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Queen Elizabeth II Visit 5/14/91 [OA 8323] [3]
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Queen Elizabeth II Visit 5/14/91 [OA 8323] [3]
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26
21
4
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Ref.
PN6081
P55
WH
Respectfully
Quoted
A Dictionary of Quotations
Requested from the
Congressional Research Service
edited by Suzy Platt 11
Congressional Reference Division
PROPERTY OF
LIBRARY
EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF
THE PRESIDENT
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS . WASHINGTON . 1989
World War II (1939-1945)
2052 The gratitude of every home in our Island, in our Empire, and indeed throughout
the world, except in the abodes of the guilty, goes out to the British airmen who, undaunted
by odds, unwearied in their constant challenge and mortal danger, are turning the tide of
the World War by their prowess and by their devotion. Never in the field of human conflict
was SO much owed by SO many to SO few.
Prime Minister WINSTON CHURCHILL, speech during the Battle of Britain, House of
Commons, August 20, 1940.-Winston S. Churchill: His Complete Speeches, 1897-1963, ed.
Robert Rhodes James, vol. 6, p. 6266 (1974).
2053 There is a hush over all Europe, nay, over all the world.
Alas! it is the hush of
suspense, and in many lands it is the hush of fear. Listen! No, listen carefully, I think I hear
something-yes, there it was quite clear. Don't you hear it? It is the tramp of armies
crunching the gravel of the paradegrounds, splashing through rain-soaked fields, the tramp
of two million German soldiers and more than a million Italians-"going on maneuvers"-
yes, only on maneuvers!
WINSTON CHURCHILL, "A Hush over Europe," broadcast to the United States from
London, August 8, 1939.-Winston S. Churchill: His Complete Speeches, 1897-1963, ed.
Robert Rhodes James, vol. 6, p. 6150 (1974).
2054 Thus, by every device from the stick to the carrot, the emaciated Austrian donkey is
made to pull the Nazi barrow up an ever-steepening hill.
WINSTON CHURCHILL, "The Rape of Austria," letter, July 6, 1938.-Churchill, Step by
Step, 1936-1939, p. 262 (1939).
This volume is a compilation of the fortnightly letters he wrote from 1936-1939,
mainly on foreign policy and defense.
2055 What General Weygand called the Battle of France is over. I expect that the Battle
of Britain is about to begin. Upon this battle depends the survival of Christian civilization.
Upon it depends our own British life, and the long continuity of our institutions and our
Empire. The whole fury and might of the enemy must very soon be turned on us. Hitler
knows that he will have to break us in this Island or lose the war. If we can stand up to him,
all Europe may be free and the life of the world may move forward into broad, sunlit
uplands. But if we fail, then the whole world, including the United States, including all that
we have known and cared for, will sink into the abyss of a new Dark Age made more
sinister, and perhaps more protracted, by the lights of perverted science. Let us therefore
brace ourselves to our duties, and SO bear ourselves that, if the British Empire and its
Commonwealth last for a thousand years, men will still say, "This was their finest hour."
Prime Minister WINSTON CHURCHILL, speech, House of Commons, June 18, 1940.-
Winston S. Churchill: His Complete Speeches, 1897-1963, ed. Robert Rhodes James, vol. 6,
p. 6238 (1974).
2056 When I warned them [the French] that Britain would fight on alone whatever they
did, their generals told their Prime Minister and his divided Cabinet, "In three weeks
England will have her neck wrung like a chicken." Some chicken! Some neck!
Prime Minister WINSTON CHURCHILL, speech to a joint session of the Canadian
Parliament, Ottawa, Canada, December 30, 1941.-Winston S. Churchill: His Complete
Speeches, 1897-1963, ed. Robert Rhodes James, vol. 6, p. 6544 (1974).
384
(Smith/Grossman)
May 9, 1991
Draft Two
WINSTON
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: CHURCHILL AWARD
ROSE GARDEN
TUESDAY, MAY 14, 1991
Your Majesty, Prince Philip, Ambassador Loeb, friends of
what is indeed our special relationship. It is a pleasure to
welcome you to the White House -- and to receive an award
Its honoring FOTUS
honoring not merely a lion of winter -- but one of the greatest
leaders of all time. //
His name was Winston Churchill. He was a morning star of
liberty. Like Gladstone, he believed in fidelity to honor. Like
Thatcher, he rallied others to that cause. // We can never
reinvent him -- but we must never forget him. So we are here to
recall what he meant, and what he was. //
Winston Churchill provided hope when the free world had
abandoned it. He was likened to the bull dog -- but to the enemy
he was a pit bull. / He helped Britain stand tall in the
councils of the Europe -- and made the lamp of liberty shine like
"a blizzard of fireflies in the night.
111
What made Churchill such a legend? First of all, he forged
a golden age Vet of rhetoric. Oct He moved free men not just to applaud
Speech
"
but to act. / Think of Britain's finest hour" or "Blood, toil,
tears, and sweat" or how he told America, "Give XXX us the tools, and
we will finish the job." // Churchill didn't simply speak words.
He armed them, and sent them marching off to war. //
2
Yet there was more to Churchill than rhetoric alone. He had
the good sense to have an American mother -- but his birthright
eclipsed boundary, and Nation. // He knew foreign policy -- had
studied it for years. / Too, he realized how education was our
most enduring legacy -- vital to all we are, and can become. //
Listen to what he said in 19 : "If the human race wishes
to have a prolonged and indefinite period of prosperity, they
have only got to behave in a peaceful and helpful way toward one
another, and science will do for them all they wish and more than
they can dream."
/
Loeb's
The Churchill Award is bestowed by the Winston Churchill
for
Foundation, which bequeaths scholarship and fellowship programs.
All reflect the promise of science and technology -- brandishing
the qualities of steel, integrity, creativity, and conviction --
that indelibly British mix known as character. /
By honoring it, we uphold Churchill's memory: A legacy that
defies limitations and salutes the horizons of tomorrow. / Sir
Winston taught us that in a world that is shaped by colossal
FOUR events, an era can be shaped by a colossus of a man. //
Three times, Your Majesty -- more than any individual --
Winston Churchill was accorded the honor you will receive on
Thursday -- addressing the Congress of the United States. / Each
was a memorable occasion -- and none more when in 1943, as the
tide turned toward the Allies, he told America: "By singleness
of purpose, by tenacity and endurance such as we have so far
by shedd factness of anduct
3
displayed -- by these, and only by these, can we discharge our
duty to the future of the world and to the destiny of man. " //
Winston Churchill believed passionately in Britain and
America. He knew that only free Nations could discharge their
duty to the meek and oppressed. / He lit the fuse of hope under
wartime Britain. Presiding over the destruction of the greatest
evil mankind has ever known -- he displayed to all the world the
greatest good that humanity can do. //
Your Majesty, like this award itself, its namesake is the
standard against which others are measured. / It is an honor to
be with you -- and to receive an award saluting a man of whom it
may be said: God must have broken the mold even before He made
him. / Sir Winston Churchill.
#
#
#
#
hill
A Time of Triumph: 1943
6775
hat
ties
avy
TO THE U.S. CONGRESS
ted
May 19, 1943
ute
y-
Washington, D.C.
or
On May 13 the fighting in Tunisia ended in a total Allied victory. On May 16 the
ney
old,
R.A.F., in one of the most brilliant exploits of the war, destroyed the Möhne and Eder
dams, creating widespread havoc in the Ruhr Valley.
of
ters
Seventeen months have passed since I last had the honour to address the
the
Congress of the United States. For more than 500 days, every day a day, we have
the
toiled and suffered and dared shoulder to shoulder against the cruel and mighty
ord
enemy. We have acted in close combination or concert in many parts of the world, on
to
land, on sea, and in the air. The fact that you have invited me to come to Congress
will
again a second time, now that we have settled down to the job, and that you should
the
welcome me in so generous a fashion, is certainly a high mark in my life, and it also
shows that our partnership has not done so badly.
the
I am proud that you should have found us good allies, striving forward in
the
comradeship to the accomplishment of our task without grudging or stinting either lifé
ut;
or treasure, or, indeed, anything that we have to give. Last time I came at a moment
when the United States was aflame with wrath at the treacherous attack upon Pearl
ing
Harbour by Japan, and at the subsequent declarations of war upon the United States
we
made by Germany and Italy. For my part I say quite frankly that in those days, after
and
our long-and for a whole year lonely-struggle, I could not repress in my heart a sense
of relief and comfort that we were all bound together by common peril, by solemn
for
faith and high purpose, to see this fearful quarrel through, at all costs, to the end.
not
That was the hour of passionate emotion, an hour most memorable in human
ne,
records, an hour, I believe, full of hope and glory for the future. The experiences of a
ple
long life and the promptings of my blood have wrought in me the conviction that
there is nothing more important for the future of the world than the fraternal
ile
association of our two peoples in righteous work both in war and peace.
of
So in January, 1942, I had that feeling of comfort, and I therefore prepared
ed
myself in a confident and steadfast spirit to bear the terrible blows which were
evidently about to fall on British interests in the Far East, which were bound to fall
all
upon us, from the military strength of Japan during a period when the American and
ni-
British fleets had lost, for the time being, the naval command of the Pacific and Indian
he
Oceans.
One after another, in swift succession, very heavy misfortunes fell upon us, and
upon our Allies, the Dutch, in the Pacific theatre. The Japanese have seized the lands
and islands they SO greedily coveted. The Philippines are enslaved, the lustrous,
luxuriant regions of the Dutch East Indies have been overrun. In the Malay Peninsula
and at Singapore we ourselves suffered the greatest military disaster, or at any rate the
largest military disaster, in British history.
6776
Speeches of Winston Churchill
A Time
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, all this has to be retrieved, and all this and much else
C
has to be repaid. And here let me say this: let no one suggest that we British have not
States 1
at least as great an interest as the United States in the unflinching and relentless waging
losses C
of war against Japan. And I am here to tell you that we will wage that war, side by side
ceaseles
with you, in accordance with the best strategic employment of our forces, while there
war.
is breath in our bodies and while blood flows in our veins.
0
A notable part in the war against Japan must, of course, be played by the large
have th
armies and by the air and naval forces now marshalled by Great Britain on the eastern
particul
frontiers of India. In this quarter there lies one of the means of bringing aid to
extent
hard-pressed and long-tormented China. I regard the bringing of effective and imme-
improve
diate aid to China as one of the most urgent of our common tasks
devices
It may not have escaped your attention that I have brought with me to this
W
country and to this conference Field-Marshal Wavell and the other two Commanders-
and sob
in-Chief from India. Now, they have not travelled all this way simply to concern
increase
themselves about improving the health and happiness of the Mikado of Japan: I
supplies
thought it would be good that all concerned in this theatre should meet together and
measure
thrash out in friendly candour, heart to heart, all the points that arise; and there are
W.
many.
German
You may be sure that if all that was necessary was for an order to be given to the
United ]
great armies standing ready in India to march towards the Rising Sun and open the
numbers
Burma Road, that order would be given this afternoon. The matter is, however, more
enemy's
complicated, and all movement or infiltration of troops into the mountains and jungles
diversion
to the North-East of India is very strictly governed by what your American military
rewards
men call the science of logistics.
America
But, Mr. President, I repudiate, and I am sure with your sympathy, the slightest
Th
suspicion that we should hold anything back that could be usefully employed, or that
of Gern
and the Government I represent are not as resolute to employ every man, gun and
surpass 1
airplane that can be used in this business, as we have proved ourselves ready to do in
fondly in
other theatres of the war.
great an
In our conferences in January, 1942, between the President and myself, and
nations
between our high expert advisers, it was evident that, while the defeat of Japan would
continuo
not mean the defeat of Germany, the defeat of Germany would infallibly mean the
already I
ruin of Japan. The realisation of this simple truth does not mean that both sides
replace tl
should not proceed together, and indeed the major part of the United States forces is
Prc
now deployed on the Pacific fronts. In the broad division which we then made of our
preparati
labours, in January, 1942, the United States undertook the main responsibility for
ground p
prosecuting the war against Japan, and for helping Australia and New Zealand to
earnestly
defend themselves against a Japanese invasion, which then seemed far more threaten-
Op
ing than it does now.
itself brin
On the other hand, we took the main burden on the Atlantic. This was only
so long a
natural. Unless the ocean life-line which joins our two peoples could be kept un-
out. But
broken, the British Isles and all the very considerable forces which radiate therefrom
war poter
would be paralysed and doomed. We have willingly done our full share of the sea work
The
in the dangerous waters of the Mediterranean and in the Arctic convoys to Russia, and
ticularly
we have sustained, since our alliance began, more than double the losses in merchant
read of tl:
tonnage that have fallen upon the United States.
to the en
A Time of Triumph: 1943
6777
On the other hand, again, the prodigious output of new ships from the United
States building-yards has, for six months past, overtaken, and now far surpasses, the
losses of both Allies, and if no effort is relaxed there is every reason to count upon the
ceaseless progressive expansion of Allied shipping available for the prosecution of the
war.
Our killings of the U-boat, as the Secretary of the Navy will readily confirm,
have this year greatly exceeded all previous experience, and the last three months, and
particularly the last three weeks, have yielded record results. This of course is to some
extent due to the larger number of U-boats operating, but it is also due to the marked
improvement in the severity and power of our measures against them, and of the new
devices continually employed.
While I rate the U-boat danger as still the greatest we have to face, I have a good
and sober confidence that it will not only be met and contained but overcome. The
indrease of shipping tonnage over sinkings provides, after the movement of vital
supplies of food and munitions has been arranged, that margin which is the main
measure of our joint war effort.
We are also conducting from the British Isles the principal air offensive against
Germany, and in this we are powerfully aided by the United States Air Force in the
United Kingdom, whose action is chiefly by day as ours is chiefly by night. In this war
numbers count more and more, both in night and day attacks. The saturation of the
enemy's flak, through the multiplicity of attacking planes and the division and
diversion of his fighter protection by the launching of several simultaneous attacks, are
rewards which will immediately be paid from the substantial increases in British and
American numbers which are now taking place.
There is no doubt that the Allies already vastly outnumber the hostile air forces
of Germany, Italy, and Japan, and still more does the output of new aeroplanes
surpass the output of the enemy. In this air war, in which both Germany and Japan
fondly imagined that they would strike decisive and final blows, and terrorise nations
great and small into submission to their will-in this air war it is that these guilty
nations have already begun to show their first real mortal weakness. The more
continuous and severe the air fighting becomes, the better for us, because we can
already replace casualties and machines far more rapidly than the enemy, and we can
replace them on a scale which increases month by month.
Progress in this sphere is swift and sure, but it must be remembered that the
preparation and development of airfields, and the movement of the great masses of
ground personnel on whom the efficiency of modern air squadrons depends, however
earnestly pressed forward, are bound to take time.
Opinion, Mr. President, is divided as to whether the use of air power could by
itself bring about a collapse in Germany or Italy. The experiment is well worth trying,
so long as other measures are not excluded. Well, there is certainly no harm in finding
out. But however that may be, we are all agreed that the damage done to the enemy's
war potential is enormous.
The condition to which the great centres of German war industry, and par-
ticularly the Ruhr, are being reduced, is one of unparalleled devastation. You have just
read of the destruction of the great dams which feed the canals, and provide the power
to the enemy's munition works. That was a gallant operation. costing eight out of the
6778
Speeches of Winston Churchill
A Tin
nineteen Lancaster bombers employed, but it will play a very far-reaching part in
enem
reducing the German munitions output.
so. T
It is the settled policy of our two Staffs and war-making authorities to make it
consu
impossible for Germany to carry on any form of war industry on a large or concen-
trated scale, either in Germany, in Italy, or in the enemy-occupied countries. Wherever
openi
these centres exist or are developed, they will be destroyed, and the munitions
strike
populations will be dispersed. If they do not like what is coming to them, let them
assign
disperse beforehand on their own. This process will continue ceaselessly with ever-
super
increasing weight and intensity until the German and Italian peoples abandon or
destroy the monstrous tyrannies which they have incubated and reared in their midst,
cound
Meanwhile, our air offensive is forcing Germany to withdraw an ever larger
consio
proportion of its war-making capacity from the fighting fronts in order to provide
the Ci
protection against air attack. Hundreds of fighter aircraft, thousands of anti-aircraft
discus
cannon, and many hundreds of thousands of men, together with a vast share of the
cussio
output of the war factories, have already been assigned to this purely defensive
accou
function. All this is at the expense of the enemy's power of new aggression, and of his
war if
power to resume the initiative.
positi
Surveying the whole aspect of the air war, we cannot doubt that it is a major
broug
factor in the process of victory. That I think is established as a solid fact. It is agreed
between us all that we should, at the earliest moment, similarly bring out joint air
additi
power to bear upon the military targets in the home lands of Japan. The cold-blooded
debate
execution of the United States airmen by the Japanese Government is a proof, not
dange:
only of their barbarism, but of the dread with which they regard this possibility.
overhe
It is the duty of those who are charged with the direction of the war to
public
overcome at the earliest moment the military, geographical, and political difficulties,
and re
and begin the process, so necessary and desirable, of laying the cities and other
are abl
munitions centres of Japan in ashes, for in ashes they must surely lie before peace
comes back to the world.
combi
That this objective holds a high place in the present conference is obvious to
lately
thinking men, but no public discussion would be useful upon the method or sequence
indispe
of events which should be pursued in order to achieve it. Let me make it plain,
the cu
however, that the British will participate in this air attack on Japan in harmonious
swept
accord with the major strategy of the war. That is our desire. And the cruelties of the
]
Japanese enemy make our airmen all the more ready to share the perils and sufferings
Goveri
of their American comrades.
Staffs
At the present time, speaking more generally, the prime problem which is before
Preside
the United States, and to a lesser extent before Great Britain, is not so much the
represe
creation of armies or the vast output of munitions and aircraft. These are already in
]
full swing, and immense progress, and prodigious results, have been achieved. The
the off
problem is rather the application of those forces to the enemy in the teeth of U-boat
this th
resistance àcross the great. ocean spaces, across the narrow seas, or on land through
Washin
swamps, mountains, and jungles in various quarters of the globe.
politica
That is our problem. All our war plans must, therefore, be inspired, pervaded,
States,
and even dominated by the supreme object of coming to grips with the enemy under
Kai-she
favourable conditions, or at any rate tolerable conditions-we cannot pick and choose
of the
too much-on the largest scale, at the earliest possible moment, and of engaging that
will, in
A Time of Triumph: 1943
6779
enemy wherever it is profitable, and indeed I might say wherever it is possible, to do
so. Thus, in this way, shall we make our enemies in Europe and in Asia burn and
consume their strength on land, on sea, and in the air with the maximum rapidity.
Now you will readily understand that the complex task of finding the maximum
openings for the employment of our vast forces, the selection of the points at which to
strike with the greatest advantage to those forces, and the emphasis and priority to be
assigned to all the various enterprises which are desirable, is a task requiring constant
supervision and adjustment by our combined Staffs and Heads of Governments.
This is a vast, complicated process, especially when two countries are directly in
council together, and when the interests of so many other countries have to be
considered, and the utmost good will and readiness to think for the common cause,
the cause of all the United Nations, are required from everyone participating in our
discussions. The intricate adjustments and arrangements can only be made by dis-
cussion between men who know all the facts, and who are and can alone be held
accountable for success or failure. Lots of people can make good plans for winning the
war if they have not got to carry them out. I dare say if I had not been in a responsible
position I should have made a lot of excellent plans, and very likely should have
brought them in one way or another to the notice of the executive authorities.
But it is not possible to have full and open argument about these matters. It is an
additional hardship to those in charge that such questions cannot be argued out and
debated in public except with enormous reticence, and even then with very great
danger that the watching and listening enemy may derive some profit from what he
overhears. In these circumstances, in my opinion, the American and British Press and
public have treated their executive authorities with a wise and indulgent consideration,
and recent events have vindicated their self-restraint. Mr. President, it is thus that we
are able to meet here to-day in all faithfulness, sincerity, and friendship.
Geography imposes insuperable obstacles to the continuous session of the
combined Staff and Executive chiefs, but as the scene is constantly changing, and
lately I think I may say constantly changing for the better, repeated conferences are
indispensable if the sacrifices of the fighting troops are to be rendered fruitful, and if
the curse of war which lies so heavily upon almost the whole world is to be broken and
swept, away within the shortest possible time.
I therefore thought it my duty, with the full authority of His Majesty's
Government, to come here again with our highest officers in order that the combined
Staffs may work in the closest contact with the chief executive power which the
President derives from his office, and in respect of which I am the accredited
representative of Cabinet and Parliament.
The wisdom of the founders of the American Constitution led them to associate
the office of Commander-in-Chief with that of the Presidency of the United States. In
this they were following the precedents which were successful in the days of George
Washington. It is remarkable that after more than 150 years this combination of
political and military authority has been found necessary, not only in the United
States, but in the case of Marshal Stalin in Russia and of Generalissimo Chiang
Kai-shek in China. Even I, as Majority Leader in the House of Commons-one branch
of the Legislature-have been drawn from time to time, not perhaps wholly against my
will, into some participation in military affairs.
6780
Speeches of Winston Churchill
A Tin
Modern war is total, and it is necessary for its conduct that the technical and
professional authorities should be sustained and if necessary directed by the Heads of
invalu
Government, who have the knowledge which enables them to comprehend not only
to him
the military but the political and economic forces at work, and who have the power to
forces
focus them all upon the goal.
gallant
These are the reasons which compelled the President to make his long journey to
deliver
Casablanca, and these are the reasons which bring me here. We both earnestly hope
which
that at no distant date we may be able to achieve what we have so long sought-
namely, a meeting with Marshal Stalin and if possible with Generalissimo Chiang
worth
Kai-shek. But how and when and where this is to be accomplished is not a matter upon
swifter
which I am able to shed any clear ray of light at the present time, and if I were I
Far Ea
should certainly not shed it.
stimul:
In the meanwhile we do our best to keep the closest association at every level
Nazi a
between all the authorities of all the Allied countries engaged in the active direction of
tive wa
the war. It is my special duty to promote and preserve this intimacy and concert
between all parts of the British Commonwealth and Empire, and especially with the
The ur
great self-governing Dominions, like Canada, whose Prime Minister is with us at this
have to
moment, whose contribution is so massive and invaluable. There could be no better or
in the
more encouraging example of the fruits of our consultations than the campaign in
insensa
North-West Africa, which has just ended so well.
destru
One morning in June last, when I was here, the President handed me a slip of
Tunisi:
paper which bore the utterly unexpected news of the fall of Tobruk, and the
surrender, in unexplained circumstances, of its garrison of 25,000 men. That indeed
the en
was a dark and bitter hour for me, and I shall never forget the kindness and the wealth
ferried
of comradeship which our American friends showed me and those with me in such
United
adversity. Their only thought was to find the means of helping to restore the situation,
the lan
and never for a moment did they question the resolution or fighting quality of our
paid.
troops. Hundreds of Sherman tanks were taken from the hands of American divisions
and sent at the utmost speed round the Cape of Good Hope to Egypt. When one ship
master
carrying fifty tanks was sunk by torpedo, the United States Government replaced it
inflicte
and its precious vehicles before we could even think of asking them to do so. The
obtain
Sherman was the best tank in the desert in the year 1942, and the presence of these
Staff n
weapons played an appreciable part in the ruin of Rommel's army at the battle of
power
Alamein and in the long pursuit which chased him back to Tunisia.
which
And at this time, June of last year, when I was here last, there lighted up those
Other
trains of thought and study which produced the memorable American and British
special
descent upon French North-West Africa, the results of which are a cause of general
technic
rejoicing. We have certainly a most encouraging example here of what can be achieved
obstina
by British and Americans working together heart and hand. In fact one might almost
M
feel that if they could keep it up there is hardly anything that they could not do,
Hitler's
either in the field of war or in the not less tangled problems of peace.
forman
History will acclaim this great enterprise as a classic example of the way to make
their di
war. We used the weapon of sea power, the weapon in which we were strongest, to
driven
attack the enemy at our chosen moment and at our chosen point. In spite of the
from C:
immense elaboration of the plan, and of the many hundreds, thousands even, who had
control
to be informed of its main outlines, we maintained secrecy and effected surprise.
Nazi ty
A Time of Triumph: 1943
6781
We confronted the enemy with a situation in which he had either to lose
invaluable strategical territories, or to fight under conditions most costly and wasteful
to him. We recovered the initiative, which we still retain. We rallied to our side French
forces which are already a brave and will presently become a powerful army under the
gallant General Giraud. We secured bases from which violent attacks can and will be
delivered by our Air power on the whole of Italy, with results no one can measure, but
which must certainly be highly beneficial to our affairs.
We have made an economy in our strained and straitened shipping position
worth several hundreds of great ships, and one which will give us the advantage of far
swifter passage through the Mediterranean to the East, to the Middle East, and to the
Far East. We have struck the enemy a blow which is the equal of Stalingrad, and most
stimulating to our heroic and heavily-engaged Russian allies. All this gives the lie to the
Nazi and Fascist taunt that Parliamentary democracies are incapable of waging effec-
tive war. Presently we shall furnish them with further examples.
Still, I am free to admit that in North Africa we builded better than we knew.
The unexpected came to the aid of the design and multiplied the results. For this we
have to thank the military intuition of Corporal Hitler. We may notice, as I predicted
in the House of Commons three months ago, the touch of the masterhand. The same
insensate obstinacy which condemned Field-Marshal von Paulus and his army to
destruction at Stalingrad has brought this new catastrophe upon our enemies in
Tunisia.
We have destroyed or captured considerably more than a quarter of a million of
the enemy's best troops, together with vast masses of material, all of which had been
ferried across to Africa after paying a heavy toll to British submarines and British and
United States aircraft. No one could count on such follies. They gave us, if I may use
the language of finance, a handsome bonus after the full dividend had been earned and
paid.
At the time when we planned this great joint African operation, we hoped to be
masters of Tunisia even before the end of last year; but the injury we have now
inflicted upon the enemy, physical and psychological, and the training our troops have
obtained in the hard school of war, and the welding together of the Anglo-American
Staff machine-these are advantages which far exceed anything which it was in our
power to plan. The German lie factory is volubly explaining how valuable is the time
which they bought by the loss of their great armies. Let them not delude themselves.
Other operations which will unfold in due course, depending as they do upon the
special instruction of large numbers of troops and upon the provision of a vast mass of
technical apparatus, these other operations have not been in any way delayed by the
obstinate fighting in Northern Tunisia.
Mr. President, the African war is over. Mussolini's African Empire and Corporal
Hitler's strategy are alike exploded. It is interesting to compute what these per-
formances have cost these two wicked men and those who have been their tools or
their dupes. The Emperor of Abyssinia sits again upon the throne from which he was
driven by Mussolini's poison gas. All the vast territories from Madagascar to Morocco,
from Cairo to Casablanca, from Aden to Dakar, are under British, American, or French
control. One continent at least has been cleansed and purged for ever from Fascist or
Nazi tyranny.
6782
Speeches of Winston Churchill
A Time of
The African excursions of the two Dictators have cost their countries in killed
the Pacific
and captured 950,000 soldiers. In addition nearly 2,400,000 gross tons of shipping
gathered h
have been sunk and nearly 8,000 aircraft destroyed, both of these figures being
and thrust
exclusive of large numbers of ships and aircraft damaged. There have also been lost to
Not
the enemy 6,200 guns, 2,550 tanks and 70,000 trucks, which is the American name
still being
for lorries, and which, I understand, has been adopted by the combined staffs in
than 190
North-West Africa in exchange for the use of the word petrol in place of gasolene.
while doit
These are the losses of the enemy in the three years of war, and at the end of it
portion; a
all what is it that they have to show? The proud German Army has by its sudden
compare V
collapse, sudden crumbling and breaking up, unexpected to all of us, the proud
after a car
German Army has once again proved the truth of the saying, "The Hun is always
of the Rus
either at your throat or at your feet;" and that is a point which may have its bearing
It in
upon the future. But for us, arrived at this milestone in the war: we can say "One
armies is
Continent redeemed.'
organism
The North-West African campaign, and particularly its Tunisian climax, is the
Hitler is D
finest example of the co-operation of the troops of three different countries and of the
and spirit
combination under one supreme commander of the sea, land, and air forces which has
twice assa
yet been seen: in particular the British and American Staff work, as I have said, has
He
matched the comradeship of the soldiers of our two countries striding forward side by
practicable
side under the fire of the enemy.
responsibl
It was a marvel of efficient organisation which enabled the Second American
will be W(
Corps, or rather Army, for that was its size, to be moved 300 miles from the Southern
I wa
sector, which had become obsolete through the retreat of the enemy, to the Northern
well, like
coast, from which, beating down all opposition, they advanced and took the fortress
War. No
and harbour of Bizerta. In order to accomplish this march of 300 miles, which was
incline, ye
covered in twelve days, it was necessary for this very considerable Army, with its
the fightir
immense modern equipment, to traverse at right angles all the communications of the
our sinew
British First Army, which was already engaged or about to be engaged in heavy battle;
favourable
and this was achieved without in any way disturbing the hour-to-hour supply upon
Hitler and
which that Army depended. I am told that these British and American officers worked
If W
together without the slightest question of what country they belonged to, each doing
many lan
his part in the military organisation which must henceforward be regarded as a most
suffering
powerful and efficient instrument of war.
tolerate t]
There is honour, Mr. President, for all; and I shall at the proper time and place
He is harc
pay my tribute to the British and American commanders by land and sea who
strategic
conducted or who were engaged in the battle. This only will I say now: I do not think
direction,
you could have chosen any man more capable than General Eisenhower of keeping his
the comn
very large, heterogeneous force together, through bad times as well as good, and of
surmount
creating the conditions of harmony and energy which were the indispensable elements
with us ti
of victory.
what new
I have dwelt in some detail, but I trust not at undue length, upon these famous
is in the (
events; and I shall now return for a few minutes- to the general war, in which they have
or bored
their setting and proportion. It is a poor heart that never réjoices; but our thanks-
must dest
giving, however fervent, must be brief.
must bew
Heavier work lies ahead, not only in the European, but, as I have indicated, in
which tur
urchill
A Time of Triumph: 1943
6783
killed
the Pacific and Indian spheres; and the President and I, and the combined Staffs, are
ipping
gathered here in order that this work may be, so far as lies within us, well conceived,
being
and thrust forward without losing a day.
ost to
Not for one moment must we forget that the main burden of the war on land is
name
still being borne by the Russian armies. They are holding at the present time no fewer
iffs in
than 190 German divisions and 28 satellite divisions on their front. It is always wise,
while doing justice to one's own achievements, to preserve a proper sense of pro-
1 of it
portion; and I therefore mention that the figures of the German forces opposite Russia
udden
compare with the equivalent of about 15 divisions which we have destroyed in Tunisia,
proud
after a campaign which has cost us about 50,000 casualties. That gives some measure
lways
of the Russian effort, and of the debt which we owe to her.
earing
It may well be that a further trial of strength between the German and Russian
"One
armies is impending. Russia has already inflicted injuries upon the German military
organism which will, I believe, prove ultimately mortal; but there is little doubt that
is the
Hitler is reserving his supreme gambler's throw for a third attempt to break the heart
of the
and spirit and destroy the armed forces of the mighty nation which he has already
:h has
twice assaulted in vain.
1, has
He will not succeed. But we must do everything in our power that is sensible and
de by
practicable to take more of the weight off Russia in 1943. I do not intend to be
responsible for any suggestion that the war is won, or that it will soon be over. That it
rican
will be won by us I am sure. But how and when cannot be foreseen, still less foretold.
thern
I was driving the other day not far from the field of Gettysburg. which I know
them
well, like most of your battlefields. It was the decisive battle of the American Civil
rtress
War. No one after Gettysburg doubted which way the dread balance of war would
1 was
incline, yet far more blood was shed after the Union victory at Gettsburg than in all
:h its
the fighting which went before. It behoves us, therefore, to search our hearts and brace
of the
our sinews and take the most earnest counsel, one with another, in order that the
attle;
favourable position which has already been reached both against Japan and against
upon
Hitler and Mussolini in Europe shall not be let slip.
orked
If we wish to abridge the slaughter and ruin which this war is spreading to so
loing
many lands and to which we must ourselves contribute so grievous a measure of
most
suffering and sacrifice, we cannot afford to relax a single fibre of our being or to
tolerate the slightest abatement of our efforts. The enemy is still proud and powerful.
place
He is hard to get at. He still possesses enormous armies, vast resources, and invaluable
who
strategic territories. War is full of mysteries and surprises. A false step, a wrong
hink
direction, an error in strategy, discord or lassitude among the Allies, might soon give
g his
the common enemy power to confront us with new and hideous facts. We have
d of
surmounted many serious dangers, but there is one grave danger which will go along
tents
with us till the end; that danger is the undue prolongation of the war. No one can tell
what new complications and perils might arise in four or five more years of war. And it
nous
is in the dragging-out of the war at enormous expense, until the democracies are tired
have
or bored or split, that the main hopes of Germany and Japan must now reside. We
inks-
must destroy this hope, as we have destroyed so many others, and for that purpose we
must beware of every topic however attractive and every tendency however natural
1, in
which turns our minds and energies from this supreme objective of the general victory
6784
Speeches of Winston Churchill
A Time o
of the United Nations. By singleness of purpose, by steadfastness of conduct, by
I a
tenacity and endurance such as we have so far displayed-by these, and only by these,
prosecut
can we discharge our duty to the future of the world and to the destiny of man.
sound an
equal fo
disposal
It
A TALK TO THE AMERICAN PRESS
shipping.
May 25, 1943
the wide
smaller a
Washington, D.C.
It
weapon
Mr. Churchill attended President Roosevelt's press conference on May 25, 1943, and
Allied su
answered questions from American newspaper representatives.
Tw
highly sa
Th
The Allies' future plans are to wage this war to the unconditional surrender of all
but not t
who have molested us-that applies to Asia as well as to Europe.
To
The situation is very much more satisfactory than when I was last here. It was in
Nations
this house that I got the news of the fall of Tobruk. I don't think any Englishman in
distortin
the United States has ever been so unhappy as I was that day; certainly no Englishman
Axis have
since General Burgoyne surrendered at Saratoga.
Th
Since the attack on Alamein and the descent on North Africa we have had a
tion. The
great measure of success and a decisive victory.
at any pr
A year ago Russia was subjected to such a heavy attack that it seemed she might
Ne
lose the Caucasus; but she, too, recovered and gained another series of successes.
U-boats,
Hitler has been struck two tremendous, shattering blows-Stalingrad and Tunisia.
discoveri
In eleven months the Allies have given some examples of highly successful war-making,
Supplies
and have indisputably turned the balance.
Ik
I quote the words of your great general, Nathan Bedford Forrest, the eminently
and the I'
successful Confederate leader. Asked the secret of his victories, Forrest said, "I git thar
It
fustest with the mostest men." The Allies can see a changed situation. Instead of, as
unmeasu
hitherto, getting somewhere very late with very little, we are arriving first with most.
I h
There is danger in wishful thinking that victory will come by internal collapse of
hand a li
the Axis. Victory depends on force of arms. I stand pat on a knock-out, but any
avoid Wi
windfalls in the way of internal collapses will be gratefully accepted
should tl
Italy is a softer proposition than Germany, and the Allies might be aided by a
world to
change of heart or a weakening of morale.
Re
No one wishes to take the native soil of Italy from the Italians, who will have
Commiss
their place in Europe after the war. The trouble is that they allow themselves to be
French, 1
held in bondage by intriguers, with the result that they are now in a terrible plight. I
It
think they would be well advised to throw themselves upon the justice of those whom
get toget
they have SO grossly attacked. We shall not stain our name for posterity by any cruel,
sectional
inhuman acts. It is a matter for the Italians to settle among themselves.-All we can do
Re,
is to apply the physical stimuli which we have at our disposal to bring about a change
Churchill
of mind in these recalcitrant persons. Of this you may be sure: we shall continue to
Th
operate on the Italian donkey at both ends, with a carrot and with a stick
Russians.
eye.
hill
A Time of Triumph: 1952
8323
to
ocean both to Britain and France. You have a sacred mission to discharge. That you
the
will be worthy of it, I do not doubt. God bless you all.
its
to
live
r as
BECOMING A MEMBER OF THE
our
SOCIETY OF CINCINNATI
ms
January 16, 1952
ain
Washington, D.C.
our
in
I regard this as a most memorable day in my crowded life, and you have
the
conferred on me an honour which I deeply value. I treasure the eagle and diploma and
the
will hand them to my descendants. As history unfolds itself, by strange and unpre-
can
dictable paths, we have little control over the future and no control over the past. It
us,
therefore seems to me that when the events took place which this society commemo-
tic
rates I was on both sides in the war between us and we.
I remind you that many of the most famous English statesmen have taken the
on
side of the colonists. I have been refreshing my memory during the morning by reading
the
the elder Pitt, and I quote: "If I were an American, as I am an Englishman, and foreign
us
troops were landed in my country, I would never lay down my arms-never, nèver,
me
never." These are the kind of words which roll along the centuries and play their part
ere
in wiping out the bitterness of former quarrels and in effacing the tragedies that have
In
occurred, so that we remember battles only to celebrate the military virtues of those
ay
who took part on both sides.
ise
I am proud of my American ancestry. I think it wonderful that I should have the
it.
honour to rejoice in that fact, while at the same time I have never failed in my
at
constitutional duty to my own country. I hope that this honour will be of help to
a
those forces-they are in my opinion irresistible-which are drawing the two countries
together in order that we may defend freedom.
ve
de
ADDRESS TO THE UNITED STATES CONGRESS
10
January 17, 1952
Id
Washington, D.C.
A
us
This is the third time it has been my fortune to address the Congress of the United
ut
States upon our joint affairs. I am honoured indeed by these experiences which I
re
believe are unique for one who is not an American citizen. It is also of great value to
us
me, on again becoming the head of His Majesty's Government, to come over here and
id
take counsel with many trusted friends and comrades of former anxious days. There is
1e
a lot for us to talk about together so that we can understand each other's difficulties,
8324
Speeches of Winston Churchill
A Tim
feelings and thoughts, and do our best for the common cause. Let us, therefore, survey
to wh
the scene this afternoon with cool eyes undimmed by hate or passion, guided by
we sh
righteous inspiration and not uncheered by hope.
Congr
I have not come here to ask you for money to make life more comfortable or
thus
easier for us in Britain. Our standards of life are our own business and we can only
some
keep our self-respect and independence by looking after them ourselves. During the
; for st
war we bore our share of the burden and fought from first to last, unconquered-and
been
for a while alone-to the utmost limits of our resources. Your majestic obliteration of
all you gave us under Lend-Lease will never be forgotten by this generation in Britain,
exper
or by history.
anoth
After the war-unwisely as I contended, and certainly contrary to American
some
advice-we accepted as normal debts nearly £4,000 million sterling of claims by
to tir
countries we had protected from invasion, or had otherwise aided, instead of making
a col
counter-claims which would at least have reduced the bill to reasonable proportions.
We r
The £1,000 million loan we borrowed from you in 1946, and which we are now
man
repaying, was spent, not on ourselves, but mainly in helping others. In all, since the
diffe
war, as the late Government affirmed, we have lent or given to European or Asian
Briti
countries £1,300 million in the form of unrequited exports. This, added to the cost
dispt
of turning over our industry from war to peace, and rebuilding homes shattered by
on t.
bombardment was more than we could manage without an undue strain upon our
Thes
life-energies for which we shall require both time and self-discipline to recover.
lot i
Why do I say all this? Not to compare our financial resources with yours-we
and
have but a third your numbers, and much less than a third your wealth. Not to claim
divic
praise or rewards, but to convince you of our native and enduring strength, and that
resp
our true position is not to be judged by the present state of the dollar exchange or by
sterling area finance. Our production is half as great again as it was before the war, our
Sen:
exports are up by two-thirds. Recovery, while being retarded, has been continuous,
mes
and we are determined that it shall go on.
lead
As I said at Fulton in Missouri six years ago, under the auspices of President
thin
Truman, 'let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Commonwealth and
amc
Empire. Do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we
us t
came through the glorious years of agony, or that a half century from now you will
not see seventy or eighty millions of Britons spread about the world and united in
sind
defence of our traditions, our way of life and of the world causes which you and we
is t
espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealth be added to that of
wei
the United States, with all that such co-operation implies, in the air, on the sea and all
sind
over the globe, and in science, industry and moral force, there will be no quivering,
in
precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure.' I am
Co
very glad to be able to say the same to you here today.
Co
It is upon this basis of recovery, in spite of burdens, that the formidable problem
go
of the new rearmament has fallen upon us. It is the policy of the United States to help
It
forward in many countries the process of rearmament. In this, we, who contribute
to
ourselves two-thirds as much as the rest of Europe put together, require your aid if we
CO:
are to realize in good time the very high level of military strength which the Labour
da:
Government boldly aimed at, and to which they committed us. It is for you to judge
ag
A Time of Triumph: 1952
8325
to what extent United States' interests are involved; whether you aid us much or little
we shall continue to do our utmost in the common cause. But, Members of the
Congress, our contribution will perforce be limited by our own physical resources, and
thus the combined strength of our two countries, and also of the free world, will be
somewhat less than it might be. That is why I have come here to ask, not for gold, but
for steel; not for favours but equipment, and that is why many of our requests have
been so well and generously met.
At this point I will venture, if I may, to make a digression. After a lot of
experience I have learned it is not a good thing to dabble in the internal politics of
another country. It's hard enough to understand one's own. But I will tell you
something about our British politics all the same. In our island we indulge from time
to time in having Elections. I believe you sometimes have them over here. We have had
a couple in twenty months, which is quite a lot, and quite enough for the time being.
We now look forward to a steady period of administration in accordance with the
mandates we have received. Like you we tend to work on the two-party system. The
lifferences between parties on our side of the Atlantic, and perhaps elsewhere between
British parties, are often less than they appear to outsiders. In modern Britain the
dispute is between a form of Socialism which has hitherto respected political liberty,
on the one hand, and on the other hand, free enterprise regulated by law and custom.
These two systems of thought between political opponents, fortunately overlap quite a
lot in practice. Our complicated society would be deeply injured if we did not practise
and develop what is called in the United States the bi-partisan habit of mind, which
divides, so far as possible, what is done to make a party win and bear in their turn the
responsibility of office, and what is done to make the nation live and serve high causes.
I hope here, Members of Congress, you will allow me to pay a tribute to the late
Senator Vandenberg. I had the honour to meet him on several occasions. His final
message in these anxious years gave a feeling that in this period of United States
leadership and responsibility, all the great Americans should work together for all the
things that matter most. That at least is the spirit which we shall try to maintain
among British leaders in our own country. And that was the spirit which alone enabled
us to survive the perils of the late war.
But now let me return to my theme of the many changes that have taken place
since I was last here. There is a jocular saying: "To improve is to change; to be perfect
is to have changed often.' I had to use that once or twice in my long career. But if that
were true everyone ought to be getting on very well. The changes that have happened
isince I last spoke to Congress are indeed astounding. It is hard to believe we are living
in the same world. Former allies have become foes. Former foes have become allies.
Conquered countries have been liberated. Liberated nations have been enslaved by
Communism. Russia, eight years ago our brave ally, has cast away the admiration and
goodwill her soldiers had gained for her by their valiant defence of their own country.
It is not the fault of the Western Powers if an immense gulf has opened between us. It
took a long succession of deliberate and unceasing works and acts of hostility to
convince our peoples-as they are now convinced-that they have another tremendous
danger to face and that they are now confronted with a new form of tyranny and
aggression as dangerous and as hateful as that which we overthrew.
8326
Speeches of Winston Churchill
A Tin
When I visited Washington during the war I used to be told that China would be
demo
one of the Big Four Powers among the nations, and most friendly to the United States.
be re
I was always a bit sceptical, and I think it is now generally admitted that this hopeful
expar
vision has not yet come true. But I am by no means sure that China will remain for
those
generations in the Communist grip. The Chinese said of themselves several thousand
may
years ago: 'China is a sea that salts all the waters that flow into it.' There's another
have
Chinese saying about their country which is much more modern-it dates only from
men
the fourth century. This is the saying: 'The tail of China is large and will not be
place
wagged.' I like that one. The British democracy approves the principles of movable
the (
party heads and unwaggable national tails. It is due to the working of these important
Kore
forces that I have the honour to be addressing you at this moment.
prob
You have wisely been resolute, Members of the Congress, in confronting Chinese
in th
Communist aggression. We take our stand at your side. We are grateful to the United
States for bearing nine-tenths, or more, of the burden in Korea which the United
pow
Nations have morally assumed. I am very glad that whatever diplomatic divergencies
and
there may be from time to time about procedure you do not allow the Chinese
who
anti-Communists on Formosa to be invaded and massacred from the mainland. We
scen
welcome your patience in the armistice negotiations and our two countries are agreed
Decl
that if the truce we seek is reached, only to be broken, our response will be prompt,
worl
resolute and effective. What I have learnt over here convinces me that British and
who
United States policy in the Far East will be marked by increasing harmony.
and
I can assure you that our British hearts go out in sympathy to the families of the
they
hundred thousand Americans who have given their lives or shed their blood in Korea.
they
We also suffer these pangs for the loss of our own men there, and not only there but in
with
other parts of Asia also under the attack by the same enemy. Whatever course events
in Korea may take in the near future, and to prophesy would be difficult-much too
aggr
difficult for me to embark upon it-I am sure our soldiers, and your soldiers, have not
Indi
made their sacrifice in vain. The cause of world law has found strong and invaluable
main
defence, and the foundations of the world instrument for preserving peace, justice and
an
freedom among the nations have been deepened and strengthened. They stand now,
con
not on paper but on rock.
Gov
Moreover, the action which President Truman took in your name, and with your
Egy
full support in his stroke against aggression in Korea, has produced consequences far
inte
beyond Korea; consequences which may well affect the destiny of mankind. The vast
process of American rearmament in which the British Commonwealth and Empire and
Sue
the growing power of United Europe will play their part to the utmost of their
vair
strength, this vast process has already altered the balance of the world and may well, if
not
we all persevere steadfastly and loyally together, avert the danger of a Third World
con
War, or the horror of defeat and subjugation should one come upon us. Mr. President
the
and Mr. Speaker, I hope the mourning families throughout the great Republic will find
sym
some comfort and some pride in these thoughts.
stat
Another extraordinary change has taken place in the Far East since I last
whi
addressed you. Peace has been made with Japan; there indeed I congratulate you upon
me:
the policy which in wise and skilful hands has brought the Japanese nation from the
asst
woe and shame of defeat in their wicked war back to that association with the Western
ster
A Time of Triumph: 1952
8327
be
democracies upon which the revival of their traditions, dignity and happiness can alone
be regained and the stability of the Far East assured. In the anxious and confused
expanses of South-East Asia there is another sphere where our aims and interests, and
those of the French, who are fighting bravely at heavy cost to their strength in Europe,
di
may find a fertile field for agreement on policy. I feel sure that the conversations we
have had between our two Foreign Secretaries-between Mr. Eden and Mr. Acheson-
men whose names and experience are outstanding throughout the world, will help to
e
place the problems of South-East Asia in their right setting. It would not be helpful to
the common cause, for our evils all spring from one centre, if an effective truce in
Korea led only to a transference of Communist aggression to these other fields. Our
problems will not be solved unless they are steadily viewed and acted upon as a whole
in their integrity as a whole.
In the Middle East enormous changes have also taken place since I was last in
power in my own country. When the war ended the Western nations were respected
and predominant throughout these ancient lands, and there were quite a lot of people
who had a good word to say about Great Britain. Today it is a sombre and confusing
scene; yet there is still some sunshine as well as shadow. From the days of the Balfour
Declaration I have desired that the Jews should have a national home, and I have
worked for that end. I rejoice to pay my tribute here to the achievements of those
who have founded the Israelite State, who have defended themselves with tenacity,
and who offer asylum to great numbers of Jewish refugees. I hope that with their aid
they may convert deserts into gardens; but if they are to enjoy peace and prosperity
they must strive to renew and preserve their friendly relations with the Arab world
without which widespread misery might follow for all.
Britain's power to influence the fortunes of the Middle East and guard it from
aggression is far less today, now that we have laid aside our Imperial responsibility for
India and its armies. It is no longer for us alone to bear the whole burden of
maintaining the freedom of the famous waterway of the Suez Canal. That has become
an 'international rather than a national responsibility. I welcome the statesmanlike
conception of the Four-Power approach to Egypt, announced by the late British
Government, in which Britain, the United States, France and Turkey may share with
Egypt in the protection of the world interests involved, among which Egypt's own
interests are paramount.
Such a policy is urgent. Britain is maintaining over fifty thousand troops in the
Suez Canal Zone, who again might be well employed elsewhere, not for national
vainglory or self-seeking advantage, but in the common interest of all nations. We do
not seek to be masters of Egypt; we are there only as the servants and guardians of the
commerce of the world. It would enormously aid us in our task if even token forces of
the other partners in the Four-Power proposal were stationed in the Canal Zone as a
symbol of the unity of purpose which inspires us. And I believe it is no exaggeration to
state that such token forces would probably bring into harmony all that movement by
which the Four-Power policy may be made to play a decisive part by peaceful
measures, and bring to an end the wide disorders of the Middle East in which, let me
assure you, there lurk dangers not less great than those which the United States has
stemmed in Korea.
8328
Speeches of Winston Churchill
Al
Now I come to Europe where the greatest of all our problems and dangers lie. I
pur
have long worked for the cause of a United Europe, and even of a United States of
all
Europe, which would enable that Continent, the source of so much of our culture,
per
ancient and modern, and the parent of the New World, to resume and revive its former
splendours. It is my sure hope and conviction that European unity will be achieved,
a
and that it will not ultimately be limited only to the countries at present composing
it,
Western Europe. I said at Zurich in 1946 that France should take Germany by the
We
hand and lead her back into the family of nations, and thus end a thousand-year
all
quarrel which has torn Europe to pieces and finally plunged the whole world twice
pr
over into slaughter and havoc.
an
Real and rapid progress is being made towards European unity, and it is both the
fo
duty and the policy of both Great Britain and her Commonwealth, and of the United
sh
States, to do our utmost, all of us, to help and speed it. As a forerunner of United
sti
Europe there is the European Army, which could never achieve its necessary strength
Co
without the inclusion of Germany. If this necessary and urgent object is being achieved
th
by the fusion of the forces of the Continental nations outside what I have called in
hc
former times, the Iron Curtain, that great operation deserves our fullest support. But,
fo
Members of Congress, fusion is not the only way in which the defence of Western
tn
Europe can be built. The system of a grand alliance such as has been created by the
fo
North Atlantic Treaty Organization is no bar to the fusion of as many of its members
pl
as wish for this closer unity. And the United States, British and Canadian troops will
stand, indeed are already standing, shoulder to shoulder with their European comrades
cli
in defence of the civilization and freedom of the West. We stand together under
General Eisenhower to defend the common cause from violent aggression.
01
What matters most is not the form of fusion, or melding-a word I learned over
sa
here-but the numbers of divisions, and of armoured divisions and the power of the air
W
forces, and their weapons available for unified action under the Supreme Commander.
We, in Britain, have denuded our island of military formations to an extent I have
never seen before, and I cannot accept the slightest reproach from any quarter that we
are not doing our full duty, because the British Commonwealth of Nations, spread all
over the world, is not prepared to become a State or a group of States in any
Continental federal system on either side of the Atlantic. The sooner strong enough
forces can be assembled in Europe under united command the more effective will be
the deterrents against a Third World War. The sooner, also, will our sense of security,
and the fact of our security, be seen to reside in valiant, resolute and well-armed
manhood, rather than in the awful secrets which science has wrested from nature.
These are at present, it must be recognized-these secrets-the supreme deterrent
against a Third World War, and the most effective guarantee of victory in it.
If I may say this, Members of Congress, be careful above all things, therefore,
not to let go of the atomic weapon until you are sure, and more than sure, that other
means of preserving peace are in your hands. It is my belief that by accumulating
S
deterrents of all kinds against aggression we shall, in fact, ward off the fearful
catastrophe, the fears of which darken the life and mar the progress of all the peoples
of the globe. We must persevere steadfastly and faithfully in the task to which, under
United States leadership, we have solemnly bound ourselves. Any weakening of our
chill
A Time of Triumph: 1952
8329
lie. I
purpose, any disruption of our organization would bring about the very evils which we
:s of
all dread, and from which we should all suffer, and from which many of us would
ture,
perish.
mer
We must not lose patience, and we must not lose hope. It may be that presently
ved,
a new mood will reign behind the Iron Curtain. If so it will be easy for them to show
sing
it, but the democracies must be on their guard against being deceived by a false dawn.
the
We seek or covet no one's territory; we plan no forestalling war; we trust and pray that
year
all will come right. Even during these years of what is called the 'cold war,' material
vice
production in every land is continually improving through the use of new machinery
and better organization and the advance of peaceful science. But the great bound
the
forward in progress and prosperity for which mankind is longing cannot come till the
ted
shadow of war has passed away. There are, however, historic compensations for the
ted
stresses which we suffer in the 'cold war.' Under the pressure and menace of
gth
Communist aggression the fraternal association of the United States with Britain and
ved
the British Commonwealth, and the new unity growing up in Europe-nowhere more
in
hopeful than between France and Germany-all these harmonies are being brought
forward, perhaps by several generations in the destiny of the world. If this proves
true-and it has certainly proved true up to date-the architects in the Kremlin may be
the
found to have built a different and a far better world structure than what they
ers
planned.
vill
Members of the Congress, I have dwelt today repeatedly upon many of the
les
changes that have happened throughout the world since you last invited me to address
ler
you here and I am sure you will agree that it is hardly possible to recognize the scene
or believe it can truly have come to pass. But there is one thing which is exactly the
er
same as when I was here last. Britain and the United States are working together and
air
working for the same high cause. Bismarck once said that the supreme fact of the
nineteenth century was that Britain and the United States spoke the same language.
ve
Let us make sure that the supreme fact of the twentieth century is that they tread the
ve
same path.
ly
e
ANGLO-AMERICAN CONVERSATIONS
d
January 30, 1952
e.
House of Commons
I should myself have thought that it would have been more for the convenience
of the House not to delay the important debate on the financial and economic
g
situation which must follow on yesterday's statement by the Chancellor of the
Exchequer [Mr. R. A. Butler] and I should myself have liked to present my whole
S
case, the whole case, to the House in its proper setting during the course, or at the
opening, of the debate we are to have on foreign affairs next week. However, in
r
deference to the wishes expressed by the Opposition, to which it is always my desire
DA566
.9
/ C5
V.8
WH
t: WINSTON S. CHURCHILL
HIS COMPLETE SPEECHES
1897-1963
Edited by
ROBERT RHODES JAMES
Volume
VIII
1950-1963
UPI
CHELSEA HOUSE PUBLISHERS
in association with
R.R. BOWKER COMPANY
New York and London
1974
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
May 14, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AND QUEEN ELIZABETH II
AT PRESENTATION OF CHURCHILL AWARD
The Rose Garden
1:24 P.M. EDT
QUEEN ELIZABETH II: It gives me great pleasure, Mr.
President, to present you with the Churchill Award in recognition of
the leadership you have showned to the world in recent months.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much. Thank you.
(Applause.) Your Majesty, and Royal Highness Prince Philip, and
Ambassador Loeb, and friends of what is indeed this special
relationship. I have prepared here about a 45-minute speech --
(laughter.) But if I gave it, we would all melt. (Laughter.) And
we want the visit of the Queen to be the best ever.
So I will simply say that I am very, very grateful to
you, Your Majesty, for taking the time to do this; to you, Ambassador
Loeb, for your leadership and what you're doing in terms of
scholarships. It is outstanding. It is wonderful.
And I'm old enough to remember from World War II, Winston
Churchill's leadership. He inspired the United Kingdom, but he
inspired everybody in this country as well. And I think it's a
marvelous symbol of the lasting, special relationship between the
United Kingdom and the United States of America. And I am very proud
and pleased and honored to receive this.
Thank you very, very much. (Applause.)
END
1:26 P.M. EDT
(Smith/Grossman)
May 9, 1991
Draft Two
WINSTON
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: CHURCHILL AWARD
ROSE GARDEN
TUESDAY, MAY 14, 1991
Your Majesty, Your Royal Highness, friends of what is indeed
our special relationship. It is a pleasure to welcome you to the
White House -- and to receive an award honoring not merely a lion
of winter -- but one of the greatest leaders of all time. //
His name was Winston Churchill. He was a morning star of
liberty. Like Gladstone, his became a fidelity to honor. Like
Thatcher, he rallied others to that cause. // We can never
reinvent him -- but we must never forget him. So we are here to
recall what he meant, and what he was. //
Winston Churchill provided hope when the free world had
abandoned it. He was likened to the bull dog -- but to the enemy
he was a pit bull. / He helped Britain stand tall in the
councils of the Europe -- and the lamp of liberty shine like "a
blizzard of fireflies in the night." // When Britain was under
attack by the Godless, it was sustained by a leader whom God must
have bestowed at its time of greatest peril. //
What made Churchill such a legend? To begin, he forged a
golden age of rhetoric. [[At first I wondered why I would be the
recipient of the Winston Churchill Award, but when I reflected on
our similarities, I realized it must be for my gift of oratory. ]]
// Think of "Britain's finest hour" or "Blood, toil, tears, and
2
sweat" or how he told America, "Give us the tools, and we will
finish the job." // Churchill didn't merely speak words. He
armed them / marshaled them /and sent them marching off to war. / /
True, and yet there was more to Churchill than rhetoric
alone. He had the good sense to have an American mother -- but
his birthright eclipsed boundary, and Nation. // He knew foreign
policy -- had studied it for years. / Too, he realized how
education was our most enduring legacy -- vital to all we are,
and can become. //
Listen to what he said in 19 : "If the human race wishes
to have a prolonged and indefinite period of prosperity, they
have only got to behave in a peaceful and helpful way toward one
another, and science will do for them all they wish and more than
they can dream." //
Churchill College reflects this promise of science and
technology -- brandishing the qualities of steel, integrity,
creativity, and conviction -- that indelibly British mix known as
character. / By honoring it, we uphold Churchill's memory: A
legacy which defies limitations and salutes the horizons of
tomorrow. / Sir Winston taught us that in a world that is shaped
underline by colossal events, an era can be shaped by a colossus of a man.
//
Three times, Your Majesty -- more than any individual --
Winston Churchill was accorded the honor you will receive on
Thursday -- addressing the Congress of the United States. / Each
was a memorable occasion -- and none more when in 1943, as the
3
tide turned toward the Allies, he told America: "By singleness
of purpose, by tenacity and endurance such as we have so far
displayed -- by these, and only by these, can we discharge our
duty to the future of the world and to the destiny of man. " //
Winston Churchill believed passionately in Britain and
America. Believed that only freedom could discharge our duty to
the meek and oppressed. / He lit the fuse of hope under wartime
Britain -- illumined even the inner recesses of the darkest
hearts of Europe. / On the face of freedom, he was, and
remains, the stiff upper lip -- presiding over the liquidation of
the greatest evil the world has ever known. //
Your Majesty, like this award itself, its namesake is the
standard against which others are measured. / It is an honor to
be with you -- and to receive an award saluting a man of whom it
may be said: God must have broken the mold even before He made
7
him. / Sir Winston Churchill.
1
#
#
#
#
Displays
to all the
world The
Great gool
man car do.
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FAX TRANSMITTAL COVER SHEET A11:31
Date: 5/9/91
To:
MR. KURT SMITH
Company:
THE WHITE HOUSE
Fax # :
(202) 456.6218
From:
JOHN LOEB JR
Company:
Fax # :
935-2525 (212)
Number of Pages (including cover sheet) :
22
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202 456 6218
Dear Mr. Smith,
/ Lope this
will be helpful
Best,
for Loofe
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Draft of Remarks Pres's
President Bush: Your Majesty, Prince Philip, Ambassador Loeb,
friends. I have had the pleasure, as every president does, of
receiving many awards and citations. It is one of the pleasant
aspects of this job.
But I have never been more proud, more grateful, more deeply moved
as I am now in receiving this uncommon honor - the Winston
Churchill Award - especially at your hands, Your Majesty.
I think it fair to say that no leader of modern times - and few of
any times - stands as high in public affection and respect than
Winston Churchill.
He left an indelible mark on this century.
His character and values still inspire us:
boldness, courage and defiance in opposing aggression and
defending freedom
tenacity in the face of adversity
the power to evoke the best in our fellow men and women
and a belief in the power of education to improve the human
condition
He was a man of many gifts and strong attachments, especially to
the idea of Anglo-American cooperation.
Perhaps this came from his American inheritance.
He was, after all, half-American and once reminded us that had his
mother been English and his father American, instead of the other
way around, he might have been a leader in this country instead of
in Great Britain. I don't doubt that this would have been the
case.
That principle of Anglo-American cooperation has guided and will
continue to guide the relations between the United States and Great
Britain. It was never more in evidence, Your Majesty, than in
recent years under Prime Minister Thatcher and now under Mr.
Majors.
Finally, let me express my special gratitude to the Trustees of the
Winston Churchill Foundation not only for conferring this award
upon me, but more importantly, for its splendid scholarship and
fellowship programs.
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As you know, I have made a special commitment to raise the
standards of American education, and I have frequently urged a
greater emphasis upon developing American scientific and
engineering talent.
I want to see more students studying subjects such as math and
physics and computer science and bioengineering.
These are the keys to our future.
The Winston Churchill Foundation of the United States is making a
American scientific and engineering talent in our universities,
significant contribution to broadening and deepening the pools of
research centers and industries.
I applaud your work.
You are one of our bright points of light.
Again, my very great thanks.
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WINSTON CHURCHILL AWARD FACT SHEET
Date:
May 14, 1991
Time:
1:15 PM
Location:
The White House
Award Recipient:
President George Bush
Award Presented By:
HRH Queen Elizabeth II
Award Background:
The Winston Churchill Award is
presented from time to time by
the Winston Churchill Foundation
to individuals of exceptional
accomplishments and who, by their
conduct, exemplify the qualities
and values that Winston Churchill
embodied. The Award has been
presented to only four individuals
the late W. Averell Harriman, Prime
Minister Margaret Thatcher, Ross
Perot and President Ronald Reagan.
Foundation Background:
The name may suggest otherwise,
but the Winston Churchill
Foundation is an American organiza-
tion benefitting Americans. It was
founded in 1959 by American friends
and admirers of Sir Winston to honor
him and to encourage the spirit of
Anglo-American cooperation he
epitomized. To this end the Founda-
tion created a program of Scholar-
ships and Fellowships to enable
Americans to study and do research
at Churchill College, one of the
constituent college of Cambridge
University.
The College, whose founding was
inspired by Churchill, is Britain's
national memorial to him. It is
dedicated to teaching and research
primarily in science and technology
and is known for its very high
academic standards.
To date, the Foundation has made
grants to more than 300 outstanding
students and distinguished scholars
and scientists, drawn from America's
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leading colleges, universities and
research laboratories.
Foundation President:
The Honorable John L.Loeb, Jr. is
president of the Winston Churchill
Foundation of the United States.
Mr. Loeb was Ambassador to Denmark
from September 1981 to October 1983
and served as U.S. delegate to the
39th session of the United Nations
General Assembly in 1983.
A past and present director of
numerous major corporations, he also
serves on the boards such educational
and cultural organizations as the
Museum of the city of New York,
American University, and the
Educational Testing Service. For
over 20 years, Mr. Loeb has been
active in the affairs of Harvard.
Mr. Loeb has been a Trustee of the
Winston Churchill Foundation of the
United States since 1976 and assumed
the presidency of the Foundation in
1981.
Winston Churchill
Churchill Scholarships are awarded
Scholarships:
annually to exceptional American
graduate students to support a year
of advanced study in engineering,
mathematics and the sciences at
Churchill College, Cambridge Univer-
sity.
Competition for the scholarships is
rigorous, and the selection
procedures demanding. Forty-nine
leading American colleges and
universities, chosen for their
academic distinction, particularly
in science and technology, are each
eligible to nominate two candidates.
The credentials of these candidates
who have survived the screening
procedure at their own institutions,
are evaluated by a committee of
distinguished university professors.
Students who win the committee's
endorsement are then referred to the
appropriate department at Cambridge
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University for further consideration.
Upon acceptance for admission, they
are offered scholarships.
Each year, ten Churchill Scholars are
chosen through this demanding
process.
Most Churchill Scholars go onto take
doctoral degrees and to make careers
in research and university teaching.
Many have achieved distinction in
their fields.
Winston Churchill
Churchill Fellowships are offered to
Fellowships:
American university professors,
primarily in science and engineering
to enable them to pursue their
special interests at Churchill
College for periods ranging from a
few months to a year. The calibre
of Churchill Fellows is indicated
by the fact that six have won Nobel
Prizes subsequent to their terms as
Fellows; two others were already
Nobel laureates when they were
offered Fellowships.
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4
Churchill Fellows Awarded Nobel Prizes:
Nobel Prize
Churchill Fellowship
KENNETH J. ARROW
1972 Economics
1963-64
Harvard University
1970-72
1972-73
FELIX BLOCH
1952 Physics
1967-68
Stanford University
MURRAY GELL-MANN
1969 Physics
1965-66
California Institute of Technology
ROALD HOFFMAN
1981 Chemistry
1977-78
Cornell University
HARGABIND KBORNA
1968 Medicine
1966-67
University of Wisconsin
& Physiology
ARTHUR KORNBERG
1959 Medicine
1969-70
Stanford. University
& Physiology
GEORGE WALD
1967 Medicine
1963-64
Harvard University
& Physiology
JAMES D. WATSON
1962 Medicine
1961-62
Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory
& Physiology
WINSTON CHURCHILL FOUNDATION
OF THE UNITED STATES
TRUSTEES
John L. Loeb, Chairman
Hon. John L. Loeb, Jr., President
Daniel P. Davison, Treasurer
Wendell Fenton, Secretary
Sir Hermann Bondi
Deborah Brice
Hon. Winston S. Churchill
Sharman Douglas
Mario J. Gabelli
Patrick A. Gerschel
Pamela C. Harriman
Robert P. Hastings
Sir William Hawthorne
Ross Perot, Jr.
Lady Soames
Hon. Marietta Tree
Honorary Trustee
HRH The Duke of Edinburgh
Executive Director
Harold Epstein
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THE WINSTON CHURCHILL FOUNDATION
Although its name may suggest otherwise, the Winston Churchill
Foundation is an American organization, benefitting Americans. It was
founded in 1960 by American friends and admirers of Sir Winston to
honor him and to encourage the spirit of Anglo-American cooperation
that he epitomized.
To this end, The Foundation sponsors a program of scholarships
and fellowships to enable Americans to attend Churchill College, one of
the constituent colleges of Cambridge University. The Churchill Scholar-
ships are awarded to graduate students; the Churchill Fellowships help
support senior scientists and scholars.
Churchill College is Britain's national memorial to its war-time
leader. It is dedicated primarily to teaching and research in engineering,
standards. mathematics and the sciences, and it is known for its very high academic
To date, the Foundation has made grants to some three hundred
Churchill Scholars and Churchill Fellows. Eight Churchill Fellows have
won the Nobel Prize.
For Churchill Scholars and Fellows, the opportunity to study at one
of the world's great universities, to do research in such renowned facili-
ties as the Cavendish Laboratory and the Scott Polar Research Institute,
to work closely with the distinguished faculty for which Cambridge is
known, is immensely rewarding. It enhances their academic and pro-
fessional careers. It permits them to establish productive ties with col-
leagues not only from Britain but from the many nations that send
students and professors in great numbers to Cambridge. And it broad-
ens their horizons, enabling them to see the world, the United States
and themselves from a new perspective.
The process is reciprocal, for others learn from Churchill Scholars
and Fellows about America and Americans.
Because Churchill Fellows and Scholars are or one day will be lead-
ers, in a position to influence others, the benefits they derive from the
Foundation's program are widely shared in the United States.
-1-
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WINSTON CHURCHILL SCHOLARSHIPS
Churchill Scholarships are awarded annually to exceptional American
graduate students to support a year's advanced study in engineering,
mathematics and the sciences at Churchill College, Cambridge Uni-
versity. Churchill Scholars may elect to enroll in a program leading to
either a master of philosophy degree, a certificate of advanced study,
or a diploma, depending upon the field of study.
Competition for the scholarships is rigorous, and the selection pro-
cedures are demanding. Forty-one American colleges and universities,
chosen for their academic distinction, particularly in science and tech-
nology, are each eligible to nominate two candidates for the scholarship
competition. The credentials of these nominees, who have survived the
screening procedures at their own institutions, are evaluated by a com-
mittee of distinguished professors, many of whom are former Churchill
Scholars or Fellows, The committee considers academic records, scores
on the national Graduate Record Examination, research experience,
reference reports, extra-curricular activities and evidence of initiative,
independence and creativity. The nominees who win the committee's
endorsement are then further evaluated by the appropriate depart-
ments at Cambridge University, and, upon being accepted for admis-
sion, are then offered scholarships.
Each year, ten Churchill Scholars are selected through this demand-
ing process. They are young men and women of uncommon ability and
promise, as is evident from the following profiles of recent typical
Churchill Scholars.
PHILIP A. COLE was awarded a Churchill Schol-
arship in 1984 upon being graduated from
Yale summa cum laude, with distinction in
chemistry and an academic average of 3.82 out
of a possible 4. Among the honors and awards
he received were election to Phi Beta Kappa,
the Ricci Science Award, the Bergman Prize
and Moore Prize (both in chemistry), and the
Award of the Mathematical Association of
America. During summers, he did research at the National Institute of
Health, Johns Hopkins University and Yale, and he published several
articles on his research in science journals. He found time to play var-
sity tennis and to serve as a tennis instructor, math tutor, a member of
"Big Brothers" working with underprivileged children and a hospital
-2-
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volunteer His professors gave him the highest possible recommenda-
tions. One rated him among the best five students he had known in
fifteen years of teaching; another said, "he is equipped with the intellec-
tual skills to become a leading scientist." Mr. Cole studied chemistry
under his Churchill Scholarship and is currently enrolled in a joint
Ph.D.-MD program at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine.
FRANCIS J. DOYLE, named a Churchill Scholar in
1985, was graduated summa cum laude from
Princeton with a major in chemical engineer-
ing and an academic average of 3.98 out of a
possible 4. His honors and awards included
Phi Beta Kappa, the Xerox Prize, the Chevron
Prize, the J. Steers Rich Award and the
Spruance Memorial Scholarship. During one
summer vacation he received a National
Science Foundation award to do research at the University of Florida;
other summers he spent working as a lab technician at Getty Refinery
and Dupont. He was active in extra-curricular affairs: captain of the
university sailing team, a member of intra-mural hockey, tennis and
basketball teams and secretary of the university chapter of the Ameri-
can Institute of Chemical Engineers. One professor rated him "a natu-
ral leader. His supervisor at Dupont called him "truly outstanding."
And another professor considered him one of the four best students he
had known in a decade of teaching. Mr. Doyle studied chemical engi-
neering at Cambridge under his Churchill Scholarship and is currently
working on a Ph.D. in that field at Caltech under a Shell Fellowship.
REBECCA E. DUTCH, a Churchill Scholar in 1986,
was graduated from Michigan State Univer-
sity with degrees and high honors in both
microbiology and biochemistry. Her academic
average was 3.96 out of a possible 4, placing
her second in the graduating class. She re-
ceived a variety of honors and awards includ-
ing election to Phi Beta Kappa, Outstanding
Undergraduate Award in Biochemistry and
Outstanding Senior Award. She served as a teaching assistant in mathe-
matics and microbiology and as a research assistant in biochemistry. She
was also a volunteer with a youth organization and spent summers do-
ing research in biochemistry. She is a talented musician, studying the
piano and the oboe and serving as a church organist and vocalist. One
professor said, "she is destined to make an important impact on the
scientific community"; another cited her "extraordinary intellectual
capacity"; a third could not recall a more talented student in twenty
-3-
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years of, teaching. Mrs. Dutch (she was married before graduation)
studied biochemistry as a Churchill Scholar and is now working for a
Ph.D. in biochemistry at Stanford University under a National Science
Foundation Fellowship.
With few exceptions, Churchill Scholars go on to doctoral studies
at leading American graduate schools; a few have taken their doctoral
degrees at Cambridge with the Foundation's support. Because it takes
at least four-and often five, six or more-years to earn a doctorate,
I.
most recent Churchill Scholars are still pursuing their studies. However,
those who have taken up their careers are making their mark, and some
have already achieved success as research scientists, university profes-
sors, industrial engineers, corporate managers, physicians, lawyers and
in other professions. The following are typical. (The dates in parenthesis
indicate the academic years in which the Scholarship was held).
Thomas W. Cusick (1964-67) took his doctorate in mathematics at the
University of Cambridge and is professor of mathematics at the State
University of New York, Buffalo.
David B. Kittelson (1966-70) took his doctorate in mechanical
engineering at the University of Cambridge and is professor of
engineering at the University of Minnesota.
Allan C. Cummings (1966-67) took his doctoral degree in astro-
physics at Caltech and is a senior scientist there engaged in research
on the Voyager and other space exploration projects.
Dan E. Connor (1969-70) took a medical degree at Vanderbilt
University and is a practicing physician with a specialty in pathology.
Joseph N. Fields III (1971-72) took a doctorate in physics at Stanford
University and a medical degree at the University of Miami and is a
physician specializing in radiology.
James E., Reilly (1972-73) took a doctorate in chemistry at the Uni-
versity of California, Berkeley, and is professor of chemistry at the
University of Indiana.
Stephen Whitcomb (1973-74) took his doctorate in physics at the
University of Chicago and directs a submarine communications
program at Northrop Corporation.
Judith E. Schaeffer (1974-75) earned a law degree at Yale and is a
practicing attorney.
William Murray (1976-77) earned a doctorate in mechanical engineer-
ing at the University of Texas and is a senior engineer at Automatix Inc.
directing a program of industrial applications for vision-guided robots.
Jonathan Bagger (1977-78) took his doctorate in physics at Princeton
and is an associate professor of physics at Harvard.
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MAY-09-'91 THU 11:59 ID:L L CAPITAL PARTNERS TEL NO: 2129352525
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Churchill Scholars 1984-85. Back Row: Philip Cole (Yale University), David Plaut (Univer-
sity of Rochester), Alan Middleton (Harvey Mudd College), Henry Sadofsky (University of
Rochester). Front Row: William Hirschberg (University of Pennsylvania), Mark Hanisch
(Oberlin College), Julia Carter (Michigan University), Stephen Vavasis (Princeton Univer-
sity), William Leaf (Purdue University).
Susan N. Coppersmith (1978-79), earned her doctorate in physics at
Cornell and is a research physicist with Bell Laboratories.
When they look back on their experience at Cambridge, Churchill
Scholars invariably testify to its importance in their lives and careers.
The following are typical comments:
Douglas I. Foy, Executive Director, Conservation Law Foundation
of New England. A.B. Princeton, 1969, Churchill Scholar 1969-70, LL.D.
Harvard Law School 1973.
I cannot emphasize enough how beneficial my year at Churchill proved
to be
Also, my understanding of another country helped add depth to
my views of the U.S.A.
Alfred L. Goldberg, Professor of Physiology, Harvard Medical
School. A.B. Harvard 1963, Churchill Scholar 1963-64, Ph.D. Harvard
1968.
My year (at Churchill), the courses attended, and the unstructured
study I pursued certainly were crucial influences on the path of my
subsequent career.
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Diane Graziano, Chemical Engineer, Amoco Chemical Co. B.S.
Purdue University, Churchill Scholar 1979-80, Ph.D. University of
Cambridge 1982.
I found Cambridge University and, in particular, Churchill College to
be an intellectually stimulating and enjoyable environment. Through
my experiences there, I developed new perspectives on research, human
relations and society which have benefitted my career and enhanced
my personal life.
David S. Kershaw, Physicist, Laser Fusion Program, Lawrence
Livermore Laboratory. A.B. Harvard 1965, Churchill Scholar 1965-66,
Ph.D. University of California Berkeley 1970.
My year in Cambridge developed in mesthat spirit of independent
judgement which is the basis of really good research.
PARTICIPATING COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES
Amherst College
University of Minnesota, Minneapolis
University of Arizona
State University of New York,
Brown University
Stony Brook
California Institute of Technology
University of North Carolina,
University of California, Berkeley
Chapel Hill
Carleton, College
Oberlin College
Carnegie-Mellon University
Ohio State University
Case Western Reserve University
University of Pennsylvania
University of Chicago
Princeton University
Colgate University
Purdue University
University of Colorado
Reed College
Columbia University
Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute
Cornell University
Rice University
Dartmouth College
University of Rochester
Duke University
Stanford University
Emory University
Swarthmore College
Georgia Institute of Technology
University of Texas, Austin
Harvard University
Tufts University
Harvey Mudd College
Tulane University
University of Illinois, Urbana
Vanderbilt University
Indiana University
University of Virginia
Johns Hopkins University
University of Washington
Massachusetts Institute of
Washington University
Technology
Williams College
Michigan State University
University of Wisconsin
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
Yale University
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WINSTON CHURCHILL FELLOWSHIPS
American university professors and, occasionally, industrial research-
ers are invited to be Churchill Fellows and to pursue their academic in-
terests at Churchill College for periods ranging from a few months to a
year. Most Churchill Fellows are scientists, engineers and mathemati-
clans, but some are in the humanities and social sciences. All are leaders
in their respective fields, as is indicated by the fact that eight Churchill
Fellows have won the Nobel Prize. Six of these Nobel laureates received
the prize subsequent to their tenure as Churchill Fellows, a commen-
tary on the eye for talent which governs the selection of Fellows.
A sampling of Churchill Fellows and their interests follow. (The
dates in parenthesis indicate the academic years in which the Fellow-
ship was held).
Robert E. Lane (1972-73), professor of political science at Yale, under-
took an analysis of various critiques of contemporary American and
British industrial society.
Ronald E. Scott (1972-73), professor of civil engineering at the Cali-
fornia Institute of Technology, undertook research in soil mechanics
and engineering.
Yvonne Brackbill (1973-74), professor of gynecology and obstetrics
at Georgetown University School of Medicine, collaborated with British
researchers on a study of the effects of obstetrical medications on infants.
Charles T. Prewitt (1975-76), professor of earth and space sciences at
the State University of New York, Stony Brook, was engaged in theoret-
ical and experimental research of thermal expansion in minerals.
John B. Heywood (1976-77), professor of mechanical engineering
at MIT, was engaged in research and writing a book on "Internal
Combustion Engines".
Roderick L. Hines (1978-79), professor of physics at Northwestern
University, collaborated with members of the Cavendish Laboratory
on electron microscopy studies of molecules.
Marshall H. Klaus (1979-80), professor of pediatrics at Case Western
Reserve University conducted studies on communication and interac-
tion between mothers and new-born infants.
Bruce A. Bolt (1980), professor of seismology at the University of
California, Berkeley, did research on the structure of the earth's interior
and completed a book, "Mathematical Methods in Geophysics".
-7-
MAY 09 '91 12:02 BROADCASTING PUBLICATIONS INC.
P.1
Broadcasting
TRANSMITTAL
DATE May 9, 1991
TO:
Linda Tripp, Media Relations
FROM:
Pat Vance, Director Corporate Relations
# OF PAGES: 2
(including cover sheet)
ADMINISTRATION'S FAX # IS: (202) 331-1732
OUR TELEPHONE # IS: (202) 659-2340
OUR ADDRESS:
BROADCASTING PUBLICATIONS, INC.
1705 DeSales Street, NW
Washington, DC 20036
MESSAGES
Linda:
Thank you for your interest. We may be able to fax
you more info later this afternoon, but in the meantime,
the accompanying Conference Agenda should shed some light
on the program. We would be honored to have President Bush
attend and speak. We appreciate your efforts.
MAY 09 '91 12:02 BROADCASTING PUBLICATIONS INC.
P.2
FEDERAL COMMUNICATIONS BAR ASSOCIATION
BROADCAST/CABLE INTERFACE V CONFERENCE
Co-Sponsored with Broadcasting Magazine
Wednesday, June 5, 1991
9:00 a.m. - 6:00 p.m.
THE ANA HOTEL
2401 M Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C.
CONFERENCE AGENDA
9:00 - 9:05
Welcome: FCBA President Sally Katzen
9:05 - 9:15
Introduction and Overview: Don West (Broadcasting), Lauren Belvin and Richard Wiley (FCBA Conference Committee Co-Chairs)
9:15 . 9:45
Congressional Keynote: Senator Ernest Hollings (D. SC), Chairman, Senate Committee on Commerce, Science and Transportation
9:45 . 10:15
FCC Keynote: Alfred Sikes, Chairman of the FCC
10:15 - 10:30
Break
10:30 11:30
Industry Leaders Panel
a.
From the Broadonating Industry: Burt Staniar (Westinghouse)
b.
From the Cable Industry: Jim Robbins (Cox)
C.
From the Networks: Jay Kriegel (CBS)
d.
From the Telephone Industry: William Ferguson (NYNEX)
c.
From the Programming Industry: Michael Lambert (Fox)
11:30 - 12:30
Industry Economic Forecast Panel
8.
Steve Ratiner (Lazard Freres)
b.
Robert Coen (McCann-Erickson)
c.
Gerald Hassell (Bank of New York)
d.
Ron Doerfier (ABC)
e.
Jeff Epstein (King World)
12:30 - 2:00
Luncheon Speaker: Nick Nicholas, Time-Warner
2:00 - 3:00
Future of TV Journalism Panel
a.
Roone Arledge (ABC) [invited]
b.
Chuck Dolan (Cablevision)
c.
Barbara Cohen (CBS)
d.
Ed Turner (CNN)
c.
David Bartlets (RTNDA)
3:00 - 3:30
Debate on PTAR: John Lane (Wilkes, Artis, Hedrick & Lane) V. Nat Emmons (Mullin, Rhyne, Emmons & Topel)
3:30 3:45
Break
3:45 - 4:45
Sports Programming Panel
a.
Neal Pilson (CBS)
b.
Terry McGurk (TBS)
C.
Bob Wussier (COMSAT)
d.
Tom Rogers (NBC)
e.
Ed Corso (ESPN)
4:45 . 5:45
FCC Commissioners Panel
&.
James Quello
b.
Sherrie Marshall
C.
Ervin Duggan
5:45 - 6:00
Closing Speaker: Senator Conrad Burns (R. MT), Senate Committee on Commerce, Science and Transportation
6:00 - 7:00
Reception
Times subject to change
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#349 P01
James A. Lake (1983), professor of biology at the University of
California, Los Angeles, conducted studies of ribosome structure
and function.
Ronald A. Greely (1984), professor of geology at Arizona State
University, completed a book on "Planetary Geomorphology" and
monitored several volumes on planetary science to be published by
Cambridge University Press of which he was associate editor.
The following comments from Churchill Fellows indicate their
appraisal of the benefits they derived.
P.L. Thibaut Brian, Vice President, Corporate Engineering, Air
Products and Chemicals, Inc, Churchill Fellow 1969-70.
My year at Cambridge provided me with the opportunity for intimate
discussions with two of the world's outstanding men in the field of
chemical engineering. My exchange of ideas with these men was a
benefit unobtainable anywhere but at Cambridge University.
James R. Melcher, Professor of Engineering, Massachusetts Institute
of Technology. Churchill Fellow 1971-72.
Most important are the changes in attitude which have come about be-
cause of contacts with colleagues at Churchill. A deeper understanding
of what things are all about here at home has been one of the benefits of
our year abroad. I will always look back on my year at Churchill as one
of the most significant in my life.
John R. Pappenheimer, Professor of Physiology, Harvard Univer-
sity. Churchill Fellow 1971-72.
The experience was enormously stimulating and worthwhile, quite
apart from the specific results which emerged from our experimental
work. Part of this intangible benefit came from day to day conversation
with a new set of scientific friends at the laboratory. and the creation
of relationships which will, I am sure, continue as a two way exchange.
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CHURCHILL FELLOWS AWARDED NOBEL PRIZES
Churchill Fellowship
Nobel Prize
KENNETH J. ARROW
1963-64
1972 Economics
Harvard University
1970-72
1972-73
FELIX BLOCH
1967-68
1952 Physics
Stanford University
MURRAY GELL-MANN
1965-66
1969 Physics
California Institute of
Technology
ROALD HOFFMAN
1977-78
1981 Chemistry
Cornell University
HARGABIND KHORANA
1966-67
1968 Medicine and
University of Wisconsin
Physiology
ARTHUR KORNBERG
1969-70
1959 Medicine and
Stanford University
Physiology
GEORGE WALD
1963-64
1967 Medicine and
Harvard University
Physiology
JAMES D. WATSON
1961-62
1962 Medicine and
Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory
Physiology
Two of the eight Churchill Fellows who have won the Nobel Prize, at the time of their selec-
tion: Dr. H.G. Khorana (left) in his laboratory at the University of Wisconsin, and Dr. James
D. Watson in his laboratory at Harvard University.
-9-
MAY-09-'91
THU
12:06
ID:L
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The Winston Churchill Award was presented by the Foundation's president, John L. Loeb, Jr.,
to Britain's Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in 1983 and by the Prince of Wales, on the
Foundation's behalf, to Ross Perot in 1986.
WINSTON CHURCHILL AWARD
The Winston Churchill Award is presented from time to time to indi-
viduals whose achievements and commitments exemplify the ideals
and attributes that Winston Churchill personified.
The recipients of the Award have been:
W. Averell Harriman (1981), statesman and public servant, for his
singular contributions to public policy and statecraft, his unswerving
allegiance to freedom and his unremitting commitment to peace based
upon international understanding, security and justice.
Margaret Thatcher (1983), Prime Minister of Great Britain, for her
resolute leadership of the British people, her constancy in nurturing
the friendship and common purpose that link Great Britain and the
United States and her unyielding defense of the rule of law among
nations.
Ross Perot (1986), industrialist and philanthropist, for his extraordi-
nary accomplishments in business, his bold imagination and dynamic
leadership, his sense of service to his fellowman and his commitment to
the ideals of freedom and justice.
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ADMINISTRATION AND FINANCE
The Churchill Foundation is supported by contributions from individ-
uals, corporations and foundations who recognize that the Churchill
Scholarships and Fellowships contribute to the development of Ameri-
can talent and thus to the general good.
The Foundation keeps administrative costs to a minimum so that
income may be devoted as fully as possible to the Scholarships and Fel-
lowships. Its staff is limited to a part-time executive director. It pays no
office rent or secretarial salaries, nor does it employ fund-raisers. Fund-
raising efforts are conducted exclusively by members of the Board of
Trustees.
Contributions to the Churchill Foundation are tax exempt.
The following is a partial listing of donors.
American Airlines, Inc.
Michel David-Weill
American Express Co.
Diamond Shamrock Corp.
American Oil Partners
Dean Witter Financial Services
American Telephone &
Dresser Industries, Inc.
Telegraph Co.
EDS Corporation
Allequash Foundation
Ensearch Corp.
Dwayne O. Andreas
Equifax Services
Mr. and Mrs. Tobin Armstrong
Wendell Fenton
Atlantic Richfield Foundation
Avery Fisher
Mr. and Mrs. Douglas Auchincloss
Frito-Lay, Inc.
Bankers Trust Company
General Motors Corp.
Bernhill Foundation
Patrick A. Gerschel
Bozell & Jacobs, Inc.
Julian Gingold
Braun Foundation
Goldman, Sachs & Co.
Mrs. James Brice
Robert E. Glazer
Mrs. Ann L. Bronfman
Albert H. Gordon
Botwinick-Wolfensohn
Frederick Gottesman
Foundation
Graham Magnetics
Centex Corp.
Halliburton Co.
Chemical Bank
Haggar Foundation
William P. Clements, Jr.
Hargrove Electric Co.
William Cooper
Mary W. Harriman Foundation
Trammell Crow Family Foundation
Robert P. Hastings
Cummins Engine Foundation
Haworth, Inc.
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Haydon W. Head
Mrs. Samuel Newhouse
John F. Hennessy
Northern Telecom Inc.
William A. Hewitt
Occidental Petroleum Corp.
Walter Hoving
Eduardo Orlansky
IBM
Peat Marwick Mitchell & Co.
Interfirst Bank Dallas
Victor Potamkin
Mrs. Louis W. Kahn
Charles D. Peebler, Jr.
Kempner Foundation
Bette Perot
Henry Kissinger
Ross Perot
David H. Koch Charitable
Mr. and Mrs. Milton Petrie
Foundation
Phibro-Salomon, Inc.
J. Livingston Kosberg
Recognition Equipment Corp.
E. L. Langley
David Rockefeller
Ken Langone
Mrs. Laurance Rockefeller
Lazard Freres and Co.
Rockwell International Corp.
Patricia Liberman
Rosewood Corporation
Arthur L. Loeb
Daniel Rose
Frances and John L. Loeb
Security Pacific Charitable
Foundation
Foundation
John L. Loeb, Jr.
Carl Sewell
Lomas and Nettleton Financial
Southland Foundation
Corp.
Sulzberger Foundation
Lorimar, Inc.
Swearingen Co.
Ralph B. Lloyd Foundation
Henry Taub
Stanley Marcus
Mr. and Mrs. Thomas W. Taylor
Mr. and Mrs. Thomas L. Marquez
Mr. and Mrs. J. Liener Temerlin
James M. Marx
Texas Commerce Bancshares, Inc.
Mr. and Mrs. Thomas McNally
Texas Instruments, Inc.
Memorex Corp.
Texas Power and Light Co.
Merrill Lynch & Co., Inc.
Mrs. Marietta Tree
André and Bella Meyer Foundation
Union Oil Company of California
Moore Business Forms, Inc.
Foundation
Morgan Stanley and Co.
United States Trust Company of
C.W. Morton
New York
Henry T. Mudd
Thomas J. Watson, Jr.
Lluella Morey Murphy Foundation
Lawrence A. Wien
National Gypsum Co.
J.D. and Mazie Wrather Foundation
Virginia L. Neck
Zale Corporation
-12-
6220
Speeches of Winston Churchill
until Tuesday, 21st May, with, of course, provision for earlier meeting, if need be. The
business to be considered during that week will be notified to Members at the earliest
opportunity. I now invite the House, by the Motion which stands in my name, to
record its approval of the steps taken and to declare its confidence in the new
Government.
To form an Administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking
in itself, but it must be remembered that we are in the preliminary stage of one of the
greatest battles in history, that we are in action at many other points in Norway and in
Holland, that we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean, that the air battle is
continuous and that many preparations, such as have been indicated by my hon.
Friend below the Gangway, have to be made here at home. In this crisis I hope I may
be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length to-day. I-hope that any of my
friends and colleagues, or former colleagues, who are affected by the political recon-
struction, will make allowance, all allowance, for any lack of ceremony with which it
has been necessary to act. I would say to the House, as I said to those who have joined
this Government: "I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat."
We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many,
many long months of struggle and of suffering. You ask, what is our policy? I can say:
It is to wage war, by sea, land and air, with all our might and with all the strength that
God can give us; to wage war against a monstrous tyranny, never surpassed in the dark,
lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy. You ask, what is our aim? I
can answer in one word: It is victory, victory at all costs, victory in spite of all terror,
victory, however long and hard the road may be; for without victory, there is no
survival. Let that be realised; no survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that
the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge and impulse of the ages, that
mankind will move forward towards its goal. But I take up my task with buoyancy and
hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men. At this time I
feel entitled to claim the aid of all, and I say, "Come then, let us go forward together
with our united strength."
"ARM YOURSELVES AND BE YE
MEN OF VALOUR"
May 19, 1940
Broadcast, London
By May 14 the news from the front was uniformly bad. The Germans had broken
through the French defences at Sedan, and everywhere the French forces were reeling
under a devastating barrage from land and air. "At almost all points where the armies
had come in contact," Churchill later wrote, "the weight and fury of the German
attack was overwhelming" (Their Finest Hour, 40). Holland fell on May 15, and
Churchill flew to Paris on the same day to confer with the French leaders. It was
evident that the military situation was near to catastrophic, and that the military
World War I (1914-1918)
pass,
2048 In Flanders fields the poppies blow
Between the crosses, row on row,
ints,
That mark our place; and in the sky
Both
The larks, still bravely singing, fly
have
Scarce heard amid the guns below.
their
We are the Dead. Short day ago
have
We lived, felt dawn, saw sunset glow,
two
Loved and were loved, and now we lie,
grips
In Flanders fields.
with
d. To
Take up our quarrel with the foe:
un-
To you from failing hands we throw
; the
The torch; be yours to hold it high.
; the
If ye break faith with us who die
rthe-
We shall not sleep, though poppies grow
3 the
In Flanders fields.
JOHN MCCRAE, "In Flanders Fields," In Flanders Fields and Other Poems, p. 3
orge
(1919).
pub-
2049 It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible
and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance. But the right is
more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried
nearest our hearts, for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a
voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal
arly
d by
dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all
nations and make the world itself at last free. To such a task we can dedicate our lives and
have
Is, if
our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those
who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her
the
had
might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has
treasured. God helping her, she can do no other.
can,
President WOODROW WILSON, address to a joint session of Congress recommending
that Germany's course be declared war against the United States, April 2, 1917.-The
vorn
Messages and Papers of Woodrow Wilson, ed. Albert Shaw, vol. 1, pp. 382-83 (1924).
939,
lace
World War II (1939-1945)
11 in
his
2050 How horrible, fantastic, incredible it is that we should be digging trenches and
dict-
trying on gas masks here because of a quarrel in a far-away country between people of
rces
whom we know nothing. It seems still more impossible that a quarrel which has already
been settled in principle should be the subject of war.
the
NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN, national broadcast, London, September 27, 1938.-Cham-
iffin
berlain, In Search of Peace, p. 174 (1939). He was prime minister at the time.
2051 Give us the tools, and we will finish the job.
lood
Prime Minister WINSTON CHURCHILL, radio broadcast, London, February 9, 1941.-
Winston S. Churchill: His Complete Speeches, 1897-1963, ed. Robert Rhodes James, vol. 6,
Sir
p. 6350 (1974).
orld
382
383
6350
Speeches of Winston Churchill
A Time of
march to the Caspian; he may march to the gates of India. All this will avail him
directly ot
nothing. It may spend his curse more widely throughout Europe and Asia, but it will
a suggestic
not avert his doom. With every month that passes the many proud and once happy
Governme
countries he is now holding down by brute force and vile intrigue are learning to hate
manœuvre
the Prussian yoke and the Nazi name as nothing has ever been hated so fiercely and so
tacit or sp
widely among men before. And all the time, masters of the sea and air, the British
The
Empire-nay, in a certain sense, the whole English-speaking world-will be on his track,
confusion
bearing with them the swords of justice.
tion, into
The other day, President Roosevelt gave his opponent in the late Presidential
reasons, an
Election [Mr. Wendell Willkie] a letter of introduction to me, and in it he wrote out a
the case o
verse, in his own handwriting, from Longfellow, which he said, "applies to you people
need for t.
as it does to us." Here is the verse:
had not be
Sail on, 0 Ship of State!
Alth
Sail on, O Union, strong and great!
have rende
Humanity with all its fears,
it is possib
With all the hopes of future years,
The Member
Is hanging breathless on thy fate!
should wai
What is the answer that I shall give, in your name, to this great man, the thrice-chosen
which he h
head of a nation of a hundred and thirty millions? Here is the answer which I will give
ceased to b
to President Roosevelt: Put your confidence in us. Give us your faith and your
or importar
blessing, and, under Providence, all will be well.
had been b
We shall not fail or falter; we shall not weaken or tire. Neither the sudden shock
I took the
of battle, nor the long-drawn trials of vigilance and exertion will wear us down. Give us
the Prime M
the tools, and we will finish the job.
I dep
responsible
great centre
guidance. 1
MAcDONALD BILL
with the he
point behin
February 27, 1941
by the Hot
House of Commons
positions us
interpretatic
stances and
Mr. Malcolm MacDonald, Minister of Health, had been appointed to succeed Lord
These
Tweedsmuir (John Buchan) as High Commissioner in Canada. A Bill was introduced
and correct
enabling him to retain his membership of the House of Commons, which aroused some
Crown from
opposition. Entitled the "House of Commons Disqualification (Temporary Provisions)
Bill,' it applied to M.P.s who undertook special missions during the war.
convenient
great change
important p
I must say that I have experienced a sensation of relief at the air of detachment
themselves
which prevails in this House, and which seems to me in such very sharp contrast to
Government
some of the grave realities which are proceeding out of doors.
election fror
I must ask the House to give His Majesty's Government the minor facilities and
the country
conveniences-for that is all they are-which are afforded to us in this Bill. I must
quite differe
make it a question of confidence, because it touches definitely our war effort, it arises
from those
Victory
ST. AUGUSTINE, The City of God, book 3, chapter 19.-The Works of Aurelius Augus-
tine, ed. Marcus Dods, vol. 1, pp. 119-20 (1871). De Civitate Dei was written 413-426.
1870 I would say to the House, as I said to those who have joined this Government: "I
have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat."
You ask, what is our aim? I can
answer in one word: It is victory, victory at all costs, victory in spite of all terror, victory,
however long and hard the road may be; for without victory, there is no survival.
WINSTON CHURCHILL, speech, House of Commons, May 13, 1940.-Winston S. Chur-
chill: His Complete Speeches, 1897-1963, ed. Robert Rhodes James, vol. 6, p. 6220 (1974).
1871 No retreat. No retreat. They must conquer or die who've no retreat.
JOHN GAY, "We've Cheated the Parson" (song), Polly: an Opera, air 46, act II, scene
x, The Poetical Works of John Gay, ed. John Underhill, vol. 2, p. 336 (1893).
1872 There's an old saying that victory has 100 fathers and defeat is an orphan.
President JOHN F. KENNEDY, referring to the Bay of Pigs disaster, press conference,
April 21, 1961.-Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: John F. Kennedy,
1961, p. 312.
1873 Beware of rashness, but with energy, and sleepless vigilance, go forward and give
us victories.
President ABRAHAM LINCOLN, letter to General Joseph Hooker, January 26, 1863.-
The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, ed. Roy P. Basler, vol. 6, p. 79 (1953).
1874 Upon the fields of friendly strife
Are sown the seeds
That, upon other fields, on other days
Will bear the fruits of victory.
General DOUGLAS MACARTHUR, Reminiscences, p. 82 (1964).
MacArthur wrote these lines while superintendent of the U.S. Military Academy at
West Point, New York, 1919-1922, and had them engraved over the entrance to the gymna-
sium.
1875 Be ashamed to die until you have won some victory for humanity.
HORACE MANN, baccalaureate address, Antioch College, Yellow Springs, Ohio,
1859.-Life and Works of Horace Mann, ed. Mrs. Mary Mann, vol. 1, p. 575 (1868).
"The motivating principle of Mann's life was nowhere better or more clearly ex-
pressed than in the oft-quoted words with which he closed his last Commencement address
at Antioch College. -Dictionary of American Biography, vol. 6, p. 243. Mann died a few
weeks later. He had served in Congress 1848-1853.
Vietnam War
1876 A spirit of national masochism prevails, encouraged by an effete corps of impudent
snobs who characterize themselves as intellectuals.
Vice President SPIRO T. AGNEW, speech at a Republican fund-raising dinner, New
Orleans, Louisiana, October 19, 1969.-Collected Speeches of Spiro Agnew, p. 55 (1971).
352
502
Disraeli Hawthorne
1
A precedent embalms a principle.
15 The secret of success is constancy to pur-
Speech on the expenditures of the
pose.
Speech [June 24, 1872]
country [February 22, 1848]
16 A university should be a place of light, of
2 Justice is truth in action.
liberty, and of learning.
Speech [February II, 1851]
Speech in the House of Commons
3 How much easier it is to be critical than to
[March II, 1873]
be correct.
Speech [January 24, 1860]
17 The health of the people is really the foun-
4 Is man an ape or an angel? I, my lord, I am
dation upon which all their happiness and all
on the side of the angels. I repudiate with
their powers as a state depend.
indignation and abhorrence those newfan-
Speech [July 24, 1877]
gled theories.
18
Lord Salisbury and myself have brought
Speech at Oxford Diocesan Confer-
you back peace- but a peace I hope with
ence [November 25, 1864]
honor.³
5
In the character of the victim [Lincoln],
Speech in the House of Commons
and even in the accessories of his last mo-
[July 16, 1878]
ments, there is something SO homely and in-
nocent that it takes the question, as it were,
19 A series of congratulatory regrets.⁴
out of all the pomp of history and the ceremo-
Speech at Knightsbridge
nial of diplomacy it touches the heart of
[July 27, 1878]
nations and appeals to the domestic senti-
20 A sophistical rhetorician [Gladstone], ine-
ment of mankind.
briated with the exuberance of his own ver-
Speech in the House of Commons
bosity, and gifted with an egotistical imagina-
[May I, 1865]
tion that can at all times command an
Ignorance never settles a question.
interminable and inconsistent series of argu-
6
Ib. [May 14, 1866]
ments to malign an opponent and to glorify
himself.
Ib.
7
Individualities may form communities, but
it is institutions alone that can create a na-
21 The harebrained chatter of irresponsible
tion.
Speech at Manchester [1866]
frivolity.
Speech at the Guildhall, London
8 However gradual may be the growth of
[November 9, 1878]
confidence, that of credit requires still more
time to arrive at maturity.
22 The Athanasian Creed is the most splendid
Speech [November 9, 1867]
ecclesiastical lyric ever poured forth by the
genius of man.
Ib. 5²
9 I have climbed to the top of the greasy
pole.
23
"As for that," said Waldershare, "sensible
To friends, on being made prime
men are all of the same religion." "And pray,
minister [1868]
what is that?" inquired the prince. "Sensible
men never tell."5
Ib. 81
10
When a man fell into his anecdotage, it was
a sign for him to retire.
Lothair [1870], ch. 28
Gavarni
11
Every woman should marry-and no man.
[Sulpice Guillaume Chevalier]
Ib. 30
1804-1866
12 You know who the critics are? The men
24 Les Enfants Terribles [The Terrible Chil-
who have failed in literature and art.²
dren].
Title of series of prints [1865]
Ib. 35
13 "My idea of an agreeable person," said
Hugo Bohun, "is a person who agrees with
Nathaniel Hawthorne
me."
Ib.
1804-1864
14 Increased means and increased leisure are
25 Amid the seeming confusion of our myste-
the two civilizers of man.
rious world, individuals are so nicely ad-
Speech to the Conservatives of
justed to a system, and systems to one an-
Manchester [April 3, 1872]
other and to a whole, that, by stepping aside
'See Pascal, 299:17, and Darwin, 515.7.
¹See Russell, 466:3, and Chamberlain, 727.2.
"See Coleridge, 436:15; Lowell, 567:19; and Flaubert,
4Lord Hartington's Resolution on the Berlin Treaty.
583:8.
$See Samuel Johnson, 354:n4.
PN6081
B27
1980
WH
E: Familiar
Quotations
A collection of passages, phrases and
proverbs traced to their sources in
ancient and modern literature
FIFTEENTH AND 125TH ANNIVERSARY EDITION
REVISED AND ENLARGED
John Bartlett
Edited by EMILY MORISON BECK
and the editorial staff of Little, Brown and Company
LB
LITTLE, BROWN AND COMPANY o BOSTON 0 TORONTO
802
THE SECOND WORLD WAR
and their civil and military staffs that supported and encouraged us
through every trial, every test. The whole was one great team. I know
PART TWENTY
that on this special occasion three million American men and women
serving in the Allied Expeditionary Force would want me to pay a trib-
ute of admiration, respect, and affection to their British comrades of this
war.
THE SINEWS OF PEACE
My most cherished hope is that after Japan joins the Nazis in utter
defeat, neither my country nor yours need ever again summon its sons
and daughters from their peaceful pursuits to face the tragedies of bat-
EX-PRIME MINISTER CHURCHILL
tle. But-a fact important for both of us to remember-neither London
PERCEIVES AN IRON CURTAIN
nor Abilene, sisters under the skin, will sell her birthright for physical
safety, her liberty for mere existence.
[March 5, 1946]
No petty differences in the world of trade, traditions, or national
pride should ever blind us to our identities in priceless values.
If we keep our eyes on this guidepost, then no difficulties along our
path of mutual co-operation can ever be insurmountable. Moreover, when
S
this truth has permeated to the remotest hamlet and heart of all peoples,
IR WINSTON CHURCHILL can write compactly as well as copiously. At the
then indeed may we beat our swords into plowshares, and all nations
close of The Gathering Storm, he traced the fall of Chamberlain's government
and his own appointment as Prime Minister, on the eve of the Battle of
can enjoy the fruitfulness of the earth.
My Lord Mayor, I thank you once again for an honor to me and to
Britain. "Thus, then, on the night of the tenth of May [1940], at the outset of
this mighty battle, I acquired the chief power in the state, which henceforth I
the American forces that will remain one of the proudest in my memories.
wielded in ever-growing measure for five years and three months of world war,
If "true eloquence must exist in the man, in the subject, and in the occasion,"
at the end of which time, all of our enemics having surrendered unconditionally
then true eloquence existed that June afternoon in London's historic Guildhall.
or being about to do so, I was immediately dismissed by the British electorate
from all further conduct of their affairs."
The audience was deeply moved, and the next morning the London Express
set the speech around a box containing Lincoln's Gettysburg Address.
But he did not sulk or disappear from the public stage, though at seventy-
one he was entitled to a long rest and honorable retirement. He at once
plunged into the writing of his monumental five-volume history of the Second
World War and made a number of notable addresses in England, Europe, and
the United States. Little Westminster College, in Fulton, Missouri, suddenly
became known to the world, when President Truman traveled there with the
former Prime Minister and introduced him to a delighted audience of faculty,
students, and visitors.
"I am glad." Churchill said, "to come to Westminster College this after-
noon, and am complimented that you should give me a degree. The name
'Westminster' is somehow familiar to me. I seem to have heard of it before.
Indeed it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education
-in politics, dialectic, and one or two other things. In fact, we have both been
educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments." And
then he proceeded to make some remarks about the vast power of the United
States, the friendship of the United States, Great Britain, and Canada, and the
problems of strengthening the temple of peace.
804
THE SINEWS OF PEACE
EX-PRIME MINISTER CHURCHILL PERCEIVES AN IRON CURTAIN
805
in the east, falls upon the world. I was a high minister at the time of
have felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the east
the Versailles Treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd George, who was
the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree
and in the west, falls upon the world."
with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression
in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that
SHADOW has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied
which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded
victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist in-
confidence that the wars were over, and that the League of Nations
mational organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what
would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or
e the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies.
even the same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.
have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people
From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the
d for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy
war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as
d good will in Britain-and I doubt not here also-toward the peo-
strength, and there is nothing for which they have less respect than for
es of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differ-
weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine
ices and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the
of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it,
issian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all
to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength.
ossibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful
If the Western democracies stand together in strict adherence to the
ace among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon
principles of the United Nations Charter, their influence for furthering
e seas. Above all, we welcome constant, frequent, and growing con-
those principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them.
cts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of
If, however, they become divided or falter in their duty and if these all-
e Atlantic. It is my duty, however, for I am sure you would wish me
important years are allowed to slip away, then indeed catastrophe may
state the facts as I see them to you, to place before you certain facts
overwhelm us all.
out the present position in Europe.
Last time I saw it all coming and cried aloud to my own fellow coun-
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain
trymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year
S descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals
1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate
the ancient states of central and eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin,
which has overtaken her and we might all have been spared the miseries
ague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest, and Sofia, all these fa-
Hitler let loose upon mankind. There never was a war in all history easier
ous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the
to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such
viet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to
great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented, in my belief,
viet influence, but to a very high and, in many cases, increasing meas-
without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful,
e of control from Moscow. Athens alone-Greece with its immortal
prosperous, and honored today; but no one would listen, and one by one
bries-is free to decide its future at an election under British, Ameri-
we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely must not let
n, and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish government
that happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946,
S been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Ger-
a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general au-
any, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous
thority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of
d undreamed of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which
that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the world
ere very small in all these eastern states of Europe, have been raised
instrument, supported by the whole strength of the English-speaking
pre-eminence and power far beyond-their-numbers and are seeking
world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully
erywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are pre-
offer to you in this address, to which I have given the title "The Sinews
in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there
of Peace."
democracy.
Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and
bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and
Commonwealth. Because you see the forty-six millions in our island
DAVID E. LILIENTHAL OFFERS A DEFINITION OF DEMOCRACY
807
806
THE SINEWS OF PEACE
late Senator McKellar of Tennessee, during a meeting of the Joint Congres-
harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half,
sional Committee on Atomic Energy.
even in wartime, or because we have difficulty in restarting our indus-
Lilienthal was born in Illinois in 1899, educated in the Middle West and
tries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not
at the Harvard Law School. After practicing law for some years he joined the
suppose that we shall not come through these dark years of privation as
Wisconsin Public Service Commission. In 1933 he was appointed, along with
we have come through the glorious years of agony, or that half a cen-
Arthur E. Morgan and Harcourt Morgan, one of the three directors of the
tury from now, you will not see seventy or eighty millions of Britons
Tennessee Valley Authority. Becoming chairman of this contentious project in
spread about the world and united in defense of our traditions, our way
1941, he was for the next few years involved in bitter struggles with utilities
of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the popu-
and private business.
lation of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the
When President Truman nominated Lilienthal to head the atomic energy
United States, with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the
program in 1947, many senators fumed and fulminated, and for some time it
sea, all over the globe, and in science and industry, and in moral force,
seemed doubtful whether enough votes could be obtained for confirmation.
there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temp-
Lilienthal was called before the Joint Congressional Committee on Atomic
tation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary, there will be an over-
Energy. The senior Senator from Tennessee, Kenneth McKellar, then seventy-
whelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter
seven years old, led the attack, which took many directions. How could a man
of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength,
so young, and without expert knowledge of atomic chemistry, be expected to
seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control
head the agency successfully. How much did it cost the T.V.A. to produce a
upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and
ton of ammonium nitrate? Lilienthal replied that the figures were available but
convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high-
he did not carry them in his head. After further loaded questions, Senator
roads of the future will be clear, not only for us, but for all, not only
McKellar said: "Well, what are your convictions on communist doctrine?"
for our time, but for a century to come.
Then, according to Alfred Friendly of the Washington Post, "The witness,
who had shown no signs of emotion or anger under McKellar's barrage, sud-
More than a year later the Marshall Plan was announced, and then the Truman
denly wheeled in his chair to face his antagonist. He said in a voice which was
Plan, and finally the Atlantic Pact.
low, but electric with fervor: "This I do carry in my head, Senator."
Between 1946 and 1953 this stupendous man completed his six-volume
history of the Second World War, became Prime Minister again, was knighted
by Queen Elizabeth II, and received the Nobel Prize for Literature, conferred
on him not only for his books but also for his oratory.
"It is very easy to talk about being against communism."
DAVID E. LILIENTHAL OFFERS A
I
WILL DO MY BEST to make it clear. My convictions are not so
DEFINITION OF DEMOCRACY
much concerned with what I am against as what I am for; and that
excludes a lot of things automatically.
[February 3, 1947]
Traditionally, democracy has been an affirmative doctrine rather than
merely a negative one.
I believe-and I conceive the Constitution of the United States to rest
In the backwash of a terrible war, fear and resentment take the place of courage
and hope in many minds. Ideals once firmly established, words once proudly
upon, as does religion-the fundamental proposition of the integrity of
and affectionately used, fall under grave suspicion. At such a time, a bold
the individual; and that all government and all private institutions must
gesture of affirmation, a clean-cut definition, comes like a gust of fresh air to a
be designed to promote and protect and defend the integrity and the
fetid room. One can hardly expect such a gust to come in the midst of a bitter
dignity of the individual; that that is the essential meaning of the Con-
angressional investigation, but that was precisely what happened when
stitution and the Bill of Rights, as it is essentially the meaning of religion.
E. Lilienthal replied, more in sorrow than in anger, to a question of the
Any form of government, therefore, and any other institutions which
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March 7, 1991, Thursday, PM cycle
SECTION: Washington Dateline
LENGTH: 2586 words
DATELINE: WASHINGTON
KEYWORD:
Gulf-Bush Text
BODY:
... in which there is the very real prospect of a new world order. In the
words of Winston Churchill, a "world order" in which "the principles of
justice and fair play ... protect the weak against the strong." A world where
the United Nations, freed from Cold War stalemate, is poised to fulfill the
LEXIS® ® NEXIS® LEXIS® NEXIS ®
A Time
6536
Speeches of Winston Churchill
permissi
all that
high of
"A LONG AND HARD WAR"
successf
December 26, 1941
I
by the 1
Joint Session of Congress,
here to
Washington D.C.
solidarit
an excit
The Churchill-Roosevelt discussions opened with a draft declaration to be affirmed by
startling
all the anti-Axis nations-proposed by Roosevelt and at once accepted by the British.
States 1
The principal discussions concerned the deteriorating situation in the East, and the
States.
need to establish a Supreme Allied Command in Southeast Asia. The United Nations
German
Pact was important, but of more practical value was the establishment of the Com-
quarrel
bined Chiefs of Staff Committee.
Washing
On December 26 Churchill addressed a Joint Session of the United States Congress.
from be
This speech was also broadcast.
proof o
the sam
You do
I feel greatly honoured that you should have invited me to enter the United
have stil
States Senate Chamber and address the representatives of both branches of Congress.
The fact that my American forebears have for so many generations played their part in
they are
the life of the United States, and that here I am, an Englishman, welcomed in your
on the I
midst, makes this experience one of the most moving and thrilling in my life, which is
they car
at nothi
already long and has not been entirely uneventful. I wish indeed that my mother,
whose memory I cherish across the vale of years, could have been here to see. By the
highly-t;
which h
way, I cannot help reflecting that if my father had been American and my mother
treacher
British, instead of the other way round, I might have got here on my own. In that case,
It
this would not have been the first time you would have heard my voice. In that case I
far grea
should not have needed any invitation, but if I had, it is hardly likely it would have
develop
been unanimous. So perhaps things are better as they are., I may confess, however, that
therefor
I do not feel quite like a fish out of water in a legislative assembly where English is
will be
spoken.
unpleasa
I am a child of the House of Commons. I was brought up in my father's house to
of our I.
believe in democracy. "Trust the people"- that was his message. I used to see him
the you
cheered at meetings and in the streets by crowds of working men way back in those
that it
aristocratic Victorian days when, as Disraeli said, the world was for the few, and for
twenty
the very few. Therefore I have been in full harmony all my life with the tides which
war is t
have flowed on both sides of the Atlantic against privilege and monopoly, and I have
necessar
steered confidently towards the Gettysburg ideal of "government of the people by the
tasks of
people for the people." I owe my advancement entirely to the House of Commons,
Britain
whose servant I am. In my country, as in yours, public men are proud to be the
servants o'f the State and would be ashamed to be its masters. On any day, if they
courage,
W
thought the people wanted it, the House of Commons could by a simple vote remove
Germany
me from my office. But I am not worrying about it at all. As a matter of fact, I am
and if J
sure they will approve very highly of my journey here, for which I obtained the King's
nurchill
A Time of Triumph: 1941
6537
permission in order to meet the President of the United States and to arrange with him
all that mapping-out of our military plans, and for all those intimate meetings of the
high officers of the armed services of both countries, which are indispensable to the
successful prosecution of the war.
I should like to say first of all how much I have been impressed and encouraged
by the breadth of view and sense of proportion which I have found in all quarters over
here to which I have had access. Anyone who did not understand the size and
solidarity of the foundations of the United States might easily have expected to find
an excited, disturbed, self-centred atmosphere, with all minds fixed upon the novel,
ned by
startling, and painful episodes of sudden war as they hit America. After all, the United
British.
States have been attacked and set upon by three most powerfully-armed dictator
nd the
States. The greatest military power in Europe, the greatest military power in Asia,
Nations
Germany and Japan, Italy, too, have all declared, and are making, war upon you, and a
? Com-
quarrel is opened, which can only end in their overthrow or yours. But here in
Washington, in these memorable days, I have found an Olympian fortitude which, far
ngress.
from being based upon complacency, is only the mask of an inflexible purpose and the
proof of a sure and well-grounded confidence in the final outcome. We in Britain had
the same feeling in our darkest days. We, too, were sure in the end all would be well.
United
You do not, I am certain, underrate the severity of the ordeal to which you and we
ongress.
have still to be subjected. The forces ranged against us are enormous. They are bitter,
part in
they are ruthless. The wicked men and their factions who have launched their peoples
in your
on the path of war and conquest know that they will be called to terrible account if
which is
they cannot beat down by force of arms the peoples they have assailed. They will stop
nother,
at nothing. They have a vast accumulation of war weapons of all kinds. They have
By the
highly-trained, disciplined armies, navies, and air services. They have plans and designs
mother
which have long been tried and matured. They will stop at nothing that violence or
at case,
treachery can suggest.
it case I
It is quite true that, on our side, our resources in man-power and materials are
Id have
far greater than theirs. But only a portion of your resources is as yet mobilized and
er, that
developed, and we both of us have much to learn in the cruel art of war. We have
nglish is
therefore, without doubt, a time of tribulation before us. In this time some ground
will be lost which it will be hard and costly to regain. Many disappointments and
ouse to
unpleasant surprises await us. Many of them will afflict us before the full marshalling
see him
of our latent and total power can be accomplished. For the best part of twenty years
the youth of Britain and America have been taught that war is evil, which is true, and
n those
and for
that it would never come again, which has been proved false. For the best part of
S which
twenty years the youth of Germany, Japan and Italy have been taught that aggressive
d I have
war is the noblest duty of the citizen, and that it should be begun as soon as the
e by the
necessary weapons and organization had been made. We have performed the duties and
tasks of peace. They have plotted and planned for war. This, naturally, has placed us in
mmons,
be the
Britain and now places you in the United States at a disadvantage which only time,
if they
courage, and strenuous, untiring exertions can correct.
We have indeed to be thankful that so much time has been granted to us. If
remove
ct, I am
Germany had tried to invade the British Isles after the French collapse in June, 1940,
e King's
and if Japan had declared war on the British Empire and the United States at about
6538
Speeches of Winston Churchill
A, Time
the same date, no one could say what disasters and agonies might not have been our
lot. But now at the end of December, 1941, our transformation from easy-going peace
force. I
to total war efficiency has made very great progress. The broad flow of munitions in
to be
Great Britain has already begun. Immense strides have been made in the conversion of
Represe
American industry to military purposes, and now that the United States are at war it is
proper
possible for orders to be given every day which a year or eighteen months hence will
Nazi. W
produce results in war power beyond anything that has yet been seen or foreseen in
give hin
the dictator States. Provided that every effort is made, that nothing is kept back, that
globe.
TI
the whole man-power, brain-power, virility, valour, and civic virtue of the English-
speaking world with all its galaxy of loyal, friendly, associated communities and
our two
States-provided all that is bent unremittingly to the simple and supreme task, I think
freely in
it would be reasonable to hope that the end of 1942 will see us quite definitely in a
thought
better position than we are now, and that the year 1943 will enable us to assume the
and is g
initiative upon an ample scale.
to me 1
drawn t'
Some people may be startled or momentarily depressed when, like your Presi-
A
dent, I speak of a long and hard war. But our peoples would rather know the truth,
their he
sombre though it be. And after all, when we are doing the noblest work in the world,
not only defending our hearths and homes but the cause of freedom in other lands, the
resignin;
of millio
question of whether deliverance comes in 1942, 1943, or 1944 falls into its proper
place in the grand proportions of human history. Sure I am that this day-now-we are
against
the masters of our fate; that the task which has been set us is not above our strength;
contem]
States n
that its pangs and toils are not beyond our endurance. As long as we have faith in our
creeds a
cause and an unconquerable will-power, salvation will not be denied us. In the words
of the Psalmist, "He shall not be afraid of evil tidings: his heart is fixed, trusting in the
part ano
Lord.' Not all the tidings will be evil.
proclain
Tl
On the contrary, mighty strokes of war have already been dealt against the
both ou
enemy; the glorious defence of their native soil by the Russian armies and people have
inflicted wounds upon the Nazi tyranny and system which have bitten deep, and will
If peopl
fester and inflame not only in the Nazi body but in the Nazi mind. The boastful
not got
and in 1
Mussolini has crumbled already. He is now but a lackey and serf. the merest utensil of
in the
his master's will. He has inflicted great suffering and wrong upon his own industrious
resource
people. He has been stripped of his African empire, Abyssinia has been liberated. Our
theatres
armies in the East, which were so weak and ill-equipped at the moment of French
the Paci
desertion, now control all the regions from Teheran to Benghazi, and from Aleppo and
have be
Cyprus to the sources of the Nile.
For many months we devoted ourselves to preparing to take the offensive in
campaig
which a
Libya. The very considerable battle, which has been proceeding for the last six weeks
maintain
in the desert, has been' most fiercely fought on both sides. Owing to the difficulties of
supply on the desert flanks, we were never able to bring numerically equal forces to
enough
consider
bear upon the enemy. Therefore we had to rely upon a superiority in the numbers and
quality of tanks and aircraft, British and American. Aided by these, for the first time,
tions, at
fortunat
we have fought the enemy with equal weapons. For the first time we have made the
Hun feel the sharp edge of those tools with which he has enslaved Europe. The armed
T1
forces of the enemy in Cyrenaica amounted to about 150,000, of whom about
by Brita
one-third were Germans. General Auchinleck set out to destroy totally that armed
history
matters
Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1941
6539
been our
force. I have every reason to believe that his aim will be fully accomplished. I am glad
ng peace
nitions in
to be able to place before you, members of the Senate and of the House of
ersion of
Representatives, at this moment when you are entering the war, proof that with
war it is
proper weapons and proper organization we are able to beat the life out of the savage
ence will
Nazi. What Hitler is suffering in Libya is only a sample and foretaste of what we must
reseen in
give him and his accomplices, wherever this war shall lead us, in every quarter of the
globe.
ack, that
English-
There are good tidings also from blue water. The life-line of supplies which joins
ities and
our two nations across the ocean, without which all might fail, is flowing steadily and
k. I think
freely in spite of all the enemy can do. It is a fact that the British Empire, which many
itely in a
thought eighteen months ago was broken and ruined, is now incomparably stronger,
ssume the
and is growing stronger with every month. Lastly, if you will forgive me for saying it,
to me the best tidings of all is that the United States, united as never before; have
drawn the sword for freedom and cast away the scabbard.
our Presi-
the truth,
All these tremendous facts have led the subjugated peoples of Europe to lift up
he world,
their heads again in hope. They have put aside for ever the shameful temptation of
resigning themselves to the conqueror's will. Hope has returned to the hearts of scores
lands, the
of millions of men and women, and with that hope there burns the flame of anger
its proper
against the brutal, corrupt invader, and still more fiercely burn the fires of hatred and
w-we are
contempt for the squalid quislings whom he has suborned. In a dozen famous ancient
strength;
States now prostrate under the Nazi yoke, the masses of the people of all classes and
ith in our
creeds await the hour of liberation, when they too will be able once again to play their
the words
part and strike their blows like men. That hour will strike, and its solemn peal will
ting in the
proclaim that the night is past and that the dawn has come.
The onslaught upon us so long and so secretly planned by Japan has presented
gainst the
both our countries with grievous problems for which we could not be fully prepared.
eople have
If people ask me-as they have a right to ask me in England-why is it that you have
p. and will
not got ample equipment of modern aircraft and Army weapons of all kinds in Malaya
e boastful
and in the East Indies, I can only point to the victories General Auchinleck has gained
L utensil of
in the Libyan campaign. Had we diverted and dispersed our gradually growing
ndustrious
resources between Libya and Malaya, we should have been found wanting in both
erated. Our
theatres. If the United States have been found at a disadvantage at various points in
of French
the Pacific Ocean, we know well that it is to no small extent because of the aid you
Aleppo and
have been giving us in munitions for the defence of the British Isles and for the Libyan
campaign, and, above all, because of your help in the battle of the Atlantic, upon
fensive in
which all depends, and which has in consequence been successfully and prosperously
t six weeks
maintained. Of course it would have been much better, I freely admit, if we had had
ficulties of
enough resources of all kinds to be at full strength at all threatened points; but
il forces to
umbers and
considering how slowly and reluctantly we brought ourselves to large-scale prepara-
tions, and how long such prepartions take, we had no right to expect to be in such a
e first time,
fortunate position.
e made the
The armed
The choice of how to dispose of our hitherto limited resources had to be made
hom about
by Britain in time of war and by the United States in time of peace; and I believe that
that armed
history will pronounce that upon the whole-and it is upon the whole that these
matters must be judged-the choice made was right. Now that we are together, now
A Time (
6540
Speeches of Winston Churchill
pestilence
that we are linked in a righteous comradeship of arms, now that our two considerable
throughc
nations, each in perfect unity, have joined all their life energies in a common resolve, a
Fiv
new scene opens upon which a steady light will glow and brighten.
for the I
Many people have been astonished that Japan should in a single day have
ment cl:
plunged into war against the United States and the British Empire. We all wonder why,
would h:
if this dark design, with all its laborious and intricate preparations, had been so long
we decla
filling their secret minds, they did not choose our moment of weakness eighteen
vanquish
months ago. Viewed quite dispassionately, in spite of the losses we have suffered and
needed t
the further punishment we shall have to take, it certainly appears to be an irrational
say that
act. It is, of course, only prudent to assume that they have made very careful
design is
calculations and think they see their way through. Nevertheless, there may be another
servants.
explanation. We know that for many years past the policy of Japan has been
hope an
dominated by secret societies of subalterns and junior officers of the Army and Navy,
peoples
who have enforced their will upon successive Japanese Cabinets and Parliaments by the
majesty,
assassination of any Japanese statesman who opposed, or who did not sufficiently
further, their aggressive policy. It may be that these societies; dazzled and dizzy with
their own schemes of aggression and the prospect of early victories, have forced their
country against its better judgment into war. They have certainly embarked upon a
very considerable undertaking. For after the outrages they have committed upon us at
Pearl Harbour, in the Pacific Islands, in the Philippines, in Malaya, and in the Dutch
East Indies, they must now know that the stakes for which they have decided to play
are mortal.
When we consider the resources of the United States and the British Empire
compared to those of Japan, when we remember those of China, which has so long and
valiantly withstood invasion and when also we observe the Russian menace which
Church
attende
hangs over Japan, it becomes still more difficult to reconcile Japanese action with
30 he a
prudence or even with sanity. What kind of a people do they think we are? Is it
possible they do not realize that we shall never cease to persevere against them until
After h
they have been taught a lesson which they and the world will never forget?
United
Members of the Senate and members of the House of Representatives, I turn for
Ireland.
one moment more from the turmoil and convulsions of the present to the broader
on Jam
basis of the future. Here we are together facing a group of mighty foes who seek our
ruin; here we are together defending all that to free men is dear. Twice in a single
I
generation the catastrophe of world war has fallen upon us; twice in our lifetime has
House
the long arm of fate reached across the ocean to bring the United States into the
Domini
forefront of the battle. If we had kept together after the last War, if we had taken
King. f
common measures for our safety, this renewal of the curse need never have fallen upon
compli
us
good W
Do we not owe it to ourselves, to our children, to mankind, tormented, to make
you ha
sure that these catastrophes shall not engulf us for the third time? It has been proved
whatev
that pestilences may break out in the Old World, which carry their destructive ravages
occupi
into the New World, from which, once they are afoot, the New World cannot by any
Britain
means escape. Duty and prudence alike command first that the germ-centres of hatred
Canad:
and revenge should be constantly and vigilantly surveyed and treated in good time,
whose
and, secondly, that an adequate organization should be set up to make sure that the
Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1941
6541
siderable
pestilence can be controlled at its earliest beginnings before it spreads and rages
resolve, a
throughout the entire earth.
Five or six years ago it would have been easy, without shedding a drop of blood,
lay have
for the United States and Great Britain to have insisted on fulfilment of the disarma-
der why,
ment clauses of the treaties which Germany signed after the Great War; that also
so long
would have been the opportunity for assuring to Germany those raw materials which
eighteen
we declared in the Atlantic Charter should not be denied to any nation, victor or
ered and
vanquished. That chance has passed. It is gone. Prodigious hammer-strokes have been
rrational
needed to bring us together again, or if you will allow me to use other language, I will
careful
say that he must indeed have a blind soul who cannot see that some great purpose and
another
design is being worked out here below, of which we have the honour to be the faithful
las been
servants. It is not given to us to peer into the mysteries of the future. Still, I avow my
id Navy,
hope and faith, sure and inviolate, that in the days to come the British and American
S by the
peoples will for their own safety and for the good of all walk together side by side in
ficiently
majesty, in justice, and in peace.
zy with
:ed their
upon a
"SOME CHICKEN! SOME NECK!"
on us at
e Dutch
December 30, 1941
to play
Joint Session of the Canadian Parliament,
Ottawa
Empire
ong and
e which
Churchill travelled from Washington D.C. to Canada by train on December 28, and
on with
attended a meeting of the Canadian War Cabinet on the following day. On December
e? Is it
30 he addressed the Canadian Parliament. This speech was also broadcast.
im until
After his visit to Canada, Churchill returned to Washington for the signature of the
United Nations Pact. It was agreed that American troops should be sent to Northern
turn for
Ireland. Churchill had a brief holiday in Florida before returning to Washington again
broader
on January 11, 1942.
seek our
a single
time has
It is with feelings of pride and encouragement that I find myself here in the
nto the
House of Commons of Canada, invited to address the Parliament of the senior
d taken
Dominion of the Crown. I am very glad to see again my old friend Mr. Mackenzie
King, for fifteen years out of twenty your Prime Minister, and I thank him for the too
en upon
complimentary terms in which he has referred to myself. I bring you the assurance of
to make
good will and affection from every one in the Motherland. We are most grateful for all
proved
you have done in the common cause, and we know that you are resolved to do
whatever more is possible as the need arises and as opportunity serves. Canada
ravages
by any
occupies a unique position in the British Empire because of its unbreakable ties with
hatred
Britain and its ever-growing friendship and intimate association with the United States.
d time,
Canada is a potent magnet, drawing together those in the new world and in the old
hat the
whose fortunes are now united in a deadly struggle for life and honour against the
'91-05-08 19:47 DOUG GAMBLE
P.1
DOUG GAMBLE
424-36th . Place
Manhattan Beach, CA 90266
May 9/91
(213) 546-6409
TO: CHRISTINA MARTIN
3 Pages
WINSTON CHURCHILL (Curt Smith)
AT FIRST I WONDERED WHY I WOULD BE THE RECIPIENT OF THE WINSTON CHURCHILL
AWARD, BUT WHEN I REFLECTED ON THE SIMILARITIES BETWEEN US, I REALIZED IT
MUST BE FOR MY GIFT OF ORATORY.
TIMES HAVE CHANGED. IF WE HEAR THE WORDS "BLOOD, SWEAT, TOIL AND TEARS' TODAY,
WE'RE LIABLE TO THINK IT'S THE PLOT OF A NIGHTTIME SOAP OPERA.
AMONG WINSTON CHURCHILL'S MANY ACCOMPLISHMENTS WAS THE GOOD SENSE TO HAVE
AN AMERICAN MOTHER.
CHURCHILL SAID "AMERICA IS LIKE A GIGANTIC BOILER. ONCE THE FUSE IS LIGHTED
UNDER IT, THERE IS NO LIMIT TO THE POWER IT CAN GENERATE." WELL, WINSTON
CHURCHILL LIT THE FUSE OF HOPE UNDER WARTIME BRITAIN, AND THE GLOW FROM ITS
FLAME GREW SO BRIGHT, IT ILLUMINATED EVEN THE INNER RECESSES OF THE DARKEST
HEARTS OF EUROPE, AND GAVE THEM COURAGE.
NO ONE MAN IS AN ISLAND, BUT PERHAPS NO ISLAND OWES SO MUCH TO ONE MAN.
MORE
'91-05-08 19:47 DOUG GAMBLE
P.2
- 2 -
DOUG GAMBLE
TO: CHRISTINA MARTIN - CHURCHILL (CONT'D)
WHEN BRITAIN WAS UNDER ATTACK BY THE GODLESS, IT WAS SUSTAINED BY A LEADER
WHOM GOD MUST HAVE BESTOWED UPON THE KINGDOM AT ITS TIME OF GREATEST PERIL.
AS THE WORLD LEARNED FROM THOSE FAMOUS RADIO BROADCASTS DURING THE BLITZ,
NAZI BOMBS IN THE AIR WERE NO MATCH FOR CHURCHILL'S ORATORY OVER THE AIR.
HE DIDN'T MERELY SPEAK WORDS, HE MARSHALED THEM, ARMED THEM AND SENT THEM
MARCHING OFF TO WAR.
CHURCHILL SAID HE HAD NOT BECOME THE KING'S FIRST MINISTER IN ORDER TO PRESIDE
OVER THE LIQUIDATION OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE. ON THE CONTRARY, HE BROUGHT HIS
VISION, DETERMINATION AND COURAGE TO BEAR TO HELP PRESIDE OVER THE LIQUIDATION
OF THE GREATEST EVIL THE WORLD HAS EVER KNOWN.
WINSTON HAS BEEN LIKENED TO A BULL DOG, BUT TO THE ENEMY HE WAS A PIT BULL.
CHURCHILL IS THE STANDARD AGAINST WHICH OTHERS ARE MEASURED. HOW OFTEN HAVE WE
HEARD WORDS LIKE "THE GREATEST LEADER SINCE CHURCHILL" -- "THE BEST SPEAKER
SINCE CHURCHILL" -- "THE GREATEST STATESMAN SINCE CHURCHILL." IN A WORLD THAT
HAS BEEN MOLDED BY COLOSSAL EVENTS, HE SHOWED THAT AN ERA CAN BE SHAPED BY A
COLOSSUS OF A MAN.
CHURCHILL SAID OF THE BRITISH PEOPLE "THIS WAS THEIR FINEST HOUR." OF CHURCHILL
WE SAY TO THE BRITISH PEOPLE "THIS WAS YOUR FINEST SON."
MORE...
'91-05-08 19:48 DOUG GAMBLE
P.3
- 3 -
DOUG GAMBLE
TO: CHRISTINA MARTIN - CHURCHILL (CONT'D)
ON THE FACE OF BRITAIN, WINSTON CHURCHILL WAS THE STIFF UPPER LIP.
"DEFEAT" WAS NOT IN HIS LEXICON. HE SPURNED IT WITH HIS SCOWL, DISMISSED IT
WITH A WAVE OF HIS TRADEMARK CIGAR AND MOCKED IT WITH HIS "V" FOR "VICTORY"
SALUTE. AND ONCE HE HAD DRIVEN THE PROSPECT OF DEFEAT FROM BRITISH MINDS,
IT OPENED THE WAY TO DRIVING A STAKE THROUGH THE NAZI HEART.
I'VE OFTEN WONDERED WHAT WINSTON WOULD MAKE OF THE FACT THAT HIS FAMOUS
"V" FOR "VICTORY" SALUTE HAS BECOME TODAY'S SIGN FOR "PEACE." I SUSPECT
HE'D BE PLEASED BECAUSE, AS WE'VE SEEN IN HIS TIME AND OURS, FROM VICTORY
OF GOOD OVER EVIL COMES PEACE.
IN 1941 HE SAID "GIVE US THE TOOLS AND WE WILL FINISH THE JOB." BRITAIN
MIGHT WELL HAVE SAID "GIVE US THE LEADER AND WE WILL ACHIEVE VICTORY" -- AND
BRITAIN HAD THAT LEADER IN WINSTON CHURCHILL.
WINSTON CHURCHILL WAS, AND WILL ALWAYS REMAIN, UNCLE SAM'S BLOOD BROTHER.