened.
Myths of Fast Track
Let me take a few moments to dispel two myths about fast
track:
MAY
7
'91
16:17
FROM USTR PUBLIC AFFAIRS
PAGE. 004
3
Fast track procedures are not "fast" and are not an
inevitable "track." The process is actually quite deliberate and
the outcome is not pre-ordained.
To be more specific, fast track procedures have absolutely
nothing to do with the pace at which we conduct negotiations.
Let me reiterate an assurance that I have given publicly many
times: We will not rush to conclude any agreement, merely for
the sake of an agreement. We proved that last December in
Brussels, and our high standards have not changed. While we are
eager to secure the benefits that trade agreements promise, we
will take whatever time is needed to arrive at agreements that
are truly in the economic interest of the United States. We will
consider all relevant issues in a negotiation and consult fully
with you and the private sector. Until we arrive at good
agreements -- ones that we believe you will agree are good --
there simply will be no agreements.
Your vote to approve fast track extension does not mean that
whatever the Administration negotiates afterward is
automatically, or even rapidly, approved. Fast track procedures
preserve Congress's role during the negotiation, approval, and
implementation of trade agreements. The fast track statute
includes extensive notification and consultation requirements
with both Congress and the private sector throughout the process.
Each step of the way, this Administration will continue its close
consultation with Congress and the private sector.
For example, we started formal and informal consultations
with Congress on an FTA with Mexico almost a year ago, well
before our formal notification of negotiations. We have been
talking to a range of Committees and members about their
objectives and advice, and will continue to do so once
negotiations commence.
Once an agreement is reached, Congress and the
Administration will work in close consultation to formulate
implementing legislation. The process has been open to all
committees of jurisdiction. If the agreement and its
implementing legislation are still not acceptable, they can be
rejected by majority vote of either house.
Economic Reasons for Extending Fast Track
The United States has much to gain through trade agreements
that open markets and provide rules for free and fair trade.
Maintaining the fast track will preserve our ability to continue
efforts to liberalize trade and open markets through the GATT,
through other multilateral agreements, and through bilateral
agreements.
MAY
7
'91
16:18
FROM USTR PUBLIC AFFAIRS
PAGE. 005
4
Opening markets and expanding trade is at the top of the
President's agenda.
As 1991 begins, international trade is more important than
ever to the United States. Our economy has enjoyed six years of
record expansion. The engine of this expansion was U.S. exports.
Over the past three years, exports of goods and services
contributed more than 50 percent of the growth of GNP.
The U.S. economy now has entered a temporary recession.
But the vitality of U.S. trade has not been interrupted. As the
President said in his State of the Union Address, "Exports are
running solid and strong."
In 1990, the rate of growth of U.S. exports was twice as
fast as the rise in imports. The nearly 8.5 percent growth in
exports generated 88 percent of our total economic growth last
year.
84
This is because the global economy remains strong, and U.S.
goods are in great demand around the world.
The flow of U.S. products must be maintained and expanded
lest exports -- our vital engine of growth -- sputter or stall.
More than ever, we need the billions of dollars a year of
economic stimulus that greater access to foreign markets could
provide.
Opening markets and expanding trade also will enhance the
economic growth of poorer nations, including the emerging
democracies of Eastern Europe and Latin America. Such growth not
only promotes political stability, but will also make those
countries much better customers for U.S. products.
Without the impetus of a more open trading system, these
nations will be drained by the massive costs of protections now
imposed on them -- costs that now total two-and-a-half times all
the aid they receive from industrialized countries.
We find ourselves at this critical time with real
opportunities to open markets in areas that will expand our
trade. It was precisely to take advantage of such opportunities
that Congress contemplated in the 1988 Trade Act a two-year
extension of the fast track procedures that would otherwise have
expired in June of this year.
Fast Track is Crucial to Concluding a Successful Uruquay Round
Our best opportunity for opening world markets is to
complete a comprehensive agreement in the Uruguay Round of global
trade talks and in so doing to strengthen and broaden the General
MAY
7
'91
16:19
FROM USTR PUBLIC AFFAIRS
PAGE 006
5
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, or GATT. The GATT is without
doubt the world's most important trade agreement. Indeed, it is
the Constitution of World Trade.
Under GATT sponsorship, the world's trading nations have
held seven successful rounds of negotiations since World War II
in which tariff rates were slashed by more than 75 percent. As a
result, trade exploded from just $60 billion in 1950 to nudge the
$4 trillion mark this year.
This enormous expansion in global commerce has fueled a
spectacular surge of the world and U.S. economies. Both have
grown faster in the last 40 years than in any four decades of
world history. Consequently, we have enjoyed unparalleled global
prosperity.
The GATT has opened new markets for business, increased
choices and lowered prices for consumers, and led to higher
incomes and more jobs for workers.
But just as a thriving family outgrows its first house, so
too has the family of 100 nations, who make up the GATT and
account for 85 percent of world trade, outgrown the rules that
have served us so well for so long.
Today, a third of world trade -- more than $1 trillion of
international commerce a year --- is not adequately covered by
internationally agreed rules.
Areas inadequately covered by GATT rules, like agriculture,
or not covered at all like services, investment, and intellectual
property, have taken on an enormous importance in global trade
generally and to the United States in particular.
The United States led the call for the far-reaching agenda
of issues in the Uruguay Round. Congress and the private sector
supported this effort. Congress laid out the negotiating
objectives for the Uruguay Round in the 1988 Trade Act.
Several members of this Committee, and your staffs, were
with us at the Uruguay Round ministerial meeting in Brussels last
December. Rather than conceding our goal of an ambitious
agreement, together we agreed that no agreement was far better
than a hastily negotiated face-saving solution.
After a three-month suspension, the countries that brought
the talks to a halt returned to the table with a new-found
willingness to negotiate specific commitments in the critical
area of agricultural trade reform. As you know, this area is the
linchpin of the Round; without real reform, many of the countries
participating in the talks are not willing to negotiate in many
of the Round's other important areas.
MAY
7
'91
16:19
FROM USTR PUBLIC AFFAIRS
PAGE. 007
6
The prospects for a successful conclusion are better now,
but we have tough negotiating ahead. We will continue to work
with you to bring these talks to fruition.
The benefits the Uruguay Round could bring to America are
enormous:
Lower tariff and non-tariff barriers to
manufactured products and other goods could
increase world output by $5 trillion, and
U.S. output by more than $1 trillion over the
next 10 years, meaning an additional $17,000
for every American family of four;
Rules to protect the intellectual property of
America's entrepreneurs, ending the $60
billion lost each year through theft and
counterfeiting;
New markets for U.S. service firms, which
today export $115 billion annually and create
9-out-of-10 of our new jobs;
Broader market opportunities for
international investment, creating expanded
opportunities in a sector that already helps
generate more than $240 billion of U.S.
exports, or two-thirds of total U.S. exports
in goods;
Fair competition and open markets for U.S.
farmers, who lead the world with more than
$40 billion in annual exports;
Full participation of developing countries in
our global trading system, which could
increase U.S. exports 50 percent, or $200
billion, by the year 2000; and,
Strengthened rules on dispute settlement, antidumping,
subsidies, and trade remedy provisions, that should
provide predictability and certainty in access to
foreign markets and ensure fair trade at home.
The fact is that a failure to extend fast track authority
will effectively end the Uruguay Round negotiations. It will
damage prospects for world economic growth and cooperation. A
collapse of the Round brought about by the removal of fast track
would increase worldwide pressures to raise trade and investment
barriers. And, of course, the unraveling of the international
MAY
7
'91
16:20
FROM USTR PUBLIC AFFAIRS
PAGE. 008
7
trading system would deny U.S. consumers and workers the enormous
benefits of open markets.
Fast Track is Essential to Negotiate a North American FTA
of course, we continue to press for open markets beyond the
Uruguay Round negotiations.
A North American Free Trade Agreement more closely linking
the economies of the United States, Mexico, and Canada could be a
potent force for regional growth and prosperity. We expect these
discussions to lead to market opening agreements that will create
new and improved opportunities for U.S. exports across the entire
spectrum of American industry.
Canada is our largest trading partner. Mexico is our third
largest trading partner. Linking our complementary economies
through free trade will strengthen these economic bonds and
increase regional political stability. Ultimately, the creation
of a North American Free Trade Area will create the largest,
richest market in the world with 360 million consumers and $6
trillion in annual output.
Also, a North American Free Trade Agreement will support our
broader aim of open markets and expanded trade globally, for
other countries will have greater incentive to seek open markets
with us. It also can serve as a starting point for the pursuit
of a hemispheric free trade area -- the long-term objective of
the President's Enterprise for the Americas Initiative.
Despite these benefits, some critics claim that an FTA will
be a "one-way street" with inexpensive Mexican goods flowing into
the United States and few of ours going the other way. The
evidence disproves this notion. Since 1986, when Mexico joined
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, and reduced its
tariff protections from 100 percent to roughly 10 percent, U.S.
exports to Mexico have more than doubled, rising from $12.4
billion to an annualized rate of $28.4 billion in 1990. The
doubling of U.S. exports created 320,000 U.S. jobs. Each
additional $1 billion of U.S. exports will mean more than 20,000
new U.S. jobs.
All sectors of the U.S. economy have benefited from this
market opening: exports of automobiles and auto parts have
quadrupled; exports of corn have tripled; and exports of
telecommunications equipment have doubled. Exports of iron and
steel, that were running a $12 million deficit four years ago,
now are tallying a $300 million surplus. Just four years ago, we
had a $91 million deficit in textiles and apparel trade with
Mexico. Today, we are running a surplus.
MAY
7
'91
16:20
FROM USTR PUBLIC AFFAIRS
PAGE 009
8
A free trade agreement would not only lock in these gains,
but also create new openings for U.S. industry.
There is also a fear that a free trade agreement will export
U.S. jobs to Mexico. But again, the experience of the last
decade disproves this speculation.
During the 1980s, U.S. firms set up factories in Mexico at a
record pace under the maquiladora program. As a result,
thousands of jobs were created and retained on the U.S. side of
the border to support those facilities, according to some
studies.
A good example is Deltec, a San Diego electronics
manufacturer. Since it started a maquiladora five years ago
its sales have quadrupled and its workforce has tripled with
employment in San Diego rising by 50 percent.
Many of its San Diego workers were retrained to fill higher-
skill and higher-paying jobs. Deltec's added business also
generated new jobs in and around San Diego as its spending for
raw materials and services there grew four-and-a-half times.
Indeed, the availability of Mexico as a factory site is
saving U.S. jobs. Kendall Co., a Massachusetts-based medical
equipment maker, says that were it not for the maquiladora
program its ability to compete effectively in certain segments of
the health-care market would have been significantly impacted.
This fact could very well have jeopardized the approximately
3,000 jobs which currently exist within the United States. Other
companies that would have been forced to relocate operations
offshore to remain competitive instead are setting up operations
in Mexico.
While the benefits of an FTA are apparent, the
Administration recognizes that some groups worry about the
consequences of increased competition from Mexico. We are
sensitive to these concerns and want to work with Congress and
the private sector to ensure that our negotiations take these
concerns into account.
In this regard, nothing we negotiate will be implemented
overnight. We know that business and labor on both sides of the
border will need time to adjust. We will ensure that any
agreement be phased in over time and provide an effective
mechanism to protect against import surges. In the end, we will
have a new economic regime that will benefit all.
Progress in the trade area also will support and reinforce
progress in our broader bilateral agenda with Mexico. Long
before there was any talk about an FTA with Mexico or a North
American FTA, the United States and Mexico were discussing and
MAY
7
'91
16:21
FROM USTR PUBLIC AFFAIRS
PAGE 010
9
acting upon a broad bilateral agenda extending far beyond trade.
Our countries share a common goal of an improved way of life
both economically and socially, for our people. Agencies such as
the EPA and the Departments of State, Justice, and Labor have
been working in their area of expertise to promote our broader
bilateral agenda. We have worked with Mexico to support and
enhance its own efforts to address pressing social needs.
Progress in North American free trade negotiations would
assist efforts on our broader agenda. Conversely, rejection of
fast track would hinder our efforts in all areas.
The goal of United States trade policy is to open markets
and expand trade for U.S. goods throughout the world and so
provide a powerful stimulus for economic growth. A North
American Free Trade Agreement will do just that and create on the
North American continent a new era of opportunity and prosperity.
Conclusion
Supporting fast track will allow the Uruguay Round and the
North American Free Trade negotiations to go forward without in
any way detracting from Congress's ability to assess each
agreement on its merits when presented for approval.
We have much to gain from extending fast track: an era of
extraordinary economic growth, geopolitical stability, lower
prices and greater choices for consumers, more jobs for workers,
and a better standard of living for our people.
We have all this to gain and much to lose: After the
enormous international respect and goodwill we have earned from
our role in the liberation of Kuwait, to deny the President the
ability to negotiate trade agreements would be a severe set back.
For the United States, the world's biggest market, its largest
exporter, the leader of the free world, not to be a real
participant at the bargaining table would be an abdication of
responsibility to the world trading system, the U.S. economy,
and, above all, to the American people.
# # #
MAY- 8-91 8 WED 16:10 FORWARD HAMPTON ROADS
P.01
FORWARD
HAMPTON
ROADS
NORFOLK
THE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT ARM OF THE HAMPTON ROADS CHAMBER OF COMMERCHAY SEACH 8 P3: 37
PORTSMOUTH
CHESAPEAKE
SUFFOLK
VIRGINIA BEACH
TELEFAX INFORMATION SHEET
DATE: 5-8-91
TIME: 4:15pm
PLEASE DELIVER THIS COVER SHEET AND THE FOLLOWING 2 PAGES
TO:
FROM:
mallon Copeland
Research Associate
MESSAGE:
IF YOU ARE NOT RECEIVING A CLEAR COPY OF THIS TELEFAX, PLEASE
CONTACT THE OPERATOR
AT 627-2315 (TELEPHONE)
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I
00
(0)
The Virginian-Pilot
May 8, 199'
More area jobs likely as ban on E. Europe ships is lifted
By Dave Mayfield
Norfolk shipping agency and I di-
rector of the Hampton Roads Mari-
NEW BUSINESS
can persuade the line to end its port
Staff writer
calls in Wilmington and Baltimore
time Association. "We were getting
and consolidate in Portsmouth
Closing another chapter in the
rather perturbed about iL
These
Other U.S. ports affected by the decision are Portsmouth, N.H.;
instead.
Cold War, President Bush on Tues-
ships were trypassing us, going to
Panama City, Pensacola, Port St. Joe and Port Canaveral in Florida;
If the Polish line does switch,
day lifted an 18-year-old ban das
Wilmington, N.C., and Baltimore."
Charleston, S.C.; San Diego and Port Hueneme, Calif.: Kings Bay, Ga;
Dorto said, as many as 400,000 tons
Eastern European merchant ships
"After the wall came down," be
Honolulu; and New London/Groton, Conn.
of cargo could be added to the
entering Hampton Roads and 11
said, "we felt there was no need to
port's volume, creating 300 local
other Navy ports.
have a fence around Hampton
cause Eastern Europe has the po-
the Portsmouth terminal and two
jobs and adding $8.5 million a year
R
The decision could add hundreds
Roads"
tential to develop very rapidly.
other state-owned cargo terminals
to the region's economy.
of jobs and millions of dollars to the
The lifting of the ban, effective
Joseph A. Dorto, general manag-
in Hampton Roads.
The late Adm. Hyman G. Ricko-
region's economy, local officials say.
immediately, won't cause "the Bood-
er of Virginia International Termi-
Dorto said that executives of the
ver blocked Warsaw Pact vessels
Eastern Europe is expected to be
gates to come open," said J.E.
nais Inc., said he would immediately
Polish tine "have been talking with
from entering the ports 18 years
one of the world's fastest-growing
"Gene" Justice, president of Alli-
start trying to ture Polish Ocean
us over the years, saying "Why
ago after reports that the ships'
regions in the 1990s.
ance International Inc., a Norfolk
Lines, a major general-cargo ship
can't you get this ban undone? Why
crew members were spying
"I'm excited about it," said
trade-management company. But
line, to the Portsmouth Marine Ter-
can't we come back?' He said he
T. Parker Host Jr., president of a
it's an important step, he said, be-
minal Dorto's company manages
is optimistic that within 90 days he
Please see SHIPS, Page A2
I
o
(i)
0
N
D
00
E
6
SHIPS
The congressman had asked the adminis-
tration to consider allowing Soviet merchant
ships into the Navy ports, too. But that re-
continued from Page Al
striction will continue.
In addition, the vessels of Cambodia, Cuba,
But after the Berlin Wall crumbled in 1989
F
Iran, Iraq, Libya, North Korea, Syria and Viet-
and democratization spread in Eastern Eu-
0
nam are forbidden to enter any U.S. ports -
rope, Hampton Roads maritime interests ar-
restrictions with which none of the state's
R
gued that the ban no longer made sense.
lawmaters have any argument.
E
In Tuesday's order, Bush declared that the
Host, the shipping agent, said it took SO
I
merchant ships of Poland, Hungary, Czecho-
lorg to have the ban on Eastern European
R
slovakia, Romania, Bulgaria and Albania
vessels lifted because the Navy continued to
D
would be allowed into Hampton Roads and
object that they would compromise security.
the 11 other Navy ports if they gave 24 hours'
But the sea service torpedoed its own posi-
notice.
tion in .989, when it allowed three Soviet war-
D
The change was made "in recognition of
ships to tie up at the Norfolk Naval Station for
3
the progress these six countries have made
nearly E week, Host said. "That made us even
P
toward democracy and freedom," the White
more annoyed," he said.
+
House said. "It represents another step by
On Tuesday, Navy officials declined to
0
the U.S. in discarding Cold War restrictions."
comment on the president's decision. "You're
Z
Virginia lawmakers, who got the Bush ad-
not going to get anyone here to touch that
ministration to review the ban, nearly fell
one will a 10-foot pole," said one Navy officer,
R
over one another in heralding the decision.
who asked to remain anonymous.
0
Local port officials said Sen. John W.
Host said he would expect exports of trac-
D
Warner and Rep. Owen B. Pickett were per-
lors, graters and other equipment to increase
H
sistent in hammering away on the issue.
through the port soon after the ships of East-
0
"This is a 10-year crusade I've been work-
em European nations start calling in Hamp-
ing on to open these ports up," Warner said.
ton Roads. Grain exports through
Pickett, who represents Norfolk and Vir-
also may climb, he said.
ginia Beach, called Bush's action "not every-
Imports from Eastern Europe
thing we were looking for, but a major slep in
grow, too, he said, and include to
the right direction."
glassware and apparel.
T
(
(
Snow/Dooley
Draft One
May 8, 1991
HAMPTON.TS
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: COMMENCEMENT EXERCISES, HAMPTON UNIVERSITY
MAY 12, 1991
10 A.M.
[Introductory acknowledgments]
[jokes]
It is a real pleasure to join you today. As you know,
Hampton University has long ties with the presidency. And I am
proud to note that of the nine presidents who have visited your
campus, eight have been Republicans.
It's been rumored that I will come here and tell Hampton
Graduates "what to do." Nothing could be further from the truth.
Hampton is an elite institution. It boasts the largest endowment
of any historically black college or university in the United
Tim
States. Its graduates contribute daily to our national progress
and well-being. Rather than preaching to you, I would like to
discuss the new world that you -- and all this year's college
graduates -- will enter -- a world no longer divided by
superpower confrontation, but defined by economic competition.
You in the Hampton Roads area understand this world better
than most. The broad waters that surround you flow directly into
the Atlantic Ocean, and businesses in this area look abroad for
skow, Chris skewlund
markets and opportunities. More than 100 firms in the Hampton
Roads region conduct business beyond our borders; they employ
more than 11,000 workers. Hampton graduates go to work for many
eabe- bbse 69/12/8 h1 bbE Hay -Sho
156 3/17/60 40 9146
2
of these institutions, including AT&T, Panasonic, Johnson &
Johnson and IBM.
You understand that this nation's future in the
international marketplace --- your future -- depends on how well
we develop our most precious natural resource: the intelligence
and ingenuity of the American people.
As a nation we develop that resource in two ways, education
and economic growth. I will discuss both of those paths to
opportunity today, and describe the ways in which they not only
improve our workforce, but also strengthen the American spirit -
- allow us to join hands in common cause and common interest,
encourage a harmony of ambitions that drives out the bleak
counsels of suspicion, hatred and despair.
Americans always have regarded education as the ladder of
opportunity. We were the first nation on earth to provide
universal education. The civil rights movement of the 1960s
devoted great time and energy to ensuring equal educational
opportunity. Our administration has picked up that challenge by
developing a strategy for making a quality education available to
every citizen who wants one.
Our America 2000 strategy involves four separate but related
efforts. The first is to re-invent the school by encouraging
people to take an active role in shaping school policies and
creating the best school systems possible.
We have advocated educational choice -- letting parents
choose schools for their children. This concept has generated a
3
lot of unnecessary controversy among educational organizations,
but it has excited and ignited the hopes and ambitions of
Americans, especially in large cities where the schools simply
on Education 1990
poll
have failed. Polls indicate that 62 percent of the American
public favors choice, and that 72 percent of minority Americans
advocate choice in the schools.
This should surprise no one. Choice means hope: It lets
children from poor neighborhoods enroll in the same schools as
children from wealthier ones; it gives parents the responsibility
and freedom to find good schools for their sons and daughters; it
frees students from the tyranny of poor education.
Thirteen states have adopted choice proposals of various
sorts, and a number of major cities have embraced the concept.
The failure of Chicago's schools prompted Mayor Richard Daley to
Chicago
raise the possibility of school vouchers in his inaugural address
hun Times
this week. A poll by the Chicago Defender two days later found
16/2/5
that 70 percent of the public liked the idea.
We also have challenged Americans to create at least 535 New
American Schools -- one in each congressional district. The idea
is to create laboratories for educational excellence -- role
models that other systems may want to follow.
We have called upon communities and businesses to work
together in fostering and improving the quality of education:
communities, by taking on crime, hunger and other problems that
make it difficult to educate our students; businesses, by
contributing expertise to local schools and by developing
4
continuing education programs at the workplace. We remain
committed to such programs as Head Start, which help prepare
young students for school. Indeed, at least one graduate in this
year's nursing class, Margorie Scott, attended the Head Start
program in Newport News.
Finally, we want to find sound ways of measuring our
progress. If we want to compete effectively in the world
economy, our students must do better. The Educational Testing
Jack klenk
Service reports that our 13-year-olds ranked last among the
students of eleven industrialized nations in math and near the
bottom in science. Worse, our students seem to become less
competitive as they get older. The International Association for
the Evaluation of Educational Achievement indicates that while
our fifth graders ranked eighth out of 17 nations in science
achievement, our ninth graders ranked 14th, and our 12th graders
ranked last in biology, 11th in chemistry and 9th in physics.
Too many schools, not disciplined by competition, have
become money burners. Teacher salaries as a percentage of total
NaH. (tr
educational expenditures in elementary and secondary schools have
stats. Educ,
fallen from 55 percent in 1955 to 40 percent today. One recent
Forbes
study indicated that less than one third of the money spent on
4/25/90
education in New York City actually reaches makes the classroom.
The bulk goes to a 4,000-person educational bureaucracy. At the
same time, the city's parochial system outperforms the public
schools, despite having only one-hundredth as many administrators
5
per pupil and per-pupil expenditures one-sixth the size of those
in the city schools.
In an age in which this nation needs to develop the minds
and imaginations of all its citizens, we cannot afford school
systems that don't do their jobs -- and we will not permit the
further deterioration of educational quality in the places that
most need it -- our rural areas and our inner cities. //
As I leave the topic of education, I would like to pass on a
message to another of your graduates. I recently got a letter
from an Army Sergeant serving in Saudi Arabia. He talked about
his daughter. He wrote: "I am very proud of her and would like
for her to know this; I am thinking of her even as I sit in the
Gulf, serving my country."
Nilka Bacilio, who will receive a Bachelor's of Science from
the School of Education and Liberal Arts -- with honors in
Therapeutic Recreation -- your father, Larry Lynch, says "hi. "//
No one can place a price on this kind of love and
commitment, and yet this kind of caring plays a vital role in our
future. When I talk about educational choice, or educational
reform, keep in mind that we go nowhere without the support of
people who love and believe in us. And if there is any advice I
can give today, it is to cherish those who give you this kind of
lift -- and to return the favor whenever you can.
Our educational proposals all grow out of an article of
faith: that the American people truly, deeply care about
education. Once liberated from the monopoly that public schools
6
now enjoy, we will create the finest schools in the world. We
aren't interested in look-alike schools: We want communities to
build institutions that best suit local needs and best exploit
local strengths.
Furthermore, as our American 2000 strategy notes: Education
should not end when you collect your diploma: That's when the
real life of the mind begins.
We in government can help improve the quality of that life
by trying to stimulate economic growth and job opportunity.
Throughout history, we find that communities united by common
interest prosper more and fight less than those divided by envy
or the desire for conquest. This is true not only on an
international scale, but also within nations.
We want to build a society in which everyone has a chance to
succeed on the basis of his or her merits. To that end, we have
worked vigorously to stamp out the residues of discrimination,
particularly in the workplace. But we also have tried to plant
the seeds of long-term economic growth.
Our regulatory reform proposals, for instance, try to
liberate people from red tape and unnecessary regulation. [Insert
a couple of glaring examples, to be provided by the vice
president's office].
The controversial budget agreement we signed last year at
last restrains the growth of federal spending -- thus providing
hope that citizens will be able to spend more time working for
7
themselves and their families, and less time laboring to pay the
tax bill.
Our administration repeatedly has pushed for a cut in the
capital gains tax, which -- contrary to what political
propagandists say -- is not a tax break for the rich. It removes
a tax on wealth that has yet to be created -- such as the wealth
you will create when you enter the work world. The capital gains
tax punishes people for creating wealth and opportunities. It is
a tax on ideas, on innovation, on the American dream.
Black-owned businesses in the United States grew nearly 40
percent in the five years following the 1982 capital gains
reduction. The number of businesses owned by women increased 56
percent. The growth in such businesses has fallen off since
Congress raised the capital gains rate again in 1987.
In a world in which our competitors tax capital gains
lightly or not at all, it really makes no sense to tax our own
dreamers, innovators, entrepreneurs.
Our economic package also strengthens our banking system,
giving it the freedom to create new products and to compete with
foreign banks, which can set up business virtually anywhere and
can perform a wide range of financial services.
In order to create opportunities for people who have few of
them today, we also have put together an ambitious housing reform
package -- we call it HOPE -- which extends the promise of home
ownership to people who now live in public housing communities.
The idea is simple: We want to give people assets, sources of
8
permanent wealth, and not just consumable scraps of paper. Our
welfare policies ought to promote independence, not dependency -
- and HOPE offers a great place to start.
We even have proposed reforming Davis-Bacon labor
restrictions, which have helped freeze small and minority
businesses out of the competition for federal construction
contracts. This archaic law has slammed opportunity's door long
enough: We need to open all our businesses to free and fair
am
competition.
Sean 523 FAX 8457
Finally, we have worked aggressively to expand world trade.
As the world economy grows, our export capabilities will play an
ever more important role in our future. Last year, exports
USTR
accounted for 88 percent of our economic growth, and reduced
David
trade barriers in places such as Mexico have produced great
Walters
dividends for us -- and for our trading partners.
ESSEX
Between 1986 and 1990, our exports to the rest of the world
increased 73 percent, and our exports to our major competitors
USTR
grew even more: to Germany, 80 percent; Japan, 82 percent; the
K35833
European Economic Community, by 87 percent.
Our administration has asked Congress to extend the fast-
track trade procedures that presidents have been able to use
since 1974. Fast track procedures allow us to build ties of good
faith with Congress and with our trading partners. They
encourage consultation between the administration and Congress;
they build faith with our trading partners by assuring them that
we will not alter agreements that negotiators have reached at the
9
bargaining table. They ensure that Congress will vote yes-or-no
on the exact agreements our negotiators have reached.
Most Americans appreciate the value of free trade, and fast
track is a vital tool in helping us create free and fair trade
around the globe. Unfortunately, some opponents of free trade
have tried to derail fast track by resorting to scurillous
examples of race baiting. Some have suggested, for example, that
a free trade agreement with Mexico would somehow jeopardize
American health, and poison food and water along our border areas
with Mexico.
I can think of no more powerful way to contrast the
difference between a free-enterprise view of the human community
and the protectionist view. Just as a growing economy fosters
racial harmony and shared national purpose, a world economy
stimulated by free trade builds ties of interest and affection
with the rest of the world.
I know some of you had intended to mount a protest today
against my veto of the 1990 Civil Rights bill. Let me say simply
that the best civil rights policy is one that not only knocks
down barriers to discrimination, but also opens up doors of
opportunity and prosperity. We will seek out and convict those
guilty of discrimination wherever we can. figures from Justice
on the number of discrimination prosecutions]
But more importantly, we will try to remove the barriers
that prevent people with good ideas from making them available to
us all. The programs I have discussed today give every American,
10
white or black or brown, rich or poor or middle class, a fair
chance to pursue his or her destiny in the marketplace of ideas.
They try to harness the engine of ambition in service to the
common good. Rather than trying to create racial or class
animosities, they try to give everyone a shared stake in everyone
else's success.
I really believe that Americans more than ever share the
desire to make ours a true land of opportunity. Poll numbers
show it. Community activities demonstrate it. The appearance of
thousands and thousands of what I call points of light -- people
who serve their communities -- prove it.
We have a chance to rekindle the kind of optimism that
characterized the civil rights movement of the 1960s -- one in
which men and women of all races and backgrounds joined to pursue
a common cause, a right cause -- in purusit of the goals we all
hold dear: opportunity, prosperity, justice.
We have learned a great deal about what works and doesn't
work in educating students, creating jobs, knocking down barriers
of discrimination. We also have gained a fuller appreciation of
the fact that the free enterprise system creates more than mere
products. It really does create a special spirit of cooperation.
Today, as you take your diplomas, you acquire
responsibilities and opportunities. You will have a chance to
learn from past policy successes and failures. You will have a
chance to improve schools, build new businesses, and wrestle with
11
the truly exciting opportunities that abound in the post-Cold War
world.
I encourage you to make the most of the chances you have.
Work hard. Build strong, committed families. Serve your
communities. And most of all, do not flinch from the tough
challenges the work world will present to you.
You would not be here if you were not intelligent and
industrious. Your college education provides you with a good
start to life. Now, make it work as only you can.
To you, and to the friends and families who have supported
you over the years, congratulations. Thank you for letting me
share in your commencement exercises. God bless you and God
bless the United States of America.
#
#
#
#
McGroarty/Dooley
May 3, 1991
5:30 pm
[PEREZ]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: STATEMENT FOLLOWING MEETING WITH
SECRETARY GENERAL PEREZ DE CUELLAR
THE DIPLOMATIC ENTRANCE
MAY 9, 1991
1:15 p.m.
Mr. Secretary General: it has been my pleasure to welcome
you to the White House today -- to discuss with you the many
issues now on the world's agenda.
In a moment, I'll speak about a few of the common challenges
we face. But before I do, permit me a personal observation. I
often think back to the times we worked together as Perm Reps 20
X
years ago -- and I still wonder how it is I ended up with the
easier job. The problems that arrive at your doorstep are the
product of years of violence and strife. It falls to you to find
-- through so much hatred and bitterness -- the path to peace.
For 10 years now you've led the UN. Your years as Secretary
General could merely have been difficult -- a study in stubborn
hope. Instead, they have proved momentous -- historic. During
your years of service, the UN has come of age. After decades of
ideological stalemate, conflict and Cold War -- the UN has at
long last taken a step toward its destiny as an agent of
progress. As a force for peace.
Today, the UN can lay claim to a string of successes
stretching across the globe. In Africa, the UN played a leading
in the birth of an independent Namibia. Elsewhere on the African
continent, the UN now works to end the war in Angola, and resolve
the future of the Western Sahara. / Across Asia, the UN
2
continues to play a critical role in peacemaking efforts in
Afghanistan and Cambodia. And right here in our own hemisphere,
the UN has helped the people of Nicaragua and Haiti exercise
their right to choose their own government.
And of course, there is the United Nation's role in the
liberation of Kuwait. The United Nations sent its strong, steady
signal every step of the way. Defending the defenseless against
outlaw aggression. Keeping faith with its founding principles.
Standing fast for all that is good and right.
Mr. Secretary General, a great measure of this success
belongs to you, my friend: the product of your patience and
perseverance, your immeasurable diplomatic skill -- your
unwavering desire for peace. / /
But for each success -- new challenges remain. Mr.
Secretary General, consider the unprecedented responsibilities
placed upon your good offices and the UN Secretariat by Security
Council Resolution 687: the Administration of UNIKOM, / the
Special Commission for eliminating Iraq's weapons of mass
destruction, / the Compensation Commission, / the UN's role in
deman
settling border disputes, developing guidelines for the arms
embargo against Iraq, and encouraging arms control in the region
-- all of these are daunting tasks which will challenge the UN as
never before.
[[ UPDATE ON IRAQI REFUGEE EFFORTS
]]
Who can turn away from this human wave of tragedy -- tens of
thousands of refugees fleeing home and hearth to escape the
3
brutality of one man, Saddam Hussein. / This nation and many
others have worked with the United Nations to ease the suffering
-- to help these people come down from the mountains, to the
camps -- and ultimately to their own villages and towns. For our
part, the U.S. responded with an emergency relief system to
sustain the refugees in Northern Iraq. With that system now in
place, we've begun the process of turning it over to the UN. //
In the South, American soldiers provided refuge and care to
thousands of Iraqis. All those who sought refuge are now safe in
Iran or Saudi Arabia. The Blue Helmets are on the scene, and UN
relief agencies are providing assistance to those Iraqis who have
chosen to remain in the area now under UN control.
The UN's work in Iraq is just one of many challenges.
Beyond the Gulf, we must work to strengthen the UN system itself
through appropriate reforms -- to deliver development assistance
where needed -- to build on the UN's ability to respond to
humanitarian crises which, as we've seen most recently in the
heart-wrenching ordeal of Bangladesh, speak a universal language
of simple human compassion. //
Mr. Secretary General, meeting these challenges is the work
of the United States -- and the United Nations. I thank you for
travelling to Washington, so that we could continue our practice
of close consultations -- and I congratulate you, on behalf of
the American. people, for doing the world's work -- the work of
peace.
# # #
Mallory Lopeland
Anti-Det League
Balt - Natl Inst lintre Prej +Violence
Mont. South AL- - Klan Watch
Comm Rel Services
205
Morris Bees
205/264-0286
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incidente Read
Unitermed isen crime
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Mrs.
FBI
econ Billa wh/jobs
Davis
Lind514-3204
times
trunds
race exp w/mayes world gup. hade 4 tigus, partiners 3583 Play last yes sevajor yrs role / U.S. in brought GNP reports
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1:00pm
David Walters
indiv earnings
Bob Wodd 331-1103
ervices of Mead Data Central
PAGE
2
13TH STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1990 Globe Newspaper Company;
The Boston Globe
November 15, 1990, Thursday, City Edition
SECTION: EDITORIAL PAGE; Pg. 22 P
LENGTH: 313 words
HEADLINE: A haven from violence
EDITORIAL; EDUCATION; NEW YORK
BODY:
Central Park East Secondary School in New York and its director, Deborah
Meier, have earned a reputation for being on the cutting edge of educational
change. The East Harlem high school has won national recognition for raising
academic achievement among poor, urban students. It has proved that a
well-crafted school-choice program can work and that decentralization can get
the best from teachers, parents and students. Meier's commitment to developing
thoughtful, inquiring minds is well-known and respected. Now the school is
being recognized for its policy against violence.
The rules are clear and simple: There is no fighting, not even
play-tussling, in the school. No threats of fighting are tolerated on or off
school grounds. The only exception allows students to defend themselves when
their lives are in danger.
In a New York Times series on guns in the streets, a 16-year-old youngster
told a reporter that he carried a gun simply because someone had broken his
Walkman. Closer to home, students who witnessed a shooting at a weekend party at
Milton Academy said the fight was prompted by one youth giving another a dirty
look.
These anecdotes suggest that the biggest threat may not be drugs or gangs,
but the casual manner in which some young people resort to violence to resolve
trivial conflicts.
Many schools are responding to increased violence with police and metal
detectors. In some systems, students caught with weapons are suspended or sent
to alternative programs. These short-term efforts keep students insulated from
the violence outside school doors. Changing youngsters' behavior will require
changing the way youngsters think about violence.
"People do not expect violence," says Central Park East's co-director, Paul
Schwarz. "Students feel safe." Once again, Central Park East has managed to
achieve what few other schools can claim.
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21ST STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1990 The New York Times Company;
The New York Times
June 10, 1990, Sunday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section 1; Part 1, Page 28, Column 5; National Desk
LENGTH: 1113 words
HEADLINE: Right to Choose Schools Gains in Debate on Bias
BYLINE: By DON WYCLIFF, Special to The New York Times
DATELINE: WASHINGTON, June 9
BODY:
The people who elected Polly Williams and Lawrence Patrick are expected to
recoil at the words ' choice' and ''voucher'' when they are applied to the
public schools.
To black people, and especially poor black people, those words often resonate
with the anguish of the 1960's, when ''freedom of choice'' was the battle cry of
whites fleeing school desegregation and vouchers were a device they hoped would
bring tax dollars to segregated private schools.
So why did Ms. Williams, a Wisconsin State Representative from the most
heavily black section of Milwaukee, and Mr. Patrick, a Harvard Law School
graduate who is president of the school board in black-led Detroit, go on so
enthusiastically about ' choice'' at the Brookings Institution on Friday? They
were probably the two speakers most carefully listened to at a forum marking the
publication of ''Politics, Markets and America's Schools, a study published by
Brookings that calls for a switch from government-operated schools to a
free-market system.
But others at the forum voiced caution. Lewis W. Finch, Superintendent of the
Anoka-Hennepin school district in Minnesota, where parents can choose which
public school to send the children to, said, ''In my view, parental choice as it
is being talked about now is an elitist wolf wrapped in egalitarian sheepskin.
He predicted it would end up ''depriving millions of children of equal
opportunity.
Money Follows White Students
Ms. Williams's enthusiasm for the concept stems from having seen what school
desegregation wrought upon her constituents and deciding she did not like it.
Like most desegregation plans that rely on voluntary efforts, Milwaukee's used
magnet schools and other inducements to draw white and black students into
integrated situations.
But in a city where minority students were 70 percent of the school
population, many were necessarily excluded from the most desirable schools so
that racial balance could be maintained. As Ms. Williams describes it, the
practical outcome of the plan was that 'money follows the heads of white
students.
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Milwaukee's desegregation plan had much in it to attract whites, she said,
and something for those blacks who either were lucky enough to get their
children into magnet schools or were willing to ''put their babies on the bus at
5:30 in the morning and not see them again until 6:30 in the evening.'
She tried to persuade her colleagues in the Legislature to let the schools in
her legislative district secede from the Milwaukee school system and steer their
own course, but her plan failed.
Frustrations With System
Mr. Patrick recounted a similar frustrating experience with an unresponsive
system. In 1986, as a member of a civic group studying the Detroit schools, he
learned that the dozen or so magnet schools and citywide schools, which were
public schools of choice, were by every measure more effective than other
schools. There also was an enormous unmet demand among Detroit parents for more
schools of choice.
Dissatisfied with the school board's response, Mr. Patrick and three
like-minded colleagues challenged the school board at the ballot box in 1988 and
ousted longtime incumbents. Mr. Patrick was quickly elected president of the
board.
Both Ms. Williams and Mr. Patrick are more than theoretical supporters of
choice. In March, Ms. Williams, a Democrat, made common cause with the Governor,
Tommy G. Thompson, a Republican, to win the Legislature's approval of a voucher
plan for low-income students in Milwaukee. It gives 1,000 such students the
right to enroll in private, nonsectarian schools and to receive up to $2,500 in
state funds for tuition.
''I came up with choice outside of the public school system because I
couldn't get choice inside it,'' Ms. Williams said.
Moving to Community Control
In Detroit, Mr. Patrick has engineered what he hopes will eventually be a
citywide system of community-controlled public schools, virtually autonomous
from the school board and the central bureaucracy. He said he had won the
agreement of the city's teachers and principals and the plan would go into
effect this fall with about 40 of the city's 258 schools.
There will be citywide parental choice from the beginning, he said. And he
predicted that when all the city's schools are under community control, most
parents will opt to send their children to neighborhood schools ''because
they'll be good schools.
At times, the Brookings forum seemed to verge on becoming a celebration of
the choice concept instead of an examination of what most participants
acknowledged is a highly creditable study by John E. Chubb, a senior fellow at
Brookings, and Terry Moe, a professor of political science at Stanford
University.
The authors admit that the recommendation of a market system in education is
essentially a strongly held opinion derived from their research but not dictated
by it. Their central research finding, Mr. Chubb explained, is that the ''most
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important determinant of effective schools is autonomy'' -freedom from
interference by bureaucracies and meddlesome politics.
'Government Is the Problem'
'Government hasn't solved the educational problem because government is the
problem, he said, adding that a market system based on parental choice was
'the only path that we know'' to assure autonomy.
But Mr. Finch strenuously disagreed, saying bureaucracy bashing is
emotionally satisfying, but ''in my experience, every single case of
discrimination has come from an individual school building. Many parental
demands, he suggested, would not be about substantial educational issues, but
about ending the celebration of the birthday of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King
Jr., for example, or excluding a child with AIDS - essentially, acts of bigotry.
Another panelist, John E. Coons, a professor of law at the University of
California at Berkeley, observed that wealthy people exercised their choice of
public schools by buying houses in exclusive areas. Because of the geographical
basis of school attendance zones, public schools in such communities become, in
effect, private.
'We're not really discussing whether we should have choice,' said Sy
Fliegel, the former Superintendent of District 4 in East Harlem who was the
architect of its successful choice plan. People of means already have choice and
no one questions it, he said. 'We're talking about whether poor folks should
have choice.'
As far as Ms. Williams is concerned, they obviously should. And the argument
that poor parents cannot exercise such responsibility is absurd, she says.
'Parents are not stupid just because they are poor.
SUBJECT: EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS
ORGANIZATION: BROOKINGS INSTITUTION
NAME: WYCLIFF, DON
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6
34TH STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1989 The Times Mirror Company;
Los Angeles Times
November 4, 1989, Saturday, Home Edition
SECTION: Part A; Page 1; Column 1; National Desk
LENGTH: 2408 words
HEADLINE: COLUMN ONE;
E. HARLEM MAKES ITS 'CHOICE';
INNOVATIVE INNER-CITY SCHOOLS WIN WIDE PRAISE. BUT CRITICS CHARGE THEY AREN'T
THE WHOLE ANSWER.
BYLINE: By STANLEY MEISLER, TIMES STAFF WRITER
DATELINE: NEW YORK
BODY:
East Harlem is inner-city America: where crack sells in rubble-caked lots,
guns sound in the night, public housing darkens under graffiti, abandoned
tenements rot on decrepit streets and tattered men just hang around.
"You don't walk around here at night," said Allister Whitman, who supervises
the speech programs in East Harlem's public schools. "If you walk around 109th
Street," said Leslie Moore, director of a junior high school on that street,
"you will see lines forming for crack. Parents are slowly dying of AIDS."
Yet, here is where the Bush Administration has embraced the public schools as
a model for the rest of the country. The Administration looks on East Harlem
as the shining example of the educational reform known as "choice" - a
tradition-shattering grant of authority to parents to select public schools for
their children.
On close inspection, however, East Harlem appears to be a flawed model.
Although the schools have instilled a new exuberance and spirit of learning, the
claims about the impact of choice on educational achievement may be overblown.
East Harlem school officials, in a boast frequently echoed by the Bush
Administration, say that reading scores have improved sharply in the last 15
years. They do not say what the statistics also show: that the improvements in
reading scores seem to result from other factors -- a citywide improvement in
reading levels, for example, and a switch to a different standardized test --
that have nothing to do with choice. Nor is there any evidence that choice has
dented the dropout and illiteracy rates of the school district in any way.
For all that, the elementary and junior high schools of East Harlem are in
fact a cluster of oases in the inner city of New York. A near-wondrous pride has
infused the schools since the district started 15 years ago to institute a
series of reforms, including giving parents some choice as to the school their
children will attend.
"This is the best school in the world," shouted a youngster to a visitor the
other day in front of Junior High School 45 on First Avenue. The spirit is
determined and infectious.
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President Bush, frequently citing East Harlem, has called choice "perhaps
the single most promising" idea for reforming education in America. Education
Secretary Lauro F. Cavazos, once lukewarm about the idea, now proclaims that
"choice is the cornerstone of educational change."
The Bush Administration, opening a nationwide campaign to sell choice, held a
two-day conference in East Harlem in mid-October that turned into an emotional
celebration of the neighborhood's schools. The Administration has already held a
second regional conference in Minneapolis, and it plans additional sessions this
month in Charlotte, N.C., Denver and Richmond, Calif. -- all areas where schools
allow choice.
None of the other school districts has had as much experience with choice as
East Harlem. Nor has any offered quantified documentation of its educational
results.
In the most extensive experiment, the state of Minnesota allowed all students
beginning this school year to transfer to any school in the state so long as the
move did not upset the racial balance of schools under court desegregation
orders. So far, 3,500 students -- 0.5% of all children in Minnesota's public
education system -- have chosen to transfer.
Richmond, which has conducted California's most extensive experiment, has
encouraged parents since 1987 to choose schools best suited to their children.
To attract children this school year, Richmond transformed 48 of its 50 schools
into specialty schools concentrating on such fields as international affairs or
classical studies.
For some years, Los Angeles and other California school districts have also
provided "magnet schools" designed to attract students citywide into an ethnic
mix -- a kind of precursor of choice.
Conservatives favor choice because, apart from not costing any money, it
seems to apply the rules of free markets to public education. Thomas Sobol, who
as New York state education commissioner is skeptical about the concept, says
the conferences on choice "have the air of revival meetings."
In a passionate plea at the East Harlem conference, Republican Gov. Thomas
Kean of New Jersey likened traditional American school systems to the meager
goods on the shelves of groceries in the Soviet Union. After describing his
glimpses of dispiriting shops on a recent Soviet visit, Kean asked: "How
different is it from the way we run the most important government-run industry
in this country?"
Choice's opponents are just as ideologically fervent. Barbara Dandridge,
administrative assistant to the House Education and Labor Committee, accused the
Education Department of "going around the country selling snake oil. Do we
really want to subject our children to the dog-eat-dog atmosphere of the
marketplace?"
Sobol warned: "We must not simply think that an open market alone will create
quality -- unless we believe that MTV and shopping malls are the highest quality
that we can produce."
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(c) 1989 Los Angeles Times, November 4, 1989
No American school district has practiced choice longer than East Harlem.
And no one can accuse the officials, teachers and parents of East Harlem -- a
liberal bastion of the Democratic Party - of blinding themselves with their
fervor for conservative philosophy.
The schools of District 4, as the East Harlem area is officially
designated, were in a woeful, depressing state two decades ago. Leslie Moore,
who came from Buffalo as an art teacher in 1968, recalled: "It was not uncommon
to see chairs go out the window. It was not uncommon to refuse to turn your back
on the children. It was not a safe environment. I was totally upset, frustrated
and discouraged."
John Falco, now assistant superintendent of the district, said absenteeism
was rampant, not only among students but teachers as well. "If we had 80%
attendance by pupils on any day, we were ecstatic," he said. "We had a junior
high school with 120 teachers. If we had as few as 20 absent on any given day,
we were excited."
In the early 1970s, Moore and a few other teachers persuaded Anthony
Alvarado, the young, dynamic superintendent of the district, to try a few new
programs that might attract youngsters and infuse the system with some
creativity and discipline. "We took risks," recalled Bernard Diamond, now
principal of Public School 117, "because we had nowhere to go but up."
Alvarado started three alternative schools in the 1973-1974 school year: a
performing arts school, a school for difficult students and what teachers call
an "open education" school, where students work at their own individual pace in
an environment that looks less structured than the traditional classroom.
Over the years, teachers were encouraged to propose different kinds of
schools that might interest the district's torpid youngsters. Seymour Fliegel,
who was deputy superintendent during much of this period, said: "Our message to
teachers was: ' Come forth with your ideas. Tell us what your dreams are. We'll
put you into business.' Well, they did."
The district also started "magnet" schools with specialized, high-quality
programs that could attract bright students from all over the city. By 1982,
district officials felt there were so many good junior high schools with so many
different programs that parents could choose the one most suitable for their
children.
Parents have much less choice about where to send their children to
elementary school. There are five magnet elementary schools for bright children,
but children not admitted to these schools are assigned to the closest of the 28
regular schools.
The East Harlem school board now runs 52 small elementary and junior high
schools in 20 school buildings in the district, which extends from 96th Street
to 125th Street on the east side of Central Park. All the schools are small, and
the massive old junior high school buildings house as many as five separate
schools.
Of the 14,000 students, 60% are Latino and 35% are black. Those living in
East Harlem come from families with a median income of $8,300 a year, the
lowest in Manhattan. More than one-third of the families are on welfare. There
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are 1,500 students who travel to East Harlem from outside the district to
attend the magnet schools.
At the junior high school level, students choose from a menu of 19 schools,
which include not only traditional schools but also an academy of environmental
science, a maritime school, two schools with private college prep atmosphere, a
college for human services, a school for health and biomedical studies, a
technical school, two performing arts schools, a school for math and science, a
school for science and humanities, a school for underachievers, a music school,
a technical school for communication arts and computer science and a bilingual
school with Spanish and English classes.
Not all students get their first choice. Several schools have more applicants
than places and select students after interviews and examination. Elementary
school teachers look for underachievers who have potential and push them to the
Key School, a small junior high with a staff trained to help such children. The
district has 1,000 other children -- classified as "at risk" - who have fallen
so far behind that they cannot attend regular classes but must be enrolled in
what New York officials call "special education."
These innovations have set off giddy changes in the mood of District 4.
Assistant Superintendent Falco says student attendance is now well over 90% and
teacher morale is so high that teachers throughout the city are trying to
transfer to East Harlem. The atmosphere is warm and vibrant.
Pride abounds. Sharabee Briscoe, a ninth-grader at the Key School for
underachievers, brassily showed off her classrooms recently, tossing off glib
judgments, mostly favorable, about her teachers. "I used to be failing, getting
60s," she said. "Then I came here. I got 75s, then 85s. Now I'm doing 90s."
Isidore Bernstein, the principal of Junior High School 45 on First Avenue,
which houses a regular junior high school, the East Harlem Center for Health
and Bio-Medical Studies, the Communications Arts Center, the East Harlem
Maritime School and the Rafael Cordero Bilingual School, says some students are
so happy to be in their school that they walk 20 blocks to reach it every
morning.
"Twenty blocks isn't a big thing in terms of Abraham Lincoln," Bernstein
says. "But when you walk across East Harlem, you walk across turfs. Five
blocks is too much."
Parents in inner cities usually pay scant attention to schools. They are too
busy trying to struggle for a living or too uninterested or too frightened of
government and bureaucracy.
But choice has encouraged the parents of East Harlem to take extraordinary
interest. They feel so passessive about the schools that they seem to hover over
them, often helping out teachers as volunteer aides.
Education Secretary Cavazos discovered the intense interest of the parents
rather unexpectedly one uncomfortable evening at the recent conference when
parent after parent, some speaking English and some speaking Spanish, berated
him and the federal government for refusing to give East Harlem a $1.4-million
grant for magnet schools this year.
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(c) 1989 Los Angeles Times, November 4, 1989
But, while the mood is easy to sense, the academic achievement is harder to
document.
Every federal government publication describing the East Harlem schools
cites a single dramatic statistic to prove the worth of choice. In 1974, only
15.3% of the students in District 4 could read at or above the norm for their
grade level. In 1988, the proportion had quadrupled to 62.5%.
The figures, although true, are misleading. District 4 achieved its largest
increases in reading in 1975 (13 percentage points), when the choice program was
just barely getting under way, and in 1986 (9.5 percentage points), when New
York City changed its reading test. All schools in New York achieved similar
increases in reading level in those same years.
If reading levels are measured from 1981, the year before choice was
officially inaugurated in East Harlem, the results are still favorable. In
that year, 44.3% of the pupils of District 4 were reading at their grade level
or better.
The 62.5% of 1988 represents substantial improvement. But the percentage of
all students of New York City public schools who read at grade level or better
increased from 50.8% in 1981 to 65% in 1988, a nearly equal increase. The
somewhat better results achieved by District 4 could be accounted for by the
large numbers of students - more than one out 10 -- who attend East Harlem
magnet schools from outside the district.
Moreover, District 4 officials have no records about what happens to their
students once they go on to high schools, which are run by the citywide board of
education. They can offer no documentary evidence that they have reduced the
dropout rate in East Harlem.
Scandal has tainted the district. Alvarado's record as superintendent was so
impressive that New York named him chancellor of the entire city school system
in 1983. A year later, however, he had to resign when accused of financial
impropriety -- mainly borrowing money from people working under him when he
headed the schools in District 4.
Carlos Medina, Alvarado's successor as superintendent of District 4, was
forced to resign last December when he and other officials were accused of using
a school fund to pay for personal expenses.
Yet these scandals have evidently not diminished the ardor of parents for
their # schools of choice" in District 4, a measure of the extraordinary
popularity of the schools.
Principals and teachers have turned around a system that would have gnarled
the spirit of even the brightest of youngsters. Choice may not be so responsible
as the intimacy that the small schools have achieved and the soaring spirits
that they have spawned among both students and teachers. Regardless, the reforms
have encouraged the potential of students who might have been intimidated by the
chaos of the old schools.
On a recent school day, Nelda Rios, director of the Rafael Cordero Bilingual
School, hugged a young boy who came from the Dominican Republic a year ago and
has now graduated to the highest English class. "We are here to serve people
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like Maximo," she said. "They are very bright, and we don't want children like
him to fall by the way."
Non Dup HARLEM (NY); NEW YORK CITY - SCHOOLS; EDUCATION REFORM; NEW YORK CITY
-- EDUCATION; UNITED STATES -- EDUCATION; BUSH, GEORGE; STATISTICS; BLACKS ---
NEW YORK CITY; HISPANICS -- NEW YORK CITY
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38TH STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1989 Newsday, Inc.;
Newsday
October 18, 1989, Wednesday, CITY EDITION
SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 18
LENGTH: 443 words
HEADLINE: Residents Berate Cavazos Over Federal Budget Cuts
BYLINE: By Vivienne Walt
KEYWORD: NEW YORK CITY; SCHOOL; AID; FEDERAL; BUDGET; CURRICULUM; HARLEM
BODY:
When U.S. Secretary of Education Lauro F. Cavazos, educators and
administrators descended on East Harlem's PS 117, touting parental choice in
public schools, they got more than coffee and doughnuts in the school library.
Hundreds of angry parents turned up at open sessions of the two-day
conference Monday and yesterday, many shouting at the visitors from Washington
for cutting $ 1.4 million to the magnet-school program in Community School
District 4.
"If [President George] Bush wants to talk about the thousand points of light,
he has to provide the batteries," parent activist Roberto de Leon said Monday
night, at a fiery meeting between parents and Cavazos in the school auditorium.
"It's ironic that they're here to celebrate schools of choice. They have to
provide the funding," de Leon said.
The conference of about 500 people was the first of five regional meetings on
parental choice in public schools, a central concept of Bush's plans to reform
public education.
"I'll continue to advocate choice for the entire nation," Cavazos told the
conference yesterday. "We have choice on everything in America: the car we
drive, this, that and the other. But we don't have choice in schools."
East Harlem's school system in District 4 features a variety of
mini-campuses offering specialized programs to which parents can choose to send
their children.
Since the choice scheme began 15 years ago, the district's reading scores
have dramatically risen. Today, the schools are frequently cited by those
favoring choice as an example of a drugand crime-ridden district managing to
offer poor families solid education.
"This is a district where the orthodox wisdom is that the kids are doomed to
failure," said Jack Klenk, director of the U.S. Department of Education's choice
initiative program. "This really gives hope to other areas."
But as the officials toured the school's classes, admiring the students'
artwork on the walls, parents and local board members were locked in back-room
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meetings, trying to resolve the budget problems before this evening's local
board meeting.
De Leon and several other parents have persuaded the local board to risk
being suspended by the Board of Education, rather than pass a reduced budget
because of the federal cuts.
Local board members say about 30 teaching jobs are jeopardized by the federal
funding cuts.
But Schools Chancellor Bernard Mecklowitz has threatened to take action
against the local board, if it does not pass a budget at the meeting.
"I'll do what I have to do," Mecklowitz said on Monday. "I sure hope that the
people who are elected to run the district would do their job."
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43RD STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Proprietary to the United Press International 1989
October 16, 1989, Monday, BC cycle
SECTION: Washington News
LENGTH: 727 words
HEADLINE: Choice meetings to be held in New York
BYLINE: By GARY SILVERMAN
DATELINE: WASHINGTON
KEYWORD: Choice
BODY:
Education Secretary Lauro Cavazos took his campaign for ''choice'' to East
Harlem, the rough New York City neighborhood where responsibilities -- at
least for educators - really do begin in dreams.
Choice is the doctrine that parents should be able to select their children's
schools, thereby putting schools in competition for students and forcing them to
improve if they want to stay in business.
East Harlem's District 4 has served since 1973 as a laboratory for choice,
and Cavazos was to hold meetings Monday and Tuesday with parents, educators and
officials to discuss what lessons East Harlem has for American education.
Other regional meetings to promote choice will be held later this fall in
Minneapolis, Charlotte, N.C., Denver and Richmond, Calif.
Educators who have worked in East Harlem say Cavazos should learn that for
choice to succeed in other places it will take more money from the government
and -- most important -- a local vision of what a good school should be.
'Any good school, in order to function well, has to have a vision,' Sy
Fliegel, a former District 4 administrator now writing on book about the East
Harlem experience, said in a telephone interview. 'Before I let you open up a
school, you better have a vision.
District 4, which now serves 14,000 elementary and junior high school
students, nearly all of them Hispanic or black, began its move toward choice
after finishing last among the city's 32 districts in reading scores.
First it opened three small alternative junior highs at the suggestion of
teachers, one concentrating on the performing arts, another on troubled students
and a third featuring an ''open'' or less-structured environmment.
Soon more small junior highs sprung up, many occupying different floors of
the same building and each embodying its own particular philosophy. By 1989
students could choose from among 16 junior highs, and reading scores were up.
Critics of choice say it will lead to two school systems -- a good one for
students who have parents with the wherewithal to make better selections and a
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bad one for the rest -- and possibly revive racial segregation.
But Fliegel said choice has ' 'extended ownership'' of the schools to the poor
students of East Harlem. ''If you get to select the school, you get to say
that's my school,' he said. ''People treat what they own better than what they
don't own.
Fliegel said choice also gives educators more accountability while at the
same time encouraging them to take chances.
'We were allowed to fail in this district, and for people who work in a
bureaucracy that's tremendously important,' said Mary Coleman, the assistant
director of alternative schools in District 4 who has been part of the choice
effort since the beginning.
Coleman cautioned that not all of the East Harlem experience would be easy
to reproduce. She credited administrators of the program . - particularly in the
early days - with making it a success, turning themselves into ''24-hour human
beings'' who used 'creative insubordination'' to get what they wanted.
''Running schools of choice is more expensive,' she added. Read my
lips' will not work in this district. Money plays a very large part in creating
and maintaining schools of choice
unless you don't want schools of
quality.
'Anybody can give you schools of choice, 11 Coleman said. ''The choice
between a bad school and a worse school is no choice of all.'
Education Department officials said at a briefing Thursday that the stage was
set for the East Harlem meetings by the call for school restructuring issued
at the end of President Bush's summit last month with the nation's governors.
The administration has made choice the cornerstone of its restructuring plans.
Fliegel said choice should be embraced by Americans of all political
persuasions. He said the rich always have had choice, either through private
schools or through their ability to move to areas with better schools.
'The children of the poor should have what we assume for the children of the
wealthy, he said. 'We're not discussing whether I should have choice; it's
whether 'they' should have choice.
''It's a patronizing attitude. In East Harlem, all the kids, with their
parents, have the opportunity to make choices. And they make good choices.
Someone out there knows what's going on.''
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53RD STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
The Associated Press
The materials in the AP file were compiled by The Associated Press. These
materials may not be republished without the express written consent of The
Associated Press.
September 24, 1989, Sunday, AM cycle
SECTION: Domestic News
LENGTH: 1042 words
HEADLINE: In East Harlem School District, Choice Triumphs, But Money Still
Talks
BYLINE: By LEE MITGANG, AP Education Writer
DATELINE: NEW YORK
KEYWORD: Education-Choice
BODY:
Outside the battered metal doors of Intermediate School 117 in East Harlem,
crack vials litter the pavement and row after row of tenements stand empty and
graffiti-scarred.
But inside is what President Bush has called "the single most promising idea"
in education - an idea certain to be high on the agenda at the education summit
this week between Bush and the nation's governors in Charlottesville, Va.
The idea is "choice": the belief, as espoused by Bush and others, that if
parents are allowed to choose the best public schools for their children, the
resulting competition would compel schools everywhere to improve.
Minnesota, Iowa and Arkansas have already adopted "open enrollment" plans
permitting parents to choose among schools throughout those states. Many other
states offer more limited choice options aimed at gifted students or youngsters
with academic problems that only certain districts can handle. Scores of local
districts have offered magnet and alternative programs for years.
A Gallup education survey in August found Americans support the principle of
school choice by a 60-31 margin, with 9 percent saying they weren't sure.
Minnesota's plan, voluntary for two years, became mandatory this fall for
districts with at least 1,000 students. In Iowa, a law signed this year gives
students the right to apply to any school in the state. They must stick with
their choice for at least four years.
Arkansas this year passed a comprehensive open enrollment law permitting
students aged 5 through 18 to choose schools across district lines as long as
there is room and as long as it doesn't upset desegregation efforts.
But advocates say no place offers better proof than East Harlem that
choice's benefits can extend even to urban America's neediest.
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The Associated Press, September 24, 1989
In 1972, District 4 ranked last among New York City's 32 school districts in
reading and math achievement. Only 15 percent read at or above grade level.
With federal and private funds, then-superintendent Anthony Alvarado
gradually broke up or replaced existing schools in the district with magnet
schools and alternative "schools within schools," small enough to give students
individual attention and academically attractive enough to draw pupils from all
over the city.
Some are selective, like the gifted programs or the school for the performing
arts. Others take nearly all comers.
The district has weathered some recent problems. Last December,
superintendent Carlos Medina was suspended on allegations he and fellow board
members funneled district money into a secret bank account and used it for
trips, food, liquor and improper loans.
And citywide school budget cuts may force reductions this year in some of the
district's innovative magnet programs, said assistant superintendent John Falco.
Still, everyone agrees the district has been transformed for the better by
the bracing effects of competition.
Even Keith Geiger, president of the National Education Association, which has
given only qualified support to the idea of choice, calls District 4 "choice at
its very best."
Today, reading scores of District 4's 14,000 pupils rank 16th in the city,
and 65 percent read at grade level or higher. Pupils can choose among 23
alternative schools specializing in such areas as science and humanities,
performing arts and environmental science.
Choice has also meant that poor programs which no longer attract students
don't last. A school specializing in maritime science was closed about three
years ago, Falco said. It reopened recently with a new director.
I.S. 117 was once a failing, impersonal middle school bulging with more than
2,000 students. It now houses four academies, or schools within schools, each
occupying one floor and each with only about 200 pupils. There is a gifted and
talented program; the "Harbor School" for the performing arts; the "Career
Academy," which helps poorly prepared students take a seemingly outlandish goal
such as becoming a lawyer and plan how to attain it; and the "Key School" with
classes of no more than 18 students and intensive instruction for youngsters
with emotional difficulties.
Most pupils come from East Harlem. But the magnet schools are so appealing
that this once-downtrodden district is drawing students of all races and
economic circumstances from every corner of the city.
Nearly 200 children from around the city applied for 70 places in the
entering class of the Harbor School this year, says assistant director Harold
Roth.
Fourth-grader Chenoa Rommereim takes a car pool each day from the Bronx to
attend I.S. 117's gifted program. She is one of the estimated 15-25 percent
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The Associated Press, September 24, 1989
non-minority students in District 4 magnet programs, Falco said.
Even staunch supporters of choice note its limitations. District 4 has
shunned choice for elementary schools, Falco said, because at that early age
it's more important for parents and children to maintain neighborhood ties.
Sy Fliegel, an early architect of choice in District 4, recently wrote that
choice worked in East Harlem because it came gradually, one school at a time.
And successful programs were kept small. It's far better to have parents
clamoring for a few excellent programs than to offer lots of poor choices.
"When I hear about a school district deciding to become a complete choice
system in one blow, I worry," Fliegel wrote.
And as the Bush education summit approaches, educators here greet their fame
with a mix of pride and frustration.
Some worry that District 4's accomplishments are being used to demonstrate
that choice alone, without additional money, will fix the nation's schools. Few
here believe that choice is an educational cure-all.
"In the final analysis the folks in Washington seem to be saying: 'Federal
dollars aren't necessary. What's needed is to have more schools like THAT one,"'
said Phil Batton, a computer and Spanish teacher who has been at I.S. 117 for 24
years.
"I have two feelings," said Maria Bonet, director of Northview Tech, a magnet
school on East 116th Street specializing in computers and writing. "It's very
positive that people are noticing us. Let them notice. But send us more money."
EDITOR'S NOTE - Lee Mitgang has covered education for the AP since 1981.
GRAPHIC: LaserPhoto NY319 of Sept. 21
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Aug. 7 / Administration of George Bush, 1989
covery and adventure, that is surely draw-
Note: The President spoke at 10:44 a.m. at
ing us to a new destiny on new and far
Fort A.P. Hill. In his remarks, he referred to
distant worlds. You are privileged to be the
G. William Swisher, Jr., chairman of the
generation that will witness the first large
National Jamboree; Ben H. Love, chief
movement of men and women into space.
Scout executive of the Boy Scouts of Amer-
And as this happens, I know that the Boy
ica; former Scout Curtis Hawkins; entertain-
Scouts of today will be in the lead. Thank
er Calvin Grant; and Col. John R. Bour-
you for inviting me to your Jamboree. God
geois, USMC, Director of the U.S. Marine
bless you, God bless the Boy Scouts of
Corps Band.
America, and God bless the United States of
America. Thank you all.
Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the Execution of
Lieutenant Colonel William R. Higgins
August 7, 1989
The Federal Bureau of Investigation
Note: Lt. Col. William R. Higgins, USMC,
today released the results of forensic exami-
chief of the U.N. peacekeeping force in
nations of the videotape purported to be of
southern Lebanon, was kidnaped on Febru-
Lieutenant Colonel Higgins. Mrs. Higgins
ary 17, 1988, and executed by pro-Iranian
was informed of the results by the Com-
terrorists on July 31, 1989. After examining
mandant of the Marine Corps, General Al
a videotape released by the terrorists, FBI
Gray. President Bush called Mrs. Higgins at
forensic experts and pathologists concluded
about 2 p.m. to offer his support and en-
that, although a positive identification
couragement. The President said the U.S.
could not be made, the person depicted in
Government will continue to do all it can to
the videotape probably was Lieutenant
obtain a full accounting of what happened
Colonel Higgins and that he was "within a
to her husband.
reasonable degree of medical certainty"
dead.
Remarks at the National Urban League Conference
August 8, 1989
Thank you very much, Dr. Watson. And
plane. Our Secretary of Defense, Dick
to you, my friend John Jacob, thank you,
Cheney-seeing what he can do in terms of
sir-Tony Burns, the chairman, and all the
search assets.
other Urban League leaders. I single out
I think it says a lot about Mickey that he
my Cabinet-mate, Secretary Kemp. I'm de-
was on his sixth humanitarian mission to
lighted that you're here, Jack. Thank you
help feed the hungry in that part of the
all.
world, and so, I would just like to join you
You know, Jack told me coming over that
all in what you did this morning to say that
you had a moment of silence-a prayer,
our thoughts and prayers are with him. I
really, for Mickey Leland, my fellow Hous-
talked to Alison, his wife, late this morn-
tonian. And let me just say that we have
ing-earlier this morning, I guess. She's
been in touch with the Government of
strong, has a lot of hope. And we all pray
Ethiopia and the United Nations to learn
that he's safe and that he and the others
the whereabouts of Congressman Leland's
with him on that humanitarian mission will
1068
Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Aug. 8
oke at 10:44 a.m. at
be found and that they'll all be safe. And
we must continue the crusade for equality.
marks, he referred to
we will, I can tell you as President, do all
Just over a week ago, a collection of schol-
r., chairman of the
we can to learn what has happened.
ars released a monumental study called "A
en H. Love, chief
I want to speak to you today about the
Common Destiny: Blacks and American So-
Boy Scouts of Amer-
state of urban America, about the future
ciety." It offers detailed evidence of the
Hawkins; entertain-
that I see for American cities and for the
progress our nation has made in the past 50
Col. John R. Bour-
many millions of Americans who make
years in living up to American ideals. But
of the U.S. Marine
them their home. In many respects, let's
the study makes clear that our work is far
face it, urban America offers a bleak pic-
from over. The great gulf between black
ture: an inner city in crisis. And there is too
and white America has narrowed, but it's
much crime, too much crack, too many
not closed. And closing that gulf, eliminat-
dropouts, too much despair, too little eco-
ing it for all time, is the next chapter we
nomic opportunity, too little advancement,
must write in the unfolding history, the un-
and-the bottom line-too little hope. But
ition of
finished history, of civil rights. And that
there's something else that's true about our
chapter will be written because today, as in
inner cities, something we can't overlook,
the past, advancing the cause of equal
something the Urban League has worked
rights is in keeping with our highest ideals.
tirelessly to strengthen; and that's a core
It's the right thing to do.
community that is simply too strong to suc-
cumb, a community where there is too
Think back to 1954, the Court's decision
R. Higgins, USMC,
acekeeping force in
much faith, too much pride, too strong a
in favor of Linda Brown; a year later, an-
kidnaped on Febru-
sense of family not to fight back-whatever
other decision, Rosa Parks' refusal to go to
uted by pro-Iranian
their challenge, whatever the odds.
the back of the bus; the 1960's, the passage
But the challenge for urban America is a
of the Civil Rights Act, the Voting Rights
989. After examining
challenge for all America. It's a challenge
Act, Fair Housing; and in this decade, the
y the terrorists, FBI
thologists concluded
for my administration. It's a challenge every
elevation of Dr. Martin Luther King to a
sitive identification
American must embrace. The condition of
place of honor among American heroes. It
was the right thing to do. And today, when
e person depicted in
our inner cities isn't a matter of charts and
,ly was Lieutenant
graphs and these cold statistics. It's more
our challenge is securing true equality for
hat he was "within a
than an exercise in sociology or public
every American, once again, we will suc-
medical certainty"
policy. It's a question of how people live
ceed because it's the right thing to do.
their lives, a question of human dignity; and
Discrimination-of course it still exists.
it's a challenge that I take to heart. Your
Race hate, born of ignorance and inhuman-
problems are my problems; your hopes, the
ity, still exists. The day of the poll tax is
hopes all Americans hold dear. Today I
over. The day of Jim Crow is gone. Today
offer you my hand, and I offer you my
bigotry and bias may take more subtle
word: Together we will make America open
forms; but they persist, and as long as they
and equal to all. And together we must and
do, my work is not over; your work is not
will find a way to stop the decline in our
over; our work is not over.
of Defense, Dick
inner cities, to restore hope, and make the
Before I go on, I want to make sure ev-
e can do in terms of
nineties a decade of urban renaissance.
eryone in this room knows just exactly
And whether we succeed depends on
where I stand and just where my adminis-
how well we meet three key tests. First, we
tration stands. My administration is commit-
about Mickey that he
must strike down barriers to advancement
ted to reaching out to minorities, to striking
anitarian mission to
and opportunity for American minorities—
down barriers to free and open access. We
in that part of the
and strike them down for good. And
will not tolerate discrimination, bigotry, or
just like to join you
second, we must create conditions for urban
bias of any kind, period, just as Dr. Watson
S morning to say that
growth and economic revival, conditions
said.
yers are with him. I
that leave no one behind. And finally, we
Now, we've all spent a lot of time over
wife, late this morn-
must secure the most fundamental right of
the past two decades debating the best
ning, I guess. She's
all: the right of young and old alike of any
means of ending unequal treatment. And
pe. And we all pray
race to walk any street without fear.
it he and the others
we've argued-I've even argued with John
Let me start with equal opportunity. Not
Jacob; you try that one on for size-we've
anitarian mission will
just in urban America but across this nation,
argued, society's argued, about affirmative
1069
Aug. 8 / Administration of George Bush, 1989
action, about quotas, about goals and time-
And back in April, I signed an Executive
tables, about set-asides and 8-A firms. Well,
order that will strengthen our nation's his-
while society's been debating these impor-
torically black colleges and universities and
tant issues, society's also been changing.
expand opportunities for their students and
The economy's been changing. Our world,
their graduates.
the world our children will inherit, is
In many urban schools, the key is creat-
changing. And part of the change is the
ing a sound learning environment, one that
progress we have made-hard-fought
keeps the dropouts in and keeps the drugs
changes in which the Urban League can
out. And that's why I've called for the cre-
take pride. Part of the change is simply a
ation of urban emergency grants to help
matter of the dynamics at work in our
world.
clean up schools hit hardest by the drug
scourge. Education is the way to turn
Take the economy: We're used to think-
dreams into reality, and even in the inner
ing of unemployment as a case of too many
city, every kid has a dream.
people and too few jobs. I remember play-
ing musical chairs when I was a little kid-a
And opportunity means job training,
game of musical chairs. And all too often,
building the employment skills and basic
it's the minorities left standing when the
literacy ability that everyone needs to get
music stops. In the 1990's, into the next
and keep a job. For 6 years now, the Job
century, our problem-our nation's prob-
Training Partnership program has been
lem-will be just the opposite: more than
equipping the disadvantaged youth to enter
enough jobs and too few people qualified to
the work force, to start that climb up out of
fill them.
the poverty trap. JTPA-it works. The proof
The last of the baby boom generation are
is its 68-percent success ratio, and we're
in their thirties. And there's been a slow-
working to make the program even strong-
down in the number of new workers that
er. Last month we introduced amendments
are entering our economy, and that's going
to the Job Training Partnership Act to
to continue into the 1990's. Talk to any de-
target it more tightly on at-risk youth, kids
mographer, and they'll tell you that's true.
with the most urgent need for job training.
New works will be in demand-new work-
But growth creates jobs, and the future of
ers-and the simple fact is that 8 out of
urban America depends on bringing growth
every 10 new workers will be women, mi-
to our inner cities. One entrepreneurial
norities, and immigrants. Think about what
answer to inner city poverty-and I salute
that means. Think about it: For every child
my Secretary of HUD for being in the fore-
growing up today-black or white and, yes,
ground on this one-is enterprise zones.
urban or rural-there will be a job waiting.
Enterprise zones can be a source of jobs,
The question, our challenge, is whether
growth, and advancement. And the payoff
they'll have the education and the skills
isn't simply economic. When you create
that they need to seize that opportunity.
jobs, you create hope. We've debated the
And that's the new frontier for civil rights.
idea of enterprise zones long enough. And
Opportunity means education. The jobs
I've asked Congress to create at least 50
open to the 21st century worker are going
enterprise zones between now and 1993,
to require higher skills. And never has edu-
and now is the time for action.
cation been more important than for the
But enterprise zones are meaningless if
next generation, for the first-grader-
we don't create economic incentives for
today's first-grader-who is a member of
urban expansion. And that's why I've also
the high school class of the year 2001. The
called on Congress to enact changes in the
package of education initiatives that I sent
Tax Code that will make enterprise zones
to the Congress this spring will make a dif-
magnets for capital, magnets for job cre-
ference for urban America and for Ameri-
ation. And I'm talking about incentives to
can minorities. And I've called on Congress
increase investment, to open a flow of seed
to provide a $250 million increase in funds
capital into urban areas. And if we're going
for Head Start, a key program in getting
to make inner cities attractive to new cap-
disadvantaged children ready for school.
ital, individuals who invest in enterprise
1070
Administration of George Bush, 1989 / Aug. 8
d an Executive
zones should get an immediate tax savings.
is on your block, and when the stray bullet
our nation's his-
And we've also got to reward risk-taking.
from a drug war shootout kills some mother
universities and
I've proposed a zero capital gains rate for
sitting on her porch, and when parents and
eir students and
eligible business investments in enterprise
teachers and churches struggle to teach the
zones. If you take your capital and go there
values of honesty and hard work and then
the key is creat-
to invest, you ought to have that as an in-
find themselves up against the fast-money
nment, one that
centive to put the business where the jobs
lure of the drug trade, there's a certain
keeps the drugs
must be for outside-[applause]. It should
hopelessness.
lled for the cre-
be a powerful incentive for outside inves-
But our children can live and learn in
grants to help
tors and a rate of return fitting for urban
peace. Urban communities can thrive again.
est by the drug
entrepreneurs.
And that's why we've got to combat drug
e way to turn
And I'm talking about incentives for
violence, and that's why we've got to elimi-
en in the inner
working people. We want to establish
nate fear, and that's why we've got to
what's known as a refundable wage credit
create a climate of hope. The Federal Gov-
S job training,
for low-income employees in enterprise
ernment is doing its part. We're going to do
skills and basic
zones. In many cases, this credit will cut the
ne needs to get
taxes of low-income workers to zero. And
more. We've taken forceful action to speed
for some low-income families who already
up the eviction process for drug dealers in
rs now, the Job
owe little in taxes, a refundable credit will
America's public housing. And in less than a
gram has been
d youth to enter
not only take them off the Federal income
month, we'll unveil a new national drug
: climb up out of
tax rolls; it will put money in their pockets.
strategy, our comprehensive battle plan to
Opportunity, education, advancement,
wage the long, hard fight against illegal
works. The proof
equality: each is essential. But we can't talk
drugs.
ratio, and we're
about the future we want to see for urban
And there's a message that I want to send
am even strong-
ed amendments
America without talking about the number-
today, all out across this country, to all law-
tnership Act to
one threat in our inner cities today. You
abiding Americans: The war on drugs is a
t-risk youth, kids
know what that is, every one of you: illegal
battle that can't simply be waged from
Washington, DC. When I was in Chicago
for job training.
drugs. And you know the simple truth: Our
and the future of
inner cities cannot become centers of op-
last month, I asked this nation's Governors
bringing growth
portunity as long as they are battle zones in
to pass laws in each of their States that
entrepreneurial
a drug war.
parallel the tough Federal stand that we've
A little over a week ago, our Secretary of
taken against illegal drugs. And today I ask
ty-and I salute
eing in the fore-
HHS, Dr. Louis Sullivan, released the
each of you to do the same at the local
interprise zones.
newest statistics-maybe some of you all
level, in urban America. Let's put more
1 source of jobs,
saw it in the paper-the newest statistics on
police on the streets, tougher laws on the
illegal drug use in America. The statistics
books, build the jail cells that we need to
And the payoff
show two trends, one positive and one pro-
put drug criminals where they belong-
hen you create
e've debated the
foundly, earthshakingly disturbing. Overall
behind bars-and, in my view, keep them
ng enough. And
use of cocaine has declined by almost half-
there. Let's not point the finger or look for
reate at least 50
testimony to the years of dedication and
scapegoats. Let's enlist every asset that we
hard work of parents, educators, religious
have, form a united front, and fight this war
now and 1993,
ion.
and community leaders, all determined to
together.
end this plague. But our greatest challenge
There are some who say-and you've
e meaningless if
c incentives for
is yet to come. Frequent cocaine use-fre-
heard it-the state of urban America is
quent use-is up sharply.
hopeless. The National Urban League
t's why I've also
And that means while our message is get-
doesn't believe that. I say they're wrong.
et changes in the
ting across to the casual user, hardcore
We've got to see past the stories on the 6
enterprise zones
drugs, drugs like this insidious crack co-
o'clock news and past the statistics. We've
nets for job cre-
caine, are tightening their grip. And that's
got to see the potential for progress; we've
out incentives to
grim news, that's bad news for the United
got to see the face of hope in our inner
en a flow of seed
States of America, because crack, crime,
cities.
nd if we're going
and violence-they're the unholy trinity in
tive to new cap-
And, now, I'm not afraid to say we've got
our inner cities. And urban communities
hard work ahead of us: We've got to wage
est in enterprise
suffer the most. And when the crackhouse
war on poverty and wage war on despair
1071
Aug. 8 / Administration of George Bush, 1989
and wage war on the hopelessness that robs
simply, it is the right thing to do. Thank
us of our future. And I want to tell all of
you, God bless you, and God bless the
you here today: I'm not going to relax in
United States of America. Thank you very,
this job, or rest, until I know that I have
very much.
done everything in my power to ensure
that we succeed, that every child in our
Note: The President spoke at 2:25 p.m. at
inner cities has a shot at a good job, that
the Washington Convention Center. In his
every kid stays in school and gets a quality
remarks, he referred to Bernard Watson,
education-yes, lives in decent housing in a
neighborhood free of drugs, fear, and vio-
John Jacob, and M. Anthony Burns, senior
lence. We've got to work together to
vice chairman, president and chief execu-
achieve these goals. I know we will, and I
tive officer, and chairman of the National
know why. John, you know why. Jack
Urban League, respectively, and Secretary
Kemp, Dr. Watson, you know why. Every-
of Housing and Urban Development Jack F.
one here today knows why: Because,
Kemp.
Remarks on Signing the Financial Institutions Reform, Recovery,
and Enforcement Act of 1989
August 9, 1989
Well, Secretary Brady and Secretary Jack
vent. And the crisis has been told and
Kemp, Chairman Greenspan, Senators
retold: The Federal insurance fund was
Riegle and Gramm, and Congressmen
unable to make good on its commitments to
Wylie and Gonzalez, and other distin-
the public or to close insolvent institutions,
guished Members of the House and Senate,
and-their losses mounting-hundreds of
ladies and gentlemen, and friends: Thomas
bankrupt institutions were allowed to con-
Jefferson once observed that "the care of
tinue operating.
human life and happiness, and not their de-
On February 6, I announced a plan to
struction, is the first and only legitimate
change all that: to protect insured deposi-
object of good government." And today we
tors and to responsibly finance the closing
gather here to sign legislation, the Financial
or other resolution of all insolvent institu-
Institutions Reform, Recovery, and Enforce-
tions. And we sought to abolish lax regula-
ment Act of 1989, which reaffirms those
tions, to increase penalties for wrongdoing,
words.
and to reform the financial system. And
This legislation comes to grips with the
above all, we sought to protect those who
problems facing our savings and loan indus-
have relied on government to faithfully ful-
try. It'll safeguard and stabilize America's
fill its obligations.
financial system and put in place perma-
I take a special pleasure in the historic
nent reforms so these problems will never
legislation that I will sign here this morn-
happen again. And moreover, it says to tens
ing. For the Task Group on Regulation of
of millions of S&L depositors: You will not
Financial Services, which I was proud to
be the victim of others' mistakes. We will
chair, began the effort to strengthen our
see-guarantee-that your insured deposits
financial system. And its work, and that of
are secure.
many others, was debated and refined by
And this, of course, was government's
the United States Congress-and you see it
intent when, in 1933, it created the Federal
here, all 371 pages of it. And, no, the bill is
Deposit Insurance [Corporation]. And yet as
not perfect, but it is a first step, a crucial
that system incurred massive loans over the
step, toward restoring public confidence.
past couple of decades, the fund designed
H.R. 1278 is responsive and responsible,
to protect depositors itself became insol-
and for that I salute the Congress. This bill
1072
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
November 16, 1990
MEMORANDUM
SUBJECT:
Empowerment
"An election that is about ideas and values is also about
philosophy. And I have one. At the bright center is the
individual. And radiating out from him or her is the family, the
essential unit of closeness and of love
From the individual to the family to the community, and on
out to the town, to the church and school, and, still echoing
out, to the county, the state, the nation -- each doing what it
does well, and no more. And I believe that power must always be
kept close to the individual --- close to the hands that raise the
family and run the home
And there is another tradition. And that is the idea of
community -- a beautiful word with a big meaning. Though liberal
democrats have an odd view of it. They see "community" as a
limited cluster of interest groups, locked in odd conformity. In
this view, the country waits passive while Washington sets the
rules.
But that's not what community means -- not to me."
Vice President Bush's Acceptance Speech, August 18, 1988
The powers not delegated to the United States by the
Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to
the people.
U.S. Constitution, Amendment X
We Republicans have struggled for sixty years to reconcile
our belief in the importance of self-government and liberty with
the emergence of the big-government welfare state. We have
fought government and sometimes appeased it, but never embraced
it and instilled it with our middle class sensibilities.
The President has embraced the belief that government should
help people -- the premise behind the creation of the welfare
state - without embracing the status quo. Democrats who
interpret the President's call for a kinder and gentler nation as
a call for more of what they propose totally miss the point. The
President does not question whether government should help: it
should. Instead, the Bush Administration has focused on how
2
government should help: make it work for people. His framework
for domestic policy is fundamentally different from the old
"social engineering" paradigm still favored by liberals.
Conservative policy-makers do not ignore human nature; they
build with it, not against it. All people, rich, poor and those
in between, have certain basic yearnings and abilities. The
intensity of those yearnings varies, as does the range of ability
-- not to mention the will or the resources necessary to develop
ability. Still, there is something universal, something natural,
about the yearnings of people. Certainly, the changes sweeping
Europe Central America and Asia all have a common thread: the
yearning, or will, to be free.
Will power is encouraged by opportunity, unleashed by
liberty and channeled by responsibility. All three --
opportunity, liberty and responsibility -- are preconditions of
self-governance. And self-governance is the key to freedom.
This has been proven again and again by the defeat of socialism
in different cultures and in both the developed and the
developing world these past few years.
The reform of domestic policy is motivated by the
observation that despite cultural differences or economic
condition, all people yearn to be free and all people achieve
more through self-governance. Government aid should provide
opportunity and encourage responsibility without limiting
liberty.
In other words, we need to give people the power to make
choices and the incentive to act responsibly. We need to
strengthen the link between effort and reward for low income
Americans; between choice and consequences. This is
empowerment.
The liberal objective is to "do what's best" for people --
and liberals think they know what is best. They want to change
society from the top down. The result is the centralized,
bureaucratic approach to helping people favored by socialists.
The President is not out to shape society from on high, but
to empower people to change their own lives. This is a dramatic
change from the philosophy that has dominated domestic policy for
sixty years. The liberals controlling Congress have passed law
after law, created program after program, so much of which
submerged the individual to the "greater good" of a new society
conceived by well-meaning, if somewhat elitist, intellectuals.
We know that the status quo created by focusing on society
instead of on the individual is a failure -- and a costly failure
3
at that. It has been costly not only in terms of wasted tax
dollars but in the wasted lives of the very people who were
supposed to benefit from the deals and great societies of the
past. Too many people are now trapped in a cycle of dependency
and despair because the liberal architects were suspicious of a
basic building block: human nature.
The result, as we see now, is government of the bureaucrats,
by the bureaucrats and for the bureaucrats. We need to reduce
the role of bureaucrats in providing aid to people. We need a
new paradigm for government to replace the bureaucratic model and
to return power to people.
The President has already started to present a new model for
government without defining it as such. Nearly all of the
President's domestic initiatives were shaped by the philosophy of
empowerment; government working for people by providing the
resources, the authority and the incentive for each individual to
govern themselves.
Enterprise zones may be the most promoted, and crime
fighting the most overlooked, examples of empowerment. Safe
streets, drug-free schools and neighborhoods reclaimed for
families are essential ingredients to opportunity and personal
empowerment. Four other Bush Administration initiatives are also
models for empowerment: Community service; child care; resident
management and ownership; and educational choice.
COMMUNITY SERVICE
"It's not simply volunteering, but the personal act of
helping another individual in need, which gives us membership in
a community. Giving and expecting nothing in return is what it
means to be a citizen. Volunteering is an act. It's an act of
heroism on a grand scale."
President Bush, April 10, 1989
"I'm not talking about another government program. Another
bureaucracy is the last thing we need. Believe me, I understand
that. [Service] is a movement, a way of looking at life."
President Bush, June 21, 1989
"We must uphold those ideals through what I call one-to-one
caring. Each of us can make a difference in the life of
4
another
the need for involvement in the lives of others is
not just a problem outside our borders: empowerment must be for
Americans, too."
President Bush, May 12, 1990
The President's community service initiative is the ultimate
empowerment program, precisely because it is expressly not a new
government program. By enlisting individuals instead of creating
bureaucracies, it offers a collection of real "micro" solutions
to the problems of our communities instead of a single "macro"
program.
By highlighting the efforts of volunteers daily, the
President is trying to make individuals aware that they have the
power to change their community -- indeed, it is a person's
responsibility as a member of the community to help others. The
President shows that individuals and groups are coming up with
solutions that work all around the country -- all without a
blueprint conceived by self-proclaimed government experts.
CHILD CARE
George Bush designed his child care policy so that
government empowers parents instead of trying to replace them.
George Bush believes that parents, empowered with a full
range of choice and consumer information, are the best judges and
enforcers of quality child care. Far-away regulation writers and
once-a-year inspections cannot and must not replace parental and
community responsibilities."
Invest in Our Children Fact Sheet p.6, October 1988 (Reproduced
in Leadership on the Issues, p.154-6 10/88)
"H.R. 5835 also contains child care provisions, strongly
supported by this Administration, that will enlarge the
opportunities of parents to obtain the child care they desire,
including care that is provided by sectarian institutions if the
parents so choose. The largest portion of this new child care
program will come from tax credits to people -- as requested by
the Administration. In addition, a Child Care and Development
Block Grant program includes provisions for the issuance of child
care certificates or vouchers that would enable parents to
exercise their own judgement as to what type of child care best
suits the particular needs of their own child."
Signing Statement by the President, November 5, 1990
The President's Child Care initiative is one of the first
accomplishments of an empowerment agenda. There are two truths
5
about child care. First, parents have stronger incentives than
bureaucrats to assure the well-being of their children.
Bureaucrats would inevitably exercise their power to limit the
power of parents to choose care for their children. Second, not
all parents choose the same type of care for their children --
indeed, there is no such thing as ideal care.
The liberal Democrats, on the other hand, were pressing for
a state-managed child care system, complete with licensing,
regulations and inspections. A government employee, not the
parents, would have final say over what type of care was
available and who could be subsidized. One has to wonder who the
Democrats were really hoping to help: the aid recipient or the
aid giver?
Although the liberal Democrats control Congress, the
President was eventually able to enact his approach because a
proposal that increases the power to choose is intrinsically
better than a proposal that forces people to trade choice for
aid. Not only did the Administration have a better idea, we
explained it to the American people and fought for it on Capitol
Hill. Without our active support, even good ideas will go
nowhere.
RESIDENT MANAGEMENT AND OWNERSHIP OF PUBLIC HOUSING
"George Bush believes in putting more power in the hands of
people, not government. He will help low income people meet
rents too high for them to afford, and will enable them for the
first time to own and be responsible for their own homes
In the last decade, a new and exciting form of home
ownership has been growing -- tenant control and ownership of
public housing. The results of giving tenants control have been
remarkable:
o
More people pay their rent;
Maintenance improves;
Operating costs decline;
Crime rates plummet;
Employment goes up;
Education receives a new boost -- more kids stay in
school and go to college where none had ever gone
6
before."
George Bush on the Homeless, Housing and Fair Housing Fact Sheet,
September 22, 1988 (Reproduced in Leadership on the Issues,
p.182-3)
Tenant management and ownership is a third example of
empowerment. It unhooks low-income families from the direct
control of the state in the most sacred sphere of individual
power and expression: the home. It returns to residents the
responsibility for the care and protection of their immediate
community and gives each person the incentive to improve their
neighborhood. It enables each resident to take a stake in
society. As a result, tenant management and ownership provides
all sorts of secondary benefits to the residents -- and to
society -- as mentioned above.
Clint Bolick of the Landmark Legal Foundation relates a
conversation he had with a public housing resident -- and former
Black Panther -- in St. Louis about our tenant power initiative.
She said "the Democrats always say they want to help us. But
when we ask for the keys to the place, they won't give them to
us. They offer us more money instead. You Republicans, you give
us the keys. I'm starting to like Republicans."
That story speaks almost as loudly as the results from the
projects that the tenants have taken over. Coopers and Lybrand
attempts to quantify the direct monetary benefit in a study of
one tenant-run project. They estimate that it saved the city
$785,000 over the first four years. If the trends continue for
the next 6 years, it could save $3.7 million more. Perhaps the
real benefit is the renewal of opportunity -- of the American
dream -- where before there was only dependence and despair.
CHOICE IN EDUCATION
"It is time for a second great wave of education reform --
not helter-skelter, not here and there, but everywhere -- in
every state, in every district, for every school and every
student in America. Those good and tested reform ideas of recent
years must become universal -- universally understood and
applied, and thus universally enjoyed by our children. Certainly
among the most promising of these ideas -- perhaps the single
most promising of these ideas -- is choice.
Choice plans that are intelligently conceived, implemented,
and monitored -- plans like magnet schools, open enrollment
programs, and other innovative mechanisms -- restore that
opportunity to our families. They give parents back their voices
and their proper determining roles -- in the makeup of children's
7
education. They give schools a chance to distinguish themselves
from one another, and a chance to "compete for and earn the
loyalty of the students and families they serve. And choice
plans work."
President-Elect Bush, Remarks at White House Workshop on Choice
in Education, January 10, 1989
"In Milwaukee, Wisconsin because of a grassroots movement
made up largely of poor, inner city parents, a new experiment in
choice is applying the leverage of competition and stimulating
change. Thanks to Polly Williams, once a welfare mother of four
and now a state legislator, low-income parents can choose to send
their kids to private non-sectarian schools with money from the
public school system's budget paying $2500 in tuition for each
student. Choice empowers people. And it puts competition to
work, improving schools for every student."
President Bush, National Teacher of the Year Award Remarks, April
4, 1990
As a paradigm of empowerment, educational choice contains
all the elements outlined earlier: enhancing the power (and the
responsibility) of parents; creating new incentives for schools
to reform themselves; and shifting resources to programs -- in
this case schools -- that work. If a child's school does not
perform, the parents can do more than try to complain to
unresponsive bureaucrats, they can act. It changes the balance
of power between parents and administrators, which may explain
why the education establishment resists choice SO vigorously.
Clint Bolick, who represented Polly Williams when the
establishment, including the "civil rights" groups purporting to
represent the interests of low-income black Americans, challenged
the choice plan, tells a story of opportunity for Republicans.
Supporters mobilized several busloads of parents from the
community to come to court and watch oral arguments. After the
argument, Clint tells of getting on the bus as it erupted in
cheers for him. It is a scene reminiscent of earlier struggles
for rights spearheaded by liberal lawyers, only now it is the
conservative lawyers fighting to return power to people and it is
the liberals fighting to protect the status quo.
A REFORM AGENDA FOR THE 1990s
Nearly every one of the President's domestic initiatives
have been designed to empower people. It is an approach to
governing that has enormous appeal because, as both Ben
Wattenberg and Alan Keyes emphasized at empowerment breakfast
8
meetings, it draws on strong currents of American culture. In a
battle of values pitting the individual against the bureaucratic
state, we know which value the American people will support.
The next step is to develop a reform agenda for domestic
policy and to advance our philosophy of governing. Our approach
is different from that of the Democrats -- we need to define that
difference again and again to show how we are different. That
means going back to the drawing board, rethinking how government
should help people across the board, and building on the reforms
we have already enacted. A reform agenda involves going on the
offense with our approach by applying it to new issues.
We should not shrink from making bold proposals. Success is
not defined by what we convince a liberal Congress, hostile to
our philosophy, to enact. Success will be defined by the way
this country is governed 10 years from now. If we make the
welfare state work for people, if we decentralize power by
dismantling needless bureaucracy, if we spark a renewal of self-
governance, then we have succeeded. That will never happen under
the current control of Congress. If, instead, we are 10 years
farther down the line to socialism -- a road we know leads to
failure -- we will have lost.
Empowerment is the positive agenda that sets the stage for a
successful rerun of the Truman strategy. It will put the
Democrats in the unenviable position of defending the failed
status quo, of slapping down ideas that tap into the wellspring
of dissatisfaction with the direction of the country. The
Democrats have nothing to present to the American people that
would reform the system. They will give more, but they won't
take the keys away from their true constituency -- the
bureaucrats -- and give them to the people.
The following are some ideas we might consider as part of a
reform agenda:
O
Voucherize some federal funding for local elementary and
secondary schools (Chapter One) to support local educational
choice initiatives. This would allow parents to transfer
some federal funds to the schools they choose for their
children.
O
Remove disincentives to continued work by older Americans.
This could include elimination of the Social Security
earnings test and preemption of state licensing laws that
discourage second careers, such as teaching certificates.
O
Ban certain economic regulations and licensing requirements
that create barriers for small entrepreneurs. Examples of
9
possible targets might include: taxicab licensing, barber
and hairdresser licensing, and other similarly dubious
restrictions.
Consolidate, or "cash-out,' all income support programs into
a single negative income tax program. There are possible
intermediate steps, such as allowing food stamp recipients
to use food stamps to pay the rent. The Low Income
Opportunity Board approved waivers for many similar ways to
simplify aid programs.
Enact a new flat tax, with dramatically enhanced personal
exemptions and no deductions for anything but charitable
giving (along the lines proposed by Larry Lindsey in The
Growth Experiment). This could be combined with the
replacement of Medicare and Medicaid with a health voucher
to provide -- and require -- universal health insurance, as
proposed by Stuart Butler (another breakfast speaker).
Propose enterprise zones including the elimination of the
capital gains tax.
Reduce the high effective marginal tax rates and eliminate
the disincentives to saving by people receiving government
aid that currently exist.
Modify unemployment insurance to allow recipients to
withdraw benefits in a single payment, empowering them to
use the funds to start their own business.
Consider supporting the establishment of community financial
institutions to make "micro" loans.
Promote voluntary recycling with market incentives as a way
individuals can help improve their own community and affect
other global problems.
Create a right of action for individuals to challenge all
economic regulation that is unnecessary, changing the
current lenient standard of review by courts. This might be
done in connection with a statutory economic bill of rights.
FACSIMILE DOCUMENT
FROM
P4: 31
MINION FIR THE UNIT
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HAMPTON, VIRGINIA 23668
Home Of The
"Fighting Pirates"
DATE: 5/10/91
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FROM: TIMALLSTON, EVENTS CONSULTANT
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TAB D
HAMPTON, VIRGINIA
Address Hampton University Commencement
Date Seating Diagnam
Sunday, May 12, 1991
Hampton University
Seal
Hampton University
Hampton University
Chois
Choir
1 2:3 4 5 6
7 8 9 10 11 12 13
Podium
Audiende
1. Mr. Royzell Dillard, University Chois Director
2 Ms. Patricia Stevens Funderburk, Twenty-Year Alumna
3. Mr. Alphonse Wilbort Knight President, National Hampton Alumni Association Inc.
4. Mr. Carvel Clarence Lowis, President of the Senior Class
5. THE PRESIDENT
6. Dr. William R. Harvey, President, Hampton University
Podium
7. Dr. Martha Baton Dawson, Vice President, Academic Affairs
8. Mr. Ray L. LeFlore, Chairman, Board of Trustees
9. Mrs. Frankle Muse Freeman, Recipient of Honorery Doctorate Degres
10. Dr. Demetrius Venable, Dean, Graduate College
11. Mr. Grant Reynolds, Alummus-At-Large Award Recipient
12. Rev. Michael Anthony Buttle, Chapiain
13. MS. DiNNe Riley, HAMPTON University Human GRANDIATE
14. usss
KEY
THE PRESIDENT
200
HAMPTON UNIVERSITY
80:21
16/01/50
Eartland/Beurnet Country by Race"
Engine Benno Schmidt
letter - college grad
Edward Kaplan
55 (entral PK W
10023
Yale University
MAY-10-1991 14:28 FROM
TO
12024562820
P.02
FRI 14:54 0
P.02
Information on Misso Dinne Riley
SS #521-21-0445
Grade Point Average - 3.95
Biology Major
Home Address:
13953 East Arkansas Place
Aurora, Colorado 80012
'91-05-10 14:28 DOUG GAMBLE
P.1
DOUG GAMBLE
424-36th Place
Manhattan Beach, CA 90266
May 10/91
(213) 546-6409
TO: CHRISTINA MARTIN
2 Pages
HAMPTON UNIVERSITY (Tony Snow)
I WAS TOLD THAT PRESIDENT HARVEY WANTED THIS YEAR'S SPEAKER TO BE THE MAN
HE MOST ADMIRED. BUT SINCE ARTHUR ASHE COULDN'T MAKE IT, I'M FILLING IN.
I COULD TELL THAT PRESIDENT HARVEY IS AN AVID TENNIS PLAYER. WHEN I SHOOK
HIS HAND HE CORRECTED MY GRIP.
! PLAY BOTH TENNIS AND GOLF, AND I'VE BEEN DESCRIBED AS A CROSS BETWEEN JACK
NICKLAUS AND JIMMY CONNORS. I PLAY TENNIS LIKE NICKLAUS AND GOLF LIKE CONNORS.
THIS HAS BEEN QUITE A WEEK. MY HEALTH HAS HAD ALMOST AS MUCH PUBLICITY AS
MADONNA.
LAST SATURDAY WAS QUITE AN EXPERIENCE. MY HEART HASN'T FLUTTERED LIKE THAT SINCE
THE NIGHT I FIRST MET BARBARA.
WHEN I WAS IN THE HOSPITAL LAST SATURDAY, SOMEONE ASKED IF I THOUGHT THE POWERS
NECESSARY TO RUN THE COUNTRY SHOULD BE TRANSFERRED OVER. I SAID "I SURE DO,
BUT I DON'T THINK CONGRESS WILL GIVE THEM TO ME."
MORE
'91-05-10 14:28 DOUG GAMBLE
P.2
- 2 -
DOUG GAMBLE
TO: CHRISTINA MARTIN - HAMPTON U. (CONT'D)
PEOPLE IN NEIGHBORHOODS I'VE TRAVELLED THROUGH WERE GLAD WHEN I FINALLY TOOK
OFF THE ELECTRONIC MONITORING DEVICE I WAS % WEARING TO TRANSMIT CONTINUOUS
ELECTROCARDIOGRAMS TO THE DOCTORS. EVERYTIME MY PULSE RATE INCREASED,
GARAGE DOORS WOULD OPEN.
IT'S ONE THING FOR BOTH ME AND BARBARA TO HAVE THE SAME THYROID CONDITION,
BUT I'LL CONSIDER IT TAKING TOGETHERNESS TOO FAR IF MY HAIR ALSO TURNS WHITE.
AS BARBARA SAID LAST NIGHT "DON'T SAY I'VE NEVER GIVEN YOU ANYTHING."
I DIDN'T MIND THE DOCTOR EXAMINING MY THYROID, BUT I WANTED TO MAKE SURE HE
WASN'T A DEMOCRAT BEFORE I LET HIM PUT HIS HANDS AROUND MY THROAT.
WHEN I GOT INTO POLITICS 1 KNEW THERE WOULD BE TIMES WHEN I'D HAVE TO EAT CROW,
BUT I NEVER BARGAINED ON HAVING TO DRINK RADIOACTIVE IODINE.
AT LEAST THE RADIOACTIVE IODINE SERVED A PRACTICAL PURPOSE. I WANTED TO GO
RIGHT TO SLEEP LAST NIGHT BUT BARBARA WANTED TO READ, so SHE USED MY GLOW AS
A NIGHT LIGHT.
I'LL TELL YOU SOMETHING ABOUT THAT RADIOACTIVE IODINE I HAD TO DRINK. IT MAY
HAVE BEEN "LESS FILLING," BUT IT DIDN'T "TASTE GREAT."
'91-05-10 14:28 DOUG GAMBLE
P.1
DOUG GAMBLE
424-36th Place
Manhattan Beach, CA 90266
May 10/91
(213) 546-6409
TO: CHRISTINA MARTIN
2 Pages
HAMPTON UNIVERSITY (Tony Snow)
1 WAS TOLD THAT PRESIDENT HARVEY WANTED THIS YEAR'S SPEAKER TO BE THE MAN
HE MOST ADMIRED. BUT SINCE ARTHUR ASHE COULDN'T MAKE IT, I'M FILLING IN.
I COULD TELL THAT PRESIDENT HARVEY IS AN AVID TENNIS PLAYER. WHEN I SHOOK
HIS HAND HE CORRECTED MY GRIP.
I PLAY BOTH TENNIS AND GOLF, AND I'VE BEEN DESCRIBED AS A CROSS BETWEEN JACK
NICKLAUS AND JIMMY CONNORS. 1 PLAY TENNIS LIKE NICKLAUS AND GOLF LIKE CONNORS.
THIS HAS BEEN QUITE A WEEK. MY HEALTH HAS HAD ALMOST AS MUCH PUBLICITY AS
MADONNA.
LAST SATURDAY WAS QUITE AN EXPERIENCE. MY HEART HASN'T FLUTTERED LIKE THAT SINCE
THE NIGHT I FIRST MET BARBARA.
WHEN I WAS IN THE HOSPITAL LAST SATURDAY, SOMEONE ASKED IF I THOUGHT THE POWERS
NECESSARY TO RUN THE COUNTRY SHOULD BE TRANSFERRED OVER. I SAID "I SURE DO,
BUT I DON'T THINK CONGRESS WILL GIVE THEM TO ME."
MORE
'91-05-10 14:28 DOUG GAMBLE
P.2
- 2 -
DOUG GAMBLE
TO: CHRISTINA MARTIN - HAMPTON U. (CONT'D)
PEOPLE IN NEIGHBORHOODS I'VE TRAVELLED THROUGH WERE GLAD WHEN I FINALLY TOOK
OFF THE ELECTRONIC MONITORING DEVICE I WAS E WEARING TO TRANSMIT CONTINUOUS
ELECTROCARDIOGRAMS TO THE DOCTORS. EVERYTIME MY PULSE RATE INCREASED,
GARAGE DOORS WOULD OPEN.
IT'S ONE THING FOR BOTH ME AND BARBARA TO HAVE THE SAME THYROID CONDITION,
BUT I'LL CONSIDER IT TAKING TOGETHERNESS TOO FAR IF MY HAIR ALSO TURNS WHITE.
AS BARBARA SAID LAST NIGHT "DON'T SAY I'VE NEVER GIVEN YOU ANYTHING."
4 DIDN'T MIND THE DOCTOR EXAMINING MY THYROID, BUT 1 WANTED TO MAKE SURE HE
WASN'T A DEMOCRAT BEFORE 1. LET HIM PUT * HIS HANDS AROUND MY THROAT.
WHEN I GOT INTO POLITICS I KNEW THERE WOULD BE TIMES WHEN I'D HAVE TO EAT CROW,
BUT I NEVER BARGAINED ON HAVING TO DRINK RADIOACTIVE IODINE.
AT LEAST THE RADIOACTIVE IODINE SERVED A PRACTICAL PURPOSE. I WANTED TO GO
RIGHT TO SLEEP LAST NIGHT BUT BARBARA WANTED TO READ, so SHE USED MY GLOW AS
A NIGHT LIGHT.
I'LL TELL YOU SOMETHING ABOUT THAT RADIOACTIVE IODINE I HAD TO DRINK. IT MAY
HAVE BEEN "LESS FILLING," BUT IT DIDN'T "TASTE GREAT."
444
Income, Expenditures, and Wealth
No. 716. MONEY INCOME OF HOUSEHOLDS-PERCENT DISTRIBUTION BY INCOME LEVEL IN CONSTANT
(1988) DOLLARS, BY RACE AND HISPANIC ORIGIN OF HOUSEHOLDER: 1970 TO 1988
[Households as of March of following year. Based on Current Population Survey; see text, sections 1 and 14, and Appendix
Hispanic persons may be of any race. For definitions of household and race, see text, section 1. For definition of median, m
Guide to Tabular Presentation]
Number
PERCENT DISTRIBUTION, BY INCOME LEVEL
of
RACE AND HISPANIC ORIGIN
1
house-
OF HOUSEHOLDER AND YEAR
Under
$5,000-
$10,000-
$15,000-
$35,000-
$50,000
$25,000-
income
holds
and
(1,000)
$5,000
$9,999
$14,999
$24,999
$34,999
$49,999
(dol)
over
ALL HOUSEHOLDS 1
1970
64,778
7.3
10.4
9.3
20.0
19.5
18.6
15.0
26,830
1975
72,867
5.7
12.2
10.6
20.0
17.9
18.3
15.2
25,947
1980
82,368
6.3
12.0
11.1
20.0
17.5
17.5
15.8
25,428
1983 ²
85,290
6.9
11.9
11.3
20.4
16.5
16.9
16.2
24,964
1984
86,789
6.4
11.9
10.9
19.7
16.9
16.7
17.5
25,522
1985
88,458
6.5
11.7
10.5
19.7
16.5
16.9
18.2
25,967
1986
89,479
6.6
11.2
10.1
19.2
16.2
17.1
19.7
26,873
1987 3
91,124
6.3
11.0
10.3
18.8
15.9
17.2
20.3
27,130
1988 ³
92,830
6.2
10.8
10.3
18.6
16.0
17.3
20.8
27,225
WHITE
1970
57,575
6.6
9.6
8.9
19.5
20.1
19.5
15.8
27,73$
1975
64,392
4.9
11.2
10.3
19.9
18.4
19.1
16.2
27,134
1980
71,872
5.2
11.1
10.6
20.0
17.9
18.4
16.9
26,824
1983 2
74,170
5.6
10.9
11.0
20.5
17.0
17.6
17.3
26,172
1984
75,328
5.2
11.0
10.5
19.8
17.4
17.5
18.6
26,924
1985
76,576
5.4
10.8
10.2
19.6
17.0
17.6
19.4
27,385
1986
77,284
5.3
10.5
9.7
19.1
16.7
17.9
21.0
28,253
1987 3
78,519
5.0
10.1
10.0
18.7
16.5
18.0
21.7
28,504
1988 3
79,734
5.0
9.8
9.8
18.6
16.5
18.1
22.1
28,781
BLACK
1970
6,180
13.8
17.8
13.3
24.0
14.6
10.8
5.7
16,882
1975
7,489
12.7
20.9
13.6
21.7
14.4
11.3
5.4
16,289
1980
8,847
15.5
19.3
15.0
20.1
13.6
10.2
6.3
15,454
1983 2
9,243
16.9
19.9
13.9
20.1
12.6
10.3
6.3
14,815
1984
9,480
15.5
19.7
14.7
20.0
12.9
9.9
7.3
15,338
1985
9,797
15.2
18.7
13.2
20.8
13.3
11.0
7.8
16,293
1986
9,922
17.1
17.1
13.1
20.0
12.8
11.5
8.5
16,277
1987 3
10,192
16.4
18.1
13.0
20.6
12.2
11.0
8.8
16,320
1988 3
10,561
15.4
18.4
13.1
19.4
12.5
11.4
9.9
16,407
HISPANIC
1975
2,948
8.0
15.0
15.1
24.9
17.8
12.9
6.3
19,493
1980
3,906
8.7
14.8
15.2
23.5
15.7
13.9
8.2
19,598
1983 2
4,666
9.3
18.0
13.3
23.3
15.8
12.0
8.2
18,759
1984
4,883
10.0
16.0
13.7
21.2
17.2
12.9
9.0
19,347
1985
5,213
8.9
17.3
14.2
21.8
15.6
12.6
9.6
19,202
1986
5,418
9.8
15.0
13.5
22.0
15.7
13.1
10.8
19,809
1987 3
5,642
10.0
14.8
14.1
22.2
14.6
13.4
11.0
20,136
1988 3
5,910
9.9
13.6
13.7
22.1
15.5
14.3
10.8
20,359
1 Includes other races not shown separately. 2 Beginning 1983, data based on revised Hispanic population controls; data not
directly comparable with prior years. 3 Based on revised processing procedures; data not directly comparable with prior years.
See text, section 14, and source.
No. 717. MONEY INCOME OF HOUSEHOLDS-MEDIAN HOUSEHOLD INCOME IN CURRENT AND
CONSTANT (1988) DOLLARS, BY RACE AND HISPANIC ORIGIN OF HOUSEHOLDER: 1970 TO 1988
[See headnote, table 716. Minus sign (-) indicates decrease. For definition of median, see Guide to Tabular Presentation]
MEDIAN INCOME IN
MEDIAN INCOME IN
ANNUAL PERCENT
CURRENT DOLLARS
CONSTANT (1988) DOLLARS
CHANGE OF
(dol.)
(dol.)
MEDIAN INCOME OF
ALL HOUSEHOLDS
YEAR
All
All
His-
His-
Current
Constant
house-
White
Black
house-
White
Black
dollars
dollars
holds
1
panic 2
holds 1
panic 2
1970
8,734
9,097
5,537
(NA)
26,630
27,736
16,882
(NA)
³ 6.9
$1.7
1975
11,800
12,340
7,408
8,865
25,947
27,134
16,289
19,493
6.2
-.5
1976
12,686
13,289
7,902
9,569
26,375
27,629
16,429
19,895
7.5
1.6
1977
13,572
14,272
8,422
10,647
26,495
27,861
16,441
20,784
7.0
.5
1978
15,064
15,660
9,411
11,803
27,332
28,414
17,075
21,416
11.0
3.2
1979
16,461
17,259
10,133
13,042
26,823
28,123
16,511
21,252
9.3
-1.9
1980
17,710
18,684
10,764
13,651
25,426
26,824
15,454
19,598
7.6
-5.2
1981
19,074
20,153
11,309
15,300
24,823
26,228
14,718
19,912
7.7
-24
1982
20,171
21,117
11,968
15,178
24,728
25,887
14,672
18,607
5.8
-.4
,1983 4
21,018
22,035
12,473
15,794
24,964
26,172
14,815
18,759
4.2
1.0
1984
22,415
23,647
13,471
16,992
25,522
26,924
15,338
19,347
6.6
2.2
1985
23,618
24,908
14,819
17,465
25,967
27,385
16,293
19,202
5.4
1.7
1986
24,897
26,175
15,080
18,352
26,873
28,253
16,277
19,809
5.4
3.0
1987 5
26,061
27,458
15,672
19,336
27,139
28,594
16,320
20,136
4.7
1.0
1988 5
27,225
28,781
16,407
20,359
27,225
28,781
16,407
20,359
4.5
.3
NA Not available. 1 Includes other races not shown separately. 2 Hispanic persons may be of any race. 3 Change
from
1967. 4 Beginning 1983, data based on revised Hispanic population controls; data not directly comparable with prior years.
5 Based on revised processing procedures; data not directly comparable with prior years. See text, section 14, and source.
Source of tables 716 and 717: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, series P-60, No. 166; and unpublished
data.
378
Labor Force, Employment, and Earnings
No. 624. EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF THE NONINSTITUTIONAL POPULATION 16 YEARS OLD AND OVER:
1950 TO 1988
[In thousands, except as indicated. Annual averages of monthly figures. Based on Current Population Survey; see text, section 1
and Appendix III. See also Historical Statistics, Colonial Times to 1970, series D 11-19 and D 85-86]
LABOR FORCE
Employed
Unemployed
Noninsti-
YEAR
tutional
Civilian
Not in
popula-
Num-
Resi-
Per-
labor
tion
ber
dent
Non
Total
Num-
cent
force
Armed
Total
Agri-
agricul-
ber
of
Forces
culture
ture
labor
indus-
force
tries
1950
106,164
63,377
60,087
1,169
58,918
7,160
51,758
3,288
5.2
1960
42,787
119,106
71,489
67,639
1,861
65,778
5,458
60,318
1965
3,852
5.4
47,617
128,459
76,401
73,034
1,946
71,088
4,361
1970
66,726
3,366
4.4
52,058
139,203
84,889
80,796
2,118
78,678
3,463
1975
75,215
4,093
4.8
54,315
154,831
95,453
87,524
1,676
85,846
3,408
1976
82,438
7,929
8.3
59,377
157,818
97,826
90,420
1,668
88,752
3,331
1977
85,421
7,406
7.6
59,991
160,689
100,665
93,673
1,656
92,017
3,283
88,734
1978
6,991
6.9
60,025
163,541
103,882
97,679
1,631
96,048
3,387
1979
92,661
6,202
6.0
59,659
166,460
106,559
100,421
1,597
98,824
3,347
95,477
6,137
5.8
1980
59,900
169,349
108,544
100,907
1,604
99,303
3,364
1981
95,938
7,637
7.0
60,806
171,775
110,315
102,042
1,645
100,397
3,368
97,030
8,273
1982
7.5
61,460
173,939
111,872
101,194
1,668
99,526
3,401
1983
96,125
10,678
9.5
62,067
175,891
113,226
102,510
1,676
100,834
3,383
1984
97,450
10,717
9.5
62,665
178,080
115,241
106,702
1,697
105,005
3,321
101,685
1985
8,539
7.4
62,839
179,912
117,167
108,856
1,706
107,150
3,179
103,971
8,312
7.1
1986
62,744
182,293
119,540
111,303
1,706
109,597
3,163
1987
106,434
8,237
6.9
62,752
184,490
121,602
114,177
1,737
112,440
3,208
109,232
1988
7,425
6.1
62,888
186,322
123,378
116,677
1,709
114,968
3,169
111,800
6,701
5.4
62,944
PERCENT DISTRIBUTION
1950
100.0
59.7
56.6
1.1
55.5
6.7
48.8
3.1
1960
(x)
40.3
100.0
60.0
56.8
1.6
55.2
4.6
50.6
3.2
1970
(x)
40.0
100.0
61.0
58.0
1.5
56.5
2.5
54.0
2.9
1980
(x)
39.0
100.0
64.1
59.6
.9
58.6
2.0
56.7
4.5
1985
(x)
35.9
100.0
65.1
60.5
.9
59.6
1.8
57.8
4.6
1988
(x)
34.9
100.0
66.2
62.6
.9
61.7
1.7
60.0
3.6
(x)
33.8
X Not applicable. 1 Unemployment as a percent of the labor force, including resident Armed Forces.
Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Employment and Earnings, monthly.
No. 625. CIVILIAN LABOR FORCE AND PARTICIPATION RATES BY RACE, HISPANIC ORIGIN, SEX, AND
AGE, 1970 TO 1988, AND PROJECTIONS, 2000
[For civilian noninstitutional population 16 years old and over. Annual averages of monthly figures. Rates are based on annual
average civilian noninstitutional population of each specified group and represent proportion of each specified group in the
civilian labor force. Based on Current Population Survey; see text, section 1 and Appendix III. See also Historical Statistics,
Colonial Times to 1970, series D 42-48]
CIVILIAN LABOR FORCE (millions)
PARTICIPATION RATE (percent)
RACE, SEX, AND AGE
1970
1975
1980
1985
1987
1988
2000
1970
1975
1980
1985
1987
1988
2000
Total
82.8
93.8
106.9
115.5
119.9
121.7
141.1
60.4
61.2
63.8
64.8
65.6
65.9
69.0
White
73.6
82.8
93.6
99.9
103.3
104.8
119.0
60.2
61.5
64.1
65.0
65.8
66.2
69.5
Male
46.0
50.3
54.5
56.5
57.8
58.3
63.3
80.0
78.7
78.2
77.0
76.8
76.9
76.6
Female
27.5
32.5
39.1
43.5
45.5
46.4
55.7
42.6
45.9
Black 2
51.2
54.1
55.7
56.4
62.9
9.2
9.3
10.9
12.4
13.0
13.2
16.5
61.8
58.8
61.0
62.9
63.8
63.8
66.5
Male
5.2
5.0
5.6
6.2
6.5
6.6
8.0
76.5
71.0
Female
70.6
70.8
71.1
71.0
71.4
4.0
4.2
5.3
6.1
6.5
6.6
8.5
49.5
48.9
53.2
56.5
58.0
58.0
62.5
Hispanic 3
(NA)
(NA)
6.1
7.7
8.5
9.0
14.3
Male
(NA)
(NA)
64.0
64.6
66.4
67.4
69.9
(NA)
(NA)
3.8
4.7
5.2
5.4
8.3
Female
(NA)
(NA)
81.4
80.3
81.0
81.9
80.3
(NA)
(NA)
2.3
3.0
3.4
3.6
6.0
(NA)
(NA)
47.4
49.3
52.0
53.2
59.4
Male
51.2
56.3
61.5
64.4
66.2
66.9
74.3
79.7
77.9
77.4
76.3
76.2
76.2
75.9
16-19 years
4.0
4.8
5.0
4.1
4.1
4.2
4.4
56.1
59.1
60.5
56.8
56.1
56.9
59.0
16 and 17 years
1.8
2.1
2.1
1.7
1.7
1.7
1.9
47.0
48.6
50.1
45.1
45.6
46.1
48.9
18 and 19 years
2.2
2.7
2.9
2.5
2.4
2.4
2.5
66.7
70.6
71.3
68.9
67.4
68.1
69.7
20-24 years
5.7
7.6
8.6
8.3
7.8
7.6
6.9
83.3
84.5
85.9
85.0
85.2
85.0
86.5
25-34 years
11.3
14.2
17.0
18.8
19.7
19.7
16.6
96.4
95.2
95.2
94.7
94.6
94.3
94.1
35-44 years
10.5
10.4
11.8
14.5
15.6
16.1
20.2
96.9
95.6
95.5
95.0
94.6
94.5
94.3
45'-54 years
10.4
10.4
9.9
9.9
10.2
10.6
16.4
94.3
92.1
91.2
91.0
90.7
90.9
90.5
55-64 years
7.1
7.0
7.2
7.1
6.9
6.8
7.8
83.0
75.6
72.1
67.9
67.6
67.0
68.1
65 years and over
2.2
1.9
1.9
1.8
1.9
2.0
2.0
26.8
21.6
Female
19.0
15.8
16.3
16.5
14.7
31.5
37.5
45.5
51.1
53.7
54.7
66.8
43.3
46.3
51.5
54.5
56.0
56.6
62.6
16-19 years
3.2
4.1
4.4
3.8
3.9
3.9
4.4
44.0
49.1
52.9
52.1
53.3
53.6
59.5
16 and 17 years
1.3
1.7
1.8
1.5
1.6
1.6
1.8
34.9
40.2
43.6
42.1
44.6
44.0
49.8
18 and 19 years
1.9
2.4
2.6
2.3
2.2
2.3
2.6
53.5
58.1
61.9
61.7
62.2
62.9
69.0
20-24 years
4.9
6.2
7.3
7.4
7.1
6.9
6.7
57.7
64.1
68.9
71.8
73.0
72.7
77.9
25-34 years
5.7
8.7
12.3
14.7
15.6
15.8
15.1
45.0
54.9
65.5
70.9
72.4
72.7
82.4
35-44 years
6.0
6.5
8.6
11.6
12.9
13.4
18.6
51.1
55.8
65.5
71.8
74.5
75.2
84.9
45-54 years
6.5
6.7
7.0
7.5
8.0
8.5
14.4
54.4
54.6
59.9
55-64 years
64.4
67.1
69.0
76.5
4.2
4.3
4.7
4.9
4.9
5.0
6.1
43.0
40.9
41.3
42.0
42.7
43.5
49.0
65 years and over
1.1
1.0
1.2
1.2
1.2
1.3
1.4
9.7
8.2
8.1
7.3
7.4
7.9
7.6
NA Not available. 1 Beginning 1975, includes other races not shown separately. 2 For 1970, Black and other.
3 Hispanic persons may be of any race.
unpublished data.
Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Employment and Earnings, monthly; Monthly Labor Review, November 1989; and
ment, and Earnings
Hispanic Persons-Labor Force Participation
379
TUTIONAL POPULATION 16 YEARS OLD AND OVER:
No. 626. HISPANIC PERSONS-CIVILIAN LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION: 1987 AND 1988
D 1988
[For civilian noninstitutional population, 16 years old and over. Annual averages of monthly figures. Based on Current
1 figures. Based on Current Population Survey; see text, section 1
Population Survey; see text, section 1 and Appendix III]
onial Times to 1970, series D 11-19 and D 85-86]
1987
1988
LABOR FORCE
Other
ITEM
Other
Employed
Unemployed
Total
Mexi-
Puerto
His-
Rican
Cuban
panic
Total
Mexi-
Puerto
His-
can
ori-
Rican
Cuban
can
panic
Civilian
Not in
ori-
Resi-
Per-
labor
gin
gin
dent
Non
Num-
cent
force
Armed
Total
Agri-
agricul-
of
ber
Total (1,000)
12,867
7,651
1,540
819
Forces
ture
2,857
labor
13,325
8,013
1,599
849
2,864
culture
indus-
force
Percent in labor force: Male
81.0
82.7
72.3
77.6
81.4
81.9
84.2
Female
72.8
78.9
tries
52.0
80.4
52.4
39.3
55.8
57.1
53.2
53.9
Employed (1,000)
41.4
54.9
57.8
7,790
5,690
744
518
1,838
8,250
Percent
5,066
807
537
1,840
7
100.0
1,169
58,918
7,160
51,758
100.0
3,288
5.2
100.0
100.0
100.0
42,787
100.0
100.0
Managerial and professional
100.0
100.0
100.0
9
13.1
1,861
65,778
10.9
5,458
60,318
3,852
14.1
5.4
22.2
15.5
47,617
13.2
10.2
15.6
24.2
16.9
4
Tech., sales, and admin. suppport
25.3
1,946
71,088
66,726
22.8
4,361
3,366
29.4
4.4
34.9
52,058
27.3
25.0
Service
22.1
28.7
34.6
28.6
6
17.6
2,118
78,678
3,463
75,215
16.9
4,093
17.7
4.8
11.8
54,315
20.8
18.9
Precision production, craft, and
19.2
17.7
11.2
21.0
4
1,676
85,846
3,408
82,438
7,929
8.3
59,377
repair
D
13.9
1,668
88,752
3,331
14.7
85,421
7,406
12.8
7.6
13.0
59,991
12.7
13.5
14.3
Operators, fabricators and laborers
13.6
11.7
24.3
11.9
3
1,656
92,017
26.1
3,283
88,734
6,991
24.6
6.9
17.0
60,025
21.5
23.9
26.2
Farming, forestry, and fishing
23.6
17.7
19.7
9
1,631
96,048
3,387
92,661
6,202
6.0
59,659
occupations
5.9
1
1,597
8.6
98,824
3,347
95,477
6,137
1.3
5.8
1.2
59,900
2.3
5.4
Percent unemployed: Male
8.0
.7
.6
1.8
8.7
7
1,604
99,303
9.5
3,364
95,938
7,637
10.4
7.0
5.1
60,806
6.7
8.1
8.7
Female
9.0
4.8
6.5
8.9
2
1,645
10.4
100,397
3,368
97,030
8,273
7.5
9.6
5.3
6.0
61,460
8.3
9.6
8.1
5.2
6.1
4
1,668
99,526
3,401
96,125
10,678
9.5
62,067
0
1,676
100,834
3,383
97,450
10,717
9.5
62,665
1 Includes Central or South American and other Hispanic origin.
2
1,697
105,005
3,321
101,685
8,539
7.4
62,839
6
1,706
107,150
3,179
103,971
8,312
7.1
62,744
Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Employment and Earnings, monthly.
3
1,706
109,597
3,163
106,434
8,237
6.9
62,752
7
1,737
112,440
3,208
109,232
7,425
6.1
62,888
7
1,709
114,968
3,169
111,800
No. 627. CIVILIAN LABOR FORCE AND PARTICIPATION RATES, BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT, SEX,
6,701
5.4
62,944
AND RACE: 1970 TO 1988
6
1.1
55.5
6.7
48.8
3.1
(x)
40.3
[As of March. For civilian noninstitutional population 25 to 64 years of age. See headnote, table 625]
B
1.6
55.2
4.6
50.6
3.2
(x)
40.0
D
1.5
56.5
2.5
54.0
2.9
(x)
39.0
6
.9
58.6
2.0
56.7
4.5
CIVILIAN LABOR FORCE
(x)
35.9
PARTICIPATION RATE 1
5
.9
59.6
1.8
57.8
4.6
(x)
34.9
6
.9
61.7
1.7
60.0
3.6
33.8
Percent distribution
(x)
College
ITEM
Less
Total
High
Less
High
College
(1,000)
than
Total
than
school
or force, including resident Armed Forces.
school
high
gradu-
1-3
ngs, monthly.
high
4 years
gradu-
1-3
4 years
school
ate
years
or more
school
ate
years
or more
'ION RATES BY RACE, HISPANIC ORIGIN, SEX, AND
Total: 1970
61,765
36.1
38.1
11.8
1975
14.1
70.3
65.5
70.2
73.8
ND PROJECTIONS, 2000
82.3
67,774
27.5
39.7
14.4
18.3
1980
70.5
61.6
70.5
75.7
78,010
84.5
20.6
39.8
17.6
1985
22.0
73.9
60.7
74.2
79.5
88,424
86.1
r. Annual averages of monthly figures. Rates are based on annual
15.9
40.2
19.0
1986
24.9
76.2
59.9
75.9
81.6
87.7
group and represent proportion of each specified group in the
90,500
15.9
40.2
19.5
1987
24.8
76.4
60.4
76.0
81.2
92,966
87.6
text, section 1 and Appendix III. See also Historical Statistics,
14.9
40.2
19.7
1988
25.3
77.2
60.9
76.6
81.9
88.1
94,870
14.7
39.9
19.7
25.7
77.5
60.8
76.9
82.5
88.4
Male: 1970
39,303
37.5
34.5
12.2
1975
15.7
93.5
ions)
PARTICIPATION RATE (percent)
89.3
96.3
95.8
96.1
41,628
28.9
36.1
14.8
1980
20.2
90.3
82.6
93.2
93.3
45,417
95.7
22.2
35.7
17.7
1988
1980
1988
2000
1985
24.3
89.4
2000
1970
1975
1985
1987
78.8
91.9
92.4
95.3
49,647
17.7
36.9
1986
18.3
27.1
88.6
72.2
90.0
91.2
50,733
94.6
17.2
37.0
1987
18.9
26.9
88.4
75.9
89.8
91.0
94.4
121.7
141.1
60.4
61.2
63.8
64.8
65.6
65.9
69.0
51,860
16.8
37.1
18.9
1988
27.2
88.8
77.2
89.6
91.9
94.2
52,616
16.5
37.3
18.5
27.8
88.6
76.4
89.5
91.3
94.4
104.8
119.0
60.2
61.5
64.1
65.0
65.8
66.2
69.5
Female: 1970
58.3
63.3
80.0
78.7
78.2
77.0
76.8
76.9
76.6
22,462
33.5
44.3
1975
10.9
11.2
49.0
43.0
51.3
50.9
60.9
46.4
55.7
42.6
45.9
51.2
54.1
55.7
56.4
62.9
26,146
26.5
45.5
1980
13.9
14.1
52.3
44.1
53.9
57.3
62.7
13.2
16.5
61.8
58.8
61.0
62.9
63.8
63.8
66.5
32,593
18.4
45.4
1985
17.4
18.7
59.5
43.7
61.2
66.4
38,779
73.4
6.6
8.0
76.5
71.0
70.6
70.8
71.1
71.0
71.4
13.7
44.4
1986
19.9
22.0
64.7
44.3
65.0
72.5
78.6
6.6
8.5
49.5
48.9
53.2
56.5
58.0
58.0
62.5
39,767
13.2
1987
44.3
20.3
22.2
65.1
45.1
65.3
71.9
78.8
9.0
14.3
(NA)
(NA)
64.0
64.6
66.4
67.4
69.9
41,105
12.5
44.0
1988
20.7
22.8
66.2
44.9
66.4
72.7
80.3
5.4
8.3
(NA)
(NA)
81.4
80.3
81.0
81.9
80.3
42,254
12.4
43.3
21.2
23.1
67.1
45.4
66.9
74.7
80.8
3.6
6.0
(NA)
(NA)
47.4
49.3
52.0
53.2
59.4
66.9
74.3
79.7
77.9
77.4
76.3
76.2
76.2
75.9
White: 1970
55,044
33.7
39.3
1975
12.2
14.8
70.1
65.2
69.7
73.3
81.9
4.2
4.4
56.1
59.1
60.5
56.8
56.1
56.9
59.0
60,026
25.7
40.6
14.7
1980
19.0
70.7
61.9
70.1
75.3
84.5
1.7
1.9
47.0
48.6
50.1
45.1
45.6
46.1
48.9
68,509
19.1
40.2
1985
17.7
22.9
74.2
61.4
73.7
79.2
86.0
2.4
2.5
66.7
70.6
71.3
68.9
67.4
68.1
69.7
76,739
14.7
40.7
1986
19.1
25.6
76.6
60.7
75.8
81.1
6.9
83.3
84.5
85.9
85.0
86.5
78,225
87.7
7.6
85.0
85.2
14.5
40.4
1987
19.5
25.6
76.7
61.2
75.7
80.8
87.6
19.7
16.6
96.4
95.2
95.2
94.7
94.6
94.3
94.1
80,205
13.9
40.4
1988
19.6
26.1
77.5
61.6
76.6
81.6
88.2
16.1
20.2
96.9
95.6
95.5
95.0
94.6
94.5
94.3
81,886
13.8
40.1
19.7
26.4
78.1
62.2
76.9
82.2
88.6
10.6
16.4
94.3
92.1
91.2
91.0
90.7
90.9
90.5
6.8
7.8
83.0
75.6
72.1
67.9
67.6
68.1
Black: 1970
67.0
6,721
55.5
28.2
1975
8.0
8.3
72.0
67.1
76.8
81.0
87.4
2.0
2.0
26.8
21.6
19.0
15.8
16.3
16.5
14.7
7,586
41.9
62.6
1980
33.1
12.4
12.6
69.8
60.9
75.1
79.7
85.1
54.7
66.8
43.3
46.3
51.5
54.5
56.0
56.6
7,731
34.7
1985
38.1
16.3
11.0
71.5
58.1
79.2
82.0
90.1
3.9
4.4
44.0
49.1
52.9
52.1
53.3
53.6
59.5
9,157
26.2
1986
39.5
19.2
15.0
73.4
57.0
77.2
85.6
89.9
1.6
1.8
34.9
40.2
43.6
42.1
44.6
44.0
49.8
9,569
23.9
41.1
20.1
14.8
74.7
69.0
1987
57.7
78.4
84.8
91.7
2.3
2.6
53.5
58.1
61.9
61.7
62.2
62.9
9,797
23.6
42.4
1988
19.9
14.1
74.7
58.8
77.6
84.5
90.4
6.9
6.7
57.7
64.1
68.9
71.8
73.0
72.7
77.9
9,985
22.6
43.0
19.2
15.2
74.3
56.2
77.9
85.8
90.6
15.8
15.1
45.0
54.9
65.5
70.9
72.4
72.7
82.4
13.4
18.6
51.1
55.8
65.5
71.8
74.5
75.2
84.9
1 Percent of the civilian population in each group in the civilian labor force.
8.5
14.4
54.4
54.6
59.9
64.4
67.1
69.0
76.5
2 Includes other races, not shown separately.
5.0
6.1
43.0
40.9
41.3
42.0
42.7
43.5
49.0
Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Bulletin 2307, and unpublished data.
1.3
1.4
9.7
8.2
8.1
7.3
7.4
7.9
7.6
es
not
shown
separately.
2 For 1970, Black and other.
Earnings, monthly; Monthly Labor Review, November 1989; and
410
Labor Force, Employment, and Earnings
No. 672. MEDIAN WEEKLY EARNINGS OF FAMILIES BY TYPE OF FAMILY, NUMBER OF EARNERS, RACE,
AND HISPANIC ORIGIN: 1980 TO 1988
[Annual averages of quarterly figures based on Current Population Survey; see text, section 1, and Appendix III. For families with
wage and salary earners]
NUMBER OF FAMILIES
MEDIAN WEEKLY EARNINGS
CHARACTERISTIC
(1,000)
(dollars)
1980
1985
1986
1987
1988
1980
1985
1986
1987
1988
TOTAL
Total families with earners
41,162
41,616
42,101
42,733
42,913
400
522
543
572
596
Married-couple families
33,825
33,459
33,569
33,844
33,864
433
582
606
637
668
One earner
14,797
13,347
13,049
12,668
12,365
303
385
393
405
418
Husband
12,127
10,346
9,979
9,640
9,429
336
440
459
477
489
Wife
2,059
2,243
2,351
2,272
2,199
159
217
223
230
238
Other family member
611
758
719
757
736
163
204
210
212
228
Two or more earners 2
19,028
20,112
20,520
21,176
21,499
535
715
744
776
811
Husband and wife only
12,990
14,019
14,347
14,955
15,278
507
684
712
741
773
Husband and other family member(s)
2,369
2,159
2,056
1,996
1,872
557
689
720
749
787
Wife and other family member(s)
426
514
532
560
520
350
454
480
512
495
Other family members only
139
176
188
147
162
356
468
469
501
494
Families maintained by women
5,690
6,470
6,718
6,963
6,989
222
297
307
317
334
Cne earner
4,022
4,397
4,607
4,702
4,741
184
234
242
254
260
Householder
3,104
3,432
3,606
3,675
3,743
188
243
251
263
269
Other family member
918
965
1,001
1,027
999
168
200
205
215
225
Two or more earners
1,668
2,073
2,110
2,260
2,247
370
487
499
514
554
Families maintained by men
1,647
1,688
1,814
1,926
2,061
360
450
444
478
486
One earner
1,016
1,031
1,133
1,144
1,221
283
346
351
353
374
Two or more earners
631
656
681
782
840
502
625
637
675
700
WHITE
Total families with earners 1
35,786
35,848
36,072
36,555
36,667
411
543
566
592
616
Married-couple families
30,316
29,899
29,865
30,095
30,135
438
589
615
647
677
One earner 2
13,437
12,097
11,698
11,385
11,120
311
395
405
416
432
Husband
11,152
9,496
9,077
8,784
8,609
343
452
472
485
497
Wife
1,740
1,925
1,996
1,946
1,866
160
218
225
231
243
Two or more earners
16,878
17,802
18,167
18,710
19,015
542
723
755
785
818
Husband and wife only
11,448
12,394
12,656
13,232
13,516
511
691
720
748
780
Families maintained by women
4,140
4,616
4,786
4,959
4,930
233
311
320
329
351
Families maintained by men
1,331
1,333
1,420
1,501
1,602
374
475
476
492
496
BLACK
Total families with earners 1
4,503
4,668
4,810
4,942
4,999
299
378
391
412
435
Married-couple families
2,802
2,671
2,734
2,768
2,747
366
487
503
529
576
One earner 2
1,103
902
978
924
878
210
257
267
289
281
Husband
769
580
615
581
546
244
292
307
335
339
Wife
279
257
289
264
258
151
206
209
215
205
Two or more earners
1,700
1,769
1,755
1,843
1,870
472
622
645
675
713
Husband and wife only
1,238
1,258
1,269
1,318
1,340
461
603
628
646
685
Families maintained by women
1,438
1,703
1,756
1,822
1,884
192
259
267
284
291
Families maintained by men
263
294
320
352
368
307
360
348
383
419
HISPANIC ORIGIN 3
Total families with earners 1
(NA)
(NA)
3,017
3,219
3,384
(NA)
(NA)
412
425
451
Married-couple families
(NA)
(NA)
2,272
2,411
2,488
(NA)
(NA)
459
473
494
One earner 2
(NA)
(NA)
1,006
1,032
1,044
(NA)
(NA)
289
292
301
Husband
(NA)
(NA)
828
838
867
(NA)
(NA)
308
314
316
Wife
(NA)
(NA)
127
122
119
(NA)
(NA)
202
209
236
Two or more earners
(NA)
(NA)
1,266
1,379
1,444
(NA)
(NA)
603
615
671
Husband and wife only
(NA)
(NA)
809
884
908
(NA)
(NA)
582
593
623
Families maintained by women
(NA)
(NA)
538
575
634
(NA)
(NA)
273
285
295
Families maintained by men
(NA)
(NA)
207
234
261
(NA)
(NA)
380
418
429
NA Not available. 1 Excludes families in which there is no wage or salary earner or in which the husband, wife, or other
person maintaining the family is either self-employed or in the Armed Forces. 2 Includes other earners, not shown separately.
a Persons of Hispanic origin may be of any race.
Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Bulletin 2307, and Employment and Earnings, January issues.
Courts, and Prisons
Criminal Victimization-Characteristics of Crimes
175
PE AND SELECTED CHARACTERISTIC: 1980 TO 1988
No. 292. CRIMES AGAINST THE ELDERLY-NUMBER AND RATE, BY TYPE: 1973 TO 1987
B, see text, section 5]
(Covers persons 65 years old and over. Data based on National Crime Survey; see text, section 5, and Appendix III]
RATE PER 100,000
INHABITANTS
AVERAGE
PERSONAL SECTOR
HOUSEHOLD SECTOR
VALUE LOST
(dol.)
Violent crimes
Crimes of theft
Motor
8
1980
1985
1986
1987
1988
YEAR
1987
1988
Total
Rob-
As-
Purse
Total
Total
Pocket
Total
Bur-
Larce-
vehi-
Rape
2
snatch-
glary
ny
cle
3
251.1
208.5
225.1
bery
sault
212.7
picking
theft
220.9
631
ing
631
3
130.1
114.4
125.2
115.8
119.2
492
NUMBER (1,000)
5
34.6
25.3
27.8
26.9
511
26.4
1,017
1973
625.8
173.0
2.4
101.3
69.3
452.8
29.8
37.1
6
7.0
6.9
945
1,467.2
748.8
644.8
73.6
10.4
6.4
6.4
321
1980
768.6
165.9
2.8
82.5
80.7
602.7
33.4
423
56.2
1,826.5
802.1
960.1
64.3
5
17.0
12.0
11.9
12.0
14.0
292
1981
752.6
195.1
2.7
99.3
93.1
557.5
344
21.1
51.6
2,109.6
921.1
1,077.2
111.3
7
26.8
21.5
23.5
22.2
23.2
796
1982
738.7
146.3
1.5
68.0
76.8
592.4
828
34.0
45.6
1,744.3
709.4
946.4
88.5
B
3.8
2.8
2.8
3.0
3.2
3,013
2,885
1983
741.6
144.3
1.4
63.9
78.9
597.3
32.8
53.8
1,695.1
754.2
860.2
80.7
1984
660.1
128.7
1.4
57.5
69.8
531.4
21.9
42.9
1,622.1
669.5
851.6
101.0
101.3
73.6
77.2
70.3
73.7
(NA)
122.7
1.5
42.8
78.4
(NA)
1985
627.6
504.9
14.1
57.8
1,455.7
609.5
758.4
87.8
32.3
27.7
30.4
28.7
7
30.1
21.8
(NA)
1986
639.2
124.8
-
46.1
78.7
514.4
19.2
21.1
(NA)
19.4
49.4
1,477.4
628.4
767.9
81.1
22.8
23.1
(NA)
(NA)
1987
683.2
154.9
1.8
51.8
101.4
528.3
30.9
46.2
1,535.5
637.5
789.2
108.8
94.8
88.0
95.8
92.6
94.0
1,684.1
1,287.3
1,344.5
(NA)
1,329.6
(NA)
RATE 3
1,309.2
975
1,014
1973
30.7
8.5
.1
5.0
3.4
22.2
1.5
1.8
107.9
55.1
47.4
5.4
1,237.5
899.6
943.4
933.3
915.7
(NA)
1980
31.4
6.8
.1
3.4
3.3
24.6
1.4
2.3
109.8
48.2
57.7
3.9
2
315.6
280.0
290.3
285.8
(NA)
285.6
(NA)
1981
30.1
7.8
.1
4.0
3.7
22.3
.8
2.1
124.2
54.2
63.4
6.6
5
131.0
107.8
110.8
110.5
(NA)
107.9
(NA)
1982
28.9
5.7
.1
2.7
3.0
23.2
1.3
1.8
100.5
40.9
54.5
5.1
1,120.6
857.0
906.4
900.1
(NA)
880.4
1,004
1983
28.4
5.5
.1
2.5
3.0
22.9
438.2
1,037
1.3
2.1
94.8
42.2
48.1
4.5
563.5
430.3
429.5
428.8
914
967
1984
24.9
4.9
.1
2.2
2.6
20.0
.8
1.6
88.4
36.5
46.4
5.5
669.0
493.1
515.3
494.0
476.4
560.3
460.6
(NA)
1985
23.1
4.5
.1
1.6
2.9
18.6
.5
2.1
(NA)
78.1
32.7
40.7
4.7
429.2
463.5
472.0
2,901.2
(NA)
1986
23.0
4.5
1.7
2.8
18.5
.7
1.8
(NA)
78.2
33.3
40.6
4.3
3,167.0
3,010.3
3,081.3
3,134.9
404
1987
24.1
5.5
.1
1.8
3.6
426
18.6
1.1
1.6
80.0
33.2
41.1
5.7
37.9
32.9
34.8
33.3
33.6
47.5
286
35.0
384
39.6
37.0
38.0
343.0
238
405.3
228
-
Represents zero or rounds to zero.
444.8
1 Yearly estimates are based on fewer than 10 sample cases. 2 Includes personal
470.5
471.8
96
546.4
573.3
104
622.0
thefts without contact not shown separately.
3 Rate per 1,000 persons 65 years old and over; and per 1,000 households
649.5
678.1
434
606.2
485.2
461
500.5
headed by persons 65 years old and over.
519.6
514.7
288
317.5
237.3
297
216.2
197.8
177.6
172
Source: U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics, Crime and the Elderly, December 1981 and unpublished data.
526.9
451.6
188
456.5
450.4
472.7
665
25.8
673
24.9
27.0
27.4
29.0
128
715.7
144
655.7
668.8
695.7
719.3
591
No. 293. VICTIMIZATION RATES FOR CRIMES AGAINST PERSONS: 1973 TO 1987
502.2
615
462.0
507.8
529.4
582.9
374.8
4,964
348.5
5,117
392.6
408.8
450.6
[Rates per 1,000 persons, 12 years old and over. Includes attempted crimes. Data based on National Crime Survey; see text,
66.1
(NA)
65.4
(NA)
69.0
77.3
88.7
(NA)
(NA)
section 5, and Appendix III. Totals exclude personal larceny]
arately. 2 Includes other types of motor vehicles not shown
MALE
FEMALE
VICTIM-OFFENDER
YEAR AND CRIME
Total
His-
RELATIONSHIP
Rates and Selected Crime Indicators, annual.
White
Black
panic 2
White
Black
His-
White
panic 2
Black
His-
Non-
panic 2
Stranger
OR CRIMES AGAINST PERSONS AND HOUSEHOLDS,
stranger
73 TO 1987
1973
33
32
42
36
43
53
53
21
32
22
22
11
1980
33
32
41
40
43
53
54
22
31
27
21
12
see text, section 5, and Appendix III]
1981
35
33
50
39
44
61
53
23
40
26
23
12
1982
34
33
44
40
42
57
49
25
33
32
22
12
1983
31
30
41
OR
38
39
50
48
21
33
29
18
13
HOUSEHOLD SECTOR
1984
31
30
41
35
38
51
45
22
33
26
17
14
1985
30
29
38
30
$
38
47
33
21
31
27
18
12
1986
28
28
33
27
35
39
39
21
29
15
16
12
Larce-
Motor
1987
Assault
29
27
40
39
35
49
44
20
32
35
16
12
ny/
Total
Bur-
Lar-
vehi-
Aggra-
theft
glary
ceny
cle
Simple
theft
I Includes races not shown separately.
2 Hispanic persons may be of any race.
vated
Source: 1973, U.S. Law Enforcement Administration; thereafter, U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics, Criminal Victimization in the
United States, annual.
1,655
2,432
14,971
15,340
6,459
7,537
1,344
No. 294. CRIME INCIDENTS BY PLACE AND TIME OF OCCURRENCE AND INJURY: 1987
1,631
2,641
16,294
17,400
6,744
9,223
1,433
1,708
3,024
17,050
17,421
6,704
9,352
1,365
1,769
3,082
16,382
18,708
6,685
10,630
1,393
ROBBERY
ASSAULT
Per-
1,707
3,041
15,300
18,821
6,973
10,468
1,381
sonal
1,796
3,228
15,863
19,009
7,394
10,176
1,439
INCIDENT CHARACTERISTICS
Rape
1,754
3,219
15,553
17,744
9,705
1,377
Com-
6,663
Total
At-
Total
Aggravat-
Simple
larceny
with
1,517
3,083
14,657
16,440
6,063
9,114
1,264
pleted
tempted
ed
assault
contact
1,673
2,984
13,789
15,733
5,643
8,750
1,340
1,605
3,094
13,474
15,568
5,594
8,703
1,270
1,543
2,833
13,235
15,368
5,557
1,356
Incidents, total
8,455
134,880
946,030
622,480
323,550
3,951,210
1,283,490
2,667,720
479,490
1,543
2,946
13,344
15,726
5,623
8,624
1,479
PERCENT DISTRIBUTION
Place of occurrence:
10.1
14.8
91.1
217.8
91.7
107.0
19.1
Inside own home
40.5
18.4
9.6
15.6
96.0
236.5
91.7
125.4
19.5
Near own home
20.8
13.6
14.4
12.9
15.2
¹ 1.3
¹ 5.2
10.8
9.7
On public transportation, inside station
11.7
9.1
12.1
13.9
11.2
5.2
17.2
96.8
223.4
86.0
119.9
17.5
On the street
¹ 3.1
3.2
3.2
¹ 3.3
.5
¹.8
1.3
9.9
91.9
235.3
84.1
133.7
17.5
12.7
17.3
13.4
83.0
227.4
84.3
126.5
In parking lot
33.9
33.7
9.3
34.3
16.5
19.1
20.5
18.4
27.4
16.7
¹ 5.0
10.1
9.6
17.3
85.1
226.0
87.9
121.0
17.1
in park, field, or playground
9.6
11.0
9.2
9.6
8.9
6.4
2.3
¹ 1.0
9.3
¹ 4.8
17.1
82.5
208.2
78.2
113.9
16.2
Inside school, on school property
3.4
4.8
2.7
¹.8
¹ 1.3
8.0
Friend's, relative's, or neighbor's home
3.9
3.6
¹ 4.4
76.9
189.8
70.0
14.6
10.8
5.9
13.1
6.4
16.2
105.2
8.7
15.5
71.8
178.7
64.1
Other location
17.6
7.7
7.4
8.2
99.4
15.2
11.3
15.5
9.3
4.4
62.7
Time of occurrence:
13.9
12.0
¹ 9.8
¹ 16.0
8.3
15.9
69.4
14.2
22.7
21.0
23.5
36.2
174.4
97.5
7.9
14.4
67.5
170.0
61.5
93.5
15.0
32.4
40.6
42.0
7.8
16.1
37.7
49.1
44.4
51.4
61.8
14.9
67.5
171.4
61.3
94.0
Daytime Nighttime (6 a.m.-6 p.m.)
Percent of incidents:
67.6
58.7
57.1
61.7
50.2
55.2
47.8
37.3
households.
Involving the presence of a weapon
Resulting in victim injury
30.0
46.4
(NA)
(NA)
30.6
94.2
(x)
(NA)
7 the United States, annual.
(NA)
36.2
41.9
28.7
29.9
(NA)
(NA)
(NA)
NA Not available. X Not applicable. 1 Estimate based on about ten or fewer sample cases.
Source: U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics, Criminal Victimization in the United States, annual.
t, Courts, and Prisons
Murder-Homicide Victims-Forcible Rape
173
PE-SELECTED LARGE CITIES: 1988
No. 287. MURDER CIRCUMSTANCES/MOTIVES AND WEAPONS USED OR CAUSE OF DEATH:
on, as of July 1. For definitions of crimes, see text, section 5]
1980 TO 1988
VIOLENT CRIME
PROPERTY CRIME
[Based solely on police investigation. For definition of murder, see text, section 5]
Mur-
Forci-
Rob-
Aggra-
ble
vated
Total
Bur-
Motor
1980
1986
1987
1988
TYPE OF WEAPON OR
Larce-
vehi-
CIRCUMSTANCE
1985
1980
1985
1986
1987
1988
CAUSE OF DEATH
der
rape
bery
assault
glary
ny-
theft
cle
theft
Murders, total
21,860
17,545
19,257
17,963
18,269
Murders, total
21,860
17,545
19,257
17,963
18,269
8.9
39
236
382
5,209
1,342
47
3,243
624
PERCENT
PERCENT
10.5
318
462
6,295
1,539
3,967
788
DISTRIBUTION
DISTRIBUTION
Felonies, total
17.7
17.9
19.4
19.6
18.9
Guns
62.4
58.7
59.1
59.1
60.7
25.8
46
1,179
967
7,562
1,731
4,199
Robbery
10.8
9.2
9.5
9.4
8.3
Handguns
46.0
43.0
43.9
43.7
45.3
21.6
59
770
1,111
6,714
1,633
1,499
Narcotics
1.7
2.9
3.9
4.9
5.6
Cutting or stabbing
19.3
21.1
20.5
20.3
19.1
22.0
(2)
3,531
968
1,202
7,537
1,685
1,739
Sex offenses
1.5
1.5
1.5
.3
.3
Blunt objects
5.0
5.5
5.7
5.8
6.3
25.5
4,295
70
582
471
9,163
1,503
2,908
22.4
55
4,491
537
421
5,002
1,763
Other felonies
3.7
4.3
4.4
5.0
4.7
1,231
Suspected felonies
6.7
2.0
2.0
1.1
1.3
Personal weapons 2
5.8
6.7
6.8
6.5
6.2
57.9
2,544
133
1,194
989
9,711
1,227
2,958
3,981
2,772
Argument, total
39.9
39.3
37.5
36.7
34.3
Strangulations,
13.4
36
298
506
8,159
1,634
Property or
asphyxiations
2.3
2.4
2.6
2.6
2.2
36.0
4,278
128
948
964
2,247
14,665
2.4
2.6
2.7
Fire
1.3
1.4
1.2
1.1
1.4
4,180
8,092
money
2.6
2.7
15.3
57
306
186
2,393
11,916
2,957
Romantic triangle
2.3
2.3
2.1
2.0
1.7
All other 3
3.9
4.2
4.1
4.6
4.1
7,548
11.1
47
265
568
1,411
8,259
2,190
5,374
Other arguments
35.0
34.3
32.9
32.0
29.9
695
Other motives
20.6
18.1
18.6
17.7
18.9
3.3
34
99
124
5,638
1,170
22.8
22.5
24.9
4,081
387
Unknown
15.1
26.6
30.6
68
968
861
7,239
1,866
4,268
12.2
60
646
560
1,105
7,479
1,346
4,863
16.3
87
1,270
Refers
to
club,
hammer,
etc.
2 Hands, fists, feet, etc.
3 Includes poison, drowning, explosives, narcotics, and unknown.
303
760
4,977
1,596
2,640
5.1
60
130
740
446
4,606
896
3,158
129
667
552
Source: U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation, Crime in the United States, annual.
26.0
511
7,810
2,436
3,307
59.5
27
2,067
918
918
7,985
1,983
4,610
13.3
65
345
1,392
No. 288. HOMICIDE VICTIMS, BY RACE AND SEX: 1960 TO 1987
400
7,263
1,438
4,733
16.0
96
1,092
902
1,085
9,381
1,580
4,922
11.7
101
2,879
515
359
8,662
2,631
(Rates per 100,000 resident population in specified group. Beginning 1970, excludes deaths to nonresidents of U.S. Beginning
5,054
976
1980, deaths classified according to the ninth revision of the International Classification of Diseases; for earlier years, classified
42.4
75
879
662
8,092
2,290
according to revision in use at the time; see text, section 2. See also Historical Statistics, Colonial Times to 1970, series H 971-
4,002
1,799
25.2
155
697
470
6,886
2,213
2,841
978]
43.4
1,832
144
1,193
1,798
12,421
3,108
7,453
6.2
1,861
48
217
627
9,266
2,425
5,856
966
HOMICIDE VICTIMS
HOMICIDE RATE2
11.1
87
536
727
13,023
3,340
8,547
1,136
15.7
92
389
556
6,344
1,763
4,020
560
YEAR
White
Black
White
Black
9.2
53
218
257
10,304
2,565
7,286
453
Total 1
Total 1
13.6
86
310
496
10,527
3,338
5,892
1,297
Male
Female
Male
Female
Male
Female
Male
Female
29.9
106
777
945
10,095
2,997
5,493
1,606
22.4
113
720
837
15,463
4,414
8,887
2,162
1960
8,464
2,832
1,154
3,345
1,013
4.7
3.6
1.4
36.7
10.4
32.9
72
782
1,578
10,991
2,950
1970
16,848
5,865
1,938
7,265
1,569
8.3
6.8
2.1
67.6
13.3
6,288
1,754
48.8
162
1,342
2,023
13,972
3,496
8,383
2,093
1975
21,310
8,222
2,751
8,092
1,929
9.9
9.0
2.9
69.0
14.9
14.0
53
640
539
7,133
1,795
3,916
1,422
1980
24,278
10,381
3,177
8,385
1,898
10.7
10.9
3.2
66.6
13.5
11.6
96
937
1,196
15,218
1981
23,646
9,941
3,125
8,312
1,825
10.3
10.4
3.1
64.8
12.7
3,930
9,184
2,104
4.6
60
655
343
7,177
1,923
2,834
2,420
1982
22,358
9,260
3,179
7,730
1,743
9.6
9.6
3.1
59.1
12.0
9.4
70
270
578
8,522
2,582
4,358
1,582
1983
20,191
8,355
2,880
6,822
1,672
8.6
8.6
2.8
51.4
11.3
12.4
78
321
435
1984
19,796
8,171
2,956
6,563
1,677
8.4
8.3
2.9
48.7
11.2
6,446
1,550
4,505
390
13.0
50
245
822
9,175
2,920
5,540
715
1985
19,893
8,122
3,041
6,616
1,666
8.3
8.2
2.9
48.4
11.0
8.1
73
200
639
11,789
2,148
9,102
539
1986
21,731
8,567
3,123
7,634
1,861
9.0
8.6
3.0
55.0
12.1
30.5
135
854
1987
21,103
7,979
3,149
7,518
1,969
8.7
7.9
3.0
53.3
12.6
625
11,030
2,981
6,433
1,616
15.1
126
703
663
9,460
2,573
5,484
1,402
-
Includes races not shown separately.
2 Rate based on enumerated population figures as of April 1 for 1960, 1970, and
12.4
85
522
1,220
10,031
2,862
6,542
627
1980; July 1 estimates for other years.
7.4
57
188
482
5,601
1,212
4,018
372
7.6
30
92
72
5,237
1,071
3,936
230
Source: U.S. National Center for Health Statistics, Vital Statistics of the United States, annual.
13.3
91
548
667
6,552
2,281
3,328
943
20.0
55
473
503
9,269
2,262
5,312
1,696
36.0
No. 289. FORCIBLE RAPE-NUMBER AND RATE, BY SELECTED CHARACTERISTIC: 1970 TO 1988
164
1,386
1,464
10,373
2,008
3,804
4,561
[For definition of rape, see text, section 5]
ami in Florida and Toledo, OH.
2 The rates for 1988 for forcible
ause the forcible rape figures were not in accordance with national
ITEM
1970
1975
1978
1979
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
Inited States, annual.
NUMBER
Total
37,990
56,090
67,610
76,390
82,990
82,500
78,770
78,920
84,230
88,670
91,460
91,110
92,490
By force
26,888
41,501
50,590
57,958
63,599
63,038
59,967
61,019
66,367
71,060
73,453
73,456
75,441
Attempt
11,102
14,589
17,020
18,432
19,391
19,462
18,803
17,901
17,863
17,610
18,007
17,654
17,049
RATE
Per 100,000
population
18.7
26.3
31.0
34.7
36.8
36.0
34.0
33.7
35.7
37.1
37.9
37.4
37.6
Per 100,000
females
30.4
51.3
60.3
67.5
71.6
70.0
66.2
65.6
69.4
72.3
73.9
73.0
73.4
Per 100,000
females 12 years
old and over
46.3
62.9
72.9
81.4
86.3
84.1
79.3
78.5
83.0
86.6
88.6
87.5
88.1
PERCENT CHANGE
IN RATE
Per 100,000
population
(NA)
40.6
5.6
11.9
6.1
-2.2
-5.5
-.9
5.7
4.1
2.1
-1.3
.5
Per 100,000
females 12 years
old and over
(NA)
35.9
5.2
11.6
6.0
-2.5
-5.7
-1.0
5.7
4.3
2.3
-1.2
.7
NA Not available.
Source: U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation, Population-at-Risk Rates and Selected Crime Indicators, annual.
Enterprise
Small and Minority-Owned Businesses
533
NDING, BY TYPE AND CHAPTER: 1981 TO 1988
No. 882. FEDERAL CONTRACT ACTIONS-SMALL AND MINORITY-OWNED SMALL BUSINESSES SHARE,
under must the Bankruptcy Reform Act of 1978. Bankruptcy: legal
BY STATE OF PRINCIPAL PLACE OF PERFORMANCE: 1987 AND 1988
petition to the clerk of the court; "pending" is a proceeding in
restructure or liquidate. Petitions "filed" means the
[In millions of dollars, except percent. For fiscal year. Excludes Guam, Puerto Rico, and Virgin Islands. Represents contract
awards of $25,000 or more awarded to establishments. A contract may consist of more than one action. Minus sign (-)
indicates decrease. For composition of regions, see fig. I, inside front cover]
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
TOTAL CONTRACT ACTIONS
SMALL BUSINESS SHARE
SMALL MINORITY-OWNED SHARE
374,734
344,275
364,536
477,856
561,278
594,567
Per-
1988
Per-
1988
Per-
69,818
62,170
66,651
REGION, DIVISION,
76,281
88,278
cent
cent
cent
304,916
282,105
297,885
68,501
AND STATE
401,575
473,000
1987
1988
526,066
change
1987
Per-
change
1987
Per-
change
1987-
Amount
cent of
1987-
Amount
cent of
1987-
373,064
342,828
362,939
476,214
559,658
1988
total
1988
total
1988
1,670
1,447
1,597
593,158
1,642
1,620
1,409
251,322
232,994
244,650
U.S
171,269
161,898
-5.5
27,575
25,221
15.6
-8.5
4,688
5,012
3.1
6.9
332,679
3
397,551
4
3
423,796
7
21,207
19,913
10
21,425
3
Region:
24,443
(x)
22,566
(x)
18,891
Northeast
36,700
31,833
- 13.3
4,552
4,164
13.1
-8.5
413
493
1.6
19.6
(x)
102,201
(x)
91,358
4,824
3,099
Midwest
26,936
24,280
-9.9
3,976
3,577
14.7
-10.1
597
589
2.4
-1.3
98,452
120,726
1
136,300
148,771
South
56,700
56,903
.4
12,206
10,651
18.7
-12.7
2,396
2,647
4.7
10.5
6
6
1
27
7
West
50,933
48,882
-4.0
6,842
6,829
14.0
-.2
1,282
1,283
2.6
.1
537,306
577,567
608,945
728,577
808,504
815,497
New England
16,829
14,675
-12.8
1,591
1,416
9.7
-11.0
138
144
1.0
4.3
Maine
920
623
-32.3
83
82
13.2
-1.2
4
2
.3
-50.0
uptcies 3 include those filed under chapters 7, 9, 11, or 12.
New Hampshire
495
505
2.0
93
69
13.7
-25.8
4
2
4
-50.0
lity. Chapter 5 7, liquidation of non-exempt assets of businesses or
Vermont
139
145
4.3
20
15
10.3
-25.0
-
(x)
(x)
Chapter 11, individual or business reorganization.
Massachusetts
9,309
7,773
-16.5
790
744
9.6
-5.8
91
85
1.1
-6.6
annual income, effective November 26, 1986. Chapter
Rhode Island
535
451
-15.7
179
159
35.3
-11.2
7
19
4.2
171.4
U.S.C., Section 304, cases ancillary to foreign proceedings.
13,
Connecticut
5,431
5,178
-4.7
426
347
6.7
-18.5
32
36
.7
12.5
the Director.
Middle Atlantic
19,871
17,158
-13.7
2,961
2,748
16.0
-7.2
275
349
2.0
26.9
New York
10,986
8,973
-18.3
1,253
1,147
12.8
-8.5
82
95
1.1
15.9
IS TO ALL SMALL BUSINESSES: 1978 TO 1988
New Jersey
3,887
3,791
-2.5
790
703
18.5
-11.0
118
80
2.1
-32.2
Pennsylvania
4,998
4,394
-12.1
918
898
20.4
-2.2
75
174
4.0
132.0
ill business must be independently owned and operated, must
'ds set by the Small Business Administration as to its annual
East North Central
14,346
13,158
-8.3
2,681
2,337
17.8
-12.8
390
410
3.1
5.1
guaranteed loans to small business establishments. Does not
Ohio
5,716
6,319
10.6
805
786
12.4
-2.4
159
218
3.5
37.1
Indiana
2,321
1,624
-30.0
248
189
11.6
-23.8
26
21
1.3
-19.2
Illinois
2,917
2,510
-14.0
756
650
25.9
-14.0
169
123
4.9
-27.2
-28.9
559
396
26.1
-29.2
26
25
1.7
-3.9
980
Michigan
2,135
1,518
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
Wisconsin
1,257
1,187
-5.5
313
316
26.6
1.0
10
23
1.9
130.0
1.7
28.7
15.4
West North Central
19.2
12,590
11,122
-11.7
1,295
1,240
11.1
-4.2
207
179
1.6
-13.5
21.3
6.0
19.3
5.2
16.8
2.5
17.1
17.1
Minnesota
2,634
2,260
-14.2
179
196
8.7
9.5
10
18
.8
80.0
2.7
3.1
2.8
19
18
2.0
2.1
2.2
lowa
768
703
-8.5
79
102
14.5
29.1
18
14
2.0
-22.2
16
14
15
15
358
3,668
12
2,038
12
13
Missouri
6,941
6,382
-8.1
446
428
6.7
-4.0
65
58
.9
-10.8
3,007
3,450
3,217
3,013
3,232
3,434
North Dakota
228
160
-29.8
160
108
67.5
-32.5
54
35
21.9
-35.2
170
454
238
South Dakota
147
120
-18.4
70
61
50.8
-12.9
20
20
16.7
295
383
324
265
299
343
Nebraska
383
400
4.4
170
151
37.8
-11.2
13
7
1.8
-46.2
Kansas
1,489
1,097
-26.3
191
194
17.7
1.6
27
27
2.5
-
direct loans and guaranteed portion of bank loans only.
South Atlantic
33,606
33,911
is
7,221
6,658
19.6
-7.8
1,527
1,804
5.3
18.1
Delaware
223
302
35.4
43
42
13.9
-2.3
2
2
.7
Maryland
6,839
6,307
-7.8
1,279
1,236
19.6
-3.4
398
525
8.3
31.9
ID NET GROWTH RATES: 1980 TO 1986
District of
Columbia
2,509
2,879
14.8
799
778
27.0
-2.6
322
385
13.4
19.6
Virginia
9,509
12,078
27.0
2,299
2,216
18.3
-3.6
555
626
5.2
12.8
] and has fewer than 500 employees. Minus sign (-) indicates
West Virginia
268
333
24.3
106
89
26.7
-16.0
14
8
2.4
-42.9
North Carolina
1,599
1,609
.6
572
506
31.5
-11.5
41
54
3.4
31.7
South Carolina
1,844
1,882
2.1
365
294
15.6
-19.5
47
29
1.5
-38.3
Birth
Georgia
3,838
1,902
-50.4
487
498
26.2
2.3
30
68
3.6
126.7
ITEM
Death
Net
rate 1
Florida
6,977
6,619
-5.1
1,271
999
15.1
-21.4
118
107
1.6
-9.3
rate 2
growth 3
East South Central
8,812
8,597
-2.4
2,327
1,673
19.5
-28.1
415
366
4.3
-11.8
holesale trade: 1980-1982
9.1
7.5
Kentucky
949
683
-28.0
429
262
38.4
-38.9
155
44
6.4
-71.6
1982-1984
1.6
9.9
7.5
2.4
Tennessee
3,616
2,827
-21.8
920
450
15.9
-51.1
36
79
2.8
119.4
1984-1986
8.2
8.6
-.4
Alabama
2,498
2,520
.9
721
733
29.1
1.7
196
199
7.9
1.5
etail trade: 1980-1982.
8.5
9.6
-1.1
Mississippi
1,749
2,567
46.8
257
228
8.9
-11.3
28
44
1.7
57.1
1982-1984
8.9
1984-1986
9.5
-.6
8.1
West South Central.
2,657
2,320
16.1
-12.7
454
477
3.3
5.1
rvices: 1980-1982
10.4
-2.3
14,282
14,395
.8
11.4
9.3
2.1
Arkansas
839
846
.8
267
206
24.4
-22.9
15
33
3.9
120.0
1982-1984
11.8
8.7
3.1
Louisiana
2,319
2,073
-10.6
550
338
16.3
-38.6
52
54
2.6
3.9
1984-1986
10.2
10.0
.2
Oklahoma
757
859
13.5
360
378
44.0
5.0
99
129
15.0
30.3
Texas
10,367
10,617
2.4
1,480
1,398
13.2
-5.5
288
261
2.5
-9.4
during a specified period relative to the number in the initial
Mountain
shment or enterprise from the SBDB for financial or nonfinan-
13,923
13,436
-3.5
1,827
1,917
14.3
4.9
477
456
3.4
-4.4
Montana
176
148
-15.9
138
110
74.3
-20.3
39
26
17.6
-33.3
rate less the death rate.
Idaho
566
641
13.3
81
144
22.5
77.8
15
15
2.3
ELM file, version 9, December 1987. The USELM is a longitu-
Wyoming
139
174
25.2
96
80
46.0
-16.7
7
3
1.7
-57.1
Colorado
3,710
2.8
416
389
10.2
-6.5
87
101
2.7
16.1
nt and Enterprise Microdata (USEEM) file.
3,812
New Mexico
3,026
3,185
5.3
322
270
8.5
-16.1
165
116
3.6
-29.7
Arizona
3,750
3,020
- 19.5
387
353
11.7
-8.8
91
116
3.8
27.5
Utah
1,608
1,592
-1.0
256
452
28.4
76.6
50
57
3.6
14.0
Nevada
948
864
-8.9
131
119
13.8
-9.2
23
22
2.6
-4.4
Pacific
37,010
35,446
-4.2
5,015
4,912
13.9
-2.1
805
827
2.3
2.7
Washington
4,534
3,757
-17.1
519
410
10.9
-21.0
75
65
1.7
13.3
Oregon
547
1,206
120.5
228
828
68.7
263.2
13
48
4.0
269.2
California
30,651
29,353
-4.2
3,668
3,164
10.8
-13.7
533
535
1.8
4
Alaska
751
564
-24.9
329
237
42.0
-28.0
45
29
5.1
-35.6
Hawaii
527
566
7.4
271
273
48.2
.7
139
150
26.5
7.9
- Represents zero.
X Not applicable.
Source: U.S. Small Business Administration, The State of Small Business: A Report of the President, annual. Data from Federal
Procurement Data Center, "Special Report F00312," June 1, 1989.