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President Collor of Brazil - Arrival and Toast 6/18/91 [OA 7564] [1]
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President Collor of Brazil - Arrival and Toast 6/18/91 [OA 7564] [1]
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Records of the White House Office of Speechwriting (George H. W. Bush Administration)
Speech Backup Chronological Files
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Originally Processed With FOIA(s):
FOIA Number:
S; 2004-0734-F; 2009-1186-F
S
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
Library Staff.
Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting, White House Office of
Series:
Speech File Backup Files
Subseries:
Chron File, 1989-1993
OA/ID Number:
13761
Folder ID Number:
13761-003
Folder Title:
President Collor of Brazil - Arrival and Toast 6/18/91 [OA 7564] [1]
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26
21
4
7
JUN 17 '91 19:18
P.1/2
FAX MESSAGE FOR Miss CAROLYN CAWLEY
(n) 456.2983)
WHITE HOUSE SPEECH'S OFFICE
From: Luiz Chaves
Dear Miss Cawley,
As per our conversation early this afternoon.
Thank you,
JUN 17 '91 19:18
P.2/2
It is my wish to make a special toast to President
Collor and his brave wife Rosane, for it just came to my
knowledge another adventure of the President, another ad-
venture in the style "Indiana Jones".
During the flight from Brasilia to Washington Mr.
Collor, with the help of the flight Commander, learned quick
ly how to fly the airplane and he did so as he crossed Ve-
nezuela and, later on, helped in the landing.
As all the Brazilian guests are here, I believe the
re hasn't been any danger in the flight and in the landing
and I can even tell that the President showed a so great
skill that they all arrived half an hour earlier.
2JUN 15 '91 13:51 PR/ASS.ESPECIAL 061 2240289
P.1
PRESIDÊNCIA DA REPÚBLICA
FAX MESSAGE FOR MS. CAROLYN CAWLEY
WHITE HOUSE SPEECH'S OFFICE
From: Luiz Chaves
Dear Miss Cawley,
Sorry about the delay. Too
many trips abroad and inland. If you find of any
use, these are a few things that occurred me it
could be spoken.
I'll call you on monday to
know your opinion.
Thank you, they
JUN 15 '91 13:52 PR/ASS. ESPECIAL 061 2240289
P.2
PRESIDÊNCIA DA REPÚBLICA
- PRESIDENT BUSH ONCE REFERRED TO PRESIDENT COLLOR
AS "INDIANA JONES"-- IN FACT PRESIDENT COLLOR HAS
PROVED THAT THE STRENGTH AND COURAGE HE SHOWS IN
HIS WEEKEND JOGGING, IN FLYING JET FIGHTERS AND
JET-SKIING, HE ALSO SHOWS IN THE DETERMINATION WITH
WHICH HE IS LEADING UNPRECEDENTED CHANGE IN BRAZIL.
- PRESIDENT COLLOR IS A BLACK BELT KARATE FIGHTER,
AND IS ALSO A CHAMPION IN CHOPPING DOWN RED TAPE;
IN ONE BLOW HE KNOCKED OUT ONE HUNDRED AND SEVEN
THOUSAND PRESIDENTIAL DECREES IN BRAZIL, WHICH HAD
BEEN ACCUMULATING SINCE 1889.
- THE PRESIDENT AND ROSANE, A COUPLE KNOWN FOR
THEIR YOUTH AND ELEGANCE, DO BRING NEW "COLLOR" TO
THIS WHITE HOUSE.
- BRAZIL USED TO BE KNOWN IN THE WORLD OF SPORTS
FOR ITS EXCELLENCE IN SOCCER, NOW IT IS FAMOUS FOR
ITS CHAMPIONS IN FORMULA-I AND INDY CAR RACING --
IT IS A SIGN OF A COUNTRY ON THE FAST TRACK TO
MODERNITY, WITH PRESIDENT COLLOR BEHIND THE WHEEL.
JUN 15 '91 13:56 PR/ASS. ESPECIAL 061 2240289
P.1
PRESIDÊNCIA DA REPÚBLICA
FAX MESSAGE FOR MS. CAROLYN CAWLEY
WHITE HOUSE SPEECH'S OFFICE
From: Luiz Chaves
Dear Miss Cawley,
Sorry about the delay. Too
many trips abroad and inland. If you find of any
use, these are a few things that occurred me it
could be spoken.
I'll call you on monday to
know your opinion.
Thank you, the
JUN 15 '91 13:56 PR/ASS.ESPECIAL 061 2240289
P.2
PRESIDÊNCIA DA REPÚBLICA
- PRESIDENT BUSH ONCE REFERRED TO PRESIDENT COLLOR
AS "INDIANA JONES" IN FACT PRESIDENT COLLOR HAS
PROVED THAT THE STRENGTH AND COURAGE HE SHOWS IN
HIS WEEKEND JOGGING, IN FLYING JET FIGHTERS AND
JET-SKIING, HE ALSO SHOWS IN THE DETERMINATION WITH
WHICH HE IS LEADING UNPRECEDENTED CHANGE IN BRAZIL.
- PRESIDENT COLLOR IS A BLACK BELT KARATE FIGHTER,
AND IS ALSO A CHAMPION IN CHOPPING DOWN RED TAPE;
IN ONE BLOW HE KNOCKED OUT ONE HUNDRED AND SEVEN
THOUSAND PRESIDENTIAL DECREES IN BRAZIL, WHICH HAD
BEEN ACCUMULATING SINCE 1889.
- THE PRESIDENT AND ROSANE, A COUPLE KNOWN FOR
THEIR YOUTH AND ELEGANCE, DO BRING NEW "COLLOR" TO
THIS WHITE HOUSE.
- BRAZIL USED TO BE KNOWN IN THE WORLD OF SPORTS
FOR ITS EXCELLENCE IN SOCCER, NOW IT IS FAMOUS FOR
ITS CHAMPIONS IN FORMULA-I AND INDY CAR RACING -
IT IS A SIGN OF A COUNTRY ON THE FAST TRACK TO
MODERNITY, WITH PRESIDENT COLLOR BEHIND THE WHEEL.
RCV BY:THE WHITE HOUSE
; 6-17-91 ; 1:03PM ;
SOCIAL OFFICE+
2024566218;# 1
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
91 JUN 17 P I : 39
DATE: June 18 they
PLEASE DELIVER THE FOLLOWING PAGES TO:
NAME: Carol
ORGANIZATION: Speechwriting
FROM: Celest, Souce L affice
PHONE:
TOTAL NUMBER OF PAGES 2 INCLUDING COVER LETTER.
SPECIAL INSTRUCTIONS:
I apologize for not Laving faxed this to
you Earlier
Thank you.
IF YOU DO NOT RECEIVE ALL PAGES, PLEASE CALL BACK AS SOON AS POSSIBLE
TO (202) 456-7788.
RETURN TELECOPY NUMBER:
202/456-6235
RCV BY:THE WHITE HOUSE
; 6-17-91 1:04PM ;
SOCIAL OFFICE-
14PT CAPS
2024566218:# 2
2
GLORIA ESTEFAN
Singer/songwriter Gloria Estefan has been winning
international praise from fans and critics alike throughout her
sold-out 100-city "Into the Light" 1991 World Tour.
The Cuban-born Estefan rose to fame in the late 1980s,
highly acclaimed for the honesty, urgency and passion of her
music, as well as for the exceptional perception and directness
of her lyrics. Having just played to 500,000 fans in 31 sold-out
who
shows in as many cities throughout Europe and Japan, her audience
bld
continues to grow.
,41.6
Miss Estefan's many credits include 78 platinum records, 48
%2
gold records, an astonishing 11 consecutive #1 hits certified by
Billboard magazine, Billboard's "Artist of the Year" and BMI's
"Songwriter of the Year" awards. In addition, in 1989 GLORIA
ESTEFAN and Miami Sound Machine were named the American Music
Award's Favorite Pop Rock Duo or Group.
Miss Estafan also won the Tokyo Festival in Japan, and has
received numerous Grammy Award nominations, as well as the
prestigious Crystal Global Award from Sony Music Entertainment
"for outstanding world-wide sales." other recipients of the
Clabe Award
Crystal include Michael Jackson, Julio Iglesias, and Barbra
streisand.
Four weeks after its January 1991 debut, Miss Estefan's
current albumn, "Into the Light," reached #1 on the Billboard
chart. It already has gone double platinum and produced three
hit singles. Her three-month 45-city North American Tour kicks
off July 6th, in San Antonio, Texas.
Gloria Estefon lives in Miami Beach with her
husband/parsonal manager/founder of GLORIA ESTEFAN and Miami
Sound Mechine, Emilio Estafan and their 10 year old son Nayib.
Services of Mead Data Central, Inc.
PAGE 10
7TH STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1991 Gannett Company Inc.
USA TODAY
January 22, 1991, Tuesday, FINAL EDITION
SECTION: LIFE; Pg. 2D
LENGTH: 166 words
HEADLINE: Bush not too busy to send Estefan a note
BYLINE: Karen Thomas
DATELINE: MIAMI
BODY:
President Bush is well-known for penning little personal notes. But who
would think that in these frantic times, he'd take the time?
Last week, Maria Shriver hand-delivered one of Bush's handwritten memos to
Gloria Estefan.
'Maria was with them when Mrs. Bush broke her leg (Sunday), and when he
found (Maria) was coming down (to Miami), he sat down and wrote me a note,'
says Estefan.
As Estefan remembers the note: ''I hope you're totally OK now, and I wish you
all the best.
''That in the middle of this crisis, that he would take the time to be that
personal was a wonderful thing,'' she says. ''It was very special.'
Estefan makes her first public performance Jan. 28 at the American Music
Awards, where she'll sing Coming Out of the Darkness a song she says explains
her 10-month recovery from a broken back.
Bush was among thousands of well-wishers who lent support to Estefan last
March when a tractor-trailer rig crashed into her tour bus on a snowy
Pennsylvania road.
GRAPHIC: PHOTO; b/w, John Glenn, USA TODAY
CUTLINE: ESTEFAN: Performs for the first time in 10 months Jan. 28
TYPE: People
SUBJECT: MUSIC; CELEBRITY; PRESIDENCY
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Services of Mead Data Central, Inc.
PAGE 11
8TH STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Proprietary to the United Press International 1991
January 9, 1991, Wednesday, BC cycle
SECTION: Domestic News
LENGTH: 429 words
HEADLINE: ARNOLD TOO TOUGH FOR TV CRITICS
KEYWORD: PEOPLE
BODY:
The National Coalition on Television Violence is waging a campaign to
persuade President Bush to take back his appointment of strongman-actor Arnold
Schwarzenegger as chairman of the President's Council on Physical Fitness and
Sports. Schwarzenegger, a former body builder, makes movies that often include
violence. Says campaign coordinator Brian Sullivan : ''Even if Mr.
Schwarzenegger were the nicest, gentlest, most anti-steroid drug person in the
world, his appointment as head of the PCPFS would still mistakenly glamorize
violence. No word from the White House.
GLORIA ESTEF AN READY TO BOOGIE - Miami Sound Machine singer Gloria
Estefan is back and ready to rhumba. Or conga, twist or any other dance you
care to mention. Estefan says she's looking forward to the group's world tour
now that she has recovered from a March 1990 tour bus crash in Pennsylvania that
broke her back and almost left her paralyzed. 'Mentally, I'm fully recovered.
Physically, I feel fully recovered,' Estefan told a Toronto news conference.
The crash left her son, Nayib, with a broken collarbone. Surgeons had to
implant two 8-inch steel rods in the dancer's back.
MIDLER CUTS BACK ON VICES Singer-actress Bette Midler is living a cleaner
life thse days. She told Longevity magazine: ''I've stopped drinking because I
don't have a tolerance for it. And I hated the hangovers. I was also afraid of
becoming addicted. I did some drugs, too -- but no more. I've even cut down on
cigarettes.
THE MAKING OF A FEMINIST Feminist Gloria Steinem , writing in Ms.
magazine on movie sex goddesses who must give ''total surrender'' to their
leading men. ''As a little girl watching versions of this scene in Saturday
matinees, I remember feeling betrayed. By the time I was a teenager, I had
accepted this movie ritual as adult reality.''
WHAT DID GRANDMOTHER THINK? -- Actress Lynn Whitfield was glad to be chosen
over Diana Ross and Whitney Houston to play Josephine Baker in the upcoming HBO
movie ''The Josephine Baker Story. But she told Glamour magazine she was
concerned about the scene requiring her to bare her breasts to perform Baker's
famous ' 'Banana Dance. ''I was nervous about what my grandmother would think.
But when I saw the old footage I saw her wonderful sense of humor and
naivete. If you look at pictorial books on Africa, you see young, nubile women
LEXIS'NEXIS'LEXIS'NEXIS
Services of Mead Data Central, Inc.
PAGE
2
2ND STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1991 Newsday, Inc.;
Newsday
May 3, 1991, Friday, NASSAU AND SUFFOLK EDITION
SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 8
LENGTH: 575 words
HEADLINE: PEOPLE
BYLINE: Edited by Al Cohn
KEYWORD: COLUMN
BODY:
Joan Rivers
Wedding Bells?
'Hold the Rice'
Since her husband, Edgar Rosenberg, committed suicide four years ago, Joan
Rivers has been linked romantically with several men, but she has insisted that
her only real interests are her TV talk show, her daughter, Melissa Rosenberg,
her clothing and the decor in her Manhattan apartment.
She says this hasn't changed despite a current cover story in a national
tabloid reporting that she and Bernard Goldberg, a Manhattan lawyer, will wed.
Jeff Erdel, a spokesman for Rivers, said yesterday, "Hold the rice; it isn't
true." Through Erdel, Rivers, 57, said she does know Goldberg, who is 59. "I
bought my apartment from him, and he's very nice," she said. "But that's where
the truth stops."
Alluding to Goldberg's status as an attorney, Rivers joked, "The most
romantic name he ever called me was 'plaintiff.' = Erdel said that Rivers
"wonders how stories like this get started," and that she planned to deny the
tabloid's story Monday on her syndicated talk show. The theme of that program,
on Channel 4, will be gossip.
Rivers and Rosenberg were married for 22 years and had the one daughter, who
is a 22-year-old aspiring actress. Erdel was asked whether Rivers has had any
romances. "If she has, she hasn't made them public," he said.
Gloria Estefan
Free Tickets for Recuperating Soldiers
Checking the concert scene, here and abroad:
In Frankfurt, Germany, Gloria Estefan, who knows about injuries, had
planned Wednesday night to visit about 200 U.S. soldiers recovering from wounds
suffered in the Persian Gulf war. But scheduling got tight for the pop singer,
who has been on her first concert tour since she suffered a broken back in a
LEXIS`NEXIS'LEXIS'NEXIS
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PAGE 3
(c) 1991 Newsday, May 3, 1991
bus accident more than a year ago.
Rather than miss the soldiers, Estefan arranged for them to get free tickets
to her show at a Frankfurt concert hall. Estefan, who is touring Europe and the
United States, also met with the soldiers backstage.
Meanwhile, back in the U.S., financial help is on the way for the families of
singer Reba McEntire's tour manager and band members. Shortly after the seven
musicians and the tour manager were killed March 16 in a plane crash near San
Diego, country music performers began setting up concerts to raise money for the
families of the deceased. Merle Haggard, Charlie Daniels, Kathy Mattea and
others took part in a series of concerts a week after the accident, and The
Associated Press reported yesterday that they raised more than $ 140,000.
The concerts were held at a resort in St. Charles, Ill., and a spokesman for
the resort said that each family will get about $ 18,000 from the proceeds. Also
appearing at the concerts were Sawyer Brown, Lee Greenwood, Janie Fricke and
Lorrie Morgan.
Elton John
Captain Fantastic Takes 2 British Music Awards
Elton John keeps rolling along, with music that maintains his popularity
through hit songs or TV soda commercials.
John led the star parade yesterday in London by winning two of Britain's top
music awards. His recent hit "Sacrifice" was named best song and also brought
him an Ivor Novello award for best-selling A-side record. John wrote that with
lyricist Bernie Taupin. The best songwriter award went to Phil Collins. Rolling
Stones Ronnie Wood and Bill Wyman won an award for outstanding contributions to
British music. The Novello awards are presented by the British Academy of
Songwriters, Composers and Authors.
GRAPHIC: AP Photo-( Gloria) Estefan and Persian Gulf war veteran Michael
Mobluy, 36, of San Antonio, Texas, pose for pictures after her concert in
Frankfurt, Germany, on Wednesday.
(06/8)
LEXIS' NEXIS'LEXIS NEXIS
Services of Mead Data Central, Inc.
PAGE
4
3RD STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1991 The Time Inc. Magazine Company;
People
April 8, 1991
SECTION: PICKS & PANS; Plus; Pg. 41
LENGTH: 174 words
BYLINE: Susan Toepfer
BODY:
Cowabunga, dudes -- those Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles are back and eating
Lambs (see Screen, right). In the sequel to their 1990 hit, Teenage Mutant Ninja
Turtles, the pizza-scarfing reptiles vaulted into the box office lead with
Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles II: The Secret of the Ooze, which pulled in some
$20 million on its first weekend (March 22-24) and unseated The Silence of the
Lambs ($78 million overall), possessor of the top spot for five weeks
Singer Gloria Estefan is enjoying an even more dramatic sequel of her own
(Song). One year after she broke her back in a tour- bus accident, Estefan and
Miami Sound Machine are back on top of the pop charts with their third No. 1
single, "Coming out of the Dark. But don't be looking for any comebacks
from L.A. Law's resident shark, Rosalind Shays (Diana Muldaur): On March 21 the
crafty attorney fell down an elevator shaft to her death. The much-hyped episode
brought the series its highest ratings of the season (Tube); no wonder it was
titled "Good to the Last Drop."
(06/8)
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PAGE
5
6TH STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
The Associated Press
The materials in the AP file were compiled by The Associated Press. These
materials may not be republished without the express written consent of The
Associated Press.
March 2, 1991, Saturday, PM cycle
SECTION: Domestic News
LENGTH: 154 words
HEADLINE: Gloria Estefan Kicks Off World Tour
DATELINE: MIAMI
KEYWORD: People-Estefan
BODY:
Gloria Estefan kicked off her comeback from a serious back injury with a
high-spirited performance that left 12,000 hometown fans cheering.
"I love you Miami," Estefan said. "I'm at a loss for words right now. I
thought I'd have a million things to say when I got up here, but it's 50 hard.
No matter what I say, it is not enough for all the love you've given me this
year. You moved mountains for me."
Friday night's concert at the Miami Arena was Estefan and The Miami Sound
Machine's first since a bus accident last March left her with a broken back.
Doctors inserted a pair of eight-inch rods in her spine and initially feared
she might be paralyzed.
Her performance proved that months of grueling therapy had paid off.
Estefan danced and pranced on stage and a huge ovation greeted her first
song, "Get on Your Feet."
The world tour accompanies the release of the group's latest album, "Into the
Light."
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PAGE
7
4TH STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1991 Times Newspapers Limited
The Times
April 2, 1991, Tuesday
SECTION: Features
LENGTH: 1094 words
HEADLINE: Grown up, happy and Gloria
BYLINE: David Sinclair
BODY:
Two weeks ago, on March 20, Gloria Estefan was in a Japanese hotel room
when, at the unsociable hour of 2.20am, the phone rang. The news from America
was that Coming Out of the Dark'' had become her third No 1 hit. It was a
sweet and poignant moment, not least because on March 20 it was also one year to
the day since she had been lifted out of the wreckage of her tour bus on a
Pennsylvanian highway with a broken back.
The speed of her recovery, from an injury that specialists thought might
leave her permanently disabled, has been astounding. Two weeks after a New York
surgeon had inserted two eight-inch titanium rods which will stay in her spine
for the rest of her life, she left hospital in a wheelchair and set about
getting into shape. Having undertaken a rigorous regime of exercise and
physiotherapy, while simultaneously writing and recording a new album, Into the
Light, she was fit to start a world tour on Saturday March 2, when she performed
on her home turf at the 12,000-seat Miami Arena. It was, understandably, an
emotional occasion for all concerned. ''The biggest feeling was a sense of
relief that this moment was over and that now I could try to move on, and start
to put the accident behind me,'' she says. ''I know it will be a while yet, but
that was a major step to have taken.'
In London last Friday, in the opulent surroundings of the penthouse hotel
suite in which Michael Jackson stayed on his last British visit, she is dressed
entirely in black: jacket, bra, miniscule culottes and not a lot else. An
expanse of bare midriff is revealed whenever she leans forward. Petite, though
anything but frail, her 33-year-old body is clearly honed to taut perfection.
''I was always very careful to maintain my lower back, because when I was 13
I fell and hurt my coccyx. Now I make sure that my abdomen is very strong. I
work a lot on strengthening that. I'll always have the damage to the left side
of my body which, if you measure it with instruments, is now a lot less strong
than my right side. But I really don't find any limitations to anything that
MDC/F0171 (8/90)
I've wanted to do on stage. It's only when I'm extremely tired that my left leg
becomes harder to lift than the other.
''I can't feel the rods in my back unless I'm sitting against something hard,
then I feel the screws at the top. I'm still building up the muscles in my back
to try and cushion that. I don't do any sudden twisting motions. When it's
really humid or cold I feel it where they took the bone graft from my hip, but I
really don't feel anything in my back.
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PAGE
8
(c) 1991 Times Newspapers Limited, April 2, 1991
''I've always been hard-headed, stubborn in the things that I want to
accomplish. But this was an easy thing to have discipline and will about. It's
not as if you're dieting; you're talking about being able to walk again. My
father was very ill and he spent years in a wheelchair, so I knew how quickly
muscles can atrophy. Born Gloria Fajardo in pre-revolutionary Cuba, where her
father worked as a motorcycle policeman, Estefan was two years old when Castro
came to power in 1959, and the family fled to Miami. Her father enlisted in the
American army, fought at the Bay of Pigs and later volunteered for Vietnam. For
Estefan, the refugee who now lives in a magnificent mansion on the exclusive
Star Island, the American Dream is a fact. ''The one thing that America stands
for, for me, is freedom. Native Americans sometimes take their country for
granted because they really don't know what's going on outside.
For much of her adolescence she nursed her invalid father, while her mother
was out at work. She went to college and gained a degree majoring in psychology.
The turning point in her life came in 1974 when, as a guest at a local wedding,
she was invited to perform a couple of songs with a band of Cuban expatriates
led by percussionist Emilio Estefan. She ended up joining the band, which later
became known as Miami Sound Machine, and four years later she married Emilio.
For a long time she was known only as the vocalist in Miami Sound Machine, which
enjoyed its first international hit with ''Dr Beat'' in 1984.
But gradually, as the band's winning mixture of catchy pop and swirling salsa
rhythms gathered in popularity, Emilio persuaded her to take a more central role
and receive correspondingly more prominent billing.
''I never had a driving ambition to be anything,'' she protests with a
chuckle. ' ' I liked to sing, that was my whole motivation. I always wrote poetry
and I loved to write parodies of other people's songs, but it was Emilio who
talked me into writing my own songs.
''It was never in my mind that I wanted to be a star.'' Such is her present
celebrity that she has been called ''the Latin Madonna'', a description which
prompts a hoot of laughter.
'There's a certain sensuality that you feel on stage because you're getting
this massive love coming at you from all these people. Your fans ultimately fall
in love with you a little bit, and that's good.
''But Madonna's really out on the edge of all that. Everything that she does
is very controversial. I don't like controversy. I'm very laid back. I'm very
calm. I could never pull that off, myself.
She was brought up a Catholic and still regards herself as religious ''in a
spiritual way''. She finds herself affected by the bad news that dominates the
MDC/F0171 (8/90)
newspapers. Today they are full of Eric Clapton in mourning at his four-year-old
son's funeral. ''I don't know Eric Clapton, but I have certainly prayed for him
ever since it happened.
George Bush, whom she met the day before her accident, gets her vote not
only because he was ''very warm and personable'' and showed her and her
job''. ten-year-old son Nayib round the White House, but because ' he is doing a good
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PAGE
9
(c) 1991 Times Newspapers Limited, April 2, 1991
Although her life is now one of luxury and privilege, her manner remains
direct and streetwise. She insists that her wealth has not cut her off from the
multi-ethnic Miami culture, citing her long-term involvement with many charity
and community organisations.
'People are affectionate and proud, but I don't get mobbed. Obviously, I
don't go into a mall that's packed with people because then it's difficult for
me to do anything. But I go to the movies, I go to restaurants, I walk down the
Art-Deco section of Miami Beachthat's one of my favourite things to do. I can
still have a very good time in my own city.
Gloria Estefan appears on Wogan (BBC1) tomorrow. She plays Wembley Arena On
April 6, 8, 9, 11, 13 and June 4, 5. NEC, Birmingham on April 16, 17, 19, 20 and
May 30. SECC, Glasgow on April 23, 24.
TERMS:
Gloria Estefan; Rock
MDC/F0171 (8/90)
LEXIS NEXIS'LEXIS'NEXIS
TONY -
Holly Williamson called again about
"carving from the wilderness "stuff. Apparently
Ede Holiday feels strongly that it should be
removed.
what do you think about the hig hlighted
retread above?
1.
-Carolyn
Cawley/Grant
June 9, 1991
brazil.tst - 1
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: STATE DINNER TOAST
PRESIDENT COLLOR OF BRAZIL
TUESDAY, JUNE 18, 1991
Mr. President. Distinguished guests. Friends of Brazil:
It is a distinct privilege for Barbara and me to salute this
extraordinary President. With great admiration we welcome to our
nation's home, Brazil's President, Ferdinand Collor. //
Our two countries were built upon the aspirations of
pioneers, immigrants, merchants and workers: hardy people filled
with the spirit of enterprise and independence, enthusiasm and
ingenuity. They came to the Americas, determined to achieve lives
of freedom and opportunity. This is our heritage -- and we will
continue to fulfill it.
The legacy we leave to our future generations must be
an alliance of democratic institutions, free markets, and
environmental stewardship. President Collor, I salute your efforts
to consolidate your political system -- your firm commitment to
free people and free markets -- your determination to raise
environmental awareness, both at home and abroad. // In fact, I
had to laugh when I heard the tale of your trek to Brazil's
scientific outpost in Antarctica. The pace you set was so vigorous
that you nearly lost one of your Cabinet ministers in a snow
bank. /// [Now my own Cabinet won't let me near Antarctica.] ///
Your service to your nation has been a source of faith:
faith that Brazil will move forward under your guidance -- and
faith that our nations will continue to be loyal friends and allies
To
POTUS
Cawley/Grant
June 13, 1991
brazil.arr - 2
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: PRESIDENT COLLOR OF BRAZIL ARRIVAL
SOUTH LAWN
JUNE 18, 1991
10:00 A.M.
Good morning and welcome to the White House. It is my great
honor to greet you, Mr. President, one of Latin America's most
dynamic statesmen. //
The U.S./Brazilian friendship has spanned nearly two
centuries now -- an alliance built on fidelity to democracy,
healthy mutual respect, and firm collective will.
The most basic roots of our friendship lie in our dedication
to democracy -- our allegiance to the power of the individual and
the rule of law. The nations of the Americas all struggled and
gained independence from the old ways of the Old World. We built
nations of promise and renewal. One hundred seventy-nine years
ago, the United States was proud to be the very first nation to
recognize the newly sovereign Brazil.
That year, your predecessors achieved independence without
bloodshed, traded goods with the world, and began to integrate a
vastly diverse country. Today, President Collor, you represent
the modern leader, Brazil's first directly-elected President in
twenty-nine years. We understand the challenges you face, and
admire the vigor with which you are dealing with them.
Across the spectrum -- from trade and economic matters, to
environmental issues, to concerns over nuclear proliferation --
we are determined to treat our common challenges as opportunities
-- opportunities to improve life throughout this hemisphere./
Brazil, with its great natural wealth and resourceful
people, can make enormous contributions to the world economy --
and to hemispheric prosperity. Along with the other nations of
the Americas, as a long term goal, we aim to create the largest
free-trading partnership of sovereign states in the world. The
Enterprise for the Americas Initiative, which I unveiled one year
ago next week, can help make this goal a reality -- and we're
already making great strides.
I'm pleased to announce that tomorrow we will sign the
completed negotiations for a Trade and Investment Framework
Agreement with Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay, and Uruguay -- the
countries of the planned Southern Common Market, or "Mercosul".
//
We look forward to this new era of enhanced dialogue in our
trade and investment relations.
Mr. President, America stands by your side as you tackle
Brazil's most pressing issues. When I visited Brazil last
December, I saw the bold economic changes you are making. You
have trimmed government, and announced plans to privatize
enterprises, fight inflation and liberalize trade. These are the
keys to growth and prosperity in Brazil.
As the 21st century draws near, we'll mark the 500th
anniversary of Columbus' discovery of the Americas -- and the
arrival of Cabral's Portuguese fleet in Brazil. Spectacular
change characterizes this half-millennium. The New World is
becoming integrated in ways our forefathers would never have
dreamed, and our firm collective will can help ensure a future
filled with cooperation -- not conflict. Brazil knows well the
importance of united efforts -- aligning with the Allies in both
World Wars, its brave expeditionary forces playing a key role in
World War II. A half-century later, Brazil supported the United
Nations resolutions and sanctions against Iraq -- despite
significant economic losses. That, Mr. President, testifies not
just to your vision, but to your courage. For this, we thank
you.
On behalf of all Americans, I salute the shared ideals that
unite our nations and the lasting friendship between the people
of the United States and the people of Brazil. It is my great
pleasure to welcome you to the White House. // May God bless
the Federative Republic of Brazil.
[ PULL THE PODIUM STEP ]
#
#
#
Cawley/Grant
June 13, 1991
brazil.tst - 2
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: STATE DINNER TOAST
PRESIDENT COLLOR OF BRAZIL
TUESDAY, JUNE 18, 1991
7:45 P.M.
Mr. President. Distinguished guests. Friends of Brazil:
It is a distinct privilege for Barbara and me to salute this
extraordinary President. With great admiration we welcome to our
nation's home, Brazil's President, Fernando Collor de Mello. //
Our two countries were built upon the aspirations of
pioneers, immigrants, merchants and workers: hardy people filled
with the spirit of enterprise and independence, enthusiasm and
ingenuity. They came to the Americas, carving from the wilderness
lives of freedom and opportunity. This is our heritage -- and we
will continue to fulfill it.
The legacy we leave to our future generations must be
an alliance of democratic institutions, free markets, and
environmental stewardship. President Collor, I salute your efforts
to invigorate your political system -- your firm commitment to free
people and free markets -- your determination to raise
environmental awareness, both at home and abroad. // Our guests
deserve to know about your trek to Brazil's scientific outpost in
Antarctica. You moved around at such a pace that you almost lost
one of your Cabinet members in a snow bank. [[And to think my
Cabinet officials are frightened by a little game of speed golf.]
Your service to your nation expresses your faith that Brazil
will move forward and that our nations will continue to be loyal
friends and allies as we enter the 21st century.
In 1876, as the United States celebrated its centennial, a
certain foreign visitor was making his own headlines. Clad in a
black suit and silk cap, your own Emperor Dom Pedro II sailed into
New York's East River as thousands of spectators thronged the
docks, cheering and saluting.
He traveled the country on our new railroad -- over 9,000
miles, from Maryland to Wyoming, from California to Louisiana --
causing one newspaper editor to remark that "when he goes home, he
will know more about the U.S. than two thirds of the Congress!" //
Finally, on July 4.-- -- in Philadelphia, Dom Pedro joined
President Grant in opening our Centennial Exhibition. A hymn was
written especially for our 100th birthday by the celebrated
Brazilian composer, Antonio Carlos Gomes. Tributes to your Emperor
noted that " no distinguished stranger ever came among us who, at
the end of three months, seemed so little of a stranger and so much
of a friend to the whole American people as Dom Pedro II of
Brazil. " Today, Mr. President, you carry on this friendship.
Americans are proud to call you our friend, and on their behalf, I
offer this toast:
To lasting friendship between the people of the U.S. and the
people of Brazil; to the shared ideals that unite our
nations; and to a future of freedom, democracy and
prosperity across all the Americas.
#
#
#
STaffed
Factcheck copy
Cawley/Grant
June 12, 1991
brazil.arr - 1
Remove justification
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: PRESIDENT COLLOR OF BRAZIL ARRIVAL
JUNE 18, 1991
10:00 A.M.
SOUTH LAWN
Good morning and welcome to the White House. It is my great
honor to greet you, Mr. President, one of Latin America's most
dynamic statesmen. / /
The U.S./Brazilian friendship has spanned nearly two centuries
now -- an alliance built on fidelity to democracy, healthy mutual
respect, and firm collective will.
The most basic roots of our friendship lie in our dedication
to democracy -- our allegiance to the power of the individual and
brazilian
congress
the rule of law. The nations of the Americas all struggled and
12-90
gained independence from the old ways of the Old World. We built
nations
republics of promise and renewal. One hundred seventy-nine years
State Dept ,
ago, the United States was proud to be the very first nation to
recognize the newly sovereign Brazil.
Boi
That year your predecessors achieved independence without
bloodshed, traded goods with the world, and began to integrate a
ountry a Study, P.3
vastly diverse country. Today, President Collor, you represent the
twenty nine
modern leader, Brazil's first directly-elected President in thirty
ster
state Dept bio
years and we understand the difficulties you face.
Across the spectrum -- from trade and economic matters, to
environmental issues, to concerns over nuclear proliferation --
we are determined to treat our common challenges as opportunities
- Z
- opportunities to improve life throughout this hemisphere. //
Brazil, with its great natural wealth and resourceful people,
can make enormous contributions to the world economy -- and to
state
hemispheric prosperity. Along with the other nations of the
brazi lian
Americas, we aim to create the largest free-trading partnership of
gress
sovereign states in the world. The Enterprise for the Americas
nexte
EFA remarks
Initiative, which I unveiled one year ago this week, can make this
goal a reality -- and we're already making great strides.
Today, I'm pleased to announce that we have just signed a
150 Istate
Trade and Investment Framework Agreement with Brazil for the
planned "Mercosur" South American Common Market. //
Mr. President, America stands by your side as you tackle
Brazil's most pressing issues. We embraced your Collor Plan of
sweeping economic reforms and, when I visited Brazil last December,
I saw the bold economic changes you have made. You have trimmed
Brazilian
congress,
government, privatized enterprizes, fought inflation and
liberalized trade. You hold the keys to growth and prosperity in
the global economy -- and you are using them well.
//
As the 21st century draws near, we'll mark the 500th
stazilian ress
anniversary of Columbus' discovery of the Americas -- and the
arrival of Cabral's Portuguese fleet in Brazil. Spectacular change
characterizes this half-milennium. The New World is integrated in
ways our forefathers would never have dreamed, and our firm
collective will can help ensure a future filled with cooperation
- not conflict. Brazil knows well the importance of united efforts
Dept
-- aligning with the Allies in both World Wars, its brave
statentry P.301 Pres,
expeditionary forces playing a key role in World War II. Brazil
- 3 3- -
NSCl 1state TP'S
strongly supported the United Nations resolutions and sanctions
against Iraq -- despite significant economic losses. That, Mr.
President, testifies not just to your vision, but to your courage.
For this, the world thanks you.
On behalf of all Americans, I salute the shared ideals that
unite our nations and the lasting friendship between the people of
the United States and the people of Brazil. It is my great
pleasure to welcome you to the White House. // May God bless the
Federative
Republic of Brazil.
#
#
#
#
Cawley/Grant
June 12, 1991
brazil.tst - 1
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: STATE DINNER TOAST
PRESIDENT COLLOR OF BRAZIL
TUESDAY, JUNE 18, 1991
7:45 p.m.
Mr. President. Distinguished guests. Friends of Brazil:
It is a distinct privilege for Barbara and me to salute this
extraordinary President. With great admiration we welcome to our
nation's home, Brazil's President, Ferdinand Collor. //
Our two countries were built upon the aspirations of
pioneers, immigrants, merchants and workers: hardy people filled
with the spirit of enterprise and independence, enthusiasm and
ingenuity. They came to the Americas, carving from the wilderness
lives of freedom and opportunity. This is our heritage -- and we
will continue to fulfill it.
The legacy we leave to our future generations must be
an alliance of democratic institutions, free markets, and
environmental stewardship. President Collor, I salute your efforts
to consolidate your political system -- your firm commitment to
free people and free markets -- your determination to raise
environmental awareness, both at home and abroad. // Our guests
X
deserve to know about your trek to Brazil's scientific outpost in
state T.P.S
Antarctica. You moved around at such a pace that you almost lost
X
one of your Cabinet members in a snow bank. [[And to think my
cabinet officials get frightened by a little game of speed golf. ]]
Your service to your nation expresses your faith that Brazil
will move forward and that our nations will continue to be loyal
friends and allies as we enter the 21st century.
Pedrovilliams Magnaminous One
1 2 -
In 1876
hundred fifteen years agol as the United States
Dom
celebrated its centennial, a certain foreign visitor was making his
By:Mary
own headlines. Clad in a black suit and silk cap, your own Emperor
Dom Pedro II sailed into New York's East River as thousands of
p.189
spectators thronged the docks, cheering and saluting.
He traveled the country on our new railroad -- over 9,000
Louisiana
miles, from Maryland to Wyoming, from California to New Orleans
-
p.192,
- causing one newspaper editor to remark that "when he goes home,
p.208
he will know more about the U.S. than two thirds of the Congress!'
Finally, on July 4 -- in Philadelphia, Dom Pedro joined
1.196
President Grant in opening our Centennial Exhibition. A hymn was
1.2"
written especially for our 100th birthday by the celebrated
Brazilian composer, Antonio Carlos Gomes. Tributes to your Emperor
noted that "
no distinguished stranger ever came among us who, at
the end of three months, seemed so little of a stranger and so much
p.all
of a friend to the whole American people as Dom Pedro II of
Brazil." Today, Mr. President, you carry on this friendship.
Americans are proud to call you our friend, and on their behalf, I
offer this toast:
To lasting friendship between the people of the U.S. and the
people of Brazil; to the shared ideals that unite our
nations; and to a future of freedom, democracy and
prosperity across all the Americas.
#
#
#
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
BRAZIL CONTACTS
State : Mark Lore 647-9407 , Dir - Brazil
Lee Peters - Dep.Dir - Brazil
GOB
Lucio Carlos Chavez - Collors personal secretary
(0) 224-9396
(H) 248-4588
144
Brazil
of Latin America; PIERRE MONBEIG, Ensaios de Geografia
Colonial period. The coast of Brazil had been touched
Humana Brasileira (1940), a collection of essays on Brazil's
in January 1500 by the Spanish navigator Vicente Yáñez
human geography; DONALD PIERSON, Negroes in Brazil (1942,
reprinted 1967), a good account of the history and sociology
Pinzón, but the Spanish crown made no effort to follow
of this group; ROLLIE E. POPPINO, Brazil: The Land and
up the discovery. Portugal's new possession was at first
People (1968), an excellent, historically oriented introduc-
called Vera Cruz (the True Cross), a name soon aban-
tion to Brazil; T. LYNN SMITH, Brazil: People and Institutions,
doned in favour of Brazil after the valuable red dyewood
4th ed. (1972), a sociologist's view of the regions, agriculture,
(pau-brasil) with which the country abounded.
land settlements, and socio-political institutions; JULIAN H.
During the colonial period Brazil was expanded beyond
STEWARD (ed.), Handbook of South American Indians, 7 vol.
the line of Tordesillas (a vertical line drawn 370 leagues
(1946-59), an indispensable reference work.
west of the Cape Verde Islands) westward to the slopes
The Economy: LUELLA N. DAMBAUGH, The Coffee Frontier
of the Andes and northward and southward to the Ama-
in Brazil (1959), a monograph on one aspect of the Brazilian
zon and the Río de la Plata. In the north the movement
economy; GILBERTO FREYRE, Brazil: An Interpretation (1945),
a sociologist's view of development; T. LYNN SMITH and
was led by missionaries, who established missions along
ALEXANDER MARCHANT (eds.), Brazil: Portrait of Half a
the Amazon in the 17th century. In the northeast, cattle-
Continent (1951), a collection of noted works covering
men from the sugar zones of Pernambuco and Bahia
sociological and economic aspects; STANLEY J. STEIN, The
pushed inland into the present area of Piauí, Maranhão,
Brazilian Cotton Manufacture (1957), on the textile industry
and Goiás in search of new pastures. The brunt of the
from 1850 to 1950; KEMPTON E. WEBB, The Geography of
"march to the west," however, was borne by the Paulis-
Food Supply in Central Minas Gerais (1959), a basic regional
tas, the settlers of São Paulo who organized great ex-
study; GEORGE WYTHE, Brazil: An Expanding Economy (1949,
peditions into the interior, known as bandeiras, to cap-
reprinted 1968), a comprehensive study, emphasizing in-
dustrialization.
ture Indian slaves and to find gold and precious stones.
Some of these expeditions, involving entire families,
Transportation: The Anuário Estatístico do Brasil (an-
lasted for years.
nual), contains the most recent statistical data; ALAN ABOU-
CHAR, Diagnostic of the Transport Situation in Brazil (1967),
During the 17th century, Paulistas explored the area of
a technical economic analysis; WORLD BANK, Telecommunica-
Mato Grosso and attacked the Indian missions of Mis-
tion (Sector Working Paper, November 1971), includes basic
iones and southern Brazil, generally meeting resistance
data for Brazil.
from the Indians and their Jesuit protectors; only along
Administration, social conditions, and cultural life: FER-
the Río de la Plata, in modern Uruguay, did the Spanish
NANDO DE AZEVEDO, A Cultura Brasileira (1943; Eng. trans.,
settlers eventually push the Paulistas back. The treaties
Brazilian Culture, 1950), a lavish book covering many aspects
of Madrid (1750), El Pardo (1761), and San Ildefonso
of Brazilian culture; JOHN J. JOHNSON, Political Change in
(1777) with Spain gave some legality to Portuguese
Latin America (1958), a major synthesis on South American
claims, including the conquests of the bandeiras.
politics; MANOEL B. LOURENCO, La Educación en el Brasil
An important factor in the unification of the people of
(1950; Eng. trans., Education in Brazil, 1951), a general
Brazil was the heritage of Portugal; the Portuguese lan-
account; SAMUEL PUTNAM, Marvelous Journey: A Survey of
Four Centuries of Brazilian Writing (1948), a standard text;
guage formed a common bond between plantation resi-
H. JON ROSENBAUM (comp.), Contemporary Brazil: Issues in
dents, cattlemen, miners, slaves (both Indian and Negro),
Economic and Political Development (1972), a discussion of
slave hunters, and city dwellers from the Amazon to the
new directions in Brazilian government policies of national
Río de la Plata and distinguished them from their Span-
integration and economic development; JOHN V.D. SAUNDERS
ish-speaking counterparts elsewhere in South America.
(ed.), Modern Brazil: New Patterns and Development (1971),
Although Tupí-Guaraní continued to serve as a sort of
essays by 13 specialists, five Brazilians, on population, society,
lingua franca throughout much of the interior of the
the economy, and the arts; RONALD M. SCHNEIDER, The
Political System of Brazil: Emergence of a "Modernizing"
colony, Portuguese remained the official and the com-
Authoritarian Regime, 1964-1970 (1971), an analysis of the
mon language.
social origins, political views, and continuing policy objectives
The expanded, patriarchal family structure, also derived
of Brazil's military leadership; T. LYNN SMITH (op. cit.), a
from Portugal, was nearly uniform throughout Brazil,
vast compilation on major social aspects; CHARLES WAGLEY,
and power was exercised by the heads of those families
An Introduction to Brazil, rev. ed. (1971), a penetrating and
which controlled the land, slaves, cattle, and, later, mines
sympathetic interpretation of Brazilian society, its values and
that produced the wealth of the colony. Brazilian society
aspirations.
and the economy were rurally based. The population was
divided unevenly between those who possessed landed
Brazil, History of
wealth and prestige and those who were dependent upon
them. No great cities grew up during the colonial period.
This article covers the history of Brazil, with emphasis
Moreover, contact with Portugal was maintained in all
on the national period, and consists of the following
parts of Brazil, and little trade or other regular contact
sections:
existed between Brazil and neighbouring Spanish
Brazil to 1889
colonies. These common factors proved far stronger than
Colonial period
did regional variants when Brazilian unity was under
The independence of Brazil
severe stress in the second quarter of the 19th century.
The Brazilian Empire (1822-89)
(See also LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN, COLONIAL.)
Brazil since 1889
The independence of Brazil. In 1789 the first rebellion
The early republican period
against Portuguese authority was instigated by José Jo-
Return to representative government
aquim da Silva Xavier, known as Tiradentes (Tooth Pull-
Military intervention
er) because of his occasional practice of extracting teeth.
Social and political changes after 1945
The uprising was put down, and Tiradentes was exe-
cuted.
BRAZIL TO 1889
Despite its isolation, Brazil could not escape the effects
The discovery and early settlement of Brazil appear in
of the revolutionary and Napoleonic epoch in Europe.
the larger perspective of history as episodes in the great
In 1807 Napoleon resolved upon the invasion and con-
movement of Portuguese colonial expansion to the east.
quest of Portugal, a traditional British ally, largely to
Vasco da Gama's discovery in 1498 of an all-water route
tighten the European blockade of Great Britain. The
to the East Indies and Spice Islands by way of the Cape
Portuguese prince regent Dom John, afterward King John
of Good Hope led the Portuguese crown to dispatch to
VI, decided to take refuge in Brazil, the only time a col-
India an imposing armada under command of Pedro
ony ever served as the seat of government for its mother
Álvares Cabral. To avoid the calms off the Gulf of
country. He sailed from the Tagus on November 29,
Guinea, Cabral bore so far to the west that on April 22,
1807, under the protection of the British fleet. Accom-
Arrival
p.20f11-26-90
1500, the mainland of South America was sighted; the
panied by the royal family and a horde of nobles and
Dom Jol
region was promptly claimed by Portugal, as it lay well
functionaries, he arrived at Rio de Janeiro on March 7,
in 1808
draft for
within the zone assigned to Portugal by the Treaty of
1808.
Tordesillas (1494).
The colonists, convinced that a new era had dawned for
Joint Session
Brazil, History of
145
ed
Brazil, welcomed their sovereign. The Prince Regent
realize that the days of absolutism were past; a new and
ez
promptly decreed a number of reforms that radically
liberal constitution, drawn up by the Council of State,
)W
altered the status of the colony. These included practical
was submitted to the municipal councils of the provinces
st
recognition of Brazil's position as seat of the Portuguese
and sworn to by the Emperor on March 25, 1824. Pedro's
n-
od
Empire and its new requirements in view of the war in
remaining years saw a growing estrangement between
Europe. The old Portuguese commercial monopoly was
the monarch and his subjects. Parliamentary government
abolished and Brazilian harbours were opened to the
was little to his liking, and the opposition generally com-
nd
commerce of all friendly nations. British trade with
manded a majority in the chamber of deputies. Brazil be-
les
Brazil immediately took on important proportions, and
came involved in a disastrous war with Argentina result-
es
a number of British trading companies established offices
ing in the loss of the Provincia Cisplatina (the present re-
la-
in the colony.
public of Uruguay). Finally, Pedro formally abdicated on
nt
A ministry with four portfolios and a council of state
April 7, 1831, in favour of the heir apparent, Dom Pedro
ng
were installed in Rio de Janeiro, and a supreme court of
de Alacântara, then only five years of age.
le-
justice, a court of exchequer and royal treasury, the royal
The regency (1831-40). The next decade proved the
iia
mint, the Bank of Brazil, and the royal printing office
most agitated period in Brazilian history. From 1831 to
io,
were established. A royal library, a military academy,
1835 a triple regency tried in vain to end civil war in the
he
and medical and law schools were founded. Industries
provinces and lawlessness and insubordination in the
is-
were encouraged, foreign scholars and artists were wel-
army. In 1834 the constitution was amended to grant a
:X-
comed, and immigrants from northern Europe were
measure of decentralization to the provinces, through the
:p-
brought in at government expense. The changed status
creation of provincial assemblies with considerable local
es.
of Brazil was reflected in the decree of December 16,
power, and to provide for a sole regent to be elected for
es,
1815, by which the Portuguese dominions were desig-
four years. For this office in 1835 a priest, Diogo An-
nated the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil, and the
tónio Feijó, was chosen. For two years he struggled
of
Algarves, thus making Brazil coequal with Portugal. In
against disintegration, but he was forced to resign in
is-
1816 the queen, Maria I, died, and the Prince Regent be-
1837 and was succeeded by Pedro de Araújo Lima. As
ice
came king.
the end of the decade approached, sentiment began to
ng
Although John VI enjoyed a certain degree of personal
crystallize in favour of a declaration of majority of the
ish
popularity, his corrupt and extravagant government
young Dom Pedro. The Brazilians, impatient with the
ies
aroused much opposition, which was increased by the
regency, hoped to find in the Emperor a symbol to which
ISO
fermentation of liberal ideas produced by the French
the entire nation might rally. On July 23, 1840, both
ese
Revolution. In Pernambuco a revolt broke out in 1817
houses of parliament passed a declaration that Pedro de
and was put down with difficulty after a republic had
Alcântara had attained his majority.
of
been formed that lasted for 90 days. After the departure
Pedro II. The reign of Pedro II, lasting practically a
in-
of the French, Portugal had been governed by an arbi-
half century, constitutes perhaps the most interesting and
si-
trary and tyrannical regency. A revolution in 1820 swept
fruitful epoch in Brazilian history. The prestige and
o),
aside the regency, and the Cortes, which had not met for
progress of the nation were due largely to the enlightened
Prestige
the
more than a century, was summoned to draw up a con-
statesmanship of its ruler. Pedro cared little for the trap-
and
an-
stitution.
pings of royalty. Though not without personal distinction
progress
ca.
The presence of John VI in Portugal was imperative if
he was always simple, modest, and democratic. He pos-
under
of
the revolutionary movement was to be kept in hand. On
sessed an insatiable intellectual curiosity and was never
Pedro II
the
The
April 22, 1821, he appointed his son Dom Pedro regent,
more happy than when conversing with scholars. He was
m-
regency of
and two days later he set sail for Lisbon. Meanwhile,
generous and magnanimous to a fault. One of his favour-
Dom
antagonisms between the Portuguese and Brazilians were
ite occupations was inspecting schools. He was wont to
/ed
Pedro
becoming increasingly bitter, republican propaganda was
declare, "If I were not emperor I should like to be a
zil,
active, and Dom Pedro had to face the responsibility of a
school teacher." Yet this kindly, genial, and scholarly
lies
separation of Brazil from Portugal as a result of the
ruler took his prerogatives and duties as sovereign with
nes
shortsighted policy of the Cortes at Lisbon. The majority
great seriousness, and in all matters of first importance
ety
of this assembly favoured the restoration of Brazil to its
he was the final arbiter. According to the moderative
vas
former status of colonial dependence. Without waiting
power granted to the executive under the constitution of
ied
for the Brazilian deputies, they proceeded to undo most
1824, the Emperor had the right to dissolve the Chamber
on
of the reforms introduced into Brazil by John VI. Fear-
of Deputies, to select the members of the life senate from
od.
ful that Dom Pedro might head a movement for inde-
triple lists submitted by the province, and to appoint and
all
pendence, the Cortes ordered the prince to return to Eu-
dismiss ministers of state. That parliamentary life in
act
rope.
Brazil was pitched upon a high plane, that the highest
ish
Supported by the majority of Brazilians, Dom Pedro
officials in the state generally left office poorer than when
ian
defied the Cortes by his refusal to return to Lisbon. In
they entered it, that the machinery of government func-
der
January 1822 he formed a ministry in which the chief
tioned smoothly year after year was due in large measure
iry.
portfolio was held by the distinguished Paulista, José
to the vigilance of the Emperor.
L.)
Bonifácio de Andrada e Silva. On June 3 Dom Pedro
Pedro's government maintained an active interest in the
ion
convoked a legislative and constituent assembly. On Sep-
affairs of the Plata republics, especially of Uruguay,
Jo-
tember 7, on the plain of Ipiranga, near the city of São
which it sought to control through indirect measures.
ull-
Paulo, he solemnly proclaimed the independence of Bra-
Brazil aided in the overthrow of the Argentine dictator
eth.
zil, and on December 1, 1822, he was crowned the na-
Juan Manuel de Rosas in 1852. In 1864 Brazil inter-
exe-
tion's emperor.
vened in Uruguayan internal affairs and brought about
The strong Portuguese garrisons were forced to return
war with Paraguay. In alliance with Argentina and Uru-
ects
to Europe. Before the end of 1823 independence had be-
guay, Brazil successfully waged the costly and bloody
pe.
come an accomplished fact. The United States was first
Paraguayan War of 1864-70, eventually overthrowing
on-
to recognize the new government, on May 26, 1824. Por-
the Paraguayan dictator Francisco Solano López. The
to
tuguese recognition was secured in 1825. The early re-
empire's relations with the United States and with Eu-
The
sumption of formal relations with Portugal was due in
rope were generally cordial. Pedro personally did much
ohn
large part to the influence and good offices of the British
to cement these international friendships, visiting Europe
col-
government.
in 1871, 1876, and 1888 and going to the United States
ther
The Brazilian Empire (1822-89). The first years of in-
in 1876.
29,
The first
dependence were difficult. The nation was without ex-
The empire's major social and economic problems were
5m-
Arrivale
years of
perience in self-government, and the Emperor was in-
Dom
Joi
inde-
related to slave-based plantation agriculture. Real politi-
Slavery
and
clined to be despotic and arbitrary. When the constituent
cal power remained with large rural landholders, who
17,
in
1808
pendence
assembly proved unmanageable, Pedro I dissolved it in
formed the core of the social and economic elite of Bra-
1823 and sent the radical Andrada e Silva and his two
zil. Industrialization was still economically insignificant,
for
brothers into exile. Fortunately, however, he came to
and, with the decline of gold mining, agriculture was un-
146 Brazil, History of
rivalled as the source of Brazil's wealth. Cotton, and in-
creasingly coffee, cultivated by slave labour, competed
with sugar as the leading export crop. The rural land-
RORAIMA
holders were largely insulated from the antislavery cur-
AMAPA
rent of the times. Although manumission was common,
and the number of freedmen and their descendants far
surpassed the number of slaves in Brazil, the slaveowners
Amazon
as a group resisted pressures for the complete abolition
PARA
AMAZONAS
of slavery. Partly as a result of pressure from Great Brit-
CEARÁ
ain, Brazil had agreed to abolish the slave trade in 1831,
PIAUI
but it was not until 1853 that slave traffic completely
PERNAMEN
ceased. Agitation to abolish slavery as such began in the
1860s. Pedro was opposed to slavery, but he had to reck-
on with the slaveowners. In 1871 a bill for gradual eman-
RONDÔNIA
BAHIA
GOIAS
cipation was passed by Parliament. The importance of
MATO
this act lay in the provision that, henceforth, all children
FGROSSO
Broslin
born of slave mothers should be free. But this concession
DISTRITO
did not satisfy many of the abolitionists, who, led by a
FEDERAL
MINAS
young lawyer and writer, Joaquim Nabuco de Araújo de-
GERAIS
ESPÍRITO
manded immediate and complete abolition. Nabuco's
book 0 Abolicionismo (1883) endeavoured to prove
SÃO
RIO JANEIRO
that slavery was poisoning the very life of the nation. In
PAULO São
Rio de Janeiro
Paulo
1884 Ceará and Amazonas freed their slaves; in 1885 all
GUANABARA
PARANA
slaves over 60 years of age were liberated. Finally, com-
1823
1920
plete emancipation without compensation to the owners
SANTACATARINA
was decreed by the Princess Regent in the absence of the
1872
1930
Emperor on May 13, 1888. About 700,000 slaves were
freed.
1890
1940
The collapse of the empire. Under Pedro II's wise
0
300
1970
600
guidance Brazil had made very real progress. His rule
0
300
600
900
to
witnessed a growth in population from 4,000,000 to
Growth of population In Brazil: dates by which the states
14,000,000, a fourteenfold increase in public revenues,
had achieved a population density of more than two persons
and a tenfold increase in the value of the products of the
per square mile.
Empire. Railroad mileage in 1889 exceeded 5,000 miles
Adapted from A.C. Wilgus, Latin America in Maps (1943); Barnes and Noble, Inc.
(8,000 kilometres); that year more than 100,000 immi-
grants came to Brazil. Yet there were grave causes of
his administration was rendered largely sterile through
dissatisfaction. Propaganda in favour of a republic,
the opposition of the disgruntled military elements and
launched in 1871, had gained many recruits. The great
the necessity of putting down a rebellion in the hinterland
landowners, who had lost their slaves without compensa-
of Bahia. His successor, Manuel Ferraz de Campos Sales
tion, withdrew their support from the monarchy. The
(1898-1902), former president of the State of São Paulo,
clergy had been antagonized by the punishment of sev-
is chiefly remembered for his striking success in saving
eral recalcitrant bishops. Isabel, the heiress to the throne.
Brazil from the financial collapse threatened by the orgy
and her husband, the Conde d'Eu, were unpopular. Most
of extravagance, inflated currency, and speculation,
serious, important elements in the army, which had be-
which had followed the overthrow of the monarchy.
come a political force after 1870, turned against the Em-
While still president-elect, Campos Sales in 1898 negoti-
peror, largely because Pedro insisted that they stay out
ated through the Rothschilds a funding loan of £10,-
of politics. A conspiracy was hatched by these disgruntled
000,000, interest on which was to be suspended for three
military elements, and on November 15, 1889, a revolt
years and amortization payments for ten. Because of the
of part of the army was the signal for the collapse of the
able and economical administration of Campos Sales and
empire. Pedro formally abdicated and, with his family,
the marvelous recuperative power of the country, the
was banished to Europe.
credit and finances of Brazil were again placed on a sound
foundation. Francisco de Paula Rodrigues Alves (1902-
BRAZIL SINCE 1889
06), likewise a Paulista, is generally regarded as Brazil's
The early republican period. For the next 14 months
ablest civilian president. During his term of office the
The
Military
Brazil was ruled by a military autocracy in which Mar-
capital was transformed into one of the world's most
develop-
autocracy
shal Deodoro da Fonseca, as chief of the provisional gov-
beautiful cities. Under the direction of the distinguished
ment
ernment, was virtually supreme. Decisions of great im-
physician and scientist Oswaldo Cruz, Rio de Janeiro
of Rio de
portance were reached. Church and state were separated,
was completely freed from yellow fever. Some of Brazil's
Janeiro
civil marriage was introduced, and a constituent assem-
most thorny boundary controversies were settled during
bly was summoned, which adopted in 1891 a constitution
the presidencies of Campos Sales and Rodrigues Alves
modelled closely on that of the United States.
by the able minister of foreign affairs, José Maria de Silva
The presidencies. As president, Deodoro da Fonseca
Paranhos, barão de Rio Branco.
employed the same dictatorial methods that he had fol-
President Afonso Pena (served 1906-09) took an impor-
lowed as head of the provisional regime. On November
tant step toward the stabilization of the exchange through
3, 1891, he forcibly dissolved Congress and proclaimed
the creation of the so-called Caixa de Conversão, or Bank
himself dictator. But opposition was so widespread that
of Conversion, whose function was to redeem inconver-
on November 23 he resigned in favour of the vice presi-
tible paper currency by the issue of convertible notes se-
dent, Marshal Floriano Peixoto. But Peixoto differed lit-
cured through the deposit of gold. This project had to be
tle in his methods from his predecessor. Of the meaning
abandoned on the outbreak of World War I. Pena died in
of constitutionalism in the strict sense, he had scant un-
1909 and was succeeded by the vice president, Nilo Pe-
derstanding. Growing opposition finally culminated in
çanha. In the campaign of 1910 the official candidate,
1893 in a naval revolt and military uprising that lasted
Marshal Hermes da Fonseca, nephew of Deodoro da
until the following year and were put down only with the
Fonseca, was opposed by Rui Barbosa, a noted lawyer
greatest difficulty.
and publicist. Though the conviction was general that
The advent of a civilian as president was hailed with
Barbosa had received a majority of the votes cast, the of-
undisguised relief. Prudente de Morais, who assumed
ficial machine easily secured the election of Hermes da
office in 1894, was a distinguished lawyer of São Paulo
Fonseca, during whose administration (1910-14) the high
and a republican of long standing. Though his intentions
standards set by the first three civilian executives were
were excellent and his ability and honesty unquestioned,
largely abandoned.
Brazil, History of
147
World War I and its aftermath. A change for the bet-
stitutional patterns of the republic were voiced by-young
ter came with the election of Wenceslau Brás (served
military officers, the tenentes, in the mid-1920s; the
1914-18), a former governor of Minas Gerais. His ad-
movement they headed culminated in the revolution of
ministration was closely associated with Brazil's reaction
1930, which marked the end of the so-called old republic
to and participation in World War I. The sympathies of
and the beginning of a new era.
most Brazilians inclined toward the Allies. On April 11,
The Vargas era. When the administration-sponsored
1917, Brazil broke off relations with Germany following
presidential candidate was officially declared winner in
the torpedoing of the steamer "Paraná" off France. On
the 1930 election, a revolt broke out. This successful re-
ARÁ
June 1 Brazil revoked its decree of neutrality in the war
bellion was led by Getúlio Vargas, governor of the state
as a mark of continental solidarity and friendship with
of Rio Grande do Sul, who was to remain central in
the United States. On October 26, following the sinking
Brazilian national life until his suicide in 1954.
PERSIAN
of more Brazilian ships, Brazil declared war on Ger-
Vargas held office as chief executive on two occasions,
many. Brazil's participation in the war was confined to
1930-45 and 1951-54. Early in the first of these peri-
the dispatch of a part of its fleet to European waters and
ods, the country's difficulties were essentially economic,
the sending of a medical mission and a number of
accentuated by a policy of subsidizing coffee production,
aviators to the Western Front. Its chief contribution was
and the tremendous powers of the states served as steady
the placing of its food supplies and other resources un-
irritants to the country. In 1934 a new constitution gave
reservedly at the disposal of the Allies. Brazil partici-
the central government greater powers. Three years later,
pated in the peace conference and was given a temporary
President Vargas suddenly seized practically absolute
ESPIRITO
seat on the Council of the League of Nations.
power and set up still another constitution, under which
In the election of 1918 a precedent was established by
he continued as president. The new administration,
DE JANEING
heiro
power
sees
and
the re-election of Rodrigues Alves. He was too ill to ac-
known as the Estado Nôvo (New State), so concentrated
cept office, however, and died on January 18, 1919. In
power in Vargas' hands that he was able to suppress all
April, Epitácio Pessoa, a lawyer of note and head of the
manifestations of popular will. Vargas stripped Brazil of
Brazilian delegation at the Versailles conference, was
most of the trappings through which it might eventually
elected. His presidency, coinciding with a wave of post-
hope to become a democracy. On the other hand, consid-
war prosperity, was an era of reckless expenditure ac-
erable social legislation was enacted, with positive bene-
companied by an immense increase in both the internal
fits to the labouring man.
0
and foreign debt. Large sums were absorbed by the Bra-
Vargas' policy concentrated upon curtailment of states'
8
zilian centenary exposition, which was celebrated in
rights, emphasis on nationalism, and the transfer of the
600
1922. The presidency of Artur Bernardes (served 1922-
locus of power from the country to the city. The states
26) was beset with difficulties. The collapse of the boom
were increasingly subordinated to the central govern-
found Brazil in financial extremities, and the new execu-
ment, politically, economically, and socially. The ruinous
tive endeavoured to carry out a policy of strict economy:
coffee policies of the past were discarded, manufacturing
governmental expenses were cut down, costly public
was advanced, and the diversification of agriculture was
works were postponed, and new sources of revenue, such
encouraged.
as the income tax, were created. The success of this pro-
After the outbreak of World War II in 1939, Vargas'
gram of retrenchment and reform was compromised by a
government supported inter-American solidarity; on Au-
dangerous flareup of militarism. In the closing weeks of
gust 22, 1942, it declared war against Germany and Italy.
Pessoa's administration a military group made a desper-
Besides participating in the defense of the South Atlantic
ate but fruitless attempt to prevent Bernardes' inaugura-
against Axis submarines, Brazil sent an expeditionary
tion. Another revolt was launched in July 1924 at São
force to Italy in July 1944 that distinguished itself in sev-
Paulo city. This, too, was suppressed, but only after
eral battles. Brazil also allowed the United States to use
heavy loss of life and much property damage. In 1926
certain Brazilian naval and air bases during the war. A
Washington Luís, minister of justice in the two preceding
number of agreements were signed between the two gov-
administrations, was elected president without a contest.
ernments for the economic development and production
The shift from empire to republic produced little im-
of Brazilian raw materials.
mediate change in Brazil's basic political or social insti-
Return to representative government. On October 29,
tutions. Under the constitution of 1891, state and munici-
1945, Vargas was overthrown in a bloodless revolution.
pal governments were granted somewhat greater free-
When it appeared that the President intended to continue
Over-
dom from central control, with a consequent increase in
indefinitely in power, a group of high army officers
throw
the power of local bosses. But no significant new ele-
forced him to resign, transferring the government to
of Vargas
ments were added to the political spectrum, and the bulk
Chief Justice José Linhares on an interim basis.
The
of the population remained outside the political process.
Dutra and Vargas. On December 2, 1945, Gen. Eurico
develor
Rural landholders, particularly in the States of São Paulo
Gaspar Dutra, the former war minister and a loyal friend
ment
and Minas Gerais, adjusted to the loss of slave labour
of Vargas, was elected to a five-year term as president. In
of Rio
and retained their pre-eminence. In São Paulo massive
September 1946 a constituent assembly at Rio de Janeiro
S Janeiro
immigration from the Mediterranean area before World
adopted a new constitution, which confirmed and
on
War 1 provided a new source of rural labour for the ex-
strengthened the civil and personal liberties and the mul-
S
panding coffee industry. By the late 19th century, coffee
tiparty system of representative democracy that had tak-
a
had become the outstanding export crop and source of
en effect after the overthrow of Vargas. As was custom-
government revenue. Diversification of agriculture and
ary in Brazilian constitutions, it recognized the armed
the expansion and diversification of the mining industry
forces as permanent national institutions and the guar-
h
provided economic stimulus in Minas Gerais. The old
antors of constitutional powers.
areas of Bahia and Pernambuco gradually declined in po-
Dutra showed a sincere determination to govern the
litical significance and were eventually replaced by the in-
country in harmony with the measures of the new con-
creasingly important state of Rio Grande do Sul, but the
stitution. He outlawed the Communist Party as an un-
latter did not challenge the political hegemony of the
democratic, foreign-based organization in May 1947 but
central states until 1930. Thus, economic and political
did not otherwise interfere with the free play of political
power was concentrated in São Paulo and Minas Gerais
expression or political party activities. Major accomplish-
during the first four decades of the republic, and national
ments of the Dutra administration included the Paulo
la
policies usually reflected the interests of those states.
Afonso Dam on the São Francisco River, to provide elec-
The principal new factor was the political role of the
tric power to northeastern Brazil, and the opening of an
at
of
the
military. After 1889 the armed forces asserted their claim
all-weather highway linking that region with the indus-
f-
stitury
as guarantors of the constitutional process and served
trial zones of Minas Gerais and São Paulo.
la
usually as a check upon the civilian administrations. The
The general elections of 1950 resulted in a substantial
military also provided the leadership of occasional pro-
victory for Vargas. While he failed to secure a clear
re
test movements. The first stirrings of social unrest and
majority in the four-way race, he polled 1,500,000 more
vaguely expressed demands for a modification of the in-
votes than the runner-up and nearly as many as the com-
148 Brazil, History of
bined total for the three rival candidates. Accordingly,
suffered a mild heart attack and on November 8, 1955,
despite serious reservations by the military leaders who
transferred power temporarily to his constitutional suc-
had deposed him in 1945, he was installed in the presi-
cessor, Carlos Luz, speaker of the Chamber of Deputies.
dency once more on January 31, 1951. During his second
The following day Luz indicated that he would dismiss
period in power, Vargas was unable to dominate the
Marshal Lott to resolve a conflict of authority between
political forces of the country or to exploit social and
the executive and the war minister. This was interpreted
economic trends to his advantage; he endeavoured to
by Kubitschek's backers as the signal for a coup d'etat
abide by the constitution of 1946 and was criticized in
by anti-Kubitschek forces. On November 11, 1955, War
some quarters for weak leadership. Lacking a firm ma-
Minister Lott and Marshal Odílio Denys, commander of
jority in the Congress, he could neither enact his own
army troops in Rio de Janeiro, staged a "countercoup" to
program nor resist the contradictory pressures of his
guarantee Kubitschek's inauguration. Luz was deposed,
supporters and opponents. The most serious continuing
his constitutional successor, Sen. Nereu de Oliveira
problem was economic. Brazilians were agreed upon the
Ramos, was installed as interim president under a state
need for more rapid industrial development and mea-
of siege, and Lott remained as war minister and the
sures to ameliorate the effects of gradual monetary in-
strongest figure in the government. Kubitschek and
flation, which persisted as government expenditures con-
Goulart took office as scheduled and without incident on
sistently outran revenues. Vargas maintained a precarious
January 31, 1956.
balance between the advocates of greater state interven-
During his term of office Kubitschek encouraged the
Spread
tion in the economy and those who insisted upon a
widespread spirit of nationalism, appealing to the pop-
national.
favourable climate for domestic and foreign private in-
ular demand for economic development and to the belief
ism
vestment. The situation was complicated by the simul-
that Brazil was destined to become a great power among
taneous emotional, antiforeign campaign to nationalize
the nations of the world. Kubitschek felt that the nation-
the natural resources of the country. The campaign cul-
al government should play a vital role in economic areas
minated in the creation of the national petroleum corpo-
unattractive to private capital; thus, his administration
ration, Petrobrás, in 1953.
undertook ambitious developmental programs for the
For three years Vargas' popularity largely protected
construction of interregional highways and vast hydro-
him from attack by political adversaries, who directed
electric power projects, the expansion of iron, steel, pe-
their criticism against members of his administration.
troleum, and coal production, and assistance to the rapid-
João Goulart, Vargas' young protégé and vice president
ly growing private industrial sector. Perhaps his out-
of the Brazilian Labour Party (PTB), who became minis-
standing accomplishment was the construction of Bra-
ter of labour in 1953, was accused of using his office to
sília on an inland plateau 580 miles (930 kilometres)
transform organized labour into a political machine loyal
northwest of Rio de Janeiro. Although not yet com-
to Vargas. His sponsorship of a decree doubling the mini-
pleted, Brasília was dedicated as the official capital of
mum wage, thus strengthening labour-administration
Brazil on April 21, 1960. The purpose of Brasília was to
ties and contributing to the inflationary spiral, led to his
focus the attention of Brazilians on the interior of the
dismissal in 1954. A series of crises followed, climaxed
country and to hasten settlement of the region and the
on August 5, 1954, by the murder of an air force officer
development of its largely untapped resources. The new
and the attempted assassination of opposition newspaper
capital was denounced by residents of Rio de Janeiro, but
editor Carlos Lacerda. Investigation revealed that the
Brazilians elsewhere generally regarded it as a symbol of
assassins had been hired by the President's personal
the nation's future greatness. In inter-American relations,
guard. The exposure of widespread corruption within the
the Kubitschek administration proposed the adoption of
administration caused a wave of revulsion against the
Operation Pan America, a cooperative program for the
Vargas'
former dictator. A group of army officers presented Var-
economic development of Latin America, which fore-
suicide
gas with a demand for his resignation; Vargas complied
shadowed the Alliance for Progress.
on August 24, 1954, and later that day committed sui-
The great material progress during the Kubitschek pe-
cide.
riod was achieved at a high cost in terms of inflation and
Kubitschek's administration. Vice president João Café
repeated foreign borrowing. The cost of living and the
Filho served out the remainder of Vargas' term. His
volume of currency in circulation tripled between 1956
Cabinet included military leaders who had been instru-
and 1961, while Brazil's large foreign debt nearly dou-
mental in removing Vargas and civilian moderates who
bled. The gross national product rose to unprecedented
generally favoured political democracy, limited social
levels, but living standards for much of the population
change, and an orthodox approach to economic ills. Mar-
remained stationary or actually declined. At the same
shal Teixeira Lott, a highly respected professional soldier
time, indications of large-scale graft and favouritism in
not identified with any political group, was made war
public office disturbed even the normally tolerant Brazil-
minister. Much of the Café Filho administration was OC-
ian electorate.
cupied by preparations for the presidential election of
Quadros and Goulart. This situation was debated in
October 3, 1955. After the failure of attempts to find a
the electoral campaign of 1960. Again there were three
single candidate around whom all major political parties
candidates for the presidency: Marshal Teixeira Lott
might rally, three strong candidates for the presidency
who had served as Kubitschek's war minister for more
emerged: former Minas Gerais state governor Juscelino
than four years; Jânio Quadros, the unorthodox for-
Kubitschek de Oliveira, popularly regarded as Vargas'
mer governor of São Paulo and at that time congress-
political heir; former São Paulo state governor Ademar
man from the State of Paraná; and Adhemar de Barros,
de Barros, with broad backing from financial and com-
then mayor of the city of São Paulo. It was soon clearly
mercial groups; and Marshal Juárez Távora, considered
a race between Lott and Quadros. Lott received official
as the representative of conservative military and civilian
backing and campaigned on the Kubitschek record. Qua-
groups. In the 1955 election Kubitschek was the victor
dros, who was not a regular member of any political
with slightly more than one third of the total vote, Tá-
party was supported by the largest conservative party,
vora ran a close second, and Barros was a somewhat
the National Democratic Union (UDN), and a heteroge-
more distant third; in the separate vice-presidential elec-
neous grouping of lesser political factions. With a new
tion, João Goulart won with a large plurality. The elec-
broom as his symbol, Quadros caught the public's imagi-
tion was widely interpreted as a popular vindication of
nation as the candidate of the common man. He prom-
the Vargas position. The illegal but active Communist
ised a scrupulously honest administration, curbs on infla-
Party, which had thrown its unsolicited support to Ku-
tion, effective economic development, dignity for the in-
bitschek, claimed to have provided his margin of victory.
dividual, and an aggressively "independent" foreign pol-
Rumours of a Café Filho administration plot to use un-
icy. Goulart was once more a candidate for the vice-pres-
constitutional means to prevent the inauguration of
idency. At the polls on October 3, 1960, Quadros won
Kubitschek and Goulart were not proved, but the con-
election with a plurality of 48 percent of the popular
servative press-which regarded Kubitschek as a danger-
vote. He received more than 5,600,000 votes, the largest
ous radical-added to the tension. President Café Filho
number ever cast for a presidential candidate in Brazil.
Brazil, History of
149
1955,
Goulart, a political enemy of Quadros, won a narrow vic-
and conservative opposition. Goulart surrounded him-
suc-
tory in the vice presidential race, polling slightly more
self with left-wing advisers. He sought to neutralize the
ities.
than 4,000,000 votes. Quadros and Goulart were inaugu-
armed forces by frequent command changes and by de-
Opposition
miss
rated on January 31, 1961.
veloping a personal following among noncommissioned
to Goulart
ween
The election of Quadros was hailed as a revolution by
officers and enlisted personnel. After failing to obtain
reted
ballot. For the first time in three decades, anti-Vargas po-
authorization for a state of siege, which would have en-
l'etat
litical groups controlled the presidency. Quadros took
hanced his powers, Goulart appealed directly to the
War
office in an atmosphere of popular expectation, but al-
people for support. At a mass rally in Rio de Janeiro
er of
most immediately he encountered resistance from the
in March 1964, he instituted a controversial agrarian
p" to
Congress, where parties loyal to the Vargas tradition still
reform and nationalized certain privately owned oil
osed,
commanded a large majority. Quadros' arbitrary and au-
refineries. Many military officers and opposition po-
veira
tocratic manner, which soon alienated many of his for-
litical leaders had already become convinced that Gou-
state
mer adherents, further reduced the possibility of enacting
lart was seeking to establish a dictatorship of the left.
the
a meaningful reform program or effective measures to re-
During 1963 active plotting began among separate civil-
and
tard inflation. In foreign affairs Quadros was more suc-
ian and military groups in different parts of the country.
it on
cessful; his foreign policy, which was applauded by ultra-
Gov. José de Magalhães Pinto of Minas Gerais state and
nationalists and deplored by moderates, seemed designed
Marshal Humberto de Alencar Castelo Branco, chief of
the
to move Brazil toward neutralist nations and away from
staff of the army, emerged as the chief coordinators of the
pop-
natio
the traditional ties with the United States. He opposed
conspiracy. An attempt was made to find a formula to
elief
ism
any inter-American action to censure the Castro regime
prevent a coup d'etat by the President and still permit
nong
in Cuba and initiated proceedings to resume or establish
him to complete his term in office. At the same time,
tion-
diplomatic and commercial relations with the Soviet
plans were made to overthrow the regime if necessary.
areas
Union and its European satellites. On August 25, 1961,
The administration's refusal to suppress a strike by naval
ation
after less than seven months in office, Quadros resigned
enlisted men in late March 1964 was regarded by the op-
the
unexpectedly, alleging that "terrible forces" had deterred
position as intolerable, for military authority and disci-
'dro-
him. The congress promptly installed Pascoal Ranieri
pline were considered the last check on Goulart's alleged
pe-
Mazzilli, speaker of the Chamber of Deputies, as tempo-
ambitions. On March 31, 1964, Magalhães Pinto pro-
apid-
rary president. Vice president João Goulart, the constitu-
claimed a revolution against the government by the civil
out-
tional successor, was then en route home from a state
and military forces in Minas Gerais; the following day he
Bra-
visit to China.
was joined by the political leaders of the States of São
tres)
Brazil stood at the brink of civil war. Many military
Paulo and Guanabara and by the armed forces through-
com-
commanders and conservatives regarded Goulart as too
out most of Brazil. On April 2 Goulart fled into exile and
11 of
radical to be entrusted with the nation's highest office,
two days later he reached Uruguay. The Congress de-
as to
while the great majority of civilian political leaders up-
clared his office vacant and designated Mazzilli as interim
the
held his constitutional right to the presidency. War Min-
president until a successor could be chosen to serve out
I the
ister Odílio Denys now emerged as the chief spokesman
the remainder of term.
new
of the anti-Goulart forces, demanding that the Congress
Castelo Branco's administration. With the fall of
but
declare the office of vice president vacant and hold new
Goulart, real power passed to the leaders of the revolu-
ol of
elections. The Congress refused. In southern Brazil the
tion, who instituted sweeping political changes. The revo-
ions,
commanders of the powerful army and air force units
lutionary commanders set out to restore economic and
n of
defied orders from the capital and sided with Goulart.
financial order, to eliminate what the generals claimed
the
Goulart arrived in Pôrto Alegre, insisting that he was al-
was "Communist infiltration," and to purge corrupt and
fore-
ready president of Brazil. Faced with the imminent pros-
subversive elements. At the same time they desired to
pect of armed conflict, the Congress and the anti-Goulart
retain a modified form of representative government. On
pe-
group in the military agreed upon a compromise solu-
April 9, 1964, these goals were combined in the First
The First
and
tion: that Goulart be allowed to take office, but only as a
Institutional Act, a modification of the 1946 constitution.
Institu-
the
figurehead. On September 2, 1961, the parliamentary sys-
The executive was granted temporary authority to cancel
tional Act
1956
tem of government was adopted by constitutional amend-
the mandates of elected officials, to dismiss public ser-
dou-
ment; most presidential powers were transferred to the
vants, and to revoke for ten years the political rights of
nted
newly created post of prime minister. Provision was
those found guilty of subversion or misuse of public
tion
made for a national plebiscite on the parliamentary ex-
funds.
ame
periment before the end of the presidential term. Goulart
During the six months these provisions were in effect,
n in
accepted these conditions and was formally confirmed as
thousands were arrested, and hundreds of persons-in-
azil-
president on September 7, 1961.
cluding union and government officials and former presi-
Once the immediate crisis of the presidential succession
dents Goulart, Quadros, and Kubitschek-were deprived
d in
was settled, the political parties resumed debate on press-
of political rights. The Congress was retained as a legis-
hree
Ing national issues but postponed significant legislation
lative body with power to debate and amend but not re-
Lott
pending the outcome of congressional elections in Octo-
ject proposals submitted to it by the executive. On April
nore
ber 1962. When these failed to indicate a clear mandate
11, 1964, Castelo Branco was elected president by the
for-
for or against the administration's reform proposals, the
Congress. José Maria Alkmin, finance minister under
ress-
opponents of parliamentarianism, led by Goulart, de-
Kubitschek, was chosen as vice president. On July 22 the
TOS,
manded a quick return to presidential rule. On January
Congress extended the terms of Castelo Branco and Alk-
arly
6, 1963, a national plebiscite by a margin of more than
min to March 15, 1967.
icial
five to one gave Goulart full presidential powers. Goulart
Castelo Branco's extended term was regarded by the
Qua-
was unable to secure majority support for his legislative
revolutionaries as a transition period during which sweep-
tical
program, however, and repeated Cabinet changes and
ing political and economic reforms should be enacted
arty,
new plans for economic and social development did noth-
oge-
ing to restrict inflation and soaring living costs, which
before the nation could again be entrusted to a popularly
elected government. It was generally agreed by the new
new
reached alarming proportions under Goulart. During the
agi-
two and one-half years of his administration, there was
leaders that such alleged shortcomings of the political
a tenfold drop in the dollar value of the currency, the
process as the multiplicity of small, regional, and per-
om-
sonalist parties, opportunistic electoral coalitions, and
afla-
cost of living tripled, and the growth of the gross national
product, which had been rising by 6 to 7 percent yearly,
the separate election of president and vice president must
: in-
be corrected, but they were divided over the best means
pol-
was brought to a complete halt.
res-
Military intervention. As the situation grew more des-
to attain these ends. The President's determination to
won
perate, cooperation between the regime and its critics be-
achieve reform by legislation, while permitting normal
ular
came more difficult. The administration identified itself
political activities and full freedom of expression by
gest
increasingly with the ultranationalistic left, while most of
critics of the regime, was challenged by civilian and mili-
azil.
the military officer corps sympathized with the moderate
tary extremists who called for dissolution of Congress,
abolition of political parties, and suspension of all par-
150 Brazil, History of
tisan activities until the revolutionary regime had enough
part markedly from the course set by his predecessor.
time to consolidate its power.
His administration rejected petitions for a general am-
The test came in October 1965, when gubernatorial elec-
nesty, resisted all proposals to amend the new constitution
tions were held in 11 states and opposition candidates
to restore direct elections, quashed attempts to form a
were elected by substantial majorities in the key states of
second opposition party, and forcefully suppressed stu-
Minas Gerais and Guanabara. The extremists interpreted
dent disturbances. More serious political opposition, how-
the results as a great setback for the revolutionary gov-
ever, was muted in part by the government's achieve-
ernment. Accusing Castelo Branco of not pressing the
ments in the economic field.
revolutionary reform program with enough vigour, they
The political situation deteriorated rapidly late in 1968.
blamed him for the defeat of their candidates and de-
Faced with a resurgence of public and congressional crit-
Growir
manded that he annul the two elections. When he refused
icism, Costa e Silva, under strong pressure from the
oppositie
to comply with their demands, they plotted a coup d'etat.
armed forces, seized emergency powers. The Fifth In-
At this point, Marshal Artur da Costa e Silva, the min-
stitutional Act issued on December 13 suspended all leg-
ister of war, intervened and persuaded the dissident lead-
islative bodies indefinitely, authorized the executive to
ers to keep the peace in return for Castelo Branco's
rule by decree, and provided the legal basis for a new
promise to take stronger measures to enact the revolu-
purge of outstanding political critics.
tion's reform program.
When in August 1969 Costa e Silva suffered a paralytic
On October 27, 1965, Castelo Branco signed the Second
stroke, the government was taken over by the three
Emer-
Institutional Act, which suspended all existing political
armed forces ministers, who held power till October when
gency
parties, restored the president's emergency powers for
the government selected Gen. Emílio Garrastazú Médici
measures
the remainder of his term, and set October 3, 1966, as the
as the new president. Elections for federal and state sen-
date for new presidential elections. An artificial two-party
ators and deputies and municipal officials in November
system was imposed upon the country. The new political
1970 showed a clear victory for Médici and the Arena
parties were the Aliança Renovadora Nacional (or Na-
party. Disturbances continued, however, through 1970
tional Renewal Alliance, called Arena), sponsored by the
and 1971, kidnapping of foreign consular and diplomatic
government, and an opposition party, the Movimento
officials being added to the arsenal of the dissidents.
Democrático Brasileiro (or Brazilian Democratic Move-
Médici in 1971 presented the First National Develop-
ment; MDB). A third party was theoretically possible, but
ment Plan, which was aimed at 8 to 10 percent annual
as a practical matter all active political factions were
economic growth and per capita income of at least $500
required to function within those two parties. Arena soon
(U.S.) per year (in 1972 it was estimated to be $400).
attracted a heterogeneous grouping of pro-administration
Development of the Northeast and the Amazon area,
elements, while the MDB came to be composed largely of
especially by means of a program of road construction
former followers of Goulart and of politicians who had
and one of redistribution of land, was also planned.
broken with the revolutionary regime. Neither party en-
In August 1973 a bill creating the electoral college that
joyed strong grass-roots support. Because the president
from 1974 onward would elect the president and vice
was elected by the Arena-dominated Congress, the MDB
president became law. In September the national conven-
refused to nominate candidates. The administration can-
tion of the Arena party selected as its candidates for pres-
didates, Costa e Silva and Pedro Aleixo, the minister of
ident and vice president, respectively, Gen. Ernesto
education, were elected.
Geisel, a chief executive of the government-owned petro-
Castelo Branco in December 1966 called an extraordi-
leum company, Petrobrás, and Gen. Adalberto Pereira
nary session of Congress to approve a new constitution
dos Santos. They were duly elected by the electoral col-
drafted by a government-appointed commission. The
lege on January 15, 1974.
Constitu-
new document, promulgated on January 24, 1967, incor-
The 10th anniversary of the revolution was celebrated
tion
porated much of the revolutionary reform program and
by lifting the prohibition on political activities of 106
of 1967
confirmed the expansion of the power of the executive
leaders of the former regime, among them Kubitschek,
and of the central government. Important changes in-
Quadros, and Goulart. The Fifth Institutional Act, how-
cluded the indirect election of the president and vice
ever, remained in force. A surprising victory for the MDB
president from a single ticket; reduction of the presiden-
in the congressional elections in November 1974, in which
tial term from five to four years; the use of military
the opposition gained 20 seats in the Senate, was not
courts to judge civilians charged with violation of na-
repeated in the municipal elections of November 1976.
tional security laws; the granting of authority to the
In April 1977 President Geisel dismissed Congress when
president to issue emergency decrees without consulting
it failed to pass judicial reforms that he had requested.
Congress; and denial to the Congress of the right to de-
Under the emergency powers of the Fifth Institutional
lay action on legislation requested by the executive.
Act, Geisel then issued decrees instituting those reforms
The Castelo Branco administration engaged in unprece-
and other electoral and constitutional changes. Among
dented economic planning in order to contain inflation
these were provisions for the indirect election of state
and to revive the flagging economy. It employed emer-
governors and one-third of the federal senators and the
gency powers to limit and regulate sources of credit, to.
increase of the presidential term to six years. The num-
restructure the tax system and collection procedures, and
ber of members of the Chamber of Deputies was to be
to impose wage and salary controls. These measures af-
based on the total population of the states instead of on
fected all sectors of society but bore most heavily on ur-
the number of registered voters, and constitutional
ban labour and white-collar workers, whose real income
amendment could be effected by an absolute majority of
was held below the rising cost of living. The adverse ef-
Congress rather than the two-thirds vote of two succes-
fects were partially offset by tax incentives to encourage
sive sessions formerly required.
increased industrial and agricultural productivity. At the
Brazil's phenomenal rate of economic growth in these
same time the government poured substantial invest-
years-the gross national product of 1973 was nearly
ments into electric power and transportation to provide
double that of 1964-was halted by the petroleum crisis
for continued orderly economic development. Although
of 1973-74. Because the country imported 70 to 80 per-
the administration did not achieve all of its goals, Brazil's
cent of its oil, the trade deficit had risen to $6,000,000,000
credit rating abroad was firmly re-established, the an-
by the end of 1976 and inflation had reached an annual
nual rise in living costs fell from 86 percent in 1964 to
rate of 45 percent. A stringent program to reduce govern-
41 percent in 1966, and the increase in the gross national
ment spending and imports and to increase exports was
product rose significantly. With the exception of labour,
introduced in 1977.
every major sector of the Brazilian economy was on the
Social and political changes after 1945. In certain re-
upswing when Castelo Branco left office.
spects, the phase of Brazilian political history that began
Administrations of Costa e Silva, Médici, and Geisel.
with the overthrow of the Estado Novo and the election
Costa e Silva promised to humanize the revolution, and it
of a president and Congress responsible to the electorate
was widely expected that he would soon relax the more
ended with the revolution of 1964. The latter event dis-
severe political and economic policies. Yet he did not de-
pelled any lingering doubts that the armed forces were
Brazil, History of 151
sor.
the strongest political organization in Brazil. The ease
Extension of the franchise to illiterates would greatly
im-
with which military leaders assumed and retained power
enlarge the size of the electorate and increase the influ-
ion
clearly revealed the failure of the postwar political parties
ence of the lower class on Brazilian politics. It would
n a
to develop into cohesive national bodies capable of win-
also enhance the political power of rural society at the
itu-
ning the respect and allegiance of the voting public and
expense of the city dwellers. But even though about 59
DW-
of resolving the critical problems of economic develop-
percent of the rural population was still unable to read
ve-
ment and social justice. Charges made by the right-wing
and write in the early 1970s and was therefore still denied
opposition of the ineffectiveness of populist civilian ad-
the vote, the political consciousness of the peasantry had
68.
ministrations in the early 1960s paved the way for the
been awakened. Through illegal peasant leagues, founded
Rural
rit-
retreat after 1964 to paternalistic rule by a narrow elite.
in the late 1950s, and legitimate rural unions, which were
political
the
Yet, in a deeper sense, fundamental economic and so-
authorized in 1962, many peasants were able for the first
power
In-
cial trends encouraged by the Vargas regime after 1930
time to make their needs known to the political leaders.
eg-
were only slightly modified by the representative govern-
Before the revolution of 1964, the Communists, a few
to
ments after 1945 or by the revolutionary governments
clergymen, and members of nearly all legal parties were
ew
after 1964. The fact that the political forces that had
competing for the allegiance of the rural masses, appeal-
just regained freedom of expression in 1945 were unani-
ing to their demands for social justice and higher stan-
tic
mously agreed upon the need for a new national charter
dards of living. Although most peasant organizations were
ree
dramatically illustrated their awareness that a return to
abolished and many agitators were jailed or exiled after
en
the pre-1930 status quo was impossible. While the con-
1964, limited measures were enacted by the federal gov-
lici
stitution of 1946 borrowed heavily from that of 1891 in
ernment to assuage rural unrest. The peasantry remains
en-
certain exterior forms, a comparison of the two charters
potentially the most powerful political force in Brazil.
per
reveals the nature and extent of the socio-economic trans-
The church. After 1964 the Roman Catholic Church
na
formation that Brazil experienced after 1930. The con-
in Brazil, as one of the few effective institutions orga-
70
stitution of 1891, despite its positivist trappings, was
nized nationwide, was drawn into the partial political vac-
tic
essentially a 19th-century liberal document that stressed
uum caused by the purge of populist civilian leaders and
the rights of the individual and of state governments as
the abolition of established political parties. Several bish-
op-
opposed to the national administration. The constitution
ops led the secular and regular clergy in denouncing the
ual
of 1946 largely reaffirmed Vargas' concentration of power
government's apparent indifference to the vast inequities
00
in the central government and acknowledged the federal
in Brazilian society. Clerics also served as champions of
)).
responsibility for maintaining and fostering economic de-
the right of dissent, and by the late 1960s the church had
ea,
velopment and social welfare programs. These trends
become a rallying point for political opposition.
on
were accelerated under the military rulers in the new na-
The armed forces. The armed forces, final arbiters of
tional charter of 1967.
the political process in Brazil, were neither blind nor in-
Influence
at
Rural and urban developments. The changes that be-
different to the objectives of the new groups that entered
of the
ice
gan in 1930 reflect basic socio-economic developments,
the political scene after 1945. The traditional alliance of
armed
n-
such as population growth and an increase in urbaniza-
the military forces and conservative rural landholders had
forces
tion and in participation in the political process, which
long since been replaced by an informal similarity of
sto
gave new dimensions and added complexity to Brazilian
views between military officers and urban middle class
:o-
politics. In 1930 Brazil had a population of about 33,-
sectors. The armed services consistently defended cen-
ira
500,000, of whom at least three-fourths were rural and
tralized government, rapid industrialization, and the de-
ol-
illiterate, hence could not vote. By 1945 the population
velopment of an efficient, organized labour force. They
had risen to about 46,000,000; two-thirds of these were
were quick, however, to resent the exploitation of orga-
ed
rural and largely outside the political arena. In 1964 the
nized labour by political leftists as a counterweight to the
06
population surpassed 80,000,000 and was divided equally
political influence of the military officers. Between 1945
:k,
between rural and urban inhabitants; the proportion of
and 1964 no single political party was able to elect a
W-
literates was also about 50 percent, but at least half of
president or a majority in Congress. Because this situation
DB
these were under voting age. By the time of the election
encouraged political irresponsibility, the armed forces,
ch
of 1974, the population had reached almost 105,000,000,
always at the behest of civilian political elements, inter-
ot
of which 56 percent was urban. Attendance at the polls
vened on four occasions to protect national institutions
6.
rose to 80 percent of the total of 36,000,000 registered
against what they considered to be civilian incompetence.
en
voters. It appeared certain that the bulk of the voters en-
Beginning in 1964, military leaders initiated a major revi-
d.
franchised after 1930 belonged to the urban working class
sion of the political system, which, in their view, would
al
and government bureaucracy.
make it impossible for men who placed partisan before
ns
With the formation of government-directed trade unions
national interest to come to power.
ng
in the 1930s, a politically conscious urban proletariat de-
te
(Signeriat
veloped. This did not, however, signify the emergence
BIBLIOGRAPHY. E. BRADFORD BURNS (ed.), A Documentary
he
of a true labour-based political movement or an authen-
History of Brazil (1966), excerpts from historical documents
n-
tic labour party. Leadership of this new political force
from between 1595 and 1964, translated into English-an in-
was contested by the traditional elite, principally land-
dispensable work because of the original information it
be
gives; JOSE HONORIO RODRIGUES, Aspirações Nacionais, 4th
on
owners and large merchants, and by a new middle class
rev. ed. (1970; Eng. trans., The Brazilians: Their Character
al
composed of industrial, commercial, and professional
and Aspirations, 1967), a synthesis and interpretation of prin-
of
persons who had gained elite status. The governments
cipal facets of the Brazilian character and of the objectives
s-
after 1964 continued to control labour organizations in
of the nation; CAIO PRADO, JR., Formação do Brasil Contem-
an effort to gain labour support while discouraging the
porâneo, 7th ed. (1963; Eng. trans., The Colonial Background
se
formation of a potentially dissident labour movement.
of Modern Brazil, 1967), a masterpiece of interpretation of
ly
Before 1966 the new middle class, which had not yet
the colonial period; ALAN K. MANCHESTER, British Preëminence
is
acquired a strong enough sense of class consciousness to
in Brazil, Its Rise and Decline (1933; reprinted 1964), a study
regard itself as a distinct social element, did not seek a
of relations between Great Britain and Brazil, with emphasis
r-
0
unified political expression. Rather, it vied with the tradi-
on the British influence in Brazil; C.H. HARING, Empire in
al
tional ruling groups for control of existing political or-
Brazil: A New World Experiment with Monarchy (1958; re-
printed 1968), a good introductory book to the imperial
1-
ganizations. Members of both groups were found in the
period in Brazilian history; JOSE MARIA BELLO, História da
as
leadership of virtually every party for two decades after
República, 5th ed. (1964; Eng. trans., A History of Modern
1945, although urban-oriented parties grew consistently
Brazil, 1889-1964, with a new concluding chapter by ROLLIE
at the expense of more traditional, rural-based parties.
E. POPPINO, 1966), a basic work in English dealing with the
n
By and large the middle class endorsed the revolution of
history of republican Brazil; HENRY W. SPIEGEL, The Brazilian
1964, but many of its political spokesmen later broke with
Economy: Chronic Inflation and Sporadic Industrialization
n
the revolutionary regime, and middle class political lead-
(1949), an analysis of Brazil's economic problems, with em-
e
ers were found in each of the new political parties cΓe-
phasis on the contradictions that plague its structure; THOMAS
ated in 1965.
E. SKIDMORE, Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964 (1967), the best
available study of Brazilian politics for this period.
June 7, 1991
Tony: Attached are bullets sent over by State for use in the
arrival statement and the State Dinner Toast.
621
They are far too long and sprawling.
Here is our brief outline of the themes the President should
touch on:
Our strong support for democracy in Brazil -- a key bulwark
for achieving the world's first hemisphere of democracy;
--
Our shared commitments to human liberty, human rights, free
markets, the prosperity and welfare of our citizens, and our
concern for the environmental legacy we will leave future
generations.
The complexity and variety of our bilateral agenda; our
determination to treat the agenda as a challenge and an
opportunity, not as an obstacle.
Our reinvigorated efforts on nuclear and chemical non-
proliferation; praise last fall's Foz de Iguacu accord with
Argentina.
Our support for Southern Cone economic integration; our
leasure that we are about to sign a bilateral trade and
investment framework agreement.
Our appreciation for Brazil's strong support for UN
resolutions and UN sanctions against Iraq.
Im this
,
'''''
000
0020
United States Department of State
Washington, D.C. 20520
Date: 7 June 1991
TO:
Don Johnson
NSC Staff - Latin American Affairs
PHONE:
395 6942
FROM:
Bernard Aronson
Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs
PHONE:
202-647-9210
No. of Pages (including cover) :
5
REMARKS:
Speech points for use in preparing Presidential
remarks for the Collor state visit. We will have
to you by Monday some additional color points for the
speechwriters.
General/Introductory
--
It has been a year and à half since President and Mrs.
Collor were last in Washington -- in January 1990, when he
came as President-elect. It has been half a year since we
met in Brasilia. Much has happened since then; there is
much to discuss.
--
President Collor is the first directly-elected president to
take office in Brazil in 30 years. He is the first in many
other things: he is the youngest president of Brazil. He
is the first president from the post-World War II
generation.
--
I was impressed the first time we met -- as I was in our
other meetings -- by his energy in tackling his country's
toughest problems.
--
Brazil is home to great natural wealth and one of the
world's most resourceful and inventive peoples.
Nevertheless I think it is fair to say that to be the
President of Brazil today is one of the world's toughest
jobs.
--
President Collor's task is to open his vast country to a
system of more open markers and less state intervention.
In so doing, he must challenge many well-entrenched and
traditional ways of doing business.
--
His energy is both physical -- he is a serious jogger, as I
am -- and mental. He will need this energy for the
daunting tasks that he faces -- but we agree that the
payoff for Brazil, in terms of genuine economic competition
and a better life for her people well justifies the
effort.
Democracy/Human Rights
--
We are strongly united by our love of freedom and our
shared commitment to democracy.
A new Congress, elected last fall, has convened in
Brasilia. I understand that some of its members differ
with you, Mr. President, on your legislative agenda. I
have some experience in this. I am sure we could discuss
it at some length.
--
President Collor has given special emphasis to the
protection of human rights. He has joined others in Brazil
in raising his voice to protest violence against some of
the poorest and most helpless elements of Brazilian
society. The President and his administration have made
clear that such violence is not to be tolerated, and that
those who threaten the rights -- and lives -- of others
must be stopped.
-2-
Regional Issues
--
The U.S. and Brazil have joined in celebrating the triumph
of democracy elsewhere in the hemisphere since our last
meeting. The successful presidential elections in Haiti
were cause for great satisfaction for all democratic
societies in the region.
--
We have also shared concerns about possible threats to
democracy in the region.
The military coup in Suriname last Christmas Eve was
deeply disturbing. Elections three weeks ago promise
a return to civilian democratic rule -- but only if
the military stay out of the political arena.
We hope Brazil will join us in using its best efforts
with the Surinamese authorities to inoculate that
country's fragile democracy against military
dictatorship.
--
We look to Brazil as a major player in this hemisphere, but
also as a friend with whom we should work in other key
regions. Your strong commercial interests in the Middle
East can help encourage peace in that tormented part of the
world.
Non-Proliferation/Technology, Transfer
--
I am pleased to say that the U.S. and Brazil have come to
share a strong dedication to halting the spread of weapons
of mass destruction.
:
Your bold leadership, along with that of Argentine
President Menem, has resulted in a dramatic effort to
create a common nuclear policy in South America's two
largest countries, to negotiate a joint full-scope
safeguards agreement with the International Atomic Energy
Agency, and to take steps to bring the Treaty of Tlatelolco
into force.
o
This has put Brazil squarely among the nations
committed to eliminating the threat of nuclear
conflict. It has further ratified the promise of
Brazil's constitution that nuclear energy will be used
only for peaceful purposes.
D
We look forward to the signing of your agreement with
the IAEA -- and to seeing full-scope safeguards put
into operation. This will allow the U.S. and Brazil's
other friends to move ahead with programs of nuclear
cooperation with Brazil.
0
We also look forward to Brazil's bringing the Treaty
of Tlatelolco into force quickly. Your country's
weight and prestige, along with Argentina's, are vital
to the success of this non-proliferation treaty
covering Latin America.
o
This action would be particularly welcome in the wake
of France's announcement of its intention to adhere to
the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.
We also welcome Brazil's support for efforts to control the
proliferation of chemical weapons. I deeply appreciate
your message of support for the initiative that I announced
on May 13 to push forward on a global chemical weapons
convention. I hope Brazil will become an original party to
the final agreement.
In the interim, I welcome steps by your government to
ensure that Brazil does not become a source of materials or
equipment that others could use for chemical or biological
weapons.
Brazil and the U.S. can also profitably increase our
consultation on proliferation of ballistic missiles. This
was a central focus of my May 29 Middle East arms
limitation proposals. In Europe we have eliminated an
entire category of missiles.
Since my visit to Brasilia in December, our two governments
have held talks on wide range of technology transfer
issues. These talks have been marked by frankness and
candor, which is how good friends should deal with one
another. They mark the beginning of a broad dialogue and
of steps in building mutual confidence that should be
pushed forward. Let us ensure that this process continues,
that we not lose momentum, and that tangible results are
achieved.
Trade/Finance
When he took office in 1990, President Collor announced a
program of sweeping economic reform for the Brazilian
economy. It aimed to bring near-runaway inflation under
control, reduce the role of government in the economy, and
to liberalize Brazil's foreign trade system. The U.S.
welcomed the Collor Plan and gave it warm endorsement.
The last 15 months have not been easy. Not all parts of
the Collor Plan have met their goals. But let us look at
what has been achieved:
o
President Collor has changed the terms of national
debate in Brazil about the role of the state in the
economy.
Privatizations of state companies are beginning.
-4-
o
Brazil has adopted a more liberal and largely
tariff-based system for its foreign trade.
0
Work is well under way to root out the dead hand of
excess regulation which has too long afflicted
Brazilian entrepreneurs.
We sympathize with President Collor's objectives and want
to help where we can. The Enterprise for the Americas
provides the roadmap for such cooperation -- and I am very
pleased to hear that we have just reached agreement on a
Trade and Investment Framework Agreement with Brazil and
its prospective partners in the planned "Mercosur" common
market in South America.
o
This agreement will let us start serious work to open
up new opportunities for trade and investment.
o
It will also give us a practical forum to discuss the
emerging Mercosur common market. This bold initiative
can complement the EAI, moving the hemisphere towards
one, great free trade area.
--
President Collor and I agree that a successful Uruguay
Round is essential for the creation of a more open global
trading system that will generate growth and prosperity
for all nations.
--
Brazil's coming talks with the IMF and foreign banks offer
a major opportunity to begin to normalize relations with
the international financial community. Early progress on
this front is essential for lifting business confidence in
Brazil and for obtaining the private and official capital
flows which the country SO needs.
I
Brazil's friends abroad have an important stake in the
success of your efforts and want to help with your
liberalization effort.
:
Mr. President, we both face pressures at home to spend
money we don't have. As politicians, we both understand
how difficult it can be to resist such pressures. You have
been steadfast in this area. I know you will remain so,
since control of government spending remains key to future
prosperity -- in both our countries.
Many issues remain to be talked about and resolved. But
know this: we have in Brazil and in President Collor a
partner dedicated to promoting economic stability and
growth through reliance on the free market and individual
initiative.
Environment
Under President Collor Brazil has been a leader in the
search for sustainable use of natural resources. The
environmental section of its 1988 Constitution is
frequently cited as a model for other nations.
President Collor has been tireless in raising the
appreciation of the Brazilian people for their great
natural patrimony. He has shown them through his travels,
from the Pantanal -- the world's largest wetlands, in the
Far West -- to the Atlantic Rain Forest along the East
Coast, the richness of their natural heritage.
His attention to the environment has gone beyond Brazil's
borders, to include a visit to your scientific station in
Antarctica. He has set a demanding pace -- so hard that he
nearly lost one of your Cabinet ministers in a snow bank
trying to keep up with you there.
Brazil has taken vigorous steps to reduce the burning of
forests. Burnings dropped 36% berween 1988 and 1989, and
another 278 in 1990.
The recent completion of the world's largest hydroelectric
dam, Itaipu, is another example of Brazil's protecting one
of nature's treasures -- the world's largest waterfalls at
Foz do Iguacu -- in a beautiful national park, while
harnessing the river to supply the energy needs of Paraguay
and southern Brazil.
All of us look forward to the landmark United Nations
Conference on Environment and Development which will take
place in Brazil in 1992. Brazil's offer to host the
Conférence and its many parallel events -- a task described
as the management challenge of the century -- reflects your
and your countrymen's commitment to meeting the challenge
of managing the environment.
I am pleased that we are working together to support
Brazil's environmental efforts through the Agency for
International Development's Global Climate Change program.
Our bilateral cooperation doesn't stop there. EPA, USDA
Forest Service, the Smithsonian, and the US Fish & Wildlife
Service all have active, on-going programs with their
Brazilian counterparts where our two countries share
expertise and learn from each other.
THE STATE VISIT
TO
WASHINGTON, D.C.
OF
DRAFT
HIS EXCELLENCY
FERNANDO COLLOR
as of 6/13/91
PRESIDENT
OF
8:30am
THE FEDERATIVE REPUBLIC OF BRAZIL
AND
MRS. COLLOR
JUNE 17 TO 20, 1991
SUMMARY SCHEDULE
MONDAY
JUNE 17
5:00 pm-
Greeted by Deputy Chief of
5:05 pm
Protocol Fitzgerald, Charge
d'Affaires ad interim Palmiero,
and Welcoming Committee, Andrews
Air Force Base, Maryland.
5:05 pm-
United States Presidential
5:15 pm
Helicopters to Washington
Monument Grounds Reflecting
Pool, Washington, D.C.
-9-
SUMMARY SCHEDULE
MONDAY
JUNE 17
(Continued)
5:15 pm-
Greeted by Acting Secretary of
5:20 pm
State and Mrs. Eagleburger and
Chief of Protocol Reed,
Washington, Monument Grounds
Reflecting Pool.
5:25 pm
Arrive Blair House.
Private dinner, Blair House.
-10-
SUMMARY SCHEDULE
TUESDAY
JUNE 18
8:00 am-
Working Breakfast with invited
9:00 am
Members of United States Senate,
Blair House. *
10:00 am-
Arrival Ceremony with The
10:20 am
President and Mrs. Bush, South
Lawn, The White House.
10:25 am-
Reception with The President and
10:30 am
Mrs. Bush, State Floor, The
White House.
10:30 am- Coffee offered by Mrs.
11:00 am
Bush in honor of Mrs.
Collor, Green Room,
The White House.
10:30 am-
Meeting with President Bush,
10:45 am
Oval Office, The White House. *
10:45 am-
Expanded Meeting with President
11:30 am
Bush, Cabinet Room, The White
House. *
*Mrs. Collor does not attend.
-11-
SUMMARY SCHEDULE
TUESDAY
JUNE 18
(Continued)
12:30 pm-
Reception and Luncheon offered
2:00 pm
by The Acting Secretary of State
and Mrs. Eagleburger in honor of
President and Mrs. Collor,
Thomas Jefferson Room,
Department of State.
2:30 pm-
Meeting with World Bank
2:45 pm
President Conable, Blair House.
*
2:50 pm-
Meeting with International
3:05 pm
Monetary Fund Managing Director
Camdessus, Blair House. *
4:30 pm-
Address before Washington
5:30 pm
Exchange, Brookings Institution. *
7:15 pm-
Refreshments with The President
7:45 pm
and Mrs. Bush, Yellow Oval Room,
The White House.
*Mrs. Collor does not attend.
-12-
SUMMARY SCHEDULE
TUESDAY
JUNE 18
(Continued)
7:45 pm-
Reception, State Dinner, and
10:35 pm
After-Dinner Entertainment
offered by The President and
Mrs. Bush in honor of President
and Mrs. Collor, State Floor,
The White House.
Dress: Black tie.
Overnight: Blair House.
-13-
SUMMARY SCHEDULE
WEDNESDAY
JUNE 19
8:00 am-
Breakfast with invited Members
9:00 am
of United States House of
Representatives, Blair House. *
9:15 am-
Wreath-Laying Ceremony at Tomb
9:50 am
of the Unknown Soldier and visit
gravesite of President Kennedy,
Arlington National Cemetery.
10:05 am-
Greeting Ceremony and Coupe de
10:30 am
Champagne with Secretary General
Baena Soares, Hall of the
Americas, Organization of
American States Building. *
12:30 pm-
Luncheon offered by President
2:00 pm
Collor for invited Members of
United States Congress and
senior Administration officials,
Brazilian Ambassador's
Residence. *
3:30 pm-
Meeting with American private
4:00 pm
sector representatives, Blair
House. *
*Mrs. Collor does not attend.
-14-
SUMMARY SCHEDULE
WEDNESDAY
JUNE 19
(Continued)
4:00 pm-
Meeting with leaders of Jewish
4:30 pn
Community of Washington, Blair
House. *
6:30 pm-
Reception and Dinner offered by
9:00 pm
International Environmental
Bureau in honor of President and
Mrs. Collor, Grand Ballroom,
Willard Inter-Continental Hotel.
Dress: Business suit.
Overnight: Blair House.
*Mrs. Collor does not attend.
-15-
SUMMARY SCHEDULE
THURSDAY
JUNE 20
8:00 am-
Working Breakfast with Secretary
9:00 am
of the Treasury Brady and
Federal Reserve Board Chairman
Greenspan, Blair House. *
9:25 am-
Bid farewell to Blair House
9:30 am
staff, Blair House.
9:40 am-
Farewell Ceremony with The
9:45 am
Acting Secretary of State and
Mrs. Eagleburger, Chief of
Protocol Reed, and Farewell
Committee, Washington Monument
Grounds Reflecting Pool.
9:45 am-
United States Presidential
9:55 am
Helicopters to Andrews Air Force
Base, Maryland.
10:00 am-
United States Presidential
10:55 am
Aircraft to La Guardia Airport,
New York, New York, and resume
private schedule.
*Mrs. Collor does not attend.
-16-
BRAZIL
During the Cruzado plan
to the Inter-American Treaty of Re-
when he visited Brazil in 1960. Presi-
(March-November 1986), the official
ciprocal Assistance (Rio treaty) and the
dents Roosevelt and Truman made ear-
cruzado exchange rate was held con-
Organization of American States (OAS).
lier visits; President Carter visited in
texts.
stant against the dollar, resulting in an
In recent years, Brazil has given high
1978, and President Reagan in 1982.
overvalued Brazilian currency, and im-
priority to expanding relations with its
President Sarney visited the United
port controls were relaxed in response
South American neighbors and is a
States in 1986.
to excess domestic demand. Following
founding member of the Amazon Pact
In the 1950s and 1960s, Brazil re-
the plan's collapse, the government re-
and the Latin American Integration
ceived about $2.4 billion in U.S. eco-
turned to "crawling peg" devaluation of
Association (ALADI), the successor to
nomic assistance-$1.4 billion under the
the cruzado to spur exports. In addi-
the Latin American Free Trade Asso-
auspices of the U.S. Agency for Inter-
tion, just prior to announcing its mor-
ciation (LAFTA).
national Development (AID) and the re-
atorium on medium- and long-term
Brazil is a charter member of the
mainder under PL 480 (Food for Peace)
commercial bank debt, Brazil an-
United Nations and participates in
and Peace Corps programs. After 1972,
nounced that it would add 2,500 items
many of its specialized agencies. It has
the emphasis was on the training of
to a list of prohibited imports, to save
contributed troops to UN peacekeeping
Brazilian leaders in technology and
scarce foreign exchange. (That provi-
efforts in the Middle East, the former
physical and social sciences (in the
sion was reversed in September 1987.)
Belgian Congo, and Cyprus.
United States), especially at the gradu-
Foreign direct investment repre-
As Brazil's domestic economy has
ate level. Some 14,000 persons were
sents a relatively small but important
grown and diversified, the country has
trained by USAID during this period,
part of Brazil's capital base. The share
become increasingly involved in inter-
22,000 from all U.S. Government
of foreign direct investment and rein-
national politics and economics. It is a
sources. In view of Brazil's impressive
vestment registered with the Central
member of the General Agreement on
economic development and its increased
Bank totaled $27.7 billion as of Sep-
Tariffs and Trade (GATT), the Commit-
ability to obtain loans and technical as-
tember 30, 1986; U.S. investment to-
tee of Twenty of the International Mon-
sistance from private and multilateral
taled $8.2 billion, about 30% of the
etary Fund (IMF), the Group of 77, the
sources, U.S. assistance programs were
total. Brazil's investment policy had
World Bank, the Inter-American Devel-
phased out in the 1970s, major AID ac-
been fairly liberal since the mid-1960s
opment Bank (IDB), and several inter-
tivities in Brazil ended in 1979, and the
and particularly effective in attracting
national commodity agreements. The
Peace Corp's program was ended in
new investment from the developed
United States, Western Europe, and
1980. Currently, AID maintains a small
countries.
Japan are primary markets for Bra-
advanced developing country program
Recent measures, including the
zilian exports and sources of foreign
that emphasizes cooperation in science
market reserve on informatics and the
lending and investment. Brazil's depen-
and technology and family planning and
lack of intellectual property protection
dence on imported petroleum has re-
responds to endemic disease, emergen-
(especially patents and copyrights on
sulted in more intensive political and
cies, and natural disasters.
specific processes and manufactured
economic ties with Middle Eastern
The United States is Brazil's most
goods), have served to cool the invest-
countries. In the 1970s, Brazil ex-
important commercial partner, although
ment climate.
panded its relations with black African
the U.S. share of Brazilian trade
Initial drafts of the new constitu-
countries. In 1986, it introduced a pro-
dropped from a high of 26% to about
tion include provisions that could re-
posal at the UN General Assembly to
21% in 1985, when two-way trade
strict considerably the activities of
establish a Zone of Peace and Coopera-
amounted to $9.6 billion. The growing
foreign firms in various sectors of the
tion in the South Atlantic. As an indi-
diversification of U.S.-Brazil trade has
economy. The possibility that market
cation of Brazil's broader international
led to trade disputes, and bilateral dis-
reserve provisions will be extended to
role, trade with other developing coun-
cussions have concerned such issues as
other sectors, high inflation rates, un-
tries increased from 9% of the total in
Brazilian export subsidies and trade re-
certainty about economic policies, and
the 1970s to nearly 30% in 1983.
strictions, U.S. restrictions on certain
the 1987 moratorium on interest pay-
The Brazilian Government has dip-
import items, technology transfer, in-
ments to commercial banks, have cre-
lomatic relations with the U.S.S.R.,
tellectual property protection, and mul-
ated an adverse climate for the foreign
China, all of the East European com-
tilateral trade and commodity
investor. Foreign direct investment
munist countries, and Cuba but not
questions.
flows were negative in 1986 and proba-
with Vietnam, Cambodia, or North
The agreements between Brazil
agreement
bly will be negative in 1987.
Korea.
and the United States include a treaty
of peace and friendship; an extradition
treaty; a joint participation agreement
FOREIGN RELATIONS
on communication satellites; and scien-
U.S. BRAZILIAN RELATIONS
tific cooperation, civil aviation, and
Traditionally, Brazil has been a leader
maritime agreements. Brazil and the
in the inter-American community and
The United States was the first country
to recognize Brazil's independence in
United States exchange professors un-
has played an important role in collec-
1822. Brazil's 19th-century leader, Em-
der Fulbright and other academic pro-
tive security efforts as well as in eco-
grams and carry out university
nomic cooperation in the Western
peror Dom Pedro II, admired Abraham
Hemisphere. Brazil aligned with the
Lincoln and visited the United States
cooperation projects.
Allies in both World Wars and, during
during the 1876 centennial. President
World War II, its expeditionary force in
Eisenhower was given a hero's welcome
Italy played a key role in the Allied
victory at Monte Castelo. It is a party
Tone p.8 of 11/26 301 draft for congress speech
Dec '90
Brazil visit File
Fernando COLLOR de Mello
BRAZIL
(Phonetic: KOHlor)
President-Elect
Addressed as: Mr. Collor
Young (40), charismatic Fernando Collor de
Mello, who will take office on 15 March, will be
Brazil's first directly elected president in 29 years.
Virtually unknown at the onset of last year's
presidential campaign, the conservative former
(1986 - May 1989) Governor of Alagoas, a small
state in Brazil's underdeveloped northeast, has
portrayed himself as a tough leader who intends to
reform his country's corrupt central government.
Collor is popular among some segments in his home
state for his attacks on "maharajas"-civil servants
who receive astronomical salaries for little or no
©
work. In his campaign strategy he targeted the common man and stressed a broad vision of a
better, more honest government for Brazil.
.Collor has declared that he is a firm believer in free enterprise and acknowledges the
need for a more open economy in order to compete internationally. He advocates the
privatization of many state enterprises and says he will work to reduce inflation by cutting
the budget deficit. He also wants to renegotiate Brazil's external debt on terms that will
allow for adequate economic growth.
Collor was born on 12 August 1949 into a wealthy Alagoas family and spent his
formative years in Rio de Janeiro. He is the son of a former senator and governor and the
grandson of a former federal deputy and Cabinet minister. Collor studied economics and
journalism at the University of Brasilia and at the Federal University of Alagoas, while
helping to run his family's large communications network. He entered politics in 1979, when
the military government appointed him mayor of Maceio, the capital of Alagoas. He served
as a federal deputy from 1982 to 1986 under the banner of the Democratic Social Party; he
then switched to the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party and was elected Governor of
Alagoas. He later broke with that party over the length of President Jose Sarney's term.
After a brief affiliation with the Youth Party, Collor founded the National Reconstruction
Party and entered the presidential race in May 1989.
Collor has received favorable coverage in the Brazilian press for his recent travels; since
mid-January 1990 he has visited three neighboring South American countries, followed by a
three-week global tour of the United States, the Soviet Union, Japan, and several west
European countries. Recognized for his facility with languages, he speaks some English,
French, Spanish, and Italian. Collor was twice national karate champion of Brazil and says
he relieves stress by running, swimming, and practicing karate. He is married to the former
Rosane Malta and has two sons-Arnon Affonso and Joaquim Pedro-from his previous
marriage to Rio de Janeiro socialite Lilibeth Monteiro.
1 March 1990
Brazil
a country study
Foreign Area Studies
The American University
Edited by
Richard F. Nyrop
Research completed
December 1982
BRAZIL, EVEN MORE than most nation-states, is a land of
stark contrasts-contrasts not only among cultures and ecological
zones but also among perceptions and interpretations of the
national experience. Literary works of the eighteenth century
lavished praise upon the indigenous peoples, while predatory
explorers, pushing inland from the vicinity of São Paulo, hunted
them like animals. The institution of slavery was said to have been
less brutal in Brazil than elsewhere in the Americas, but it was
condoned by law longer there than in any other Western Hemi-
sphere state. Gilberto Freyre and other renowned Brazilian writ-
ers have depicted Brazilian society as racially and socially
homogeneous, a consequence of several centuries of miscegenation.
But there is no mistaking the gradations of color from dark to light
as one moves up the socioeconomic pyramid.
Formally claimed for Portugal by Pedro Alvares Cabral in 1500,
Brazil is the only country in South America to have existed until
late in the nineteenth century as a monarchy. It gained its
independence in 1822 without violence and was spared the major
civil wars that wracked so many states of the Western Hemisphere
in the nineteenth century.
There was some truth to the view embraced by middle and
upper class Brazilians, at least until the inception of military rule
in 1964, that their society was uniquely blessed with tolerance and
humaneness. Brazilian elites had proved adept at finding
nonconfrontational means of resolving conflict among themselves.
But the means employed through the centuries to ensure that
peasants and workers did the bidding of the great landowners and
corporations have often been brutal.
Maldistribution of wealth and opportunity and the unequal
responsiveness of the political system to the various levels of the
social pyramid have, of course, resulted in differing perspectives
on the part of nonelites. The gulf between the literate and
nonliterate elements of the population has generally confined
political dialogue to the upper and middle classes. The nonliterate,
excluded from the electoral rolls since 1881, have been unable,
even in the best of times, to participate directly in political
decisions.
The strongest influences upon the standards aspired to or
accepted by Brazil's ruling classes have been the ideologies and
interests of colonial or hegemonic powers. Such foreign ideologies
have been adopted and adapted, however, in accordance with the
interests and perspectives of domestic elites. Even those members
of the colonial aristocracy who most vigorously opposed domina-
ipple) outside church of Congonhas
tion by Portugal were strongly influenced by Portuguese political
and social values. The Portuguese legacy in the New World
3
Brazil: A Country
with foreign governments-was either abolished or drastically
limited. Vargas went so far as to hold a ceremony in which state
flags were burned. The government became heavily involved in
the economy, founding agencies to promote agrarian diversifica-
tion and technical innovation and making government investments
in the expansion of coffee production, for example. Similarly,
considerable emphasis was given to industry, either through the
establishment of mixed public-private companies or through the
creating of wholly owned public corporations, especially in steel
but also in aircraft production and hydroelectric power development.
The huge steel plant at Volta Redonda was built with loans from
the United States Export-Import Bank after Vargas had let the
United States know that Germany was interested in financing
steel development.
During the Vargas era great impetus was given to industrializa-
tion. Coffee production declined, but manufacturing output increased
substantially. By 1940 Brazil's capacity for electricity generation
reached 1 million kilowatts, of which 60 percent was located in the
São Paulo area, primarily due to the construction of hydroelectric
power stations. Cement production increased from 87,000 tons in
1930 to 700,000 tons in 1940. Iron and steel output went from
90,000 tons in 1929 to 150,000 tons in 1939. The number of
manufacturing establishments more than doubled during the decade,
reaching 50,000 by 1940. Factories in the São Paulo area employed
35 percent of the industrial labor force and generated 43 percent
of the value of industrial production.
The outbreak of World War II provided Vargas with an excuse
for the continuation of rule by decree and of a government role in
the promotion of heavy industry and arms production. At first,
Vargas tried not to commit the country to either side, although
the population was clearly pro-Allies. He used Brazil's neutrality
and occasional friendly gestures toward the Axis powers to secure
loans, grants, and other favorable treatment from the United
States. Eventually Vargas came down firmly on the side of the
United States; he broke relations with the Axis powers in January
1942 and declared war the following August.
Brazilian support for the Allied powers was unstinting. Allied
bases were established in the Northeast, a convenient refueling
point for planes en route to or from Africa and for ships plying the
Atlantic route. A Brazilian expeditionary force was sent to fight in
Italy. João Alberto, the former interventor in São Paulo, was
designated director of a full-scale war mobilization effort. The
United States sent a technical mission to assist in administrative
reorganization. Because Brazil had decided to cooperate whole-
heartedly in the war effort, the early equivocation, the speeches
by Vargas favorable to fascism, and the blind eye that had been
turned to Nazi activities in the late 1930s were all forgotten.
American attitudes toward Brazil at both official and popular levels
44
Brazil: A (
Monetary Council are the principal policymaking bodies in the
area of international finanace.
Multilateral Relations
Few countries in the world participate in as many intergovern-
mental organizations, both global and regional in scope, as does
Brazil. It was a founding member of the League of Nations
(although it dropped out in 1928), and United Nations (UN), and
the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
(UNCTAD); and it held membership in nearly all other specialized
agencies of the UN. Brazil was one of the few nations that was a
member of both the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
(GATT) and the Group of 77. It was instrumental in the formation
of the International Coffee Organization and the Cocoa Producers
Alliance and participated in a host of additional multilateral
commodity agreements. It was a member of the Organization of
American States (OAS) and its specialized agencies and a variety
of other inter-American regional organizations, including the Latin
American Free Trade Association (LAFTA); its successor, the Latin
American Integration Association (ALADI): and the Latin Ameri-
can Economic System (SELA). Finally, Brazil was an active
contributor and participant in major multilateral lending institutions,
the World Bank (see Glossary), the International Monetary Fund
(IMF), and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB).
During the late 1960s, when Brazil's participation in these
organizations was growing precipitously, many observers saw
Brazil as emerging as a natural leader of the nations of the Third
World within these multilateral forums. For a variety of reasons,
however, this never happened. In part this was due to political
differences (Brazil being pro-capitalist, favorable toward multina-
tional corporations, and not prone to blame the United States for
the world's ills) with the majority of Third World nations that
formed the Group of 77 within the UN. In part it was due to
Brazil's own proclivities: "no automatic alliances" could apply to
the Group of 77 as well as the United States. Brazil has proved to
be a highly independent actor in the multilateral arena, unwilling
to sacrifice what it perceives as its own interests for the sake of
group solidarity.
While Brazil retained membership in a wide array of intergov-
ernmental organizations, only rarely did it undertake major multi-
lateral initiatives. For the most part Brazil played a quiet role and
held limited expectations of its activities in multilateral forums.
They were viewed as necessary for the projection of international
stature, to avoid isolation (particularly in regional affairs), to
prevent actions against Brazilian interests, and as valuable for
informational purposes and to make contacts for subsequent bilat-
eral diplomacy. Their value in the pursuit of national interests
was seen as clearly secondary to bilateral relations.
276
Brazil: A C
est was indicated in the early 1980s, however, by a five-year
energy accord signed with the revolutionary government in Nicara-
gua and a repudiation of foreign intervention in the region. Brazil
was very cautious in opening relations with Cuba. An initial
contact was not made until early 1982, when a group of Brazilian
businessmen visited the island.
United States Relations
Brazil greatly expanded the scope of its foreign relations in the
1970s and early 1980s, but the United States remained its most
important foreign relationship. Although it had lost its primacy of
previous years (in 1960, for example, nearly half of Brazil's trade
had been with the United States), the United States remained the
single most important market for Brazilian exports, its largest
single supplier of imports, its largest source of bank financing, and
the largest foreign investor in Brazil.
From the Brazilian perspective, economic matters dominated
the agenda between the two nations. This had not always been the
case. The close cooperation between the Brazilian Expeditionary
Force (Fôrça Expedicionária Brasileira-FEB) and the United
Staes Army in Italy during World War II was the beginning of a
long and fruitful consensus in matters of international politico-
military strategy. When rising Brazilian nationalism combined
with economic slowdown in the late 1950s and early 1960s to bring
to power leftist-populists who threatened that consensus, the
United States pursued a destabilizing policy against the govern-
ment of President Goulart and then strongly supported the mili-
tary government (many of whose members had been part of the
FEB) that came to power in the 1964 coup d'etat (see The
Presidency of João Goulart, ch. 1). The renewed consensus was
symbolized by Brazil's supplying troops (including the figurehead
commanding general) in the United States-sponsored intervention
in the Dominican Republic. United States economic and military
aid flowed freely into Brazil between 1964 and 1971.
In contrast, Brazilian foreign policy officials showed little inter-
est in the politico-military agenda set by the administration of
President Ronald Reagan in the early 1980s. Specifically, efforts to
interest Brazil in the Central American problems and in a military
alliance to protect the South Atlantic were either ignored or
received coolly in Brasília in 1981 and 1982. United States support
for Britain in the Falklands/Malvinas war of 1982 also diverged
from Brazil's neutrality. In a more general sense, Brazilian leaders
no longer shared, as they had during nearly three decades of
consensus, the competitive bipolar geopolitical vision that had
waned under the détente of the 1970s but was being renewed in
the early 1980s. In a 1981 address at the ESG, Minister of Foreign
Affairs Guerreiro was critical of both the United States and the
Soviet Union who, in the renewed competitive climate, "seek to
282
Administration of George Bush, 1990 / June 27
: for the important
Nomination of George F. Murphy, Jr.,
querque to ensure the protection of serious-
in .work of UNHCR.
To Be Inspector General of the United
ly threatened ancient Pueblo Indian and
High Commissioner
States Information Agency
Spanish rock art. Cost sharing will be an
he issue of Vietnam-
June 27, 1990
important component of the success of this
e overall issue of po-
joint effort, and I look forward to a success-
novements in the
The President today announced his inten-
ful partnership.
esident restated the
tion to nominate George F. Murphy, Jr., to
S. 286 also will expand the existing 365-
rt of first asylum in
be Inspector General of the U.S. Informa-
acre Pecos National Monument into the
nst involuntary repa-
tion Agency. He would succeed Anthony J.
5,865-acre Pecos National Historical Park.
nder current condi-
Gabriel.
This will allow for expanded protection and
eed that the United
Since 1988 Mr. Murphy has served as
recreation programs in an area rich in cul-
to be in touch with
Deputy Director for the U.S. Arms Control
tural resources.
on the issue of pre-
and Disarmament Agency in Washington,
I wholeheartedly support the measures
Southeast Asia.
DC. Prior to this, he served as a consultant
contained in S. 286 because they will
to the nuclear industry, 1986-1987; director
ensure the protection of rich natural and
of the Senate National Security Office,
cultural resources within the State of New
1977-1986; executive director of the Joint
Mexico that are now seriously threatened.
Committee on Atomic Energy, 1975-1977;
ressional Barbecue
deputy director of the Joint Committee on
George Bush
Atomic Energy, 1968-1975; and a profes-
The White House,
sional staff member on the Joint Committee
June 27, 1990.
thank you. Thank
on Atomic Energy, 1958-1968. In addition,
1 really turned it on
Mr. Murphy worked for the Central Intelli-
Note: S. 286, approved June 27, was as-
gence Agency, 1950-1958.
Mr. Murphy graduated from Harvard
signed Public Law No. 101-313.
to everybody how
College (A.B., 1949). He was born May 1,
k for all of you-we
1924, in Boston, MA. Mr. Murphy served in
-40 albums, 4 gold
the U.S. Army Air Corps, 1942-1946. He is
awards, one of the
married, has two children, and resides in
1 our country and a
Remarks Announcing the Enterprise for
Bethesda, MD.
the Americas Initiative
t here. And we are
en. Thank you for
June 27, 1990
erformance.
Thank you all very much for coming to
are quite welcome,
Statement on Signing a Bill Protecting
the White House, and it is my pleasure to
dy.
Natural and Cultural Resources in
welcome so many distinguished guests with
all this wonderful
New Mexico
such strong interests in the vital Latin
elighted to have you
June 27, 1990
American and Caribbean region. Let me
to the Members of
recognize the many members of the diplo-
ra and I are delight-
I take great pleasure in signing into law
matic corps that are here and extend to you
n here-a good, re-
S. 286, an Act to establish the Petroglyph
a warm welcome-from Latin America,
autiful night at the
National Monument and the Pecos National
particularly, and the Caribbean, Europe,
got a lot of work
Historical Park in New Mexico, and to re-
Japan. Members of our Cabinet-Nick
east as far as we're
solve various New Mexico land issues.
Brady and Secretary Baker, Carla Hills, Sec-
nd of Pennsylvania
West of Albuquerque, New Mexico, the
retary Mosbacher-delighted you're here.
We're delighted you
major landscape feature is the West Mesa,
Chairman of the Council of Economic Ad-
yourselves at home,
marked by a 17-mile long basalt escarpment
visers, Mike Boskin, is here. Bill Webster,
in, Glen Campbell.
and five volcanic cones. Within the area are
welcome. And of course, we're delighted to
an estimated 15,000 to 17,000 petroglyphs,
see Alan Greenspan, Chairman of the Fed-
which are designs carved or pecked into
eral Reserve Board, here and then an old
you, Mr. President.
the rock. Establishment of the Petroglyph
friend, Barber Conable, of the World Bank,
National Monument will provide an excel-
and Richard Erb, from the IMF. And Ricky
lent opportunity to form a strong partner-
Iglesias, an old friend of the Bushes, and we
ke at 8 p.m. on the
ship among the Federal Government, the
welcome him, of the IDB, and so many
e House.
State of New Mexico, and the City of Albu-
leading lights in the business and financial
1009
June 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1990
communities. To all of you, then, a wel-
ing convinced that the U.S. must review it
alks,
come.
approach not only to that region but to
nation
In the past 12 months, every one of us,
Latin America and the Caribbean as a
from the man in the White House to the
comp
whole. And I asked Treasury Secretary
the n
man on the street, has been fascinated by
Brady to lead a review of U.S. economic
term
the tremendous changes, the positive
policy towards this vital region, to make a
the i
changes, taking place around the world.
fresh assessment, if you will, of the prob-
into
Freedom has made great gains not just in
lems and opportunities we'll encounter in
aim
Eastern Europe but right here in the Amer-
the decade ahead. And that review is now
trade
icas; and we've seen a resurgence of demo-
complete, and the results are in, and the
ing t
cratic rule, a rising tide of democracy,
need for new economic initiatives is clear
never before witnessed in the history of this
expa
and compelling.
beloved hemisphere. And with one excep-
agre
All signs point to the fact that we must
com:
tion, Cuba, the transition to democracy is
shift the focus of our economic interaction
Ame
moving towards completion, and we can all
towards a new economic partnership be-
deep
sense the excitement that the day is not far
off when Cuba joins the ranks of world de-
cause prosperity in our hemisphere de-
proc
pends on trade, not aid. And I've asked you
Se
mocracies and makes the Americas fully
free.
here today to share with you some of the
see
With one exception, that's the case. But
ideas, some of the ways we can build a
mat
broad-based partnership for the nineties-to
of t
the political transformation sweeping the
announce the new Enterprise for the Amer-
Ano
rest of Latin America and the Caribbean
icas Initiative that creates incentives to re-
onl
has its parallel in the economic sphere.
Throughout the region, nations are turning
inforce Latin America's growing recogni-
der
away from the statist economic policies that
tion that free-market reform is the key to
equ
stifle growth and are now looking to the
sustained growth and political stability.
ng
power of the free market to help this hemi-
The three pillars of our new initiative are
Tie
trade, investment, and debt. To expand
I
sphere realize its untapped potential for
progress. A new leadership has emerged,
trade, I propose that we begin the process
rea
of creating a hemispherewide free trade
wi
backed by the strength of the people's man-
th
date, leadership that understands that the
zone; to increase investment, that we adopt
future of Latin America lies with free gov-
measures to create a new flow of capital
CC
of
ernment and free markets. In the words of
into the region; and to further ease the
th
Colombia's courageous leader, Virgilio
burden of debt, a new approach to debt in
tr
Barco-President Barco: "The long-running
the region with important benefits for our
re
match between Karl Marx and Adam Smith
environment.
rie
is finally coming to an end" with the "rec-
Let's begin with trade. In the 1980's,
ro
ognition that open economies with access to
trade within our hemisphere trailed the
to
markets can lead to social progress."
overall pace of growth in world trade. One
o
For the United States, these are welcome
principal reason for that: overrestrictive
is
developments, developments that we're
trade barriers that wall off the economies of
t
eager to support. But we recognize that
our region from each other and from the
each nation in the region must make its
United States at great cost to us all. These
own choices. There is no blueprint, no one-
barriers are the legacy of the misguided
size-fits-all approach, to reform. The pri-
notion that a nation's economy needs pro-
mary responsibility for achieving economic
tection in order to thrive. The great eco-
growth lies with each individual country.
nomic lesson of this century is that protec-
Our challenge in this country is to respond
tionism still stifles progress and free mar-
in ways that support the positive changes
kets breed prosperity. To this end, we've
now taking place in the hemisphere. We
formulated a three-point trade plan to en-
must forge a genuine partnership for free-
courage the emerging trend toward free
market reform.
market reform that are now gathering
Back in February, I met in Cartagena
forces in the Americas.
[Colombia] with heads of the three Andean
First, as we enter the final months of the
nations, and I came away from that meet-
current Uruguay round of the world trade
1010
Administration of George Bush, 1990 / June 27
must review it
talks, I pledge close cooperation with the
growth and a higher standard of living in
region but to
nations of this hemisphere. The successful
Latin America and, right here at home,
Caribbean as a
completion of the Uruguay round remains
new markets for American products and
asury Secretary
the most effective way of promoting long-
more jobs for American workers.
U.S. economic
term trade growth in Latin America and
gion, to make a
Promoting free trade is just one of three
the increased integration of Latin nations
ill, of the prob-
key elements in our new Enterprise for the
into the overall global trading system. Our
'll encounter in
Americas Initiative. And our second pillar is
aim in the Uruguay round is free and fair
increased investment.
t review is now
trade, and through these talks we are seek-
are in, and the
The competition for capital today is
ing to strengthen existing trade rules and to
itiatives is clear
fierce, and the key to increased investment
expand them to areas that do not now have
is to be competitive, to turn around the
agreed rules of fairplay. And to show our
et that we must
conditions that have discouraged both for-
commitment to our neighbors in Latin
eign and domestic investment-reduce the
omic interaction
America and the Caribbean, we will seek
regulatory burden, clear away the thicket of
partnership be-
deeper tariff reductions in this round on
bureaucratic barriers that choke off Latin
hemisphere de-
products of special interest to them.
America's aspiring entrepreneurs.
d I've asked you
Second, we must build on the trend we
you some of the
see toward free markets and make our ulti-
In one large Latin city, for instance, it
we can build a
mate aim a free trade system that links all
takes almost 300 days to cut through the
the nineties-to
of the Americas: North, Central, and South.
redtape to open a small garment shop. In
ise for the Amer-
And we look forward to the day when not
another country, the average overseas caller
incentives to re-
only are the Americas the first fully free,
has to make five phone calls to get through,
democratic hemisphere but when all are
and the wait for a new telephone line can
rowing recogni-
equal partners in a free trade zone stretch-
be as long as 5 years. And that's got to
m is the key to
cal stability.
ing from the port of Anchorage to the
change.
lew initiative are
Tierra del Fuego.
Investment reform is essential to make it
ebt. To expand
I'm announcing today that the U.S. stands
easier to start new business ventures and
ready to enter into free trade agreements
make it possible for international investors
egin the process
wide free trade
with other markets in Latin America and
to participate and profit in Latin American
the Caribbean, particularly with groups of
markets. In order to create incentives for
it, that we adopt
flow of capital
countries that have associated for purposes
investment reform, the United States is pre-
of trade liberalization. And the first step in
pared to take the following steps:
further ease the
roach to debt in
this process is the now-announced free
First, the United States will work with
benefits for our
trade agreement with Mexico. We must all
the Inter-American Development Bank to
recognize that we won't bring down bar-
create a new lending program for nations
riers to free trade overnight; changes so far-
that take significant steps to remove im-
In the 1980's,
reaching may take years of preparation and
pediments to international investment. The
here trailed the
tough negotiations. But the payoff in terms
World Bank could also contribute to this
world trade. One
overrestrictive
of prosperity is worth every effort, and now
effort.
the economies of
is the time to make a comprehensive free
And second, we propose the creation of a
er and from the
trade zone for the Americas our long-term
new investment fund for the Americas. This
goal.
fund, administered by the IDB, could pro-
: to us all. These
f the misguided
And third, I understand that some coun-
vide up to $300 million a year in grants in
tries aren't yet ready to take that dramatic
response to market-oriented investment re-
nomy needs pro-
The great eco-
step to a full free trade agreement. And
forms in progress in privatization. The U.S.
that's why we're prepared to negotiate with
intends to contribute $100 million to the
ry is that protec-
SS and free mar-
any interested nation in the region bilateral
fund, and we will seek matching contribu-
this end, we've
framework agreements to open markets
tions from Europe and Japan.
rade plan to en;
and develop closer trade ties. Such agree-
But in order to create an attractive cli-
end toward free
ments already exist with Mexico and Boliv-
mate for new investment, we must build on
la. Framework agreements will enable us to
our successful efforts to ease the debt
now gathering
move forward on a step-by-step basis to
burden. That's the third pillar of this new
hal months of the
eliminate counterproductive barriers to
Enterprise for the Americas Initiative.
the world trade
trade and towards our ultimate goal of free
Many nations have already undertaken
trade. And that's a prescription for greater
painful economic reforms for the sake of
1011
June 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1990
future growth, but the investment climate
nature swaps in countries that have set up
remains clouded, weighted down by the
such programs. These actions will be taken
heavy debt burden. Under the Brady plan,
on a case-by-case basis.
we are making significant progress. The
One measure of prosperity and the most
agreements reached with Mexico and Costa
Rica and Venezuela are already having a
important long-term investment any nation
positive impact on investment in those
can make is environmental well-being. As
part of our Enterprise for the Americas Ini-
countries. Mexico, to take just one example,
has already seen a reversal of the destruc-
tiative, we will take action to strengthen
tive capital flight that drained so many
environmental policies in this hemisphere.
Latin American nations of precious invest-
Debt-for-nature swaps are one example,
patterned after the innovative agreements
ment resources. That's critical. If we restore
confidence, capital will follow.
reached by some Latin American nations
and their commercial creditors. We will also
As one means of expanding our debt
call for the creation of environmental trusts,
strategy, we propose that the IDB add its
where interest payments owed on restruc-
efforts and resources to those of the Inter-
tured U.S. debt will be paid in local curren-
national Monetary Fund and the World
cy and set aside to fund environmental
Bank to support commercial bank debt re-
projects in the debtor countries.
duction in Latin America and the Caribbe-
an, and as in the case of World Bank and
These innovative agreements offer a p.ow-
IMF, IDB funds should be directly linked to
erful new tool for preserving the natural
economic reform.
wonders of this hemisphere that we share.
From the vistas of the unspoiled Arctic to
While the Brady plan has helped nations
the beauties of the barrier reef off Belize to
reduce commercial bank debt, for nations
the rich rain forests of the Amazon, we
with high levels of official debt-debt owed
must protect this living legacy that we hold
to governments rather than private finan-
in trust. For an increasing number of our
cial institutions-the burden remains heavy.
neighbors, the need for free-market reform
And today, across Latin America, official
is clear. These nations need economic
debt owed to the U.S. Government amounts
breathing room to enact bold reforms, and
to nearly $12 billion, with $7 billion of that
this official debt initiative is one answer, a
amount in concessional loans. And in many
way out from under the crushing burden of
cases, the heaviest official debt burdens fall
debt that slows the process of reform.
on some of the region's smallest nations,
countries like Honduras and El Salvador
I know there is some concern that the
and Jamaica.
revolutionary changes we've witnessed this
past year in Eastern Europe will shift our
That's a problem we must address today.
attention away from Latin America; but I
As the key component in addressing the
want to assure all of you here today, as I've
region's debt problem, I am proposing a
assured many democratic leaders in Central
major new initiative to reduce Latin Amer-
and South America and the Caribbean and
ica and the Caribbean's official debt to the
Mexico, the United States will not lose sight
United States for countries that adopt
of the tremendous challenges and opportu-
strong economic and investment reform
nities right here in our own hemisphere.
programs with the support of international
And indeed, as we talk with the leaders of
institutions.
the G-24 about the emerging democracies
Our debt reduction program will deal
in Europe-I've been talking to them also
separately with concessional and commer-
about their supporting democracy and eco-
cial types of loans. On the concessional
nomic freedom in Central America. Our
debt, loans made from AID or Food for
aim is a closer partnership between the
Peace accounts, we will propose substantial
Americas and our friends in Europe and in
debt reductions for the most heavily bur-
Asia.
dened countries. And we will also sell a
Two years from now, our hemisphere will
portion of outstanding commercial loans to
celebrate the 500th anniversary of an epic
facilitate these debt-for-equity and debt-for-
event: Columbus' discovery of America, our
1012
Administration of George Bush, 1990 / June 28
:hat have set up
New World. And we trace our origins, our
of the proposed rescissions are contained in
ns will be taken
shared history, to the time of Columbus'
the attached report.
voyage and the courageous quest for the
advancement of man. Today the bonds of
George Bush
ty and the most
our common heritage are strengthened by
ment any nation
The White House,
the love of freedom and a common commit-
J well-being. As
ment to democracy. Our challenge, the
June 28, 1990.
he Americas Ini-
challenge in this new era of the Americas, is
n to strengthen
to secure this shared dream and all its fruits
Note: The attachment detailing the pro-
this hemisphere.
for all the people of the Americas-North,
posed rescissions was printed in the "Feder-
e one example,
Central, and South.
al Register" of July 6.
tive agreements
merican nations
The comprehensive plan that I've just
tors. We will also
outlined is proof positive the United States
ronmental trusts,
is serious about forging a new partnership
with our Latin American and Caribbean
owed on restruc-
Statement on the Japan-United States
1 in local curren-
neighbors. We're ready to play a construc-
Trade Negotiations
tive role at this critical time to make ours
1 environmental
June 28, 1990
the first fully free hemisphere in all of histo-
tries.
ry. Thank you all for coming and God bless
Last year the United States and Japan
ents offer a pow-
the peoples of the Americas. Thank you
launched a new cooperative endeavor in
ving the natural
very, very much, indeed.
economic policy called the Structural Im-
e that we share.
pediments Initiative. This initiative is de-
spoiled Arctic to
signed to address underlying structural
reef off Belize to
Note: The President spoke at 2:48 p.m. in
problems in both of our economies with the
he Amazon, we
the East Room at the White House. In his
goal of contributing to more open and com-
acy that we hold
opening remarks, he referred to Secretary of
petitive markets and to the reduction of
; number of our
the Treasury Nicholas F. Brady; U.S. Trade
payments imbalances. A joint working
e-market reform
Representative Carla A. Hills; Secretary of
group was formed to identify and solve
need economic
Commerce Robert A. Mosbacher; William
these problems. Over the past year, these
old reforms, and
H. Webster, Director of Central Intelligence;
discussions have demonstrated the construc-
is one answer, a
Barber B. Conable, Jr., President of the
tive and cooperative spirit which character-
ushing burden of
World Bank, which is also known as the
izes the relationship between our two coun-
of reform.
International Bank for Reconstruction and
tries.
concern that the
Development; and Richard D. Erb, Deputy
Managing Director of the International
The joint report of the SII working group
ve witnessed this
pe will shift our
Monetary Fund. The President also referred
has just been issued in Tokyo, following up
1 America; but I
to the Group of 24, the industrialized de-
an interim report issued in April. I welcome
and endorse this joint report. Both coun-
ere today, as I've
mocracies that have pledged support for eco-
tries have identified structural impedi-
eaders in Central
nomic and political reform in Poland and
ments, taken initial corrective actions, and
e Caribbean and
Hungary.
made commitments to take further steps to
will not lose sight
resolve a wide range of structural problems.
ges and opportu-
We expect that the structural policy actions
own hemisphere.
to be taken will have a positive effect on
th the leaders of
Message to the Congress Reporting
our economies, encouraging open and com-
ging democracies
Budget Rescissions
petitive markets, promoting sustained world
ing to them also
June 28, 1990
economic growth, contributing to a reduc-
nocracy and eco-
tion in global payments imbalances, and en-
al America. Our
To the Congress of the United States:
hancing the quality of life in both Japan and
iip between the
In accordance with the Impoundment
the United States. Although our efforts on
in Europe and in
Control Act of 1974, I herewith report
SII are bilateral, the effects will be benefi-
eight proposed rescissions totalling
cial for the entire world.
hemisphere will
$327,375,000.
I particularly welcome the clear commit-
ersary of an epic
The proposed rescissions affect programs
ment by Japan to reduce further its current
of America, our
of the Department of Defense. The details
account surplus and view the-SII process as
1013