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Originally Processed With FOIA(s): FOIA Number: S S FOIA MARKER This is not a textual record. This is used as an administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential Library Staff. Record Group/Collection: George H.W. Bush Presidential Records Collection/Office of Origin: Speechwriting, White House Office of Series: Speech File Backup Files Subseries: Chron File, 1989-1993 OA/ID Number: 13771 Folder ID Number: 13771-006 Folder Title: U.N. Address 9/23/91 [OA 8328] [6] Stack: Row: Section: Shelf: Position: G 26 21 6 3 oecd Ev.g annual Deal 6N1 growth Cathy Mam 3.1% 1981-1989 CEA Room 325 x 3375 NSSR 1.9 EE 1.1 chinai 9.0. Yugo. 0.4. 1989 Real GNP en terms) USSR 2664 EE 651 China 427 yngo. 130 Communest me GNP avg. annual (INCL China .69 (1.9) + 617(1.1) + ,03 (0.4) + .11(9.0) = 2.5 = excluding China .77 (1.9) + ,19(1.1) + 0.04 (0,4) = =1.5- Source: C/A, Handbook of Economic Itatistics 1990 CPAS 90-10001 Sept. 1990 Tables 7,9. CONFIDENTIEL/CONFIDENTIAL ESD/EDR/TAB(91)22 Table 25. Emissions trading activity to 1985 Estimated number Estimated number Estimated cost Activity of internal of external savings transactions transactions (millions) Netting 5 000 to 12 000 none $500 to 12 000 Offsets 1 800 200 unknown Bubbles Federally approved 40 2 $300 State approved 89 0 $135 Banking small small small Source: Hahn, R.W. (1989), "Economic Prescriptions for Environmental Problems", Journal of Economic Perspectives. vol.3, no.2. 28 Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960 302 fewish atomic age. It is providing sound advice and guidance for the manage- ment of the many new atomic projects underway in its member states. The Agency is making substantial contributions on an international basis in such fields as education and training and technical assistance. ays a pleasure It is making great strides in spreading the knowledge of the many uses of the radioisotopes in the fields of medicine, agriculture and industry. ionored tradi- In addition, the Agency has a paramount role in the development of the rition, thanks- necessary health and safety standards. ower of their This Agency is an organization that has no secrets; an organization devoted to the sharing of effort, research and information; one in which ccasion but as the major powers can lay aside political differences to work for the com- )ays each year mon good. In broad outline, I can see the Agency fulfilling the basic purposes of its historic charter and thereby contributing to world peace. I can see it as a unique forum where technical skills and resources are pooled for the benefit of mankind. onference The United States is gratified and encouraged at what has been done y. in three short years. My country will continue to support this organiza- tion and I wish for it continued progress and success. Sincerely, S delegation ] DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER NOTE: The opening words "Mr. Presi- The conference was held in Vienna, Sep- dent" referred to Gueorgui Nadjakov, tember 20-October 1, 1960. ssembly, it was chairman of the Bulgarian delegation. any minds and 302 9 Address Before the I 5th General Assembly r the benefit of of the United Nations, New York City. proposal dem- September 22, 1960 force of atomic of mankind. Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, members of the General Assembly, ression of that and guests: new approach The people of the United States join me in saluting those countries peaceful atom which, at this session of the General Assembly, are represented here for the first time. With the admission of new members, mainly from the e international giant continent of Africa, almost 100 nations will be joined in a common lating much of effort to construct permanent peace, with justice, in a sorely troubled of this still new world. 707 302 Public Papers of the Presidents The drive of self-determination and of rising human aspirations is creat- ing a new world of independent nations in Africa, even as it is producing a new world of both ferment and of promise in all developing areas. An awakening humanity in these regions demands as never before that we make a renewed attack on poverty, illiteracy, and disease. Side by side with these startling changes, technology is also in revolu- tion. It has brought forth terrifying weapons of destruction, which for the future of civilization, must be brought under control through a work- able system of disarmament. And it has also opened up a new world of outer space-a celestial world filled with both bewildering problems and dazzling promise. This is, indeed, a moment for honest appraisal and historic decision. We can strive to master these problems for narrow national advantage or we can begin at once to undertake a period of constructive action which will subordinate selfish interest to the general well-being of the interna- tional community. The choice is truly a momentous one. Today, I come before you because our human commonwealth is once again in a state of anxiety and turmoil. Urgent issues confront us. II. The first proposition I place before you is that only through the United Nations Organization and its truly democratic processes can humanity make real and universal progress toward the goal of peace with justice. Therefore, I believe that to support the United Nations Organization and its properly constituted mechanisms and its selected officers is the road of greatest promise in peaceful progress. To attempt to hinder or stultify the United Nations or to deprecate its importance is to contribute to world unrest and, indeed, to incite the crises that from time to time so disturb all men. The United States stands squarely and unequivocably in support of the United Nations and those acting under its mandate in the interest of peace. Nowhere is the challenge to the international community and to peace and orderly progress more evident than in Africa, rich in human and natural resources and bright with promise. Recent events there have brought into being what is, in effect, a vast continent of newly inde- pendent nations. Outside interference with these newly emerging nations, all eager to 708 Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960 9 302 is creat- undertake the tasks of modernization, has created a serious challenge to roducing the authority of the United Nations. eas. An That authority has grown steadily during the I5 years since the United that we Nations pledged, in the words of its own Charter, "to bring about by peaceful means, and in conformity with the principles of justice and inter- n revolu- national law, adjustments or settlement of international disputes or situa- which for tions which might lead to a breach of the peace." 1 a work- And during those years, the United Nations successfully supported world of Iran's efforts to obtain the withdrawal of foreign military forces; played a lems and significant role in preserving the independence of Greece, rallied world resistance to aggression against the Republic of Korea; helped to settle the cision. Suez crisis; countered the threat to Lebanon's integrity; and most recently, dvantage has taken on an even more important task. on which In response to the call of the Republic of the Congo, the United Nations interna- under its outstanding Secretary General, has recently mounted a large- scale effort to provide that new Republic with help. That effort has been flagrantly attacked by a few nations which wish to prolong strife in the h is once Congo for their own purposes. The criticism directed by these nations is. against the Secretary General, who has honorably and effectively fulfilled the mandate which he received from the United Nations, is nothing less le United than a direct attack upon the United Nations itself. In my opinion, he, humanity the Secretary General, has earned the support and gratitude of every peace loving nation. h justice. anization The people of the Congo are entitled to build up their country in peace the road and freedom. Intervention by other nations in their internal affairs would deny them that right and create a focus of conflict in the heart of or stultify Africa. : to world isturb all The issue thus posed in the Congo could well arise elsewhere in Africa. The resolution of this issue will determine whether the United Nations 1 support e interest is able to protect not only the new nations of Africa, but also other coun- tries against outside pressures. It is the smaller nations that have the greatest stake in the effective to peace functioning of the United Nations. nan and If the United Nations system is successfully subverted in Africa, the ere have vly inde- world will be on its way back to the traditional exercise of power politics, in which small countries will be used as pawns by aggressive major powers. Any nation, seduced by glittering promises into becoming a eager to catspaw for an imperialistic power, thereby undermines the United Na- 709 302 Public Papers of the Presidents tions and places in jeopardy the independence of itself and all others. It is imperative that the international community protect the newly emerging nations of Africa from outside pressures that threaten their inde- pendence and their sovereign rights. To this end, I propose a program which contains five major elements: First: A pledge by all countries represented at this Assembly to respect the African peoples' right to choose their own way of life and to determine for themselves the course they choose to follow. And this pledge would involve three specific commitments: To refrain from intervening in these new nations' internal affairs-by subversion, force, propaganda, or any other means. To refrain from generating disputes between the states of this area or from encouraging them to wasteful and dangerous competition in armaments. And to refrain from any action to intensify or exploit present unsettled conditions in the Congo-by sending arms or forces into that troubled area, or by inciting its leaders and peoples to violence against each other. These actions my country-and many others-are now avoiding. I hope this Assembly will call upon all its members to do likewise, and that each speaker who follows me to this platform will solemnly pledge his country to honor this call. Second: The United Nations should be prepared to help the African countries maintain their security without wasteful and dangerous compe- tition in armaments. United Nations experts are being asked to train the Congo's security forces. If the Secretary General should find it useful to undertake in- creased activity in order to meet requests of this nature elsewhere, my country would be glad to join other Member States in making essential contributions to such United Nations activity. More importantly I hope that the African states will use existing or establish new regional machinery in order to avert an arms race in this area. In so doing, they would help to spare their continent the ravages which the excesses of chauvinism have elsewhere inflicted in the past. If, through concerted effort, these nations can choke off competition in arma- ments, they can give the whole world a welcome lesson in international relations. The speed and success of the United Nations in dispatching substantial forces to the Congo should give these states assurance that they can rely 710 Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960 I 302 others. on the United Nations to organize an effective response if their security the newly is threatened. This should reduce any pressures on them to raise larger their inde- forces than are required to maintain internal security. Thus they would help to free their resources for more constructive purposes. elements: Third: We should all support the United Nations response to emergency to respect needs in the Republic of the Congo which the Secretary General has shown determine such skill in organizing. I hope that states represented here will pledge dge would substantial resources to this international program, and agree that it should be the preferred means of meeting the Congo's emergency needs. ffairs-by The United States supports the establishment of a United Nations fund for the Congo. We are prepared to join other countries by contributing is area or substantially for immediate emergency needs to the $100 million program etition in that the Secretary General is proposing. Fourth: The United Nations should help newly developing African t unsettled countries to shape their long-term modernization programs. To this end t troubled The United Nations Special Fund and Expanded Technical Assistance ach other. Program should be increased so that in combination they can reach their oiding. I annual $100 million goal in 1961. The Special Fund's functions should , and that be expanded so that it can assist countries in planning economic pledge his development. The United Nations Operational and Executive Personnel program for le African making available trained administrators to newly developing countries us compe- should be expanded and placed on a permanent basis. The United States is prepared to join other countries in contributing increased funds for this 's security program, and for the Special Fund, and for the United Nations Technical ertake in- Assistance Program. where, my The World Bank and International Monetary Fund should be encour- 5 essential aged increasingly to provide counsel to the developing countries of Africa through missions and resident advisers. We should also look forward to visting or appropriate and timely financial assistance from these two multilateral ce in this financial sources as the emerging countries qualify for their aid. e ravages Of course, many forms of aid will be needed: both public and private, past. If, and on a bilateral and multilateral basis. For this assistance to be most in arma- effective it must be related to the basic problems and changing needs of national the African countries themselves. Fifth: As the final element of this program, I propose an all-out United ibstantial Nations effort to help African countries launch such educational activities can rely as they may wish to undertake. 711 9 302 Public Papers of the Presidents It is not enough that loud speakers in the public square exhort people to freedom. It is also essential that the people should be furnished with the mental tools to preserve and develop their freedom. The United States is ready to contribute to an expanded program of educational assistance to Africa by the family of United Nations organ- izations, carried out as the Secretary General may deem appropriate, and according to the ideas of the African nations themselves. One of the first purposes of this assistance, after consultation and ap- proval by the governments involved, might be to establish, staff and main- tain-until these governments or private agencies could take over- Institutes for Health Education, for Vocational Training, for Public Administration and Statistics, and perhaps other purposes. Each institute could be appropriately located and specifically dedicated to training the young men and women of that vast region, who are now called upon to assume the incredibly complex and important responsi- bilities inherent in an explosive emergence into nationhood. If the African States should wish to send large numbers of their citizens for training abroad under this program, my country would be glad to set up a special commission to cooperate with the United Nations in arrang- ing to accommodate many more of these students in our institutions of learning. These then are the five ingredients of the Program I propose for Africa: Non-interference in the African countries' internal affairs; Help in assuring their security without wasteful and dangerous com- petition in armaments; Emergency aid to the Congo; International assistance in shaping long-term African development programs; United Nations aid for education. III. Such a program could go far to assure the African countries the clear chance at the freedom, domestic tranquility and progress they deserve. The changes which are occurring in Africa are also evident elsewhere. Indeed, Africa is but one part of the new world of change and progress which is emerging in all the developing areas. We must carry forward and intensify our programs of assistance for the economic and social development in freedom of other areas, partic- 712 Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960 I 302 t people to ularly in Latin America, Asia, and the Middle East. d with the Beyond this, we must never forget that there are hundreds of millions of people, particularly in the less developed parts of the world, suffering rogram of from hunger and malnutrition, even though a number of countries, my orís organ- own included, are producing food in surplus. This paradox should not propriate, be allowed to continue. The United States is already carrying out substantial programs to make n and ap- and main- its surpluses available to countries of greatest need. My country is also ready to join with other members of the United Nations in devising a e over- or Public workable scheme to provide food to member states through the United Nations system, relying on the advice and assistance of the Food and dedicated Agriculture Organization. I hope this Assembly will seriously consider a specific program for are now carrying forward the promising Food for Peace Program. responsi- IV. ir citizens lad to set In the developing areas, we must seek to promote peaceful change, as well as to assist economic and social progress. To do this-to assist 1 arrang- peaceful change-the international community must be able to manifest utions of its presence in emergencies through United Nations observers or forces. Africa: I should like to see member countries take positive action on the sug- gestions in the Secretary General's report looking to the creation of a qualified staff within the Secretariat to assist him in meeting future needs us com- for United Nations forces. To regularize the United Nations emergency force potential, I proposed in 1958 creation of stand-by arrangements for United Nations forces. lopment Some progress has been made since that time. Much remains to be done. The Secretary General has now suggested that members should main- tain a readiness to meet possible future requests from the United Nations for contributions to such forces. All countries represented here should he clear respond to this need, by earmarking national contingents which could leserve. take part in United Nations forces in case of need. :where. The time to do it is now-at this Assembly. I assure countries which now receive assistance from the United States rogress that we favor use of that assistance to help them maintain such contin- nce for gents in the state of readiness suggested by the Secretary General. To partic- assist the Secretary General's efforts, the United States is prepared to ear- mark also substantial air and sea transport facilities on a stand-by basis, 713 9 302 Public Papers of the Presidents to help move contingents requested by the United Nations in any future emergency. Over the long run, further progress toward increasing the United Na- tions' ability to respond to future needs is surely possible. The prospects for such progress, however, will remain just that-prospects-unless we move now to exploit the immediate possibilities for practical action sug- gested by the Secretary General. V. Another problem confronting us involves outer space. The emergence of this new world poses a vital issue: will outer space be preserved for peaceful use and developed for the benefit of all man- kind? Or will it become another focus for the arms race-and thus an area of dangerous and sterile competition? The choice is urgent. And it is ours to make. The nations of the world have recently united in declaring the con- tinent of Antarctica "off limits" to military preparations. We could ex- tend this principle to an even more important sphere. National vested interests have not yet been developed in space or in celestial bodies. Barriers to agreement are now lower than they will ever be again. The opportunity may be fleeting. Before many years have passed, the point of no return may have passed. Let us remind ourselves that we had a chance in 1946 to ensure that atomic energy be devoted exclusively to peaceful purposes. That chance was missed when the Soviet Union turned down the comprehensive plan submitted by the United States for placing atomic energy under inter- national control. We must not lose the chance we still have to control the future of outer space. I propose that: I. We agree that celestial bodies are not subject to national appro- priation by any claims of sovereignty. 2. We agree that the nations of the world shall not engage in warlike activities on these bodies. 3. We agree, subject to appropriate verification, that no nation will put into orbit or station in outer space weapons of mass destruction. All launchings of space craft should be verified in advance by the United Nations. 714 Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960 302 4. We press forward with a program of international cooperation for future constructive peaceful uses of outer space under the United Nations. Better weather forecasting, improved world-wide communications, and ed Na- more effective exploration not only of outer space but of our own earth- ospects these are but a few of the benefits of such cooperation. less we Agreement on these proposals would enable future generations to find n sug- peaceful and scientific progress, not another fearful dimension to the arms race, as they explore the universe. VI. But armaments must also be controlled here on earth, if civilization is space to be assured of survival. These efforts must extend both to conventional man- and non-conventional armaments. ius an My country has made specific proposals to this end during the past year. New United States proposals were put forward on June 27, with the hope that they could serve as the basis for negotiations to achieve general : con- ld ex- disarmament. The United States still supports these proposals. ested The communist nations' walk-out at Geneva, when they learned that we odies. were about to submit these proposals, brought negotiations to an abrupt halt. Their unexplained action does not, however, reduce the urgent need for arms control. d, the My country believes that negotiations can-and should—soon be resumed. that Our aim is to reach agreement on all the various measures that will iance plan bring general and complete disarmament. Any honest appraisal, how- nter- ever, must recognize that this is an immense task. It will take time. We should not have to wait until we have agreed on all the detailed outer measures to reach this goal before we begin to move toward disarmament. Specific and promising steps to this end were suggested in our June 27 proposals. If negotiations can be resumed, it may be possible to deal particularly pro- with two pressing dangers-that of war by miscalculation and that of like mounting nuclear weapons stockpiles. The advent of missiles, with ever shorter reaction times, makes meas- put ures to curtail the danger of war by miscalculation increasingly necessary. All States must be able quickly to assure each other that they are not prepar- :ted ing aggressive moves-particularly in international crises, when each side takes steps to improve its own defenses, which actions might be mis- 715 302 Public Papers of the Presidents interpreted by the other. Such misinterpretation in the absence of machinery to verify that neither was preparing to attack the other, could lead to a war which no one had intended or wanted. Today the danger of war by miscalculation could be reduced, in times of crisis, by the intervention, when requested by any nation seeking to prove its own peaceful intention, of an appropriate United Nations sur- veillance body. The question of methods can be left to the experts. Thus the vital issue is not a matter of technical feasibility but the polit- ical willingness of individual countries to submit to inspection. The United States has taken the lead in this field. Today, I solemnly declare, on behalf of the United States, that we are prepared to submit to any international inspection, provided only that it is effective and truly reciprocal. This step we will take willingly as an earnest of our determination to uphold the preamble of the United Nations Charter which says its purpose is "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind The United States wants the Soviet Union and all the nations of the world to know enough about United States defense preparations to be assured that United States forces exist only for deterrence and defense- not for surprise attack. I hope the Soviet Union will similarly wish to assure the United States and other nations of the nonaggressive character of its security preparations. There is a more basic point: in an age of rapidly developing tech- nology, secrecy is not only an anachronism-it is downright dangerous. To seek to maintain a society in which a military move can be taken in complete secrecy, while professing a desire to reduce the risk of war through arms control, is a contradiction. A second danger which ought to be dealt with in early negotiations is posed by the growth and prospective spread of nuclear weapons stockpiles. To reverse this trend, I propose that the nations producing nuclear weapons immediately convene experts to design a system for terminating, under verification procedures, all production of fissionable materials for weapons purposes. That termination would take effect as soon as the agreed inspection system has been installed and is operating effectively, while progress in other disarmament fields is also being sought. The United States is prepared, in the event of a termination of pro- 716 Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960 302 sence of duction, to join the USSR in transferring substantial quantities of fis- er, could sionable materials to international stockpiles. The United Nations Disarmament Commission has already heard the proposal of Ambassador in times Lodge, to set aside not pounds, as was proposed by the United States in ceking to 1954, but tons of fissionable materials for peaceful purposes. Addi- ions sur- tional transfers would be made as progress in other aspects of disar- rts. mament is accomplished. the polit- If the USSR will agree to a cessation of production of fissionable ma- n. The terials for weapons purposes, some production facilities could be closed without delay. The United States would be willing to match the USSR t we are in shutting down major plants producing fissionable materials, one by nly that one, under international inspection and verification. ;ly as an The proposed working group of experts could also consider how to United verify the complete elimination of nuclear weapons, which is part of the herations third stage of our proposed disarmament program of June 27. There is it untold as yet no known means of demonstrably accomplishing this; we would hope that the experts could develop such a system. is of the United States officials are willing to meet immediately with representa- ns to be tives of other countries for a preliminary exchange of views on these efense- proposals. wish to Some who have followed closely the many fruitless disarmament talks haracter since the war tend to become cynical-to assume that the task is hopeless. This is not the position of the United States. ig tech- Men everywhere want to disarm. They want their wealth and labor ngerous. to be spent not for war, but for food, for clothing, for shelter, for medi- aken in cines, for schools. of war Time and again, the American people have voiced this yearning-to join with men of good will everywhere in building a better world. We ations is always stand ready to consider any feasible proposal to this end. And ckpiles. as I have said so many times, the United States is always ready to nego- nuclear tiate with any country which in integrity and sincerity shows itself ready inating, to talk about any of these problems. We ask only this-that such a rials for program not give military advantage to any nation and that it permit men to inspect the disarmament of other nations. pection A disarmament program which was not inspected and guaranteed gress in would increase, not reduce, the risk of war. The international control of atomic energy and general and complete of pro- disarmament can no more be accomplished by rhetoric than can the 717 302 Public Papers of the Presidents economic development of newly independent countries. Both of these immense tasks facing mankind call for serious, painstaking, costly, labo- rious and non-propaganda approaches. VII. I have specifically avoided in this address mention of several immediate problems that are troubling the United States and other nations. My failure to do so does not mean in any sense that they are not of great concern both to the United States and to the entire international community. For example, accumulating evidence of threatening encroachments to the freedom of the people of West Berlin continues to disturb us deeply. Another instance, though, of special concern to the United States, the shooting down of an American aircraft last July first over international waters, the apparent killing of four of its crew members and the imprison- ment of two others on trumped-up spy charges, is a shocking affront to the right of all nations to peaceful passage on and over the high seas. By its veto in the Security Council the Soviet Union prevented a full investigation of the facts of the case. But these facts still demand to be heard as a proper matter for the consideration of an impartial tribunal. The particular problems I have just mentioned are not merely isolated instances of disagreements among a few nations. They are central to the issue of peace itself, and illustrative of the continuous and interde- pendent nature of our respective national concerns. They must be con- fronted with the earnestness and seriousness which their settlement demands. VIII. The basic fact today of all change in the domain of international affairs is the need to forge the bonds and build the structure of a true world community. The United Nations is available to mankind to help it create just such a community. It has accomplished what no nation singly, or any limited group of nations, could have accomplished. It has become the forum of all peoples, and the structure about which they can center their joint endeavors to create a better future for our world. We must guard jealously against those who in alternating moods look upon the United Nations as an instrument for use or abuse. The United 718 Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960 9 302 th of these Nations was not conceived as an Olympian organ to amplify the propa- ostly, labo- ganda tunes of individual nations. The generating force behind a successful United Nations must be the noble idea that a true international community can build a peace with justice if only people will work together patiently in an atmosphere of open immediate trust. tions. My In urging progress toward a world community, I cite the American ot of great concept of the destiny of a progressive society. Here in this land, in what ternational was once a wilderness we have generated a society and a civilization drawn from many sources. Yet out of the mixture of many peoples and faiths we chments to have developed unity in freedom-a unity designed to protect the rights ) us deeply. of each individual while enhancing the freedom and well-being of all. 1 States, the This concept of unity in freedom, drawn from the diversity of many ternational racial strains and cultures, we would like to see made a reality for all le imprison- mankind. This concept should apply within every nation as it does among gn affront to nations. We believe that the right of every man to participate through e high seas. his or her vote in self-government is as precious as the right of each nation ented a full here represented to vote its own convictions in this Assembly. I should mand to be like to see a universal plebiscite in which every individual in the world ial tribunal. would be given the opportunity freely and secretly to answer this ques- rely isolated tion: Do you want this right? Opposed to the idea of two hostile, em- e central to bittered worlds in perpetual conflict, we envisage a single world com- and interde- munity, as yet unrealized but advancing steadily toward fulfillment nust be con- through our plans, our efforts, and our collective ideas. settlement Thus we see as our goal, not a super-state above nations, but a world community embracing them all, rooted in law and justice and enhancing the potentialities and common purposes of all peoples. ional affairs As we enter the decade of the 1960's, let us launch a renewed effort true world to strengthen this international community; to forge new bonds between its members in undertaking new ventures on behalf of all mankind. ate just such As we take up this task, let us not delude ourselves that the absence any limited of war alone is a sufficient basis for a peaceful world. I repeat, we must he forum of also build a world of justice under law, and we must overcome poverty, their joint illiteracy, and disease. We of the United States will join with you in making a mounting effort moods look to build the structure of true peace-a peace in which all peoples may The United progress constantly to higher levels of human achievement. The means 719 302 Public Papers of the Presidents are at hand. We have but to use them with a wisdom and energy worthy of our cause. I commend this great task to your hearts, to your minds, and to your willing hands. Let us go forward together, leaving none behind. Thank you, and God bless you. NOTE: The President spoke at 11:12 a.m. H. Boland, Permanent Representative to His opening words "Mr. President, Mr. the United Nations for Ireland, and Sec- Secretary General" referred to Frederick retary General Dag Hammarskjöld. 303 У Remarks at a Luncheon for Latin American Delegates to the U.N. General Assembly, New York City. September 22, 1960 THIS IS the time, I think, to re-affirm some of our convictions and our beliefs that are important to all of us. I have, someone told me today, 2 days less than 4 months still to serve in my present office, and possibly this is the last time I shall have an opportunity to tell you, as representa- tives of your several governments, something of my affection for the people of Latin America with whom I have worked, and the affection of my government for these governments, all of which have served and worked so closely with us. I tried to tell you this morning something of the importance that we of America attach to the functioning and indeed the existence of the United Nations, and the possibility it has for furthering the aspirations of men. But I want to tell you in somewhat more intimate fashion how deeply I believe in the Organization of American States, organized within the limits prescribed by the charter of the United Nations. Gentlemen, our nations are bound together not merely by inescapable ties of geography. We are strong, and we are worthwhile only because we are bound together by things of the spirit. The dedication we have to imperishable values, of human dignity and liberty, and the sovereignty of our respective nations-these are the things that are worthwhile. But because we do believe in these values and have these same dedi- cations, we must devote ourselves as a unit to the production of that kind of atmosphere, that kind of situation in the world that will let us progress, with the help of the God in which we all believe, toward a better life, not merely for such people as sit around this table, but for the lowliest peon, 720 [385] Sept. 22 Public Papers of the Presidents man Harris during the hearings on this legis- tions which I can consider for presentation to lation that the Board would take up its re- the Congress. sponsibilities to keep the system financially Sincerely, JOHN F. KENNEDY sound. [Honorable Howard W. Habermeyer, Chairman, I also indicated to the Congress my hope Railroad Retirement Board, 44 Rush Street, Chi- that we might soon have some recommenda- cago II, Illinois] tions designed to remedy the financial situa- NOTE: For the President's statement upon signing tion of these systems. Accordingly I would S. 2395, see Item 384. like you to undertake immediately a review In his letter the President referred to U.S. Repre- sentative Oren Harris from Arkansas, Chairman of of the situation and to develop recommenda- the Interstate and Foreign Commerce Committee. 386 Statement by the President Upon Signing Bill Relating to the Office of Emergency Planning. September 22, 1961 I HAVE TODAY approved H.R. 8406, a formulation in connection with our pre- bill "To Change the Name of the Office of paredness effort. Civil and Defense Mobilization to Office of These functions of the Office of Emer- Emergency Planning." gency Planning may be of critical impor- Effective August I, I assigned to the Sec- tance to our very survival. The national retary of Defense major Federal responsi- security requires that there be soundly con- bilities for civil defense. The remaining ceived and well-tested plans for every responsibilities can more accurately be de- emergency. scribed as emergency planning functions, for they deal with responsibilities for investi- NOTE: As enacted, H.R. 8406 is Public Law 87-296 (75 Stat. 630). See also Item 295. gation, advice, coordination, and policy The statement was released at Hyannis, Mass. 387 Address in New York City Before the General Assembly of the United Nations. September 25, 1961 Mr. President, honored delegates, ladies and challenges of our age, or it will be gone with gentlemen: the wind, without influence, without force, We meet in an hour of grief and chal- without respect. Were we to let it die, to lenge. Dag Hammarskjold is dead. But enfeeble its vigor, to cripple its powers, we the United Nations lives. His tragedy is would condemn our future. deep in our hearts, but the task for which For in the development of this organi- he died is at the top of our agenda. A zation rests the only true alternative to noble servant of peace is gone. But the war-and war appeals no longer as a ra- quest for peace lies before us. tional alternative. Unconditional war can The problem is not the death of one no longer lead to unconditional victory. It man-the problem is the life of this organ- can no longer serve to settle disputes. It ization. It will either grow to meet the can no longer concern the great powers 618 John F. Kennedy, 1961 Sept. 25 [387] entation to alone. For a nuclear disaster, spread by strengthened first of all by the selection of wind and water and fear, could well en- an outstanding civil servant to carry forward ENNEDY gulf the great and the small, the rich and the responsibilities of the Secretary Gen- the poor, the committed and the uncom- eral-a man endowed with both the wisdom Chairman, mitted alike. Mankind must put an end to and the power to make meaningful the Street, Chi- war-or war will put an end to mankind. moral force of the world community. The on signing So let us here resolve that Dag Hammar- late Secretary General nurtured and sharp- skjold did not live, or die, in vain. Let us ened the United Nations' obligation to act. U.S. Repre- call a truce to terror. Let us invoke the But he did not invent it. It was there in the hairman of nmittee. blessings of peace. And, as we build an Charter. It is still there in the Charter. international capacity to keep peace, let us However difficult it may be to fill Mr. join in dismantling the national capacity to Hammarskjold's place, it can better be filled the wage war. by one man rather than by three. Even the three horses of the Troika did not have three II. drivers, all going in different directions. our pre- This will require new strength and new They had only one-and so must the United roles for the United Nations. For disar- Nations executive. To install a triumvirate, of Emer- mament without checks is but a shadow- or any panel, or any rotating authority, in impor- and a community without law is but a shell. the United Nations administrative offices national Already the United Nations has become would replace order with anarchy, action con- both the measure and the vehicle of man's with paralysis, confidence with confusion. every most generous impulses. Already it has The Secretary General, in a very real provided-in the Middle East, in Asia, in sense, is the servant of the General Assembly. Africa this year in the Congo-a means of Diminish his authority and you diminish the 87-296 holding man's violence within bounds. authority of the only body where all nations, Mass. But the great question which confronted regardless of power, are equal and sovereign. this body in 1945 is still before us: whether Until all the powerful are just, the weak will man's cherished hopes for progress and be secure only in the strength of this of the peace are to be destroyed by terror and dis- Assembly. ruption, whether the "foul winds of war" Effective and independent executive ac- can be tamed in time to free the cooling tion is not the same question as balanced with winds of reason, and whether the pledges representation. In view of the enormous force, of our Charter are to be fulfilled or defied— change in membership in this body since its it die, to pledges to secure peace, progress, human founding, the American delegation will join we rights and world law. in any effort for the prompt review and re- In this Hall, there are not three forces, vision of the composition of United Nations organi- but two. One is composed of those who are bodies. native to trying to build the kind of world described But to give this organization three driv- as a ra- in Articles I and II of the Charter. The ers-to permit each great power to decide war can other, seeking a far different world, would its own case, would entrench the Cold War ctory. It undermine this organization in the process. in the headquarters of peace. Whatever ad- putes. It Today of all days our dedication to the vantages such a plan may hold out to my powers Charter must be maintained. It must be own country, as one of the great powers, we 619 [387] Sept. 25 Public Papers of the Presidents reject it. For we far prefer world law, in It is in this same spirit that we in the United the age of self-determination, to world war, States have labored this year, with a new in the age of mass extermination. urgency, and with a new, now statutory agency fully endorsed by the Congress, to find an approach to disarmament which III. would be so far-reaching yet realistic, so Today, every inhabitant of this planet mutually balanced and beneficial, that it must contemplate the day when this planet could be accepted by every nation. And it may no longer be habitable. Every man, is in this spirit that we have presented with woman and child lives under a nuclear sword the agreement of the Soviet Union-under of Damocles, hanging by the slenderest of the label both nations now accept of "general threads, capable of being cut at any moment and complete disarmament"-a new state- by accident or miscalculation or by madness. ment of newly-agreed principles for nego- The weapons of war must be abolished be- tiation. fore they abolish us. But we are well aware that all issues of Men no longer debate whether armaments principle are not settled, and that principles are a symptom or a cause of tension. The alone are not enough. It is therefore our mere existence of modern weapons-ten intention to challenge the Soviet Union, not million times more powerful than any that to an arms race, but to a peace race-to the world has ever seen, and only minutes advance together step by step, stage by stage, away from any target on earth-is a source until general and complete disarmament of horror, and discord and distrust. Men no has been achieved. We invite them now to longer maintain that disarmament must go beyond agreement in principle to reach await the settlement of all disputes-for dis- agreement on actual plans. armament must be a part of any permanent The program to be presented to this settlement. And men may no longer pre- assembly-for general and complete dis- tend that the quest for disarmament is a armament under effective international con- sign of weakness-for in a spiraling arms trol-moves to bridge the gap between those race, a nation's security may well be shrink- who insist on a gradual approach and those ing even as its arms increase. who talk only of the final and total achieve- For 15 years this organization has sought ment. It would create machinery to keep the reduction and destruction of arms. the peace as it destroys the machinery of war. Now that goal is no longer a dream-it is It would proceed through balanced and a practical matter of life or death. The safeguarded stages designed to give no state risks inherent in disarmament pale in com- a military advantage over another. It parison to the risks inherent in an unlimited would place the final responsibility for veri- arms race. fication and control where it belongs, not It is in this spirit that the recent Belgrade with the big powers alone, not with one's Conference-recognizing that this is no adversary or one's self, but in an interna- longer a Soviet problem or an American tional organization within the framework problem, but a human problem-endorsed of the United Nations. It would assure a program of "general, complete and strictly that indispensable condition of disarma- an internationally controlled disarmament." ment-true inspection-and apply it in 620 John F. Kennedy, 1961 Sept. 25 [387] : in the United stages proportionate to the stage of disar- I therefore propose, on the basis of this , with a new mament. It would cover delivery systems as Plan, that disarmament negotiations resume now statutory well as weapons. It would ultimately halt promptly, and continue without interrup- Congress, to their production as well as their testing, tion until an entire program for general and ament which their transfer as well as their possession. complete disarmament has not only been et realistic, so It would achieve, under the eyes of an inter- agreed but has been actually achieved. ficial, that it national disarmament organization, a steady tion. And it reduction in force, both nuclear and con- resented with IV. ventional, until it has abolished all armies Jnion-under and all weapons except those needed for The logical place to begin is a treaty as- pt of "general internal order and a new United Nations suring the end of nuclear tests of all kinds, -a new state- Peace Force. And it starts that process now, in every environment, under workable con- les for nego- today, even as the talks begin. trols. The United States and the United In short, general and complete disarma- t all issues of Kingdom have proposed such a treaty that ment must no longer be a slogan, used to is both reasonable, effective and ready for that principles resist the first steps. It is no longer to be therefore our signature. We are still prepared to sign that a goal without means of achieving it, with- treaty today. et Union, not out means of verifying its progress, without We also proposed a mutual ban on at- eace race-to means of keeping the peace. It is now a mospheric testing, without inspection or con- stage by stage, realistic plan, and a test-a test of those only trols, in order to save the human race from disarmament willing to talk and a test of those willing to the poison of radioactive fallout. We re- them now to act. ciple to reach gret that that offer has not been accepted. Such a plan would not bring a world free For I5 years we have sought to make the from conflict and greed-but it would bring nted to this atom an instrument of peaceful growth a world free from the terrors of mass de- rather than of war. But for 15 years our complete dis- struction It would not usher in the era of national con- concessions have been matched by obstruc- the super state-but it would usher in an etween those tion, our patience by intransigence. And era in which no state could annihilate or be ch and those the pleas of mankind for peace have met annihilated by another. with disregard. total achieve- In 1945, this Nation proposed the Baruch Finally, as the explosions of others be- nery to keep Plan to internationalize the atom before clouded the skies, my country was left with inery of war. other nations even possessed the bomb or no alternative but to act in the interests of alanced and demilitarized their troops. We proposed its own and the free world's security. We give no state with our allies the Disarmament Plan of another. It cannot endanger that security by refraining 1951 while still at war in Korea. And we from testing while others improve their ility for veri- make our proposals today, while building arsenals. Nor can we endanger it by another belongs, not up our defenses over Berlin, not because we long, uninspected ban on testing. For three t with one's are inconsistent or insincere or intimidated, an interna- years we accepted those risks in our open but because we know the rights of free men framework society while seeking agreement on inspec- will prevail-because while we are compelled ould assure tion. But this year, while we were negotiat- against our will to rearm, we look confi- ing in good faith in Geneva, others were of disarma- dently beyond Berlin to the kind of disarmed secretly preparing new experiments in pply it in world we all prefer. destruction. 63930-62-43 621 [387] Sept. 25 Public Papers of the Presidents Our tests are not polluting the atmosphere. that all member nations earmark special Our deterrent weapons are guarded against peace-keeping units in their armed forces— accidental explosion or use. Our doctors to be on call of the United Nations, to be and scientists stand ready to help any na- specially trained and quickly available, and tion measure and meet the hazards to health with advance provision for financial and which inevitably result from the tests in the logistic support. atmosphere. In addition, the American delegation will But to halt the spread of these terrible suggest a series of steps to improve the weapons, to halt the contamination of the United Nations' machinery for the peaceful air, to halt the spiralling nuclear arms race, settlement of disputes-for on-the-spot fact- we remain ready to seek new avenues of finding, mediation and adjudication-for agreement, our new Disarmament Program extending the rule of international law. thus includes the following proposals: For peace is not solely a matter of military -First, signing the test-ban treaty by all or technical problems-it is primarily a nations. This can be done now. Test ban problem of politics and people. And unless negotiations need not and should not await man can match his strides in weaponry and general disarmament. technology with equal strides in social and -Second, stopping the production of fis- political development, our great strength, sionable materials for use in weapons, and like that of the dinosaur, will become in- preventing their transfer to any nation now capable of proper control-and like the dino- lacking in nuclear weapons. saur vanish from the earth. -Third, prohibiting the transfer of con- trol over nuclear weapons to states that do VI. not own them. -Fourth, keeping nuclear weapons from As we extend the rule of law on earth, so seeding new battlegrounds in outer space. must we also extend it to man's new do- -Fifth, gradually destroying existing main-outer space. nuclear weapons and converting their ma- All of us salute the brave cosmonauts of terials to peaceful uses; and the Soviet Union. The new horizons of -Finally, halting the unlimited testing outer space must not be driven by the old and production of strategic nuclear delivery bitter concepts of imperialism and sovereign vehicles, and gradually destroying them as claims. The cold reaches of the universe well. must not become the new arena of an even colder war. V. To this end, we shall urge proposals ex- To destroy arms, however, is not enough. tending the United Nations Charter to the We must create even as we destroy-creat- limits of man's exploration in the universe, ing worldwide law and law enforcement as reserving outer space for peaceful use, pro- we outlaw worldwide war and weapons. hibiting weapons of mass destruction in In the world we seek, the United Nations space or on celestial bodies, and opening the Emergency Forces which have been hastily mysteries and benefits of space to every na- assembled, uncertainly supplied, and inade- tion. We shall propose further cooperative quately financed, will never be enough. efforts between all nations in weather pre- Therefore, the United States recommends diction and eventually in weather control. 622 John F. Kennedy, 1961 Sept. 25 [387] mark special We shall propose, finally, a global system On the one hand is the fact that, since med forces- of communications satellites linking the the close of World War II, a worldwide ations, to be whole world in telegraph and telephone and declaration of independence has transformed vailable, and radio and television. The day need not be nearly I billion people and 9 million square inancial and far away when such a system will televise the miles into 42 free and independent states. proceedings of this body to every corner of Less than 2 percent of the world's popula- legation will the world for the benefit of peace. tion now lives in "dependent" territories. improve the I do not ignore the remaining problems of the peaceful traditional colonialism which still confront VII. the-spot fact- this body. Those problems will be solved, dication-for But the mysteries of outer space must not with patience, good will, and determination. ational law. divert our eyes or our energies from the Within the limits of our responsibility in r of military harsh realities that face our fellow men. such matters, my Country intends to be a primarily a Political sovereignty is but a mockery with- participant and not merely an observer, in And unless out the means of meeting poverty and il- the peaceful, expeditious movement of na- veaponry and literacy and disease. Self-determination is tions from the status of colonies to the part- in social and but a slogan if the future holds no hope. nership of equals. That continuing tide of eat strength, That is why my Nation, which has freely self-determination, which runs so strong, has 1 become in- shared its capital and its technology to help our sympathy and our support. like the dino- others help themselves, now proposes offi- But colonialism in its harshest forms is cially designating this decade of the 1960's not only the exploitation of new nations by as the United Nations Decade of Develop- old, of dark skins by light, or the subjugation ment. Under the framework of that Reso- of the poor by the rich. My Nation was once lution, the United Nations' existing efforts a colony, and we know what colonialism V on earth, so in promoting economic growth can be ex- means; the exploitation and subjugation of an's new do- panded and coordinated. Regional surveys the weak by the powerful, of the many by and training institutes can now pool the the few, of the governed who have given no osmonauts of talents of many. New research, technical consent to be governed, whatever their con- horizons of assistance and pilot projects can unlock the tinent, their class, or their color. n by the old wealth of less developed lands and untapped And that is why there is no ignoring the and sovereign waters. And development can become a fact that the tide of self-determination has the universe cooperative and not a competitive enter- not reached the Communist empire where a of an even prise-to enable all nations, however diverse a population far larger than that officially in their systems and beliefs, to become in termed "dependent" lives under govern- proposals ex- fact as well as in law free and equal nations. ments installed by foreign troops instead of harter to the free institutions-under a system which the universe, knows only one party and one belief-which ful use, pro- VIII. suppresses free debate, and free elections, estruction in My Country favors a world of free and and free newspapers, and free books and free 1 opening the equal states. We agree with those who say trade unions-and which builds a wall to to every na- that colonialism is a key issue in this As- keep truth a stranger and its own citizens r cooperative sembly. But let the full facts of that issue be prisoners. Let us debate colonialism in weather pre- discussed in full. full-and apply the principle of free choice ther control. 623 [387] Sept. 25 Public Papers of the Presidents and the practice of free plebiscites in every But now the negotiations over Laos are corner of the globe. reaching a crucial stage. The cease-fire is at best precarious. The rainy season is com- ing to an end. Laotian territory is being IX. used to infiltrate South Viet-Nam. The Finally, as President of the United States, world community must recognize-and all I consider it my duty to report to this Assem- those who are involved-that this potent bly on two threats to the peace which are threat to Laotian peace and freedom is indi- not on your crowded agenda, but which visible from all other threats to their own. causes us, and most of you, the deepest Secondly, I wish to report to you on the concern. crisis over Germany and Berlin. This is The first threat on which I wish to report not the time or the place for immoderate is widely misunderstood: the smoldering tones, but the world community is entitled coals of war in Southeast Asia. South Viet- to know the very simple issues as we see Nam is already under attack-sometimes by them. If there is a crisis it is because an a single assassin, sometimes by a band of existing peace is under threat, because an guerrillas, recently by full battalions. The existing island of free people is under pres- peaceful borders of Burma, Cambodia, and sure, because solemn agreements are being India have been repeatedly violated. And treated with indifference. Established in- the peaceful people of Laos are in danger of ternational rights are being threatened with losing the independence they gained not so unilateral usurpation. Peaceful circulation long ago. has been interrupted by barbed wire and No one can call these "wars of liberation." concrete blocks. For these are free countries living under One recalls the order of the Czar in Push- their own governments. Nor are these ag- kin's "Boris Godunov": "Take steps at this gressions any less real because men are very hour that our frontiers be fenced in by knifed in their homes and not shot in the barriers. That not a single soul pass fields of battle. o'er the border, that not a hare be able to The very simple question confronting the run or a crow to fly." world community is whether measures can It is absurd to allege that we are threaten- be devised to protect the small and the weak ing a war merely to prevent the Soviet from such tactics. For if they are success- Union and East Germany from signing a ful in Laos and South Viet-Nam, the gates so-called "treaty" of peace. The Western will be opened wide. Allies are not concerned with any paper ar- The United States seeks for itself no base, rangement the Soviets may wish to make no territory, no special position in this area with a regime of their own creation, on of any kind. We support a truly neutral territory occupied by their own troops and and independent Laos, its people free from governed by their own agents. No such outside interference, living at peace with action can affect either our rights or our themselves and with their neighbors, assured responsibilities. that their territory will not be used for If there is a dangerous crisis in Berlin- attacks on others, and under a government and there is-it is because of threats against comparable (as Mr. Khrushchev and I the vital interests and the deep commit- agreed at Vienna) to Cambodia and Burma. ments of the Western Powers, and the free- 624 John F. Kennedy, 1961 Sept. 25 [387] Laos are dom of West Berlin. We cannot yield these solution in which my country profoundly cease-fire is interests. We cannot fail these commit- believes. is com- ments. We cannot surrender the freedom We are committed to no rigid formula. is being of these people for whom we are responsi- We see no perfect solution. We recognize The ble. A "peace treaty" which carried with it that troops and tanks can, for a time, keep nize-and all the provisions which destroy the peace would a nation divided against its will, however this potent be a fraud. A "free city" which was not unwise that policy may seem to us. But edom is indi- genuinely free would suffocate freedom and we believe a peaceful agreement is possible to their own. would be an infamy. which protects the freedom of West Berlin you on the For a city or a people to be truly free, they and allied presence and access, while recog- This is must have the secure right, without eco- nizing the historic and legitimate interests immoderate nomic, political or police pressure, to make of others in assuring European security. is entitled their own choice and to live their own lives. The possibilities of negotiation are now as we see And as I have said before, if anyone doubts being explored; it is too early to report what because an the extent to which our presence is desired the prospects may be. For our part, we because an by the people of West Berlin, we are ready would be glad to report at the appropriate under pres- to have that question submitted to a free time that a solution has been found. For are being vote in all Berlin and, if possible, among all there is no need for a crisis over Berlin, tablished in- the German people. threatening the peace-and if those who cre- eatened with The elementary fact about this crisis is ated this crisis desire peace, there will be circulation that it is unnecessary. The elementary tools peace and freedom in Berlin. wire and for a peaceful settlement are to be found in the charter. Under its law, agreements are Czar X. in Push- to be kept, unless changed by all those who steps at this made them. Established rights are to be The events and decisions of the next ten fenced in by respected. The political disposition of peo- months may well decide the fate of man for soul pass ples should rest upon their own wishes, freely the next ten thousand years. There will be able to expressed in plebiscites or free elections. be no avoiding those events. There will be If there are legal problems, they can be no appeal from these decisions. And we are threaten- solved by legal means. If there is a threat in this hall shall be remembered either as the Soviet of force, it must be rejected. If there is part of the generation that turned this planet signing a desire for change, it must be a subject for into a flaming funeral pyre or the genera- The Western negotiation and if there is negotiation, it tion that met its vow "to save succeeding (VN paper ar- must be rooted in mutual respect and con- generations from the scourge of war." charter) to make cern for the rights of others. In the endeavor to meet that vow, I pledge creation, on The Western Powers have calmly resolved you every effort this Nation possesses. I troops and to defend, by whatever means are forced pledge you that we shall neither commit nor No such upon them, their obligations and their access provoke aggression, that we shall neither or our to the free citizens of West Berlin and the flee nor invoke the threat of force, that we self-determination of those citizens. This shall never negotiate out of fear, we shall in Berlin- generation learned from bitter experience never fear to negotiate. against that either brandishing or yielding to threats Terror is not a new weapon. Through- commit- can only lead to war. But firmness and out history it has been used by those who and the free- reason can lead to the kind of peaceful could not prevail, either by persuasion or 625 [387] Sept. 25 Public Papers of the Presidents example. But inevitably they fail, either to that dark and final abyss, let no man of because men are not afraid to die for a life peace and freedom despair. For he does worth living, or because the terrorists them- not stand alone. If we all can persevere, selves came to realize that free men cannot if we can in every land and office look be- be frightened by threats, and that aggression yond our own shores and ambitions, then would meet its own response. And it is surely the age will dawn in which the strong in the light of that history that every nation are just and the weak secure and the peace today should know, be he friend or foe, that preserved. the United States has both the will and the Ladies and gentlemen of this Assembly, weapons to join free men in standing up to the decision is ours. Never have the na- their responsibilities. tions of the world had so much to lose, or But I come here today to look across this so much to gain. Together we shall save world of threats to a world of peace. In our planet, or together we shall perish in that search we cannot expect any final tri- its flames. Save it we can-and save it we umph-for new problems will always arise. must-and then shall we earn the eternal We cannot expect that all nations will adopt thanks of mankind and, as peacemakers, the like systems-for conformity is the jailor of eternal blessing of God. freedom, and the enemy of growth. Nor NOTE: The President spoke at II:30 a.m. His can we expect to reach our goal by contriv- opening words "Mr. President" referred to Mongi ance, by fiat or even by the wishes of all. Slim, President of the General Assembly and U.N. But however close we sometimes seem Representative from Tunisia. 388 Remarks in New York City Upon Signing Bill Establishing the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency. September 26, 1961 WITH THE SIGNING of H.R. 9118, there ments to a changing world are achieved is created the United States Arms Control peacefully. It is a complex and difficult and Disarmament Agency. This act sym- task to reconcile through negotiation the bolizes the importance the United States many security interests of all nations to places on arms control and disarmament in achieve disarmament, but the establishment its foreign policy. of this agency will provide new and better The creation for the first time by act of tools for this effort. Congress of a special organization to deal I am pleased and heartened by the bi- with arms control and disarmament matters partisan support this bill enjoyed in the emphasizes the high priority that attaches Congress. The leaders of both political to our efforts in this direction. parties gave encouragement and assistance. Our ultimate goal, as the act points out, The new agency brings renewed hope for is a world free from war and free from the agreement and progress in the critical battle dangers and burdens of armaments in which for the survival of mankind. the use of force is subordinated to the rule I want to express my thanks to the Mem- of law and in which international adjust- bers of the Congress, particularly who are 626 John F. Kennedy, 1963 Sept. 20 [366] the House would of everyone that law and order in Birming- Sunday and previous incidents. ham will be maintained. il assistance to im- I urge everyone to cooperate with them in cal and child care In addition, I have today appointed Gen. this effort and that all citizens of Birming- ncidence of mental Kenneth Royall and Col. Earl Blaik as ham and Alabama will give these processes a committee to represent me personally in of law enforcement a full opportunity to prejudice, supersti- helping the city to work as a unit in over- work. I urge all citizens in these next days 1 since the dawn of coming the fears and suspicions which now to conduct themselves with restraint and ng about the men- exist. They will go to Birmingham in the responsibility. entered a new era next few days to start on this work of great NOTE: For the President's initial statement on the and enlightenment. importance. bombing, see Item 360. For his statement following of an exciting and In the meantime the Federal Bureau of a conference with Mayor Albert Boutwell and other is a tribute to the Investigation, as well as the local authorities, Birmingham civic leaders on September 23, see Item is making massive efforts to bring to justice 372. thousands of dedi- onal persons, and the persons responsible for the bombing on the lives of millions ized to a very large 366 Address Before the 18th General Assembly of ts of the delegates Conference. The the United Nations. September 20, 1963 ge from the attic of on the school play- Mr. President-as one who has taken some pressures on West Berlin appear to be tem- d adult will move interest in the election of Presidents, I want porarily eased. Political unity in the Congo institutional ward to congratulate you on your election to this has been largely restored. A neutral coali- high office-Mr. Secretary General, dele- kshop. tion in Laos, while still in difficulty, is at r evidence of Amer- gates to the United Nations, ladies and least in being. The integrity of the United gentlemen: Nations Secretariat has been reaffirmed. A and humanitarian We meet again in the quest for peace. United Nations Decade of Development is Twenty-four months ago, when I last had under way. And, for the first time in 17 )HN F. KENNEDY the honor of addressing this body, the years of effort, a specific step has been taken shadow of fear lay darkly across the world. to limit the nuclear arms race. becial Assistant to the The freedom of West Berlin was in imme- I refer, of course, to the treaty to ban tion, the White House lation] diate peril. Agreement on a neutral Laos nuclear tests in the atmosphere, outer space, seemed remote. The mandate of the United and under water-concluded by the Soviet ference on Mental Re- Nations in the Congo was under fire. The Union, the United Kingdom, and the United tember 19 and 20 at financial outlook for this organization was States-and already signed by nearly 100 a. upon signing the bills in doubt. Dag Hammarskjold was dead. countries. It has been hailed by people the I 447. The doctrine of troika was being pressed in world over who are thankful to be free from his place, and atmospheric nuclear tests had the fears of nuclear fallout, and I am con- been resumed by the Soviet Union. fident that on next Tuesday at 10:30 o'clock Those were anxious days for mankind- in the morning it will receive the overwhelm- and some men wondered aloud whether this ing endorsement of the Senate of the United organization could survive. But the 16th States. and 17th General Assemblies achieved not The world has not escaped from the dark- g the situation this only survival but progress. Rising to its ness. The long shadows of conflict and I will confer at the responsibility, the United Nations helped crisis envelop us still. But we meet today ell with white civic reduce the tensions and helped to hold back in an atmosphere of rising hope, and at a ve us information the darkness. moment of comparative calm. My presence h the city has taken Today the clouds have lifted a little so that here today is not a sign of crisis, but of olish the confidence new rays of hope can break through. The confidence. I am not here to report on a 64 48 693 [300] Sept. 20 rupiic rapers of the Presidents new threat to the peace or new signs of war. clashing commitments of ideology, and with I have come to salute the United Nations nuclear weapons still aimed at each other and to show the support of the American today, can find areas of common interest and people for your daily deliberations. agreement, then surely other nations can do For the value of this body's work is not the same-nations caught in regional con- dependent on the existence of emergencies- flicts, in racial issues, or in the death throes nor can the winning of peace consist only of of old colonialism. Chronic disputes which dramatic victories. Peace is a daily, a weekly, divert precious resources from the needs of a monthly process, gradually changing the people or drain the energies of both opinions, slowly eroding old barriers, quietly sides serve the interests of no one-and the building new structures. And however un- badge of responsibility in the modern world dramatic the pursuit of peace, that pursuit is a willingness to seek peaceful solutions. must go on. It is never too early to try; and it's never Today we may have reached a pause in the too late to talk; and it's high time that many cold war-but that is not a lasting peace. A disputes on the agenda of this Assembly test ban treaty is a milestone-but it is not were taken off the debating schedule and the millennium. We have not been released placed on the negotiating table. from our obligations-we have been given The fact remains that the United States, as an opportunity. And if we fail to make a major nuclear power, does have a special the most of this moment and this momen- responsibility in the world. It is, in fact, tum-if we convert our new-found hopes a threefold responsibility-a responsibility to and understandings into new walls and our own citizens; a responsibility to the weapons of hostility-if this pause in the cold people of the whole world who are affected war merely leads to its renewal and not to by our decisions; and to the next generation its end-then the indictment of posterity will of humanity. We believe the Soviet Union rightly point its finger at us all. But if we also has these special responsibilities-and can stretch this pause into a period of co- that those responsibilities require our two operation-if both sides can now gain new nations to concentrate less on our differences confidence and experience in concrete collab- and more on the means of resolving them orations for peace-if we can now be as bold peacefully. For too long both of us have and farsighted in the control of deadly increased our military budgets, our nuclear weapons as we have been in their creation- stockpiles, and our capacity to destroy all then surely this first small step can be the life on this hemisphere-human, animal, start of a long and fruitful journey. vegetable-without any corresponding in- The task of building the peace lies with crease in our security. the leaders of every nation, large and small. Our conflicts, to be sure, are real. Our For the great powers have no monopoly on concepts of the world are different. No serv- conflict or ambition. The cold war is not the ice is performed by failing to make clear our only expression of tension in this world- disagreements. A central difference is the and the nuclear race is not the only arms belief of the American people in self-determi- race. Even little wars are dangerous in a nation for all people. nuclear world. The long labor of peace is an We believe that the people of Germany undertaking for every nation-and in this and Berlin must be free to reunite their cap- effort none of us can remain unaligned. To ital and their country. this goal none can be uncommitted. We believe that the people of Cuba must The reduction of global tension must not be free to secure the fruits of the revolution be an excuse for the narrow pursuit of self- that have been betrayed from within and interest. If the Soviet Union and the United exploited from without. States, with all of their global interests and In short, we believe that all the world-in 694 John F. Kennedy, 1963 Sept. 20 [366] leology, and with Eastern Europe as well as Western, in South- of information and people from East to West ed at each other ern Africa as well as Northern, in old nations and West to East. mon interest and as well as new-that people must be free to We must continue to seek agreement, en- :r nations can do choose their own future, without discrimi- couraged by yesterday's affirmative response in regional con- nation or dictation, without coercion or to this proposal by the Soviet Foreign Min- the death throes subversion. ister, on an arrangement to keep weapons C disputes which These are the basic differences between of mass destruction out of outer space. Let om the needs of the Soviet Union and the United States, and us get our negotiators back to the negotiat- energies of both they cannot be concealed. So long as they ing table to work out a practicable arrange- no one-and the exist, they set limits to agreement, and they ment to this end. le modern world forbid the relaxation of our vigilance. Our In these and other ways, let us move up :eful solutions. defense around the world will be maintained the steep and difficult path toward compre- y; and it's never for the protection of freedom-and our de- hensive disarmament, securing mutual confi- I time that many termination to safeguard that freedom will dence through mutual verification, and this Assembly measure up to any threat or challenge. building the institutions of peace as we dis- ng schedule and But I would say to the leaders of the Soviet mantle the engines of war. We must not let able. Union, and to their people, that if either failure to agree on all points delay agree- United States, as of our countries is to be fully secure, we need ments where agreement is possible. And we es have a special a much better weapon than the H-bomb- must not put forward proposals for prop- It is, in fact, a weapon better than ballistic missiles or aganda purposes. responsibility to nuclear submarines-and that better Finally, in a field where the United States onsibility to the weapon is peaceful cooperation. and the Soviet Union have a special ca- who are affected We have, in recent years, agreed on a pacity-in the field of space-there is room next generation limited test ban treaty, on an emergency for new cooperation, for further joint efforts he Soviet Union communications link between our capitals, in the regulation and exploration of space. onsibilities-and on a statement of principles for disarmament, I include among these possibilities a joint require our two on an increase in cultural exchange, on co- expedition to the moon. Space offers no n our differences operation in outer space, on the peaceful problems of sovereignty; by resolution of this resolving them exploration of the Antarctic, and on temper- Assembly, the members of the United oth of us have ing last year's crisis over Cuba. Nations have foresworn any claim to terri- rets, our nuclear I believe, therefore, that the Soviet Union torial rights in outer space or on celestial y to destroy all and the United States, together with their bodies, and declared that international law human, animal, allies, can achieve further agreements- and the United Nations Charter will apply. rresponding in- agreements which spring from our mutual Why, therefore, should man's first flight to interest in avoiding mutual destruction. the moon be a matter of national competi- are real. Our There can be no doubt about the agenda tion? Why should the United States and the erent. No serv- of further steps. We must continue to seek Soviet Union, in preparing for such expedi- make clear our agreements on measures which prevent war tions, become involved in immense duplica- lifference is the by accident or miscalculation. We must tions of research, construction, and expendi- in self-determi- continue to seek agreement on safeguards ture? Surely we should explore whether against surprise attack, including observa- the scientists and astronauts of our two le of Germany tion posts at key points. We must continue countries-indeed of all the world-cannot unite their cap- to seek agreement on further measures to work together in the conquest of space, send- curb the nuclear arms race, by controlling ing some day in this decade to the moon of Cuba must the transfer of nuclear weapons, converting not the respresentatives of a single nation, : the revolution fissionable materials to peaceful purposes, but the representatives of all of our countries. m within and and banning underground testing, with ade- All these and other new steps toward quate inspection and enforcement. We must peaceful cooperation may be possible. Most the world-in continue to seek agreement on a freer flow of them will require on our part full con- 695 [366] Sept. 20 Public Papers of the Presidents sultation with our allies-for their interests sibility to the less developed nations. are as much involved as our own, and we The provision of development assistance will not make an agreement at their ex- by individual nations must go on. But the pense. Most of them will require long United Nations also must play a larger role and careful negotiation. And most of them in helping bring to all men the fruits of will require a new approach to the cold modern science and industry. A United war-a desire not to "bury" one's adversary, Nations conference on this subject held but to compete in a host of peaceful arenas, earlier this year at Geneva opened new in ideas, in production, and ultimately in vistas for the developing countries. Next service to all mankind. year a United Nations Conference on Trade The contest will continue-the contest be- will consider the needs of these nations for tween those who see a monolithic world new markets. And more than four-fifths and those who believe in diversity-but it of the entire United Nations system can be should be a contest in leadership and respon- found today mobilizing the weapons of sibility instead of destruction, a contest in science and technology for the United achievement instead of intimidation. Nations' Decade of Development. Speaking for the United States of America, But more can be done. I welcome such a contest. For we believe -A world center for health communica- that truth is stronger than error-and that tions under the World Health Organization freedom is more enduring than coercion. could warn of epidemics and the adverse And in the contest for a better life, all the effects of certain drugs as well as transmit world can be a winner. the results of new experiments and new The effort to improve the conditions of discoveries. man, however, is not a task for the few. It -Regional research centers could advance is the task of all nations-acting alone, acting our common medical knowledge and train in groups, acting in the United Nations, for new scientists and doctors for new nations. plague and pestilence, and plunder and pol- -A global system of satellites could pro- lution, the hazards of nature, and the hunger vide communication and weather informa- of children are the foes of every nation. tion for all corners of the earth. The earth, the sea, and the air are the con- -A worldwide program of conservation cern of every nation. And science, technol- could protect the forest and wild game pre- ogy, and education can be the ally of every serves now in danger of extinction for all nation. time, improve the marine harvest of food Never before has man had such capacity from our oceans, and prevent the contami- to control his own environment, to end thirst nation of air and water by industrial as well and hunger, to conquer poverty and disease, as nuclear pollution. to banish illiteracy and massive human -And, finally, a worldwide program of misery. We have the power to make this farm productivity and food distribution, the best generation of mankind in the his- similar to our country's "Food for Peace" tory of the world-or to make it the last. program, could now give every child the The United States since the close of the food he needs. war has sent over $100 billion worth of as- But man does not live by bread alone- sistance to nations seeking economic viabil- and the members of this organization are ity. And 2 years ago this week we formed a committed by the Charter to promote and Peace Corps to help interested nations meet respect human rights. Those rights are not the demand for trained manpower. Other respected when a Buddhist priest is driven industrialized nations whose economies were from his pagoda, when a synagogue is shut rebuilt not so long ago with some help from down, when a Protestant church cannot open us are now in turn recognizing their respon- a mission, when a Cardinal is forced into 696 John F. Kennedy, 1963 Sept. 20 [366] nations. hiding, or when a crowded church service The United States delegation will be pre- nent assistance is bombed. The United States of America pared to suggest to the United Nations ini- on. But the is opposed to discrimination and persecution tiatives in the pursuit of all the goals. For y a larger role on grounds of race and religion anywhere in this is an organization for peace-and peace 1 the fruits of the world, including our own Nation. We cannot come without work and without y. A United are working to right the wrongs of our own progress. subject held country. The peacekeeping record of the United opened new Through legislation and administrative Nations has been a proud one, though its untries. Next action, through moral and legal commit- tasks are always formidable. We are for- ence on Trade ment, this Government has launched a tunate to have the skills of our distinguished ese nations for determined effort to rid our Nation of dis- Secretary General and the brave efforts of an four-fifths crimination which has existed far too long- those who have been serving the cause of system can be in education, in housing, in transportation, peace in the Congo, in the Middle East, in weapons of in employment, in the civil service, in recrea- Korea and Kashmir, in West New Guinea the United tion, and in places of public accommodation. and Malaysia. But what the United Na- ent. And therefore, in this or any other forum, tions has done in the past is less important we do not hesitate to condemn racial or than the tasks for the future. We cannot h communica- religious injustice, whether committed or take its peacekeeping machinery for granted. Organization permitted by friend or foe. That machinery must be soundly financed— d the adverse I know that some of you have experienced which it cannot be if some members are ell as transmit discrimination in this country. But I ask allowed to prevent it from meeting its obli- ents and new you to believe me when I tell you that this is gations by failing to meet their own. The not the wish of most Americans-that we United Nations must be supported by all could advance share your regret and resentment-and that those who exercise their franchise here. And :dge and train we intend to end such practices for all time its operations must be backed to the end. r new nations. to come, not only for our visitors, but for our Too often a project is undertaken in the ites could pro- own citizens as well. excitement of a crisis and then it begins to ther informa- I hope that not only our Nation but all lose its appeal as the problems drag on and h. other multiracial societies will meet these the bills pile up. But we must have the f conservation standards of fairness and justice. We are steadfastness to see every enterprise through. vild game pre- opposed to apartheid and all forms of human It is, for example, most important not to inction for all oppression. We do not advocate the rights jeopardize the extraordinary United Nations arvest of food of black Africans in order to drive out white gains in the Congo. The nation which : the contami- Africans. Our concern is the right of all sought this organization's help only 3 years ustrial as well men to equal protection under the law-and ago has now asked the United Nations' since human rights are indivisible, this body presence to remain a little longer. I believe e program of cannot stand aside when those rights are this Assembly should do what is necessary to distribution, abused and neglected by any member state. preserve the gains already made and to d for Peace" New efforts are needed if this Assembly's protect the new nation in its struggle for ery child the Declaration of Human Rights, now I5 years progress. Let us complete what we have old, is to have full meaning. And new started. For "No man who puts his hand read alone- means should be found for promoting the to the plow and looks back," as the Scrip- anization are free expression and trade of ideas-through tures tell us, "No man who puts his hand promote and travel and communication, and through in- to the plow and looks back is fit for the rights are not creased exchanges of people, and books, and Kingdom of God." iest is driven broadcasts. For as the world renounces the I also hope that the recent initiative of gogue is shut competition of weapons, competition in ideas several members in preparing standby peace 1 cannot open must flourish-and that competition must forces for United Nations call will encourage S forced into be as full and as fair as possible. similar commitments by others. This Na- 697 [366] Sept. 20 Public Papers of the Presidents tion remains ready to provide logistic and the support and the wholehearted commit- other material support. ment of all people. So let us not rest all our Policing, moreover, is not enough without hopes on parchment and on paper; let us provision for pacific settlement. We should strive to build peace, a desire for peace, a increase the resort to special missions of fact- willingness to work for peace, in the hearts finding and conciliation, make greater use of and minds of all of our people. I believe that the International Court of Justice, and ac- we can. I believe the problems of human celerate the work of the International Law destiny are not beyond the reach of human Commission. beings. The United Nations cannot survive as a Two years ago I told this body that the static organization. Its obligations are in- United States had proposed, and was willing creasing as well as its size. Its Charter must to sign, a limited test ban treaty. Today that be changed as well as its customs. The treaty has been signed. It will not put an authors of that Charter did not intend that end to war. It will not remove basic con- it be frozen in perpetuity. The science of flicts. It will not secure freedom for all. weapons and war has made us all, far more But it can be a lever, and Archimedes, in than 18 years ago in San Francisco, one explaining the principles of the lever, was world and one human race, with one com- said to have declared to his friends: "Give mon destiny. In such a world, absolute me a place where I can stand-and I shall sovereignty no longer assures us of absolute move the world." security. The conventions of peace must My fellow inhabitants of this planet: Let pull abreast and then ahead of the inventions us take our stand here in this Assembly of of war. The United Nations, building on its nations. And let us see if we, in our own successes and learning from its failures, must time, can move the world to a just and last- be developed into a genuine world security ing peace. system. But peace does not rest in charters and NOTE: The President spoke at II a.m. In his opening words he referred to Dr. Carlos Sosa Rodriguez covenants alone. It lies in the hearts and of Venezuela, newly elected President of the Gen- minds of all people. And if it is cast out eral Assembly, and to U Thant, Secretary General of there, then no act, no pact, no treaty, no the United Nations. organization can hope to preserve it without hand 1944 21, 367 Remarks in New York City to Staff Members of the May U.S. Delegation to the United Nations. September 20, 1963 NO ONE should have to listen to two not taking down a wall until you know why speeches, or even give them in the same it is put up, if there wasn't a United Nations morning, so I will be very brief. we would certainly have to invent one. Even Mr. Bunche, Governor Stevenson: I want in the comparatively brief time that I have to express a very warm sense of appreciation been President of the United States, on four which all of us feel to you for the work that or five occasions I really think the United you are doing. You wear two hats with Nations has come between, if not war, the distinction, being citizens of the United direct confrontation of major powers. States and also members of an International The United Nations has served as the Secretariat. The United Nations has been buffer, but more than the buffer, as a means criticized, has been under attack, for a good by which great and small powers can adjust many years, but as Mr. Frost has said about their differences in a peaceful way. I hope 698 Sept. 26 / Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1983 Address Before the 38th Session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York, New York September 26, 1983 there are lots of guotes on this if you wanted to elaborate Mr. Secretary-General, Mr. President, dis- Hopes became political rhetoric. Progress tinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen became a search for power and domination of the world: Somewhere the truth was lost that people Thank you for granting me the honor of don't make wars, governments do. speaking today, on this first day of general And today in Asia, Africa, Latin America, debate in the 38th Session of the General the Middle East, and the North Pacific, the Assembly. Once again I come before this weapons of war shatter the security of the body preoccupied with peace. Last year I peoples who live there, endanger the peace stood in this chamber to address the Special of neighbors, and create ever more arenas Session on Disarmament. Well, I've come of confrontation between the great powers. today to renew my nation's commitment to During the past year alone, violent conflicts peace. And I have come to discuss how we have occurred in the hills around Beirut, can keep faith with the dreams that created the deserts of Chad and the western Sahara, this organization. in the mountains of El Salvador, the streets The United Nations was founded in the of Suriname, the cities and countryside of aftermath of World War II to protect future Afghanistan, the borders of Kampuchea, generations from the scourge of war, to pro- and the battlefields of Iran and Iraq. mote political self-determination and global We cannot count on the instinct for sur- prosperity, and to strengthen the bonds of vival to protect us against war. Despite all civility among nations. The founders sought the wasted lives and hopes that war pro- to replace a world at war with a world of duces, it has remained a regular, if horribly civilized order. They hoped that a world of costly, means by which nations have sought relentless conflict would give way to a new to settle their disputes or advance their era, one where freedom from violence pre- goals. And the progress in weapons technol- vailed. ogy has far outstripped the progress toward Whatever challenges the world was peace. In modern times, a new, more terri- bound to face, the founders intended this fying element has entered into the calcula- body to stand for certain values, even if tions-nuclear weapons. A nuclear war they could not be enforced, and to con- cannot be won, and it must never be demn violence, even if it could not be fought. I believe that if governments are stopped. This body was to speak with the determined to deter and prevent war, there voice of moral authority. That was to be its will not be war. greatest power. Nothing is more in keeping with the But the awful truth is that the use of spirit of the United Nations Charter than violence for political gain has become more, arms control. When I spoke before the not less, widespread in the last decade. Second Special Session on Disarmament, I Events of recent weeks have presented affirmed the United States Government's new, unwelcome evidence of brutal disre- commitment, and my personal commit- gard for life and truth. They have offered ment, to reduce nuclear arms and to negoti- unwanted testimony on how divided and ate in good faith toward that end. Today, I dangerous our world is, how quick the re- reaffirm those commitments. course to violence. What has happened to The United States has already reduced the dreams of the U.N.'s founders? What the number of its nuclear weapons world- has happened to the spirit which created wide, and, while replacement of older the United Nations? weapons is unavoidable, we wish to negoti- The answer is clear: Governments got in ate arms reductions and to achieve signifi- the way of the dreams of the people. cant, equitable, verifiable arms control Dreams became issues of East versus West. agreements. And let me add, we must 1350 Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1983 / Sept. 26 ; General ensure that world security is not under- 572. We recommended the lowest possible mined by the further spread of nuclear level. Once again, the Soviets refused an weapons. Nuclear nonproliferation must not equitable solution and proposed instead be the forgotten element of the world's what might be called a "half zero option"- arms control agenda. zero for us and many hundreds of warheads At the time of my last visit here, I ex- for them. And that's where things stand rhetoric. Progress er and domination. pressed hope that a whole class of weapons today, but I still haven't given up hope that systems, the longer range INF-intermedi- the Soviet Union will enter into serious ne- as lost that people ate nuclear forces--could be banned from gotiations. nénts do. the face of the Earth. I believe that to re- We are determined to spare no effort to ca, Latin America, lieve the deep concern of peoples in both achieve a sound, equitable, and verifiable North Pacific, the Europe and Asia, the time was ripe, for the he security of the agreement. And for this reason, I have first time in history, to resolve a security ndanger the peace given new instructions to Ambassador Nitze threat exclusively through arms control. I in Geneva, telling him to put forward a ever more arenas still believe the elimination of these weap- package of steps designed to advance the the great powers. ons-the zero option-is the best, fairest, e, violent conflicts negotiations as rapidly as possible. These most practical solution to the problem. Un- initiatives build on the interim framework lls around Beirut, fortunately, the Soviet Union declined to the United States advanced last March and e western Sahara, accept the total elimination of this class of address concerns that the Soviets have alvador, the streets weapons. and countryside of raised at the bargaining table in the past. When I was here last, I hoped that the S of Kampuchea, Specifically, first, the United States pro- critical strategic arms reduction talks would a and Iraq. poses a new initiative on global limits. If the focus, and urgently so, on those systems that e instinct for sur- Soviet Union agrees to reductions and limits carry the greatest risk of nuclear war-the st war. Despite all on a global basis, the United States for its fast-flying, accurate, intercontinental ballis- pes that war pro- part will not offset the entire Soviet global tic missiles which pose a first-strike poten- regular, if horribly missile deployment through U.S. deploy- tial. I also hoped the negotiations could ations have sought ments in Europe. We would, of course, reduce by one-half the number of strategic or advance their retain the right to deploy missiles else- missiles on each side and reduce their war- weapons technol- where. heads by one-third. Again, I was disappoint- ie progress toward ed when the Soviets declined to consider Second, the United States is prepared to 1 new, more terri- be more flexible on the content of the cur- such deep cuts, and refused as well to con- d into the calcula- rent talks. The United States will consider centrate on these most dangerous, destabi- A nuclear war mutually acceptable ways to address the lizing weapons. must never be Well, despite the rebuffs, the United Soviet desire that an agreement should governments are States has not abandoned and will not aban- limit aircraft as well as missiles. revent war, there don the search for meaningful arms control Third, the United States will address the agreements. Last June I proposed a new mix of missiles that would result from re- keeping with the approach toward the START negotiations. ductions. In the context of reductions to ons Charter than We did not alter our objective of substantial equal levels, we are prepared to reduce the poke before the reductions, but we recognized that there number of Pershing II ballistic missiles as 1 Disarmament, I are a variety of ways to achieve this end. well as ground-launched cruise missiles. es Government's During the last round of Geneva talks, we I have decided to put forward these im- ersonal commit- presented a draft treaty which responded to portant initiatives after full and extensive ms and to negoti- a number of concerns raised by the Soviet consultations with our allies, including per- hat end. Today, I Union. We will continue to build upon this sonal correspondence I've had with the :s. initiative. leaders of the NATO governments and already reduced Similarly, in our negotiations on interme- Japan and frequent meetings of the NATO weapons world- diate-range nuclear forces, when the Soviet Special Consultative Group. I have also ement of older leaders adamantly refused to consider the stayed in close touch with other concerned e wish to negoti- total elimination of these weapons, the friends and allies, The door to an agree- achieve signifi- United States made a new offer. We pro- ment is open. It is time for the Soviet Union 3 arms control posed, as an interim solution, some equal to walk through it. add, we must number on both sides between zero and I want to make an unequivocal pledge to 1351 Sept. 26 / Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1983 those gathered today in this world arena. basic pillar on which the U.N. was founded. The United States seeks and will accept any We seek a return to this spirit. A fundamen- equitable, verifiable agreement that stabi- tal step would be a true nonalignment of lizes forces at lower levels than currently the United Nations. This would signal a exist. We're ready to be flexible in our ap- return to the true values of the charter, proach, indeed, willing to compromise. We including the principle of universality. The cannot, however, especially in light of members of the United Nations must be recent events, compromise on the necessity aligned on the side of justice rather than of effective verification. injustice, peace rather than aggression, Reactions to the Korean airliner tragedy human dignity rather than subjugation. Any are a timely reminder of just how different other alignment is beneath the purpose of the Soviets' concept of truth and interna- this great body and destructive of the har- tional cooperation is from that of the rest of mony that it seeks. What harms the charter the world. Evidence abounds that we harms peace. cannot simply assume that agreements ne- The founders of the U.N. expected that gotiated with the Soviet Union will be ful- member nations would behave and vote as filled. We negotiated the Helsinki Final Act, individuals, after they had weighed the but the promised freedoms have not been merits of an issue-rather like a great, provided, and those in the Soviet Union who sought to monitor their fulfillment lan- global town meeting. The emergence of guish in prison. We negotiated a biological blocs and the polarization of the U.N. un- weapons convention, but deadly yellow rain dermine all that this organization initially valued. and other toxic agents fall on Hmong vil- lages and Afghan encampments. We have We must remember that the nonaligned negotiated arms agreements, but the high movement was founded to counter the de- level of Soviet encoding hides the informa- velopment of blocs and to promote détente tion needed for their verification. A newly between them. Its founders spoke of the discovered radar facility and a new ICBM right of smaller countries not to become raise serious concerns about Soviet compli- involved in others' disagreements. Since ance with agreements already negotiated. then, membership in the nonaligned move- Peace cannot be served by pseudo arms ment has grown dramatically, but not all control. We need reliable, reciprocal reduc- the new members have shared the found- tions. I call upon the Soviet Union today to ers' commitment of genuine nonalignment. reduce the tensions it has heaped on the Indeed, client governments of the Soviet world in the past few weeks and to show a Union, who have long since lost their inde- firm commitment to peace by coming to pendence, have flocked into the nonaligned the bargaining table with a new under- movement, and, once inside, have worked standing of its obligations. I urge it to match against its true purpose. Pseudo nonalign- our flexibility. If the Soviets sit down at the ment is no better than pseudo arms control. bargaining table seeking genuine arms re- The United States rejects as false and mis- ductions, there will be arms reductions. The leading the view of the world as divided governments of the West and their people between the empires of the East and West. will not be diverted by misinformation and We reject it on factual grounds. The United threats. The time has come for the Soviet States does not head any bloc of subservient Union to show proof that it wants arms con- nations, nor do we desire to. What is called trol in reality, not just in rhetoric. the West is a free alliance of governments, Meaningful arms control agreements be- most of whom are democratic and all of tween the United States and the Soviet whom greatly value their independence. Union would make our world less danger- What is called the East is an empire direct- ous; so would a number of confidence-build- ed from the center which is Moscow. ing steps we've already proposed to the The United States, today as in the past, is Soviet Union. a champion of freedom and self-determina- Arms control requires a spirit beyond tion for all people. We welcome diversity; narrow national interests. This spirit is a we support the right of all nations to define 1352 Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1983 / Sept. 26 e U.N. was founded. and pursue their national goals. We respect in their region. In Africa, organizations such their decisions and their sovereignty, asking as the Economic Community of West Afri- spirit. A fundamen- le nonalignment of only that they respect the decisions and can States are being forged to provide prac- sovereignty of others. Just look at the world tical structures in the struggle to realize Af- his would signal a over the last 30 years and then decide for rica's potential. les of the charter, yourself whether the United States or the From the beginning, our hope for the of universality. The Soviet Union has pursued an expansionist United Nations has been that it would re- I Nations must be policy. flect the international community at its justice rather than Today, the United States contributes to 'than aggression, best. The U.N. at its best can help us tran- peace by supporting collective efforts by scend fear and violence and can act as an in subjugation. Any the international community. We give our ith the purpose of enormous force for peace and prosperity. unwavering support to the peacekeeping ructive of the har- Working together, we can combat interna- efforts of this body, as well as other multi- harms the charter tional lawlessness and promote human dig- lateral peacekeeping efforts around the nity. If the governments represented in this world. The U.N. has a proud history of pro- chamber want peace as genuinely as their J.N. expected that moting conciliation and helping keep the ehave and vote as peoples do, we shall find it. We can do so peace. Today, U.N. peacekeeping forces or by reasserting the moral authority of the had weighed the observers are present in Cyprus and Kash- United Nations. er like a great, mir, on the Golan Heights and in Lebanon. he emergence of In recent weeks, the moral outrage of the In addition to our encouragement of world seems to have reawakened. Out of n of the U.N. un- international diplomacy, the United States ganization initially the billions of people who inhabit this recognizes its responsibilities to use its own influence for peace. From the days when planet, why, some might ask, should the death of several hundred shake the world at the nonaligned Theodore Roosevelt mediated the Russo- 0 counter the de- Japanese War in 1905, we have a long and so profoundly? Why should the death of a promote détente honorable tradition of mediating or damp- mother flying toward a reunion with her ers spoke of the ing conflicts and promoting peaceful solu- family or the death of a scholar heading S not to become tions. In Lebanon, we, along with France, toward new pursuits of knowledge matter greements. Since Italy, and the United Kingdom, have so deeply? Why are nations who lost no worked for a cease-fire, for the withdrawal citizens in the tragedy so angry? nonaligned move- cally, but not all of all external forces, and for restoration of The reason rests on our assumptions hared the found- Lebanon's sovereignty and territorial integ- about civilized life and the search for peace. ne nonalignment. rity. In Chad we have joined others in sup- The confidence that allows a mother or a its of the Soviet porting the recognized government in the scholar to travel to Asia or Africa or Europe e lost their inde- face of external aggression. In Central or anywhere else on this planet may be o the nonaligned America, as in southern Africa, we are seek- only a small victory in humanity's struggle de, have worked ing to discourage reliance upon force and to for peace. Yet what is peace if not the sum Pseudo nonalign- construct a framework for peaceful negotia- of such small victories? ido arms control. tions. We support a policy to disengage the Each stride for peace and every small vic- as false and mis- major powers from Third World conflict. tory are important for the journey toward a vorld as divided The U.N. Charter gives an important role larger and lasting peace. We have made East and West. to regional organizations in the search for progress. We've avoided another world war. nds. The United peace. The U.S. efforts in the cause of peace We've seen an end to the traditional coloni- )C of subservient are only one expression of a spirit that also al era and the birth of a hundred newly ). What is called animates others in the world community. sovereign nations. Even though develop- of governments, The Organization of American States was a ment remains a formidable challenge, atic and all of pioneer in regional security efforts. In Cen- we've witnessed remarkable economic independence. tral America, the members of the Conta- growth among the industrialized and the empire direct- dora group are striving to lay a foundation developing nations. The United Nations and Moscow. for peaceful resolution of that region's prob- its affiliates have made important contribu- IS in the past, is lems. In East Asia, the Asian countries have tions to the quality of life on this planet, self-determina- built a framework for peaceful political and such as directly saving countless lives come diversity; economic cooperation that has greatly through its refugee and emergency relief tions to define strengthened the prospects for lasting peace programs. These broad achievements, how- 1353 Sept. 26 / Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1983 ever, have been overshadowed by the prob- Distinguished ladies and gentlemen, as lems that weigh so heavily upon us. The we persevere in the search for a more problems are old, but it is not too late to secure world, we must do everything we commit ourselves to a new beginning, a be- can to let diplomacy triumph. Diplomacy, ginning fresh with the ideals of the U.N. the most honorable of professions, can bring Charter. the most blessed of gifts, the gift of peace. Today, at the beginning of this 38th Ses- If we succeed, the world will find an excite- sion, I solemnly pledge my nation to up- ment and accomplishment in peace beyond holding the original ideals of the United Na- that which could ever be imagined through tions. Our goals are those that guide this violence and war. very body. Our ends are the same as those I want to leave you today with a message of the U.N.'s founders, who sought to re- I have often spoken about to the citizens of place a world at war with one where the my own country, especially in times when I rule of law would prevail, where human felt they were discouraged and unsure. I say rights were honored, where development it to you with as much hope and heart as would blossom, where conflict would give I've said it to my own people. You have the way to freedom from violence. right to dream great dreams. You have the right to seek a better world for your people. In 1956 President Dwight Eisenhower And all of us have the responsibility to work made an observation on weaponry and de- for that better world. And as caring, peace- terrence in a letter to a publisher. He ful peoples, think what a powerful force for wrote: "When we get to the point, as we good we could be. Distinguished delegates, one day will, that both sides know that in let us regain the dream the United Nations any outbreak of general hostilities, regard- once dreamed. less of the element of surprise, destruction Thank you. will be both reciprocal and complete, possi- bly we will have sense enough to meet at Note: The President spoke at 10:34 a.m. in the conference table with the understand- the General Assembly Hall at the United ing that the era of armaments has ended Nations Headquarters Building. Upon arriv- and the human race must conform its ac- al at the United Nations, the President met tions to this truth or die." He went on to with Secretary-General Javier Perez de say, we have already come to a point Cuellar de la Guerra and then with Jorge where safety cannot be assumed by arms Illueca, President of the 38th Session of the alone their usefulness becomes concen- General Assembly, who introduced the trated more and more in their characteris- President to the session. tics as deterrents than in instruments with Following his address, the President re- which to obtain victory turned to the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel. Remarks at a Reception Sponsored by the Women's Sports Foundation in New York, New York September 26, 1983 The President. I'm delighted to have this a radio sports announcer, and thought that opportunity to be here with you today. I my life was going to go on connected with have just come from addressing the United sports. Now here I am, and maybe I'm Nations, and I have to tell you, with all due going to get back to it. respect to them, I feel more at home here, Ms. de Varona. We hope so. We welcome because-|laughter} you. In addition to athletics in school, and The President. Well, I'd be pleased to do when I was in school I started my career as it. 1354 Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1984 / Sept. 24 commitment to these week, starting already Address to the 39th Session of the United Nations General Assembly Is of state and govern. in New York, New York ny speaking tomorrow d International Money September 24, 1984 Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, dis- "All human societies were poor. Disease Washington. a number of other tinguished heads of state, Ministers, Repre- and early death dominated most people's natic activity comple- sentatives, and guests: First of all, I wish to lives. People were ignorant, and largely at plomatic efforts. The congratulatesident ofthe Lusaka on his elec- the mercy of the forces of nature." ontinue, through our tion as General Assembly. I "Now," he said, "we are somewhere near wish you every success, Mr. President, in the middle of a process of economic devel- ssador, Jeane Kirkpat. be firm in advancing carrying out the responsibilities of this high opment At the end of that process, ful in the advocacy of international office. almost no one will live in a country as poor It's an honor to be here, and I thank you as the richest country of the past. There of life. We will at the for your gracious invitation. I would speak will be many more people living long, ir in approaching the 'e expect nothing less in support of the two great goals that led to healthy lives, with immense knowledge and pect nothing less of us. the formation of this organization-the more to learn than anybody has time for." cause of peace and the cause of human dig- They will be "able to cope with the forces will continue to work of nature and almost indifferent to dis- to promote peace and nity. The responsibility of this assembly-the tance." reconciliation among osperity, human rights, peaceful resolution of disputes between Well, we do live today, as the scholar sug- peoples and nations-can be discharged gested, in the middle of one of the most Our own commitment successfully only if we recognize the great important and dramatic periods in human arter remain steadfast. common ground upon which we all stand: history-one in which all of us can serve as ntages of having the our fellowship as members of the human catalysts for an era of world peace and un- r country is an advan- race, our oneness as inhabitants of this imagined human freedom and dignity. gives you a chance to he American people. planet, our place as representatives of bil- And today I would like to report to you, lions of our countrymen whose fondest as distinguished and influential members of n to your countries, I them our best wishes. hope remains the end to war and to the the world community, on what the United repression of the human spirit. These are States has been attempting to do to help ess in your upcoming the important central realities that bind us, move the world closer to this era. On many again, your joining us that permit us to dream of a future without fronts enormous progress has been made, st thank you, and God the antagonisms of the past. And just as and I think our efforts are complemented shadows can be seen only where there is by the trend of history. light, so, too, can we overcome what is If we look closely enough, I believe we spoke at 7:09 p.m. at wrong only if we remember how much is can see all the world moving toward a Hotel. The reception right. And we will resolve what divides us deeper appreciation of the value of human nited States for heads only if we remember how much more freedom in both its political and economic sters, and heads of del- unites us. manifestations. This is partially motivated d Nations session. Fol- This chamber has heard enough about by a worldwide desire for economic growth the President returned the problems and dangers ahead. Today, let and higher standards of living. And there's el. us dare to speak of a future that is bright an increasing realization that economic and hopeful and can be ours only if we seek freedom is a prelude to economic progress it. I believe that future is far nearer than and growth and is intricately and insepara- most of us would dare to hope. bly linked to political freedom. At the start of this decade, one scholar at Everywhere, people and governments are the Hudson Institute noted that mankind beginning to recognize that the secret of a also had undergone enormous changes for progressive new world is to take advantage the better in the past two centuries— of the creativity of the human spirit, to en- changes which aren't always readily noticed courage innovation and individual enter- or written about. prise, to reward hard work, and to reduce "Up until 200 years ago, there were rela- barriers to the free flow of trade and infor- tively few people in the world," he wrote. mation. 1355 Sept. 24 / Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1984 Our opposition to economic restrictions one's freedom as a bargaining chip in world and trade barriers is consistent with our politics. Our hope is for a time when all the view of economic freedom and human people of the world can enjoy the blessings progress. We believe such barriers pose a of personal liberty. But I would like also to particularly dangerous threat to the devel- emphasize that our concern for protecting oping nations and their chance to share in human rights is part of our concern for pro- world prosperity through expanded export tecting the peace. markets. Tomorrow at the International The answer is for all nations to fulfill the Monetary Fund, I will address this question obligations they freely assumed under the more fully, including America's desire for Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It more open trading markets throughout the states: "The will of the people shall be the world. basis of the authority of government; this This desire to cut down trade barriers will shall be expressed in periodic and gen- and our open advocacy of freedom as the uine elections." The Declaration also in- engine of human progress are two of the cludes these rights: "to form and to join most important ways the United States and trade unions," "to own property alone as the American people hope to assist in bring- well as in association with others," "to leave ing about a world where prosperity is com- any country including his own and return monplace, conflict an aberration, and to his country," and to enjoy "freedom of human dignity and freedom a way of life. opinion and expression." Perhaps the most Let me place these steps more in context by briefly outlining the major goals of graphic example of the relationship be- American foreign policy and then exploring tween human rights and peace is the right with you the practical ways we're attempt- of peace groups to exist and to promote ing to further freedom and prevent war. By their views. In fact, the treatment of peace that I mean, first, how we have moved to groups may be a litmus test of govern- strengthen ties with old allies and new ment's true desire for peace. friends; second, what we're doing to help In addition to emphasizing this tie be- avoid the regional conflicts that could con- tween the advocacy of human rights and tain the seeds of world conflagration; and the prevention of war, the United States has third, the status of our efforts with the taken important steps, as I mentioned earli- Soviet Union to reduce the level of arms. er, to prevent world conflict. The starting Let me begin with a word about the ob- point and cornerstone of our foreign policy jectives of American foreign policy, which is our alliance and partnership with our have been consistent since the postwar era, fellow democracies. For 35 years, the North and which fueled the formation of the Atlantic alliance has guaranteed the peace United Nations and were incorporated into in Europe. In both Europe and Asia, our the U.N. Charter itself. alliances have been the vehicle for a great The U.N. Charter states two overriding reconciliation among nations that had goals: "to save succeeding generations from fought bitter wars in decades and centuries the scourge of war, which twice in our life- past. And here in the Western Hemisphere, time has brought untold sorrow to man- north and south are being lifted on the tide kind," and "to reaffirm faith in fundamental of freedom and are joined in a common human rights, in the dignity and worth of effort to foster peaceful economic develop- the human person, in the equal rights of ment. men and women and of nations large and We're proud of our association with all small." those countries that share our commitment The founders of the United Nations un- to freedom, human rights, the rule of law, derstood full well the relationship between and international peace. Indeed, the bul- these two goals. And I want you to know wark of security that the democratic alli- that the Government of the United States ance provides is essential and remains es- will continue to view this concern for sential to the maintenance of world peace. human rights as the moral center of our Every alliance involves burdens and obliga- foreign policy. We can never look at any- tions, but these are far less than the risks 1356 Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1984 / Sept. 24 ng chip in sacrifices that will result if the peace- But any economic progress as well as any ime the the blessing and loving nations were divided and neglectful movement in the direction of greater un- of their common security. derstanding between the nations of the The people of the United States will world are, of course, endangered by the concern for for pro remain faithful to their commitments. alli- But prospect of conflict at both the global and United States is also faithful to its regional level. In a few minutes, I will turn ances the and friendships with scores of nations to the menace of conflict on a worldwide ons to fulfill the the developed and developing worlds scale and discuss the status of negotiations and traditions. The development of ties be- with differing political systems, cultures, between the United States and the Soviet med under the uman Rights. It Union. But permit me first to address the ple shall be the the United States and China, a signif- critical problem of regional conflicts, for overnment; this shows jeant tween global our willingness event of the to improve last dozen relations years, history displays tragic evidence that it is riodic and gen. these conflicts which can set off the sparks tration also in- with countries ideologically very different leading to worldwide conflagration. m and to join from ours. In a glass display case across the hall from perty alone We're ready to be the friend of any coun- the Oval Office at the White House there is hers," "to leave try that is a friend to us and a friend of a gold medal, the Nobel Peace Prize won wn and return peace. And we respect genuine nonalign- by Theodore Roosevelt for his contribution oy "freedom of ment. Our own nation was born in revolu- in mediating the Russo-Japanese War in rhaps the most tion. We helped promote the process of de- 1905. It was the first such prize won by an elationship be- colonization that brought about the inde- American, and it's part of a tradition of ace is the right pendence of so many members of this body. which the American people are very nd to promote And we're proud of that history. proud-a tradition that is being continued tment of peace We're proud, too, of our role in the for- today in many regions of the globe. est of govern- mation of the United Nations and our sup- We're engaged, for example, in diploma- port of this body over the years. And let me cy to resolve conflicts in southern Africa, ng this tie be- again emphasize our unwavering commit- working with the frontline states and our ment to a central principle of the United nan rights and partners in the contact group. Mozambique Nations system-the principle of universali- nited States has and South Africa have reached an historic ty, both here and in the United Nations nentioned earli- accord on nonaggression and cooperation. technical agencies around the world. If uni- et. The starting South Africa and Angola have agreed on a versality is ignored, if nations are expelled foreign policy illegally, then the U.N. itself cannot be ex- disengagement of forces from Angola, and rship with our the groundwork has been laid for the inde- pected to succeed. ears, the North The United States welcomes diversity and pendence of Namibia, with virtually all as- eed the peace peaceful competition. We do not fear the pects of Security Council Resolution 435 and Asia, our trends of history. We are not ideologically agreed upon. icle for a great rigid. We do have principles, and we will Let me add that the United States consid- ons that had stand by them, but we will also seek the ers it a moral imperative that South Africa's and centuries friendship and good will of all, both old racial policies evolve peacefully but deci- n Hemisphere, friends and new. sively toward a system compatible with ted on the tide We've always sought to lend a hand to basic norms of justice, liberty, and human in a common help others-from our relief efforts in dignity. I'm pleased that American compa- omic develop- Europe after World War I to the Marshall nies in South Africa, by providing equal em- plan and massive foreign assistance pro- ployment opportunities, are contributing to ation with all grams after World War II. Since 1946 the the economic advancement of the black commitment United States has provided over $115 bil- population. But clearly, much more must be e rule of law, lion in economic aid to developing coun- done. leed, the bul- tries, and today provides about one-third of In Central America, the United States has emocratic alli- the nearly $90 billion in financial resources, lent support to a diplomatic process to re- d remains es- public and private, that flows to the devel- store regional peace and security. We have world peace. oping world. And the U.S. imports about committed substantial resources to promote ns and obliga- one-third of the manufactured exports of economic development and social progress. than the risks the developing world. The growing success of democracy in El 1357 Sept. 24 / Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1984 Salvador is the best proof that the key to tions that call for an end to the war be. peace lies in a political solution. Free elec- tween Iran and Iraq that has meant so tions brought into office a government much death and destruction and put the dedicated to democracy, reform, economic world's economic well-being at risk. Our progress, and regional peace. Regrettably, there are forces in the region eager to hope is that hostilities will soon end, leaving each side with its political and territorial thwart democratic change, but these forces integrity intact, so that both may devote are now on the defensive. The tide is turn- their energies to addressing the needs of ing in the direction of freedom. We call upon Nicaragua, in particular, to abandon their people and a return to relationships with other states. its policies of subversion and militarism and to carry out the promises it made to the The lesson of experience is that negotia- Organization of American States to establish tions work. The peace treaty between Israel democracy at home. and Egypt brought about the peaceful The Middle East has known more than its return of the Sinai, clearly showing that the share of tragedy and conflict for decades, negotiating process brings results when the and the United States has been actively in- parties commit themselves to it. The time is volved in peace diplomacy for just as long. bound to come when the same wisdom and We consider ourselves a full partner in the courage will be applied with success to quest for peace. The record of the 11 years reach peace between Israel and all of its since the October war shows that much can Arab neighbors in a manner that assures be achieved through negotiations; it also security for all in the region, the recogni- tion of Israel, and a solution to the Palestini- shows that the road is long and hard. an problem. Two years ago, I proposed a fresh start toward a negotiated solution to the Arab- In every part of the world, the United Israeli conflict. My initiative of September States is similarly engaged in peace diplo- 1st, 1982, contains a set of positions that can macy as an active player or a strong sup- serve as a basis for a just and lasting peace. porter. That initiative remains a realistic and work- In Southeast Asia, we have backed the able approach, and I am committed to it as efforts of ASEAN to mobilize international firmly as on the day I announced it. And support for a peaceful resolution of the the foundation stone of this effort remains Cambodian problem, which must include Security Council Resolution 242, which in the withdrawal of Vietnamese forces and turn was incorporated in all its parts in the the election of a representative govern- Camp David accords. ment. ASEAN's success in promoting eco- The tragedy of Lebanon has not ended. nomic and political development has made Only last week, a despicable act of barba- a major contribution to the peace and sta- rism by some who are unfit to associate bility of the region. with humankind reminded us once again In Afghanistan, the dedicated efforts of that Lebanon continues to suffer. In 1983 the Secretary-General and his representa- we helped Israel and Lebanon reach an tives to find a diplomatic settlement have agreement that, if implemented, could have our strong support. I assure you that the led to the full withdrawal of Israeli forces in United States will continue to do everything the context of the withdrawal of all foreign possible to find a negotiated outcome which forces. This agreement was blocked, and provides the Afghan people with the right the long agony of the Lebanese continues. to determine their own destiny, allows the Thousands of people are still kept from Afghan refugees to return to their own their homes by continued violence and are country in dignity, and protects the legiti- refugees in their own country. The once mate security interests of all neighboring flourishing economy of Lebanon is near col- countries. lapse. All of Lebanon's friends should work On the divided and tense Korean Penin- together to help end this nightmare. sula, we have strongly backed the confi- In the Gulf, the United States has sup- dence-building measures proposed by the ported a series of Security Council resolu- Republic of Korea and by the U.N. Com- 1358 Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1984 / Sept. 24 to the war be. mand at Panmunjom. These are an impor- tional disputes. Our concern over the po- t has meant so tant first step toward peaceful reunification tential for nuclear war cannot deflect us on and put the in the long term. from the terrible human tragedies occur- ng at risk. Our We take heart from progress by others in ring every day in the regional conflicts I tensions, notably the efforts oon end, leaving just discussed. Together, we have a particu- 1 and territorial Republic to reduce barriers lar responsibility to contribute to political oth may devote between the two German States. solutions to these problems, rather than to g to the lationships And the United States strongly supports exacerbate them through the provision of the Secretary-General's efforts to assist the even more weapons. Cypriot parties in achieving a peaceful and I propose that our two countries agree to is s that negots reunited Cyprus. embark on periodic consultations at policy The United States has been and will level about regional problems. We will be peaceful always be a friend of peaceful solutions. prepared, if the Soviets agree, to make howing that the This is no less true with respect to my coun- senior experts available at regular intervals esults the try's relations with the Soviet Unon. for indepth exchanges of views. I've asked When I appeared before you last year, I time is Secretary Shultz to explore this with For- me and 1 and all of its er assures it. the the that wisdom The when noted that we cannot count on the instinct eign Minister Gromyko. Spheres of influ- with success to for survival alone to protect us against war. ence are a thing of the past; differences Deterrence is necessary but not sufficient. between American and Soviet interests are America has repaired its strength. We have not. The objectives of this political dialog n, recogni- invigorated our alliances and friendships. will be to help avoid miscalculation, reduce to Palestini- We are ready for constructive negotiations the potential risk of U.S.-Soviet confronta- with the Soviet Union. We recognize that there is no sane alter- tion, and help the people in areas of conflict -ld, the United native to negotiations on arms control and to find peaceful solutions. in peace diplo- other issues between our two nations which The United States and the Soviet Union a strong sup- have the capacity to destroy civilization as have achieved agreements of historic im- we know it. I believe this is a view shared portance on some regional issues. The Aus- ve backed the by virtually every country in the world and trian State Treaty and the Berlin accords e international by the Soviet Union itself. And I want to are notable and lasting examples. Let us olution of the speak to you today on what the United resolve to achieve similar agreements in the must include States and the Soviet Union can accomplish future. ese forces and together in the coming years and the con- Our second task must be to find ways to tative govern- crete steps that we need to take. reduce the vast stockpiles of armaments in romoting eco- You know, as I stand here and look out the world. I am committed to redoubling ent has made from this podium, there in front of me I can our negotiating efforts to achieve real re- peace and sta- see the seat of the Representative from the sults: in Geneva, a complete ban on chemi- Soviet Union. And not far from that seat, cal weapons; in Vienna, real reductions to ited efforts of just over to the side, is the seat of the Rep- lower and equal levels in Soviet and Ameri- is representa- resentative from the United States. In this can, Warsaw Pact and NATO conventional ttlement have historic assembly hall, it's clear there's not a forces; in Stockholm, concrete practical you that the great distance between us. Outside this measures to enhance mutual confidence, to do everything room, while there will still be clear differ- reduce the risk of war, and to reaffirm com- utcome which ences, there's every reason why we should mitments concerning nonuse of force; in with the right do all that is possible to shorten that dis- the field of nuclear testing, improvements ny, allows the tance. And that's why we're here. Isn't that in verification essential to ensure compli- o their own what this organization is all about? ance with the threshold test ban and peace- cts the legiti- Last January 16th, I set out three objec- ful nuclear explosions agreements; and in neighboring tives for U.S.-Soviet relations that can pro- the field of nonproliferation, close coopera- vide an agenda for our work over the tion to strengthen the international institu- orean Penin- months ahead. tions and practices aimed at halting the d the confi- First, I said, we need to find ways to spread of nuclear weapons, together with osed by the reduce-and eventually to eliminate-the redoubled efforts to meet the legitimate ex- U.N. Com- threat and use of force in solving interna- pectations of all nations that the Soviet 1359 Sept. 24 / Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1984 Union and the United States will substan- between our political, military, and other tially reduce their own nuclear arsenals. leaders. We and the Soviets have agreed to up- Now, all of these steps that I've men- grade our hotline communications facility, tioned-and especially the arms control ne- and our discussions of nuclear nonprolifera- gotiations-are extremely important to a tion in recent years have been useful to step-by-step process toward peace. But let both sides. We think there are other possi- me also say that we need to extend the bilities for improving communications in arms control process to build a bigger um- this area that deserve serious exploration. brella under which it can operate-a road I believe the proposal of the Soviet Union map, if you will, showing where, during the for opening U.S.-Soviet talks in Vienna pro- next 20 years or so, these individual efforts vided an important opportunity to advance can lead. This can greatly assist step-by-step these objectives. We've been prepared to negotiations and enable us to avoid having discuss a wide range of issues of concern to all our hopes or expectations ride on any both sides, such as the relationship between single set or series of negotiations. If defensive and offensive forces and what has progress is temporarily halted at one set of been called the militarization of space. talks, this newly established framework for During the talks, we would consider what arms control could help us take up the slack measures of restraint both sides might take at other negotiations. while negotiations proceed. However, any Today, to the great end of lifting the agreement must logically depend upon our ability to get the competition in offensive dread of nuclear war from the peoples of arms under control and to achieve genuine the Earth, I invite the leaders of the world stability at substantially lower levels of nu- to join in a new beginning. We need a fresh clear arms. approach to reducing international tensions. Our approach in all these areas will be History demonstrates beyond controversy designed to take into account concerns the that just as the arms competition has its Soviet Union has voiced. It will attempt to root in political suspicions and anxieties, so provide a basis for an historic breakthrough it can be channeled in more stabilizing di- in arms control. I'm disappointed that we rections and eventually be eliminated if were not able to open our meeting in those political suspicions and anxieties are Vienna earlier this month on the date origi- addressed as well. nally proposed by the Soviet Union. I hope Toward this end, I will suggest to the we can begin these talks by the end of the Soviet Union that we institutionalize regu- year or shortly thereafter. lar ministerial or cabinet-level meetings be- The third task I set in January was to tween our two countries on the whole establish a better working relationship be- agenda of issues before us, including the tween the Soviet Union and the United problem of needless obstacles to under- States, one marked by greater cooperation standing. To take but one idea for discus- and understanding. We've made some sion: In such talks, we could consider the modest progress. We have reached agree- exchange of outlines of 5-year military plans ments to improve our hotline, extend our for weapons development and our sched- 10-year economic agreement, enhance con- ules of intended procurement. We would sular cooperation, and explore coordination also welcome the exchange of observers at of search and rescue efforts at sea. military exercises and locations. And I pro- We've also offered to increase significant- pose that we find a way for Soviet experts ly the amount of U.S. grain for purchase by to come to the United States nuclear test the Soviets and to provide the Soviets a site, and for ours to go to theirs, to measure direct fishing allocation off U.S. coasts. But directly the yields of tests of nuclear weap- there's much more we could do together. I ons. We should work toward having such feel particularly strongly about breaking arrangements in place by next spring. I down the barriers between the peoples of hope that the Soviet Union will cooperate the United States and the Soviet Union; and in this undertaking and reciprocate in a 1360 Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1984 / Sept. 24 cal, military, and other manner that will enable the two countries vorite expression of another great spiritual- to establish the basis for verification for ef- ist, a Spanish soldier who gave up the ways se steps that I've men- fective limits on underground nuclear test- of war for that of love and peace. And if ally the arms control ne- ing. we're to make realities of the two great remely important to a I believe such talks could work rapidly goals of the United Nations Charter-the toward peace. But let toward developing a new climate of policy dreams of peace and human dignity-we we need to extend the understanding, one that is essential if crises must take to heart these words of Ignatius SS to build a bigger um- are to be avoided and real arms control is to Loyola; we must pause long enough to con- it' can operate-a road be negotiated. Of course, summit meetings template the gifts received from Him who wing where, during the have a useful role to play. But they need to made us: the gift of life, the gift of this these individual efforts be carefully prepared, and the benefit here world, the gift of each other-and the gift reatly assist step-by-step is that meetings at the ministerial level of the present. able us to avoid having would provide the kind of progress that is It is this present, this time that now we pectations ride on any the best preparation for higher level talks must seize. I leave you with a reflection es of negotiations. If between ourselves and the Soviet leaders. from Mahatma Gandhi, spoken with those rily halted at one set of How much progress we will make and at in mind who said that the disputes and con- ablished framework for what pace, I cannot say. But we have a flicts of the modern world are too great to elp us take up the slack moral obligation to try and try again. overcome. It was spoken shortly after Gand- Some may dismiss such proposals and my hi's quest for independence had taken him reat end of lifting the own optimism as simplistic American ideal- to Britain. ar from the peoples of ism, and they will point to the burdens of the modern world and to history. Well, yes, "I am not conscious of a single experience the leaders of the world if we sit down and catalog year by year, throughout my 3 months' stay in England inning. We need a fresh generation by generation, the famines, the and Europe," he said, "that made me feel g international tensions. that after all East is East and West is West. es beyond controversy plagues, the wars, the invasions mankind ms competition has its has endured, the list will grow so long and On the contrary, I have been convinced picions and anxieties, so the assault on humanity so terrific that it more than ever that human nature is much the same, no matter under what clime it I in more stabilizing di- seems too much for the human spirit to ually be eliminated if bear. flourishes, and that if you approached icions and anxieties are But isn't this narrow and shortsighted and people with trust and affection, you would not at all how we think of history? Yes, the have ten-fold trust and thousand-fold affec- deeds of infamy or injustice are all record- tion returned to you." I will suggest to the ve institutionalize regu- ed, but what shines out from the pages of For the sake of a peaceful world, a world binet-level meetings be- history is the daring of the dreamers and where human dignity and freedom is re- untries on the whole the deeds of the builders and the doers. spected and enshrined, let us approach These things make up the stories we tell each other with ten-fold trust and thousand- efore us, including the SS obstacles to under- and pass on to our children. They comprise fold affection. A new future awaits us. The out one idea for discus- the most enduring and striking fact about time is here, the moment is now. we could consider the human history-that through the heart- One of the Founding Fathers of our of 5-year military plans break and tragedy man has always dared to nation, Thomas Paine, spoke words that pment and our sched- perceive the outline of human progress, the apply to all of us gathered here today. They rocurement. We would steady growth in not just the material well- apply directly to all sitting here in this change of observers at being, but the spiritual insight of mankind. room. He said, "We have it in our power to id locations. And I pro- "There have been tyrants and murderers, begin the world over again." way for Soviet experts and for a time they can seem invincible. Thank you. God bless you. ted States nuclear test But in the end, they always fail [fall]. 1 go to theirs, to measure Think on it always. All through history, Note: The President spoke at 10:31 a.m. in tests of nuclear weap- the way of truth and love has always won.' the General Assembly Hall of the United That was the belief and the vision of Mahat- Nations Headquarters Building. He was in- rk toward having such ma Gandhi. He described that, and it re- troduced by Paul Lusaka, President of the ace by next spring. I t Union will cooperate mains today a vision that is good and true. 39th Session of the General Assembly. and reciprocate in a "All is gift," is said to have been the fa- Upon arrival at the United Nations, the President was greeted by Secretary-General 1 White House correction. Javier Perez de Cuellar de la Guerra. 1361 Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1985 / Oct. 24 eflect on the sacrifices And may I presume to suggest a toast to the the North Delegate's Lounge at the United e in the pursuit of Secretary General and what he has accom- Nations in response to a toast by Secretary plished and what he is doing for all of us. General Javier Perez de Cuellar de la I have hereunto set Guerra. third day of October, Note: The President spoke at 2:45 p.m. in rd nineteen hundred the Independence of merica the two hun- Address to the 40th Session of the United Nations General Assembly RONALD REAGAN in New York, New York October 24, 1985 Many echoes of JFK'S 61+63 of the Federal Regis- address to the UN 23, 1985] Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, its failure to deal with real security issues, honored guests, and distinguished delegates, the total inversion of morality in the infa- thank you for the honor of permitting me mous Zionism-is-racism resolution, the poli- the 40th to speak on this anniversary for the United ticization of too many agencies, the misuse Nations. Forty years ago, the world awoke of too many resources. The U.N. is a politi- ew York, New daring to believe hatred's unyielding grip cal institution, and politics requires compro- had finally been broken, daring to believe mise. We recognize that, but let us remem- the torch of peace would be protected in ber from those first days, one guiding star liberty's firm grasp. Forty years ago, the was supposed to light our path toward the world yearned to dream again innocent U.N. vision of peace and progress-a star of ions is a symbol of dreams, to believe in ideals with innocent freedom. rise beyond his own trust. Dreams of trust are worthy, but in What kind of people will we be 40 years by the high ideals these 40 years too many dreams have been from today? May we answer: free people, d have defined and shattered, too many promises have been worthy of freedom and firm in the convic- the ages. broken, too many lives have been lost. The tion that freedom is not the sole preroga- the United States painful truth is that the use of violence to tive of a chosen few, but the universal right Nations and in what take, to exercise, and to preserve power re- of all God's children. This is the universal criticized it some- mains a persistent reality in much of the declaration of human rights set forth in we felt that it was world. 1948, and this is the affirming flame the should be. And we The vision of the U.N. Charter-to spare United States has held high to a watching frustrated, but we succeeding generations this scourge of world. We champion freedom not only be- lieving in its possi- war-remains real. It still stirs our soul and cause it is practical and beneficial but be- stopped taking the warms our hearts, but it also demands of us cause it is morally right and just. Free y. That is why we a realism that is rockhard, clear-eyed, people whose governments rest upon the 0 it that the United steady, and sure-a realism that under- consent of the governed do not wage war noble potential to stands the nations of the United Nations are on their neighbors. Free people blessed by edom, defend indi- not united. I come before you this morning economic opportunity and protected by onomic growth and preoccupied with peace, with ensuring that laws that respect the dignity of the individ- en the rule of law. the differences between some of us not be ual are not driven toward the domination of rs after the birth of permitted to degenerate into open conflict, others. 15 years before the and I come offering for my own country a We readily acknowledge that the United ose tribulations in- new commitment, a fresh start. States is far from perfect. Yet we have en- seize the moment. On this U.N. anniversary, we acknowl- deavored earnestly to carry out our respon- sion of the charter edge its successes: the decisive action sibilities to the charter these past 40 years, S upon which the during the Korean war, negotiation of the and we take national pride in our contribu- us resolve to make nonproliferation treaty, strong support for tions to peace. We take pride in 40 years of e world it repre- decolonization, and the laudable achieve- helping avert a new world war and pride in e. And let us renew ments by the United Nations High Commis- our alliances that protect and preserve us ually and together, sioner for Refugees. Nor must we close our and our friends from aggression. We take the rights of man. eyes to this organization's disappointments: pride in the Camp David agreements and 1285 Oct. 24 / Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1985 our efforts for peace in the Middle East, entific and artistic creativity; and, yes, wel- rooted in resolutions 242 and 338; in sup- come a competition for the good will of the porting Pakistan, target of outside intimida- world's people. But we cannot accommo- tion; in assisting El Salvador's struggle to date ourselves to the use of force and sub- carry forward its democratic revolution; in version to consolidate and expand the reach answering the appeal of our Caribbean of totalitarianism. When Mr. Gorbachev and friends in Grenada; in seeing Grenada's I meet in Geneva next month, I look to a Representative here today voting the will of fresh start in the relationship of our two its own people; and we take pride in our nations. We can and should meet in the proposals to reduce the weapons of war. We spirit that we can deal with our differences submit this history as evidence of our sin- peacefully. And that is what we expect. cerity of purpose. But today it is more im- The only way to resolve differences is to portant to speak to you about what my understand them. We must have candid country proposes to do in these closing and complete discussions of where dangers years of the 20th century to bring about a exist and where peace is being disrupted. safer, a more peaceful, a more civilized Make no mistake, our policy of open and world. vigorous competition rests on a realistic Let us begin with candor, with words that view of the world. And therefore, at rest on plain and simple facts. The differ- Geneva we must review the reasons for the ences between America and the Soviet Union are deep and abiding. The United current level of mistrust. For example, in States is a democratic nation. Here the 1972 the international community negotiat- people rule. We build no walls to keep ed in good faith a ban on biological and them in, nor organize any system of police toxin weapons; in 1975 we negotiated the to keep them mute. We occupy no country. Helsinki accords on human rights and free- The only land abroad we occupy is beneath doms; and during the decade just past, the the graves where our heroes rest. What is United States and the Soviet Union negoti- called the West is a voluntary association of ated several agreements on strategic weap- free nations, all of whom fiercely value ons. And yet we feel it will be necessary at their independence and their sovereignty. Geneva to discuss with the Soviet Union And as deeply as we cherish our beliefs, we what we believe are violations of a number do not seek to compel others to share them. of the provisions in all of these agreements. When we enjoy these vast freedoms as Indeed, this is why it is important that we we do, it's difficult for us to understand the have this opportunity to air our differences restrictions of dictatorships which seek to through face-to-face meetings, to let frank control each institution and every facet of talk substitute for anger and tension. people's lives-the expression of their be- The United States has never sought trea- liefs, their movements, and their contacts ties merely to paper over differences. We with the outside world. It's difficult for us to continue to believe that a nuclear war is understand the ideological premise that one that cannot be won and must never be force is an acceptable way to expand a po- fought. And that is why we have sought for litical system. We Americans do not accept nearly 10 years-still seek and will discuss that any government has the right to com- in Geneva-radical, equitable, verifiable re- mand and order the lives of its people, that ductions in these vast arsenals of offensive any nation has an historic right to use force nuclear weapons. At the beginning of the to export its ideology. This belief, regarding latest round of the ongoing negotiations in the nature of man and the limitations of Geneva, the Soviet Union presented a spe- government, is at the core of our deep and cific proposal involving numerical values. abiding differences with the Soviet Union, We are studying the Soviet counterproposal differences that put us into natural conflict carefully. I believe that within their propos- and competition with one another. al there are seeds which we should nurture, Now, we would welcome enthusiastically and in the coming weeks we will seek to a true competition of ideas; welcome a establish a genuine process of give and take. competition of economic strength and sci- The United States is also seeking to discuss 1286 Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1985 / Oct. 24 and, yes, wel- with the Soviet Union in Geneva the vital but to preserve human lives." Preserving od will of the relationship between offensive and defen- lives-no peace is more fundamental than ot accommo- sive systems, including the possibility of that. Great obstacles lie ahead, but they rce and sub- moving toward a more stable and secure should not deter us. Peace is God's com- nd the reach world in which defenses play a growing mandment. Peace is the holy shadow cast bachev and role. by men treading on the path of virtue. , I look to a The ballistic missile is the most awesome, But just as we all know what peace is, we of our two threatening, and destructive weapon in the certainly know what peace is not. Peace meet in the history of man. Thus, I welcome the inter- based on repression cannot be true peace r differences est of the new Soviet leadership in the re- and is secure only when individuals are free expect. duction of offensive strategic forces. Ulti- to direct their own governments. Peace erences is to mately, we must remove this menace, once based on partition cannot be true peace. have candid and for all, from the face of the Earth. Until Put simply: Nothing can justify the continu- ere dangers that day, the United States seeks to escape ing and permanent division of the Europe- g disrupted. the prison of mutual terror by research and an Continent. Walls of partition and distrust f open and testing that could, in time, enable us to neu- must give way to greater communication a realistic tralize the threat of these ballistic missiles for an open world. Before leaving for erefore, at and, ultimately, render them obsolete. Geneva, I shall make new proposals to How is Moscow threatened if the capitals sons for the achieve this goal. Peace based on mutual of other nations are protected? We do not example, in fear cannot be true peace, because staking ask that the Soviet leaders, whose country ty negotiat- our future on a precarious balance of terror has suffered SO much from war, to leave logical and is not good enough. The world needs a bal- their people defenseless against foreign otiated the ance of safety. And finally, a peace based on attack. Why then do they insist that we S and free- remain undefended? Who is threatened if averting our eyes from trouble cannot be st past, the Western research and Soviet research, that true peace. The consequences of conflict ion negoti- is itself well-advanced, should develop a are every bit as tragic when the destruction egic weap- nonnuclear system which would threaten is contained within one country. ecessary at Kannedo not human beings but only ballistic missiles? Real peace is what we seek, and that is viet Union Surely, the world will sleep more secure why today the United States is presenting a number when these missiles have been rendered an initiative that addresses what will be a greements. useless, militarily and politically; when the central issue in Geneva-the issue of re- nt that we sword of Damocles that has hung over our gional conflicts in Africa, Asia, and Central differences planet for too many decades is lifted by America. Our own position is clear: As the let frank Western and Russian scientists working to oldest nation of the New World, as the first on. shield their citizens and one day shut down anticolonial power, the United States re- ught trea- space as an avenue of weapons of mass de- joiced when decolonization gave birth to so ences. We struction. If we're destined by history to many new nations after World War II. We ar war is compete, militarily, to keep the peace, then have always supported the right of the never be let us compete in systems that defend our people of each nation to define their own sought for societies rather than weapons which can de- destiny. We have given $300 billion since ill discuss stroy us both and much of God's creation 1945 to help people of other countries, and ifiable re- along with us. we've tried to help friendly governments offensive Some 18 years ago, then-Premier Aleksei defend against aggression, subversion, and ig of the Kosygin was asked about a moratorium on terror. iations in the development of an antimissile defense We have noted with great interest similar ed a spe- system. The official news agency, TASS, re- expressions of peaceful intent by leaders of 1 values. ported that he replied with these words: "I the Soviet Union. I am not here to chal- rproposal believe the defensive systems, which pre- lenge the good faith of what they say. But r propos- vent attack, are not the cause of the arms isn't it important for us to weigh the record nurture, race, but constitute a factor preventing the as well? In Afghanistan, there are 118,000 seek to death of people. Maybe an antimissile Soviet troops prosecuting war against the and take. system is more expensive than an offensive Afghan people. In Cambodia, 140,000 ) discuss system, but it is designed not to kill people, Soviet-backed Vietnamese soldiers wage a 1287 Oct. 24 / Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1985 war of occupation. In Ethiopia, 1,700 Soviet tions take hold and the parties directly in- advisers are involved in military planning volved are making real progress, represent- and support operations along with 2,500 atives of the United States and the Soviet Cuban combat troops. In Angola, 1,200 Union should sit down together. It is not for Soviet military advisers involved in plan- us to impose any solutions in this separate ning and supervising combat operations set of talks; such solutions would not last. along with 35,000 Cuban troops. In Nicara- But the issue we should address is how best gua, some 8,000 Soviet-bloc and Cuban per- to support the ongoing talks among the sonnel, including about 3,500 military and warring parties. In some cases, it might well secret police personnel. be appropriate to consider guarantees for All of these conflicts-some of them un- any agreements already reached. But in derway for a decade-originate in local dis- every case, the primary task is to promote putes, but they share a common characteris- this goal: verified elimination of the foreign tic: They are the consequence of an ideolo- military presence and restraint on the flow gy imposed from without, dividing nations of outside arms. and creating regimes that are, almost from And finally, if these first two steps are the day they take power, at war with their successful, we could move on to the third: own people. And in each case, Marxism- welcoming each country back into the Leninism's war with the people becomes world economy so its citizens can share in war with their neighbors. These wars are the dynamic growth that other developing exacting a staggering human toll and countries, countries that are at peace, enjoy. threaten to spill across national boundaries Despite past differences with these regimes, and trigger dangerous confrontations. Where is it more appropriate than right the United States would respond generously to their democratic reconciliation with their here at the United Nations to call attention to article II of our charter, which instructs own people, their respect for human rights, members to refrain "from the use or threat and their return to the family of free na- or use of force against the territorial integri- tions. Of course, until such time as these ty or political independence of any negotiations result in definitive progress, state. "? During the past decade, these America's support for struggling democratic wars played a large role in building suspi- resistance forces must not and shall not cions and tensions in my country over the cease. purpose of Soviet policy. This gives us an This plan is bold; it is realistic. It is not a extra reason to address them seriously substitute for existing peacemaking efforts; today. it complements them. We're not trying to Last year, I proposed from this podium solve every conflict in every region of the that the United States and Soviet Union globe, and we recognize that each conflict hold discussions on some of these issues, and has its own character. Naturally, other re- we have done so. But I believe these prob- gional problems will require different ap- lems need more than talk. For that reason, proaches. But we believe that the recurrent we are proposing and are fully committed pattern of conflict that we see in these five to support a regional peace process that cases ought to be broken as soon as possible. seeks progress on three levels. We must begin somewhere, so let us begin First, we believe the starting point must where there is great need and great hope. be a process of negotiation among the war- This will be a clear step forward to help ring parties in each country I've mentioned, people choose their future more freely. which in the case of Afghanistan includes Moreover, this is an extraordinary opportu- the Soviet Union. The form of these talks nity for the Soviet side to make a contribu- may and should vary, but negotiations and tion to regional peace which, in turn, can an improvement of internal political condi- promote future dialog and negotiations on tions are essential to achieving an end to other critical issues. violence, the withdrawal of foreign troops, With hard work and imagination, there is and national reconciliation. no limit to what, working together, our na- There is a second level. Once negotia- tions can achieve. Gaining a peaceful reso- 1288 Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1985 / Oct. 24 ties directly in- lution of these conflicts will open whole people and from our long struggle and sac- ress, represent- new vistas of peace and progress-the dis- rifice for our liberties and the liberties of and the Soviet covery that the promise of the future lies others. Americans always yearn for peace. er. It is not for not in measures of military defense or the They have a passion for life. They carry in n this separate control of weapons, but in the expansion of their hearts a deep capacity for reconcilia- vould not last. individual freedom and human rights. Only tion. ess is how best when the human spirit can worship, create, Last year at this General Assembly, I indi- ks among the and build, only when people are given a cated there was every reason for the United i, it might well personal stake in determining their own States and the Soviet Union to shorten the guarantees for destiny and benefiting from their own risks, distance between us. In Geneva, the first ched. But in do societies become prosperous, progres- meeting between our heads of government is to promote sive, dynamic, and free. in more than 6 years, Mr. Gorbachev and I of the foreign We need only open our eyes to the eco- will have that opportunity. So, yes, let us go it on the flow nomic evidence all around us. Nations that to Geneva with both sides committed to deny their people opportunity-in Eastern dialog. Let both sides go committed to a two steps are Europe, Indochina, southern Africa, and world with fewer nuclear weapons, and to the third: Latin America-without exception, are some day with none. Let both sides go com- ack into the dropping further behind in the race for the mitted to walk together on a safer path into can share in future. But where we see enlightened lead- the 21st century and to lay the foundation ers who understand that economic freedom er developing for enduring peace. It is time, indeed, to do and personal incentive are key to develop- peace, enjoy. more than just talk of a better world. It is ment, we see economies striding forward. hese regimes, time to act. And we will act when nations d generously Singapore, Taiwan, and South Korea, India, cease to try to impose their ways upon Botswana, and China-these are among the on with their others. And we will act when they realize current and emerging success stories be- uman rights, that we, for whom the achievement of free- cause they have the courage to give eco- y of free na- dom has come dear, will do what we must nomic incentives a chance. ime as these Let us all heed the simple eloquence in to preserve it from assault. ve progress, Andrei Sakharov's Nobel Peace Prize mes- America is committed to the world be- g democratic sage: "International trust, mutual under- cause so much of the world is inside Amer- d shall not standing, disarmament and international se- ica. After all, only a few miles from this curity are inconceivable without an open very room is our Statue of Liberty, past C. It is not a society with freedom of information, free- which life began anew for millions, where king efforts; dom of conscience, the right to publish and the peoples from nearly every country in ot trying to Bishhas the right to travel and choose the country this hall joined to build these United States. egion of the in which one wishes to live." At the core, The blood of each nation courses through each conflict this is an eternal truth; freedom works. the American vein and feeds the spirit that y, other re- lifferent ap- Y That is the promise of the open world and compels us to involve ourselves in the fate awaits only our collective grasp. Forty years of this good Earth. It is the same spirit that e recurrent ynis ago, hope came alive again for a world that warms our heart in concern to help ease n these five hungered for hope. I believe fervently that the desperate hunger that grips proud as possible. hope is still alive. people on the African Continent. It is the let us begin The United States has spoken with candor internationalist spirit that came together great hope. and conviction today, but that does not last month when our neighbor Mexico was ard to help lessen these strong feelings held by every struck suddenly by an earthquake. Even as ore freely. American. It's in the nature of Americans to the Mexican nation moved vigorously into ry opportu- hate war and its destructiveness. We would action, there were heartwarming offers by a contribu- rather wage our struggle to rebuild and other nations offering to help and glimpses 1 turn, can renew, not to tear down. We would rather of people working together, without con- tiations on fight against hunger, disease, and catastro- cern for national self-interest or gain. phe. We would rather engage our adversar- And if there was any meaning to salvage on, there is ies in the battle of ideals and ideas for the out of that tragedy, it was found one day in er, our na- future. These principles emerge from the a huge mound of rubble that was once the ceful reso- innate openness and good character of our Juarez Hospital in Mexico City. A week 1289 Oct. 24 / Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1985 after that terrible event, and as another day nurture and preserve, to foster, not only for of despair unfolded, a team of workers today's world but for a better one to come. heard a faint sound coming from some- There is no purpose more noble than for us where in the heart of the crushed concrete. to sustain and celebrate life in a turbulent Hoping beyond hope, they quickly bur- world, and that is what we must do now. rowed toward it. And as the late afternoon We have no higher duty, no greater cause light faded, and racing against time, they as humans. Life and the preservation of found what they had heard, and the first of freedom to live it in dignity is what we are three baby girls, newborn infants, emerged on this Earth to do. Everything we work to to the safety of the rescue team. And let me achieve must seek that end SO that some tell you the scene through the eyes of one day our prime ministers, our premiers, our who was there. "Everyone was so quiet presidents, and our general secretaries will when they lowered that little baby down in talk not of war and peace, but only of a basket covered with blankets. The baby peace. We've had 40 years to begin. Let us didn't make a sound either. But the minute not waste one more moment to give back to the world all that we can in return for they put her in the Red Cross ambulance, this miracle of life. everybody just got up and cheered." Well, Thank you all. God bless you all. amidst all that hopelessness and debris came a timely and timeless lesson for us all. Note: The President spoke at 10:08 a.m. in We witnessed the miracle of life. the General Assembly Hall at the United It is on this that I believe our nations can Nations. Upon his arrival at the United Na- make a renewed commitment. The miracle tions, the President was greeted by Secre- of life is given by One greater than our- tary General Javier Perez de Cuellar de la selves, but once given, each life is ours to Guerra. Informal Exchange With Reporters Prior to a Meeting With Soviet Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze in New York, New York October 24, 1985 Q. Mr. President, why were you so tough that one. in outlining Soviet misdeeds today? Q. Is there any questions you will The President. You haven't been around answer? for previous photo ops, but I've made it a Q. Mr. Shevardnadze, what, sir, do you rule today not to take any questions. think of the President's plan for settling re- Q. Mr. Shevardnadze, what did you think gional conflicts? of the President's speech, sir? The Foreign Minister. That's what we The Foreign Minister. Well, I've outlined shall be discussing. it in my speech today. Q. In this meeting here? Q. It sounded like you didn't like it. Q. Does it make arms control— Q. Are you going to talk to Mr. Shevard- The Foreign Minister. I don't think we nadze about your plan for settling regional shall be able to discuss it today because of conflicts in this meeting? the shortage of time-all of it today. The President. No answers, Sam [Sam Q. But does it have some positive as- Donaldson, ABC News]. pects? Q. Mr. President, [Nicaraguan President] The Foreign Minister. If there were no Ortega says that your speech flew in the positive seeds, we would not have met at face of peace. all. The President. Never have I regretted so Q. Do you think it makes arms control much that I'm not giving an answer as on less important, Mr. Shevardnadze? 1290 Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1986 / Sept. 22 of our Nation's her education. Proclamation 5530-Ethnic American Day, 1986 I have hereunto set September 20, 1986 day of September, I nineteen hundred By the President of the United States ment, sports, religion, and the media. The e Independence of of America efforts of ethnic Americans in bolstering the erica the two hun- values of faith, freedom, family, work, and A Proclamation country have served to strengthen the Americans are a unique people, a colorful fabric of our national life and have made RONALD REAGAN tapestry of traditions and cultures woven America a culturally richer and more vi- into one vibrant society. The motto graven brant land in which to live. f the Federal Regis- on our coins-E Pluribus Unum-reflects The Congress, by Public Law 99-206, has 23, 1986] the rich diversity from which America designated September 21, 1986, as "Ethnic draws its strength and vitality. was released by the American Day" and authorized and re- Since the founding of our Republic more etary on September quested the President to issue a proclama- than 200 years ago, millions of immigrants tion in observance of this event. have made the journey of freedom to our Now, Therefore, I, Ronald Reagan, Presi- shores. America has drawn the stoutest dent of the United States of America, do hearts from every corner of the globe, from hereby proclaim September 21, 1986, as every Nation on earth. Some came to Ethnic American Day. I call upon the Awareness escape the chains of religious persecution, others to flee the bonds of political oppres- people of the United States to acknowledge sion, and still others came seeking a land of and advance mutual understanding and opportunity, the chance to begin life anew. friendship among all Americans regardless Some of the most recent have scaled walls of their ethnicity. In Witness Whereof, I have hereunto set this event. and crawled under barbed wire and ald Reagan, Presi- through mine fields, while others risked my hand this twentieth day of September, tes of America, do their lives in makeshift boats on perilous in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and eighty-six, and of the Independence of ek beginning Sep- seas. No matter how they came, today they are the United States of America the two hun- ational School-Age 'eek. all Americans who take pride in the tradi- dred and eleventh. have hereunto set tions of their ancestral homeland while at RONALD REAGAN day of September, the same time dedicating themselves nineteen hundred wholeheartedly to the principles for which [Filed with the Office of the Federal Regis- e Independence of our Nation stands. They now are taking ter, 2:47 p.m., September 23, 1986] erica the two hun- their full and rightful place in America's social and political life. Their contributions Note: The proclamation was released by the are legion in every area of endeavor: sci- Office of the Press Secretary on September RONALD REAGAN ence, the arts, medicine, business, govern- 22. the Federal Regis- 23, 1986] Address to the 41st Session of the United Nations General Assembly vas released by the tary on September in New York, New York September 22, 1986 Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, of worship," Dag Hammarskjöld once said honored guests, and distinguished delegates, about this room, "devotion to something a short walk from this chamber is the dele- which is greater and higher than we are gates Meditation Room, a refuge from a ourselves." Well, it's just such devotion that world deafened by the noise of strife and gave birth to the United Nations-devotion violence. "We want to bring back the idea to the dream of world peace and freedom, 1227 Sept. 22 / Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1986 of human rights and democratic self-deter- our views of history and the future of man- mination, of a time when, in those ancient kind. But despite these differences, we re- words, and they shall beat their solved to work together for real reductions swords into plowshares nation shall not in nuclear arms, as well as progress in other lift up sword against nation, neither shall areas. they learn war anymore." Delegates to the 41st General Assembly The United States remains committed to of the United Nations: Today I want to the United Nations. For over 40 years this report to you on what has transpired since organization has provided an international the summit, notably the important letter I forum for harmonizing conflicting national sent July 25th to Mr. Gorbachev. In that interests and has made a significant contri- letter, I dealt with the important issues of bution in such fields as peacekeeping, hu- reducing nuclear arms, agreeing on strate- manitarian assistance, and eradicating dis- gic defenses, and limiting nuclear testing. ease. And yet no one knows better than In addition to those issues, which concern those in this chamber how the noble ideals the military aspects of Soviet-American re- embodied in the charter have often re- lations, I would also like to address other mained unfulfilled. This organization itself essential steps toward peace: the resolution faces a critical hour-that is usually stated of political conflicts, the strengthening of as a fiscal crisis. But we can turn this crisis the international economy, and the protec- into an opportunity. The important reforms tion of human rights. Before I do this, how- proposed by a group of experts can be a ever, let me, in the tradition of candor es- first step toward restoring the organization's status and effectiveness. The issue, ultimate- tablished at Geneva, tell you that a pall has been cast over our relations with the Soviet ly, is not one of cash but of credibility. If all the members of this universal organization Union. I refer here to a particularly disturb- decide to seize the moment and turn the ing example of Soviet transgressions against rhetoric of reform into reality, the future of human rights. the U.N. will be secure. And you have my Recently, after the arrest of a Soviet na- word for it: My country, which has always tional and U.N. employee accused of espio- given the U.N. generous support, will con- nage in the United States, an American cor- tinue to play a leading role in the effort to respondent in Moscow was made the sub- achieve its noble purposes. ject of fabricated accusations and trumped- When I came before you last year, an up charges. He was arrested and jailed in a important moment in the pursuit of those callous disregard of due process and numer- purposes had not yet occurred. The leaders ous human rights conventions. In effect, he of the Soviet Union and the United States was taken as a hostage-even threatened were to meet in Geneva. These discussions with the death penalty. Both individuals have now been held. For over 15 hours have now been remanded to their respec- Soviet and American delegations met; for tive Ambassadors. But this is only an inter- about 5 hours General Secretary Gorbachev im step agreed to by the United States for and I talked, alone. Our talks were frank. humanitarian reasons. It does not change The talks were also productive-in a larger the facts of the case: Gennadi Zakharov is sense than even the documents that were an accused spy who should stand trial; Nich- agreed. Mr. Gorbachev was blunt, and so olas Daniloff is an innocent hostage who was I. We came to realize again the truth of should be released. The Soviet Union bears the statement: Nations do not mistrust each the responsibility for the consequences of other because they are armed; they are its action. Misusing the United Nations for armed because they mistrust each other. purposes of espionage does a grave disserv- And I did not hesitate to tell Mr. Gorbachev ice to this organization. And the world ex- our view of the source of that mistrust: the pects better. It expects contributions to the Soviet Union's record of seeking to impose cause of peace that only the leaders of the its ideology and rule on others. So, we ac- United States and the Soviet Union can knowledged the deep and abiding differ- make. ences between our systems of government, It is for this reason that I wrote last 1228 Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1986 / Sept. 22 he future of man- summer to Mr. Gorbachev with new arms their effort in the new round of Geneva ifferences, we re- control proposals. Before discussing the pro- talks and if we keep the promises we made or real reductions posals, let us be clear about which weapons to each other last November. For too long a progress in other are the most dangerous and threatening to time, however, the Soviet response has peace. The threat does not come from de- been to downplay the need for offensive General Assembly fensive systems, which are a shield against reductions. When the United States began Today I want to attack, but from offensive weapons-ballis- work on technology to make offensive nu- s/transpired since tic missiles that hurtle through space and clear weapons someday obsolete, the Sovi- Important letter I can wreak mass destruction on the surface ets tried to make that the main issue-as if orbachev. In that of the Earth, especially the Soviet Union's the main danger to strategic stability was a nportant issues of heavy, accurate ICBM's, with multiple war- defense against missiles that is still on the greeing on strate- heads, which have no counterparts in size drawing boards, rather than the menacing J nuclear testing. or number in any other country. And that is ballistic missiles themselves that already S, which concern why the United States has long urged radi- exist in excessive numbers. viet-American re- cal, equitable, verifiable reductions in these Still, the United States recognizes that to address other offensive systems. Note that I said "reduc- both the offensive and defensive sides of ce: the resolution tion," for this is the real purpose of arms the strategic equation must be addressed. control-not just to codify the levels of strengthening of And we have gone far to meet Soviet con- v, and the protec- today's arsenals, not just to channel their cerns expressed about the potential offen- re I do this, how- further expansion, but to reduce them in sive use of strategic defensive systems. I tion of candor es- ways that will reduce the danger of war. have offered firm and concrete assurances Indeed, the United States believes the pros- ou that a pall has that our SDI could never be used to deploy ns with the Soviet pect of a future without such weapons of mass destruction must be the ultimate goal weapons in space that can cause mass de- articularly disturb- of arms control. struction on Earth. I have pointed out that asgressions against the radical reduction we seek now in offen- I am pleased to say that the Soviet Union sive arsenals would be additional insurance has now embraced our idea of radical re- st of a Soviet na- ductions in offensive systems. At the that SDI cannot be used to support a first- accused of espio- Geneva summit last November, we agreed strike strategy. And our preference from an American cor- to intensify work in this area. Since then the beginning has been to move forward as made the sub- the Soviets have made detailed proposals cooperatively with the Soviets on strategic ons and trumped- which, while not acceptable to us, appear to defenses so that neither side will feel ed and jailed in a threatened and both can benefit from the represent a serious effort. So, we continue rocess and numer- to seek a 50-percent reduction of American strategic revolution that SDI represents. ions. In effect, he and Soviet arsenals, with the central focus The United States continues to respect -even threatened on the reduction of ballistic missile war- the antiballistic missile treaty-in spite of Both individuals heads. If the Soviet Union wants only a clear evidence the Soviets are violating it. d to their respec- lesser reduction, however, we are prepared We have told the Soviets that if we can S is only an inter- to consider it-but as an interim measure. both agree on radical reductions in strategic United States for In other provisions as well, we have sought offensive weapons, we are prepared right does not change to take account of Soviet concerns. So, now to sign an agreement with them on inadi Zakharov is there has been movement. Similarly, in the research, development, testing, and deploy- ! stand trial; Nich- area of intermediate-range nuclear forces, ment of strategic defenses based on the fol- ent hostage who the United States seeks the total elimination lowing: oviet Union bears of such missiles on a global basis. Again, if First, both sides would agree to confine consequences of the Soviet Union insists on pursuing such a themselves through 1991 to research, devel- nited Nations for goal in stages, we are prepared to conclude opment, and testing-which is permitted by S a grave disserv- an interim agreement without delay. the ABM treaty-to determine whether ad- nd the world ex- All this gives me hope. I can tell you the vanced systems of strategic defense are ntributions to the exchanges between our two sides this technically feasible. he leaders of the summer could well have marked the begin- Second, a new treaty signed now would oviet Union can ning of a serious, productive negotiation on provide that if, after 1991, either side arms reduction. The ice of the negotiating should decide to deploy such a system, that nat I wrote last stalemate could break if both sides intensify side would be obliged to offer a plan for 1229 Sept. 22 / Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1986 sharing the benefits of strategic defense and tainable progress in limiting nuclear testing. for eliminating offensive ballistic missiles. Just a few days ago, I received a reply from And this plan would be negotiated over a 2- General Secretary Gorbachev to my letter year period. of July 25th. And for the moment, let me Third, if the two sides can't agree after 2 say simply that we are giving it serious and years of negotiation, either side would be careful consideration. free to deploy an advanced strategic defen- As we move toward our goal of eliminat- sive system after giving 6 months notice to ing nuclear weapons, it is vital that we also the other. address important imbalances of other kinds As the United States has repeatedly made of weapons. And this is why the United clear, we are moving toward a future of States has proposed a comprehensive global greater reliance upon strategic defense. The ban on all chemical weapons and why we United States remains prepared to talk and our allies have tried hard to break the about how-under what ground rules and stalemate in the conventional force negotia- process-we and the Soviet Union can do tions in Vienna. And in the Stockholm Con- this cooperatively. Such strategic defenses, ference a major advance has been coupled with radical reductions in offensive achieved-a concrete, new set of military forces, would represent a safer balance and confidence-building measures which in- would give future statesmen the opportuni- cludes inspections. ty to move beyond it-to the ultimate But we must remember from the experi- elimination of nuclear weapons from the ence of the 1970's that progress in arms face of the Earth. control cannot be divorced from regional In addition to our proposals on offensive reductions and strategic defense, we have political developments. As I said at the be- suggested new steps in another area: nucle- ginning, political tensions cause the military ar testing. Just as eliminating all nuclear competition, not the other way around. But while the United States and the Soviet weapons is our long-term goal, so, too, is a total ban on nuclear testing. But both must Union disagree over the root causes of polit- be approached with practical steps, for the ical tension, we do agree that regional con- reality is that for now we still must rely on flicts could escalate into global confronta- these weapons for the deterrence of war. tion. Last year from this rostrum, I present- Thus, the safety and reliability of our deter- ed a formula for peace which would, apply rent are themselves critical to peace. The to five critical regional conflicts that are po- United States is proud of its record of nucle- tential flashpoints for wider conflict. I point- ar safety and intends to maintain it. Never- ed out how difficult it is for the United theless, we are, as I said, ready now to take States to accept Soviet assurances of peace- two important steps toward limiting nuclear ful intent when 126,000 Soviet troops pros- testing. First, we are ready to move forward ecute a vicious war against the Afghan on ratification of the threshold test ban people; when 140,000 Soviet-backed Viet- treaty and the treaty on peaceful nuclear namese soldiers wage war on the people of explosions, once agreement is reached on Cambodia; when 1,700 Soviet advisers and improved verification procedures. We have 2,500 Cuban combat troops are involved in proposed new ideas to make this possible. military planning and operations in Ethio- Second, upon ratification of those treaties, pia; when 1,300 Soviet military advisers and and in association with a program to reduce 36,000 Cuban troops direct and participate and ultimately eliminate all nuclear weap- in combat operations to prop up an unpop- ons, we're prepared to discuss ways to im- ular, repressive regime in Angola; when plement a step-by-step, parallel program of hundreds of millions of dollars in Soviet limiting and ultimately ending nuclear test- arms and Soviet-bloc advisers help a dicta- ing. torial regime in Nicaragua try to subvert These are steps we could take in the near and betray a popular revolution. future to show the world that we are The danger inherent in these conflicts moving forward. And I, therefore, call upon must be recognized. Marxist-Leninist re- the Soviet Union to join us in practical, at- gimes tend to wage war as readily against 1230 Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1986 / Sept. 22 g nuclear testing. their neighbors as they routinely do against the General Assembly consideration of the ived a reply from their own people. In fact, the internal and Tokyo resolutions. hev to my letter external wars often become indistinguish- Moving to the economic realm-how moment, let me able. In Afghanistan, for example, the ironic it is that some continue to espouse ing it serious and puppet regime has announced its intention such ideas as a "new international economic to relocate tens of thousands of people from order" based on state control when the goal of eliminat- border areas. Can anyone doubt this will be world is learning, as never before, that the vital that we also done in classic Communist style-by force? freedom of the individual, not the power of ces of other kinds Many will die to make it easier for the Sovi- the state, is the key to economic dynamism ets and their satellite troops to intimidate why the United and growth. Nations have turned away from Pakistan. It is just such transgressions that prehensive global centralized management and government make the risk of confrontation with demo- ons and why we controls and toward the incentives and re- cratic nations so acute. hard to break the wards of the free market. They have invit- So, once again, I propose a three-point nal force negotia- ed their citizens to develop their talents peace process for the resolution of regional Stockholm Con- and abilities to the fullest and, in the proc- conflicts: First, talks between the warring ance has been ess, to provide jobs, to create wealth, to parties themselves, without which an end to W set of military build social stability and foster faith in the violence and national reconciliation are im- sures which in- future for all. The economic summits of the possible; second, discussions between the United States and Soviet Union-not to industrial democracies have paid tribute to from the experi- these principles, as has the historic U.N. impose solutions but to support peace talks progress in arms and eventually eliminate the supply of arms Special Session on Africa in May. We ap- ed from regional and the proxy troops from abroad; and plaud the African nations' call for reform, I said at the be- third, if the talks are successful, joint efforts leading to greater reliance on their private cause the military to welcome each country back into the sectors for economic growth. We believe way around. But world economy and the community of na- that overcoming hunger and economic stag- and the Soviet tions that respect human rights. nation requires policies that encourage Afri- ot causes of polit- In addition to regional disputes, the grave cans' own productivity and initiatives. Such that regional con- threat of terrorism also jeopardizes the a policy framework will make it easier for global confronta- hopes for peace. No cause, no grievance, the rest of the world, including the United ostrum, I present- can justify it. Terrorism is heinous and intol- States, to help. The laws of economic incen- hich would apply erable. It is the crime of cowards-cowards tives do not discriminate between devel- flicts that are po- who prey on the innocent, the defenseless, oped and developing countries. They apply r conflict. I point- and the helpless. With its allies and other to all equally. S for the United nations, the United States has taken steps to Much of the recent recovery in the world urances of peace- counter terrorism directly, particularly economy can be directly attributed to this oviet troops pros- state-sponsored terrorism. Last April the growth of economic freedom. And it is this inst the Afghan United States demonstrated that it will trend that offers such hope for the future. viet-backed Viet- defend its interests and act against terrorist And yet this new hope faces a grave threat: on the people of aggression. And let me assure all of you the menace of trade barriers. History shows viet advisers and today, especially let me assure any potential the imposition of such barriers invites retal- os are involved in sponsors of terrorism, that the American iation, which in turn sparks the very sort of erations in Ethio- people are of one mind on this issue. Like trade wars that plunged the world in the itary advisers and other civilized peoples of the world, we 1930's deeper into depression and economic t and participate have reached our limit. Attacks against our misery. Truly, protectionism is destruction- op up an unpop- citizens or our interests will not go unan- ism. That is why the United States seeks the n Angola; when swered. We will also do all in our power to assistance of all countries represented here dollars in Soviet help other law-abiding nations threatened in the General Assembly in protecting the sers help a dicta- by terrorist attacks. To that end, the United practice of free and fair trade. We applaud a try to subvert States believes that the understandings the success of the meeting of GATT trade ition. reached by the seven industrial democra- ministers last week in Uruguay, where a these conflicts cies at the Tokyo summit last May made a agreement was reached to launch a new rxist-Leninist re- good start toward international accord in round of multilateral trade negotiations cov- is readily against the war on terrorism. We recommend to ering a wide range of topics important to 1231 Sept. 22 / Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1986 economic growth. With over 90 other coun- than just an absence of war. True peace is tries of the GATT, the United States is justice, true peace is freedom, and true working to maintain the free flow of inter- peace dictates the recognition of human national trade. rights. In addition to resistance to protectionism, Commitments were made more than 10 the United States is also seeking to stimu- years ago in Helsinki concerning these late world economic growth in other ways. rights and their recognition. We need only Our Treasury bill interest rate is now just look to the East today to see how sadly over 5 percent, the lowest it has been in 9 unfulfilled those commitments are. The per- years-which provides enormous relief to secution of scientists, religious leaders, debtor countries. America's new tax struc- peace activists, political dissenters, and ture will open the way for greater prosperi- other prisoners of conscience continues una- ty at home, which will contribute to greater bated behind the Iron Curtain. You know, prosperity abroad. And finally, the United one section of the Helsinki accords even States is working with other countries to speaks to "improvement of working condi- minimize currency swings, to promote sta- tions of journalists." So, it is clear that bility in the monetary market, to establish progress in the human rights area must predictability as a basis for prosperity. keep pace with progress in other areas. A But the United States believes the great- failure on this score will hinder further est contribution we can make to world pros- movement in East-West relations. These, perity is the continued advocacy of the then, are the areas of concern and of oppor- magic of the marketplace-the truth, the simple and proven truth, that economic de- tunity that the United States sees in the velopment is an outgrowth of economic quest for peace and freedom, the twin ob- freedom just as economic freedom is the jectives of the U.N. Charter. inseparable twin of political freedom and Last year I pointed out in my address to democratic government. And it is here that the General Assembly the differences be- we come to our final category: human tween the United States and the Soviet rights, the indispensable element for peace, Union are deep and abiding. But I also freedom, and prosperity. I note that Mr. called for a fresh start in relations between Gorbachev has used in recent speeches the our two nations, a fresh start that could same categories I have used here today: the benefit our own people and the people of military, the political, and the economic; every nation. Since that time, the United except that he titled his fourth category: States has taken action and put forth new humanitarian. proposals that could lead our two countries Well, the difference is revealing. The and the entire world in a direction we all United States believes that respect for the have long sought to go. Now more than individual, for the dignity of the human ever, it is the responsibility of the Soviet person-those rights outlined in the U.N.'s Union to take action and demonstrate that Universal Declaration of Human Rights- they, too, are continuing the dialog for does not belong in the realm of charity or peace. As I've said, I believe that we can be humanitarian causes. Respect for human hopeful about the world and the prospects rights is not social work; it is not merely an for freedom. We only need look around us act of compassion. It is the first obligation of to see the new technologies that may some- government and the source of its legitima- day spare future generations the nightmare cy. It also is the foundation stone in any of nuclear terror, of the growing ranks of structure of world peace. All through histo- democratic activists and freedom fighters, ry, it has been the dictatorships and the or the increasing movement toward free tyrannies that have surrendered first to the market economies, or the extent of world- cult of militarism and the pursuit of war. wide concern about the rights of the indi- Countries based on the consent of the gov- vidual in the face of brute, state power. erned, countries that recognize the unal- In the past, when I have noted such ienable rights of the individual, do not trends-when I've called for a forward make war on each other. Peace is more strategy for freedom and predicated the ul- 1232 Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1986 / Sept. 22 war. True peace is timate triumph of democratic rule over to- a soul, a spirit capable of compassion and reedom, and true talitarianism-some have accused me of sacrifice and endurance." Faulkner spoke of gnition of human telling people what they want to hear, of "the old verities and truths of the heart"- urging them not to engage the day but to of the courage, honor, pride, compassion, ade more than 10 escape it. Yet, to hope is to believe in hu- pity, sacrifice, and, yes, that hope which is concerning these manity and in its future. Hope remains the the glory of our past. And all of these things ion. We need only highest reality, the age-old power. Hope is we find today in our present; we must use to see how sadly at the root of all the great ideas and causes them to build our future. nents are. The per- that have bettered the lot of humankind And it's why today we can lift up our religious leaders, across the centuries. History teaches us to spirits and our hearts. It is why we resolve di dissenters, and hope, for it teaches us about man and about that with God's help the cause of humanity nce continues una- the irrepressible human spirit. will not merely endure but prevail; that Curtain. You know, A Nobel laureate in literature, a great someday all the world-every nation, every inki accords even people, every person-will know the bless- figure of the American South, William of working condi- ings of peace and see the light of freedom. Faulkner, once said that the last sound it is clear that Thank you, and God bless you. heard on Earth would be that of the two rights area must remaining humans arguing over where to in other areas. A Note: The President spoke at 11 a.m. in the go in the spaceship they had built. In his vill hinder further General Assembly Hall at the United Na- speech to the Nobel committee in 1950, t relations. These, tions in New York. He was introduced by Faulkner spoke of the nuclear age, of the cern and of oppor- Humayun Rasheed Chowdhury, President general and universal physical fear it had States sees in the of the 41st Session of the General Assembly. engendered, a fear of destruction that had Upon his arrival at the United Nations, he edom, the twin ob- become almost unbearable. But he said, "I was greeted by Secretary-General Javier ter. decline to accept the end of man. I believe Perez de Cuellar de la Guerra. Following it in my address to that man will not merely endure, he will the President's address, he returned to the differences be- prevail. He is immortal because he has Washington, DC. es and the Soviet biding. But I also 1 relations between sh start that could and the people of Statement on the Conference on Confidence and Security Building t time, the United Measures and Disarmament in Europe and put forth new September 22, 1986 I our two countries a direction we all ). Now more than Today in Stockholm, the United States powerful force for peace. bility of the Soviet and 34 other governments adopted an The set of militarily significant and verifi- d demonstrate that accord that will, if faithfully implemented, able measures adopted by the Stockholm ng the dialog for reduce the risk of war in Europe, where CDE Conference marks a substantial ad- ieve that we can be there is the greatest concentration of mili- vance over those in the Helsinki Final Act. and the prospects tary forces of the East and the West. I wel- These measures will make military activities eed look around us come this positive outcome at the CDE more predictable and inhibit opportunities gies that may some- Conference. It will contribute to greater se- for political intimidation. In particular, the tions the nightmare curity in Europe and to improved East- Stockholm accord commits the 35 nations to growing ranks of West relations. This accord also sends mes- notify one another of military activities freedom fighters, sages that should be welcomed by people above certain levels, to invite observers, to ment toward free throughout the world. It demonstrates that forecast activities a year in advance, and to 1e extent of world- East and West, with seriousness of purpose allow inspectors to verify compliance with rights of the indi- and hard work, can establish common those commitments. This is the first East- rute, state power. ground on which to build a more secure West accord in which the Soviet Union has have noted such future. It also demonstrates that the nations agreed to inspection of military activities on ed for a forward of the West, around whose proposals the its territory. Although these inspection pro- predicated the ul- Stockholm accord was built, constitute a visions are very different from those we 1233 Sept. 21 / Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1987 Address to the 42d Session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York, New York September 21, 1987 Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, of international affairs, putting the lie to the Ambassador Reed, honored guests, and dis- myth of materialism and historical determi- tinguished delegates: Let me first welcome nism. We have only to open our eyes to see the Secretary-General back from his pil- the simple aspirations of ordinary people grimage for peace in the Middle East. Hun- writ large on the record of our times. dreds of thousands have already fallen in Last year in the Philippines, ordinary the bloody conflict between Iran and Iraq. people rekindled the spirit of democracy All men and women of good will pray that and restored the electoral process. Some the carnage can soon be stopped, and we said they had performed a miracle, and if pray that the Secretary-General proves to so, a similar miracle-a transition to democ- be not only a pilgrim but also the architect racy-is taking place in the Republic of of a lasting peace between those two na- Korea. Haiti, too, is making a transition. tions. Mr. Secretary-General, the United Some despair when these new, young de- States supports you, and may God guide mocracies face conflicts or challenges, but you in your labors ahead. growing pains are normal in democracies. Like the Secretary-General, all of us here The United States had them, as has every today are on a kind of pilgrimage. We come other democracy on Earth. from every continent, every race, and most In Latin America, too, one can hear the religions to this great hall of hope, where in voices of freedom echo from the peaks and the name of peace we practice diplomacy. across the plains. It is the song of ordinary Now, diplomacy, of course, is a subtle and people marching, not in uniforms and not nuanced craft, so much so that it's said that in military file but, rather, one by one, in when one of the most wily diplomats of the simple, everyday working clothes, marching 19th century passed away other diplomats to the polls. Ten years ago only a third of asked, on reports of his death, "What do the people of Latin America and the Carib- you suppose the old fox meant by that?" bean lived in democracies or in countries But true statesmanship requires not that were turning to democracy; today over merely skill but something greater, some- 90 percent do. thing we call vision-a grasp of the present But this worldwide movement to democ- and of the possibilities of the future. I've racy is not the only way in which simple, come here today to map out for you my ordinary people are leading us in this own vision of the world's future, one, I be- room-we who are said to be the makers of lieve, that in its essential elements is shared history-leading us into the future. Around by all Americans. And I hope those who see the world, new businesses, new economic things differently will not mind if I say that growth, new technologies are emerging we in the United States believe that the from the workshops of ordinary people with place to look first for shape of the future is extraordinary dreams. not in continental masses and sealanes, al- Here in the United States, entrepreneuri- though geography is, obviously, of great im- al energy-reinvigorated when we cut taxes portance. Neither is it in national reserves and regulations-has fueled the current of blood and iron or, on the other hand, of economic expansion. According to scholars money and industrial capacity, although at the Massachusetts Institute of Technolo- military and economic strength are also, of gy, three-quarters of the more than 13½ course, crucial. We begin with something million new jobs that we have created in that is far simpler and yet far more pro- this country since the beginning of our ex- found: the human heart. pansion came from businesses with fewer All over the world today, the yearnings of than 100 employees, businesses started by the human heart are redirecting the course ordinary people who dared to take a 1058 Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1987 / Sept. 21 1 Assembly chance. And many of our new high technol- poor that bypasses crushing taxation and sti- ogies were first developed in the garages of fling regulation. This informal economy, as fledgling entrepreneurs. Yet America is not the researchers call it, is the principal sup- the only, or perhaps even the best, example plier of many goods and services and often of the dynamism and dreams that the free- the only ladder for upward mobility. In the ig, the lie to the ing of markets set free. capital city, it accounts for almost all public torical determi- In India and China, freer markets for transportation and most street markets. And our eyes to see farmers have led to an explosion in produc- the researchers concluded that, thanks to rdinary people tion. In Africa, governments are rethinking the informal economy, "the poor can work, ir times. their policies, and where they are allowing travel, and have a roof over their heads." oines, ordinary greater economic freedom to farmers, crop They might have added that, by becoming of democracy production has improved. Meanwhile, in underground entrepreneurs themselves or process. Some the newly industrialized countries of the by working for them, the poor have miracle, and if Pacific rim, free markets in services and become less poor and the nation itself tion to democ- manufacturing as well as agriculture have richer. e Republic of led to a soaring of growth and standards of Those who advocate statist solutions to living. The ASEAN nations, Japan, Korea, g a transition. development should take note: The free and Taiwan have created the true economic ew, young de- market is the other path to development miracle of the last two decades, and in each challenges, but and the one true path. And unlike many n democracies. of them, much of the magic came from or- other paths, it leads somewhere. It works. dinary people who succeeded as entrepre- 1, as has every So, this is where I believe we can find the neurs. In Latin America, this same lesson of free map to the world's future: in the hearts of e can hear the markets, greater opportunity, and growth is ordinary people, in their hopes for them- the peaks and being studied and acted on. President selves and their children, in their prayers as ng of ordinary Sarney of Brazil spoke for many others they lay themselves and their families to forms and not when he said that "private initiative is the rest each night. These simple people are one by one, in engine of economic development. In Brazil the giants of the Earth, the true builders of thes, marching we have learned that every time the state's the world and shapers of the centuries to only a third of penetration in the economy increases, our come. And if indeed they triumph, as I be- and the Carib- liberty decreases." Yes, policies that release lieve they will, we will at last know a world or in countries to flight ordinary people's dreams are of peace and freedom, opportunity and icy; today over spreading around the world. From Colom- hope, and, yes, of democracy-a world in bia to Turkey to Indonesia, governments which the spirit of mankind at last conquers ent to democ- are cutting taxes, reviewing their regula- the old, familiar enemies of famine, disease, which simple, tions, and opening opportunities for initia- tyranny, and war. ng us in this tive. This is my vision-America's vision. I rec- the makers of There has been much talk in the halls of ognize that some governments represented future. Around this building about the right to develop- in this hall have other ideas. Some do not new economic ment. But more and more the evidence is believe in democracy or in political, eco- are emerging clear that development is not itself a right. nomic, or religious freedom. Some believe ry people with It is the product of rights: the right to own in dictatorship, whether by one man, one property; the right to buy and sell freely; party, one class, one race, or one vanguard. entrepreneuri- the right to contract; the right to be free of To those governments I would only say that n we cut taxes excessive taxation and regulation, of bur- the price of oppression is clear. Your econo- the current densome government. There have been mies will fall farther and farther behind. ng to scholars studies that determined that countries with Your people will become more restless. Isn't of Technolo- low tax rates have greater growth than it better to listen to the people's hopes now ore than 13½ those with high rates. rather than their curses later? ve created in We're all familiar with the phenomenon And yet despite our differences, there is ing of our ex- of the underground economy. The scholar one common hope that brought us all to es with fewer Hernando de Soto and his colleagues have make this common pilgrimage: the hope ses started by examined the situation of one country, that mankind will one day beat its swords 1 to take a Peru, and described an economy of the into plowshares, the hope of peace. In no 1059 Sept. 21 / Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1987 place on Earth today is peace more in need but outside the Security Council, the Sovi- of friends than the Middle East. Its people's ets have acted differently. They called for yearning for peace is growing. The United removal of our Navy from the Gulf, where States will continue to be an active partner it has been for 40 years. They made the in the efforts of the parties to come togeth- false accusation that somehow the United er to settle their differences and build a just States, rather than the war itself, is the and lasting peace. source of tension in the Gulf. Well, such And this month marks the beginning of statements are not helpful. They divert at- the eighth year of the Iran-Iraq war. Two tention from the challenge facing us all: a months ago, the Security Council adopted a just end to the war. The United States mandatory resolution demanding a cease- hopes the Soviets will join the other mem- fire, withdrawal, and negotiations to end bers of the Security Council in vigorously the war. The United States fully supports seeking an end to a conflict that never implementation of Resolution 598, as we should have begun, should have ended long support the Secretary-General's recent mis- ago, and has become one of the great trage- sion. We welcomed Iraq's acceptance of dies of the postwar era. that resolution and remain disappointed at Elsewhere in the region, we see the con- Iran's unwillingness to accept it. In that tinuing Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. regard, I know that the President of Iran After nearly 8 years, a million casualties, will be addressing you tomorrow. I take this nearly 4 million others driven into exile, opportunity to call upon him clearly and and more intense fighting than ever, it's unequivocally to state whether Iran accepts time for the Soviet Union to leave. The 598 or not. If the answer is positive, it Afghan people must have the right to de- would be a welcome step and major break- termine their own future free of foreign through. If it is negative, the Council has no coercion. There is no excuse for prolonging choice but rapidly to adopt enforcement a brutal war or propping up a regime measures. For 40 years the United States has made whose days are clearly numbered. That it clear, its vital interest in the security of regime offers political proposals that pre- the Persian Gulf and the countries that tend compromise, but really would ensure border it. The oil reserves there are of stra- the perpetuation of the regime's power. tegic importance to the economies of the Those proposals have failed the only signifi- free world. We're committed to maintain- cant test: They have been rejected by the ing the free flow of this oil and to prevent- Afghan people. Every day the resistance ing the domination of the region by any grows in strength. It is an indispensable höstile power. We do not seek confrontation party in the quest for a negotiated solution. or trouble with Iran or anyone else. Our The world community must continue to object is-or, objective is now, and has been insist on genuine self-determination, at every stage, finding a means to end the prompt and full Soviet withdrawal, and the war with no victor and no vanquished. The return of the refugees to their homes in increase in our naval presence in the Gulf safety and honor. The attempt may be does not favor one side or the other. It is a made to pressure a few countries to change response to heightened tensions and fol- their vote this year, but this body, I know, lowed consultations with our friends in the will vote overwhelmingly, as every year region. When the tension diminishes, so will before, for Afghan independence and free- our presence. dom. We have noted General Secretary The United States is gratified by many Gorbachev's statement of readiness to with- recent diplomatic developments: the unani- draw. In April I asked the Soviet Union to mous adoption of Resolution 598, the Arab set a date this year when this withdrawal League's statement at its recent meeting in would begin. I repeat that request now in Tunis, and the Secretary-General's visit. Yet this forum for peace. I pledge that, once problems remain. the Soviet Union shows convincingly that The Soviet Union helped in drafting and it's ready for a genuine political settlement, reaching an agreement on Resolution 598, the United States is ready to be helpful. 1060 Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1987 / Sept. 21 ouncil, the Sovi- Let me add one final note on this matter. stranglehold on internal political activity. They called for Pakistan, in the face of enormous pressure You must hold free and fair national elec- the Gulf, where and intimidation, has given sanctuary to tions. The media must be truly free, not They made the Afghan refugees. We salute the courage of censored or intimidated or crippled by indi- how the United Pakistan and the Pakistani people. They de- rect measures, like the denial of newsprint ar. itself, is the serve strong support from all of us. or threats against journalists or their fami- Gulf. Well, such Another regional conflict, we all know, is lies. Exiles must be allowed to return to They divert at- taking place in Central America, in Nicara- minister, to live, to work, and to organize facing us all: a gua. To the Sandinista delegation here politically. Then, when persecution of reli- United States today I say: Your people know the true gion has ended and the jails no longer con- the other mem- nature of your regime. They have seen tain political prisoners, national reconcilia- il in vigorously their liberties suppressed. They have seen tion and democracy will be possible. Unless lict that never the promises of 1979 go unfulfilled. They this happens, democratization will be a have ended long have seen their real wages and personal fraud. And until it happens, we will press the great trage- income fall by half-yes, half-since 1979, for true democracy by supporting those while your party elite live lives of privilege fighting for it. we see the con- and luxury. This is why, despite a billion Freedom in Nicaragua or Angola or Af- of Afghanistan. dollars in Soviet-bloc aid last year alone, de- ghanistan or Cambodia or Eastern Europe illion casualties, spite the largest and best equipped army in or South Africa or anyplace else on the iven into exile, Central America, you face a popular revolu- than ever, it's tion at home. It is why the democratic re- globe is not just an internal matter. Some 1 to leave. The sistance is able to operate freely deep in time ago the Czech dissident writer Vaclav your heartland. But this revolution should Havel warned the world that "respect for the right to de- come as no surprise to you; it is only the human rights is the fundamental condition free of foreign revolution you promised the people and and the sole genuine guarantee of true e for prolonging that you then betrayed. peace." And Andrei Sakharov in his Nobel ! up a regime The goal of United States policy toward lecture said: "I am convinced that interna- RR umbered. That Nicaragua is simple. It is the goal of the tional confidence, mutual understanding, posals that pre- disarmament, and international security are used ly would ensure Nicaraguan people and the freedom fight- ers, as well. It is democracy-real, free, plu- inconceivable without an open society with same egime's power. freedom of information, freedom of con- exact the only signifi- ralistic, constitutional democracy. Under- rejected by the stand this: We will not, and the world com- science, the right to publish, and the right quote the resistance munity will not, accept phony democratiza- to travel and choose the country in which in 1985 tion designed to mask the perpetuation of one wishes to live." Freedom serves peace; n indispensable the quest for peace must serve the cause of UN otiated solution. dictatorship. In this 200th year of our own Constitution, we know that real democracy freedom. Patient diplomacy can contribute address nust continue to depends on the safeguards of an institution- to a world in which both can flourish. f-determination, al structure that prevents a concentration of We're heartened by new prospects for drawal, and the power. It is that which makes rights secure. improvement in East-West and particularly their homes in The temporary relaxation of controls, which U.S.-Soviet relations. Last week Soviet For- tempt may be can later be tightened, is not democratiza- eign Minister Shevardnadze visited Wash- ntries to change tion. ington for talks with me and with the Sec- S body, I know, And, again, to the Sandinistas, I say: We retary of State, Shultz. We discussed the full as every year continue to hope that Nicaragua will range of issues, including my longstanding lence and free- become part of the genuine democratic efforts to achieve, for the first time, deep eral Secretary transformation that we have seen through- reductions in U.S. and Soviet nuclear arms. adiness to with- out Central America in this decade. We ap- It was 6 years ago, for example, that I pro- Soviet Union to plaud the principles embodied in the Gua- posed the zero-option for U.S. and Soviet this withdrawal temala agreement, which links the security longer range, intermediate-range nuclear request now in of the Central American democracies to missiles. I'm pleased that we have now dge that, once democratic reform in Nicaragua. Now is the agreed in principle to a truly historic treaty nvincingly that time for you to shut down the military ma- that will eliminate an entire class of U.S. ical settlement, chine that threatens your neighbors and as- and Soviet nuclear weapons. We also agreed to be helpful. saults your own people. You must end your to intensify our diplomatic efforts in all 1061 Sept. 21 / Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1987 areas of mutual interest. Toward that end, these changes. We hear the word glasnost, Secretary Shultz and the Foreign Minister which is translated as "openness" in Eng- will meet again a month from now in lish. "Openness" is a broad term. It means Moscow, and I will meet again with Gener- the free, unfettered flow of information, al Secretary Gorbachev later this fall. ideas, and people. It means political and We continue to have our differences and intellectual liberty in all its dimensions. We probably always will. But that puts a special hope, for the sake of the peoples of the responsibility on us to find ways-realistic U.S.S.R., that such changes will come. And ways-to bring greater stability to our com- we hope, for the sake of peace, that it will petition and to show the world a construc- include a foreign policy that respects the tive example of the value of communication freedom and independence of other peo- and of the possibility of peaceful solutions to ples. political problems. And here let me add No place should be better suited for dis- that we seek, through our Strategic Defense cussions of peace than this hall. The first Initiative, to find a way to keep peace Secretary-General, Trygve Lie, said of the through relying on defense, not offense, for United Nations: "With the danger of fire, deterrence and for eventually rendering and in the absence of an organized fire de- ballistic missiles obsolete. SDI has greatly partment, it is only common sense for the enhanced the prospects for real arms reduc- neighbors to join in setting up their own tion. It is a crucial part of our efforts to fire brigades." Joining together to drown ensure a safer world and a more stable stra- the flames of war-this, together with a tegic balance. Universal Declaration of Human Rights, was We will continue to pursue the goal of arms reduction, particularly the goal that the founding ideal of the United Nations. It is our continuing challenge to ensure that the General Secretary and I agreed upon: a the U.N. lives up to these hopes. As the 50-percent reduction in our respective stra- tegic nuclear arms. We will continue to Secretary-General noted some time ago, the press the Soviets for more constructive con- risk of anarchy in the world has increased, because the fundamental rules of the U.N. duct in the settling of regional conflicts. We look to the Soviets to honor the Helsinki Charter have been violated. The General accords. We look for greater freedom for Assembly has repeatedly acknowledged this the Soviet peoples within their country, with regard to the occupation of Afghani- more people-to-people exchanges with our stan. The charter has a concrete practical country, and Soviet recognition in practice meaning today, because it touches on all of the right of freedom of movement. the dimensions of human aspiration that I We look forward to a time when things mentioned earlier-the yearning for democ- we now regard as sources of friction and racy and freedom, for global peace, and for even danger can become examples of coop- prosperity. eration between ourselves and the Soviet This is why we must protect the Univer- Union. For instance, I have proposed a col- sal Declaration of Human Rights from being laboration to reduce the barriers between debased as it was through the infamous "Zi- East and West in Berlin and, more broadly, onism is Racism" resolution. We cannot in Europe as a whole. Let us work together permit attempts to control the media and for a Europe in which force of the threat- promote censorship under the ruse of a so- or, force, whether in the form of walls or of called "New World Information Order." We guns, is no longer an obstacle to free choice must work against efforts to introduce con- by individuals and whole nations. I have tentious and nonrelevant issues into the also called for more openness in the flow of work of the specialized and technical agen- information from the Soviet Union about its cies, where we seek progress on urgent military forces, policies, and programs so problems-from terrorism to drug traffick- that our negotiations about arms reductions ing to nuclear proliferation-which threat- can proceed with greater confidence. en us all. Such efforts corrupt the charter We hear much about changes in the and weaken this organization. Soviet Union. We're intensely interested in There have been important administra- 1062 Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1987 / Sept. 21 word glasnost, tive and budget reforms. They have helped. our peoples than war and the threat of war? nness" in Eng- The United States is committed to restoring Two centuries ago, in a hall much smaller term. It means its contribution as reforms progress. But than this one, in Philadelphia, Americans of information, there is still much to do. The United Na- met to draft a Constitution. In the course of ns political and tions was built on great dreams and great their debates, one of them said that the dimensions. We ideals. Sometimes it has strayed. It is time new government, if it was to rise high, must peoples of the for it to come home. It was Dag Hammar- be built on the broadest base: the will and will come. And skjold who said: "The end of all political consent of the people. And so it was, and so ace, that it will effort must be the well-being of the individ- it has been. at respects the ual in a life of safety and freedom." Well, My message today is that the dreams of of other peo- should this not be our credo in the years ordinary people reach to astonishing ahead? heights. If we diplomatic pilgrims are to r suited for dis- I have spoken today of a vision and the achieve equal altitudes, we must build all hall. The first obstacles to its realization. More than a cen- we do on the full breadth of humanity's will Lie, said of the tury ago a young Frenchman, Alexis de and consent and the full expanse of the danger of fire, Tocqueville, visited America. After that human heart. Thank you, and God bless you ganized fire de- visit he predicted that the two great powers all. on sense for the of the future world would be, on one hand, g up their own the United States, which would be built, as Note: President Reagan spoke at 11:02 a.m. ether to drown he said, "by the plowshare," and, on the in the General Assembly Hall. In his open- ogether with a other, Russia, which would go forward, ing remarks, he referred to United Nations man Rights, was again, as he said, "by the sword." Yet need President Peter Florin, Secretary-General nited Nations. It it be so? Cannot swords be turned to plow- Javier Perez de Cuellar de la Guerra, and to ensure that shares? Can we and all nations not live in Under Secretary-General for Political and hopes. As the peace? In our obsession with antagonisms of General Assembly Affairs Joseph V. Reed, ne time ago, the the moment, we often forget how much Jr. Following his address, President Reagan d has increased, unites all the members of humanity. Per- met with the Secretary-General in the Indo- ules of the U.N. haps we need some outside, universal threat nesian Lounge. He then went to the U.S. d. The General to make us recognize this common bond. I Mission for a meeting with allied Foreign knowledged this occasionally think how quickly our differ- Ministers and bilateral meetings with Prime ion of Afghani- ences worldwide would vanish if we were Minister Mohammed Khan Junejo of Paki- ncrete practical facing an alien threat from outside this stan, Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone of touches on all world. And yet, I ask you, is not an alien Japan, and President Vinicio Cerezo Aré- aspiration that I force already among us? What could be valo of Guatemala. Following the meetings, ning for democ- more alien to the universal aspirations of he returned to Washington, DC. d peace, and for ect the Univer- ghts from being Statement by Assistant to the President for Press Relations e infamous "Zi- Fitzwater on the United States Air Strike in the Persian Gulf on. We cannot the media and September 21, 1987 he ruse of a so- ion Order." We United States Forces took defensive ernment the way in which we would re- introduce con- action in the Persian Gulf Monday evening, spond to such provocative acts which issues into the when an Iranian landing craft was discov- present an immediate risk to United States technical agen- ered laying mines in international waters 50 ships and to all ships. United States Forces ress on urgent miles northeast of Bahrain. We have previ- acted in a defensive manner and in accord- ) drug traffick- ously communicated with the Iranian Gov- ance with existing rules of engagement. -which threat- ipt the charter 1. ant administra- 1063 Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1988 / Sept. 26 returned to the Informal Exchange With Reporters on the Presidential Candidates 'W months ago, Debate Corbachev and I or of one of the September 26, 1988 rooms and ex- f ratification for Q. Mr. President, who won the debate budget, but it's hard to tell. I think we'd at will, for the last night? Who won the debate? better go. inate an entire The President. I think the Vice President The President. I think the simplest state- ear missiles. was excellent. I think that he was the only ment about the defense budget and who is Il talk about this one who was really stating facts and truth. to blame for what is happening is the fact T philosophy of Q. He didn't know which missiles and- that over a 5-year period the Congress cut firm show of how come he didn't know what programs $125 billion from the budgets I've present- S allies has kept to cut from the defense budget? ed, but added $250 billion to the non- ing lanes of the The President. I didn't hear what you-- defense spending. a key factor in Q. He didn't know about the defense Q. How did Dukakis do? est wars of this budget. The President. What? om Cambodia to The President. What? Q. How did Dukakis do in the debate? strength, our as- Q. He was mixed up on the defense The President. He didn't thrill me. d fight for free- budget. and freedom a Mr. Fitzwater. Must mean Dukakis, huh? Note: The exchange began at 9:07 a.m. at en the people of The President. You mean Dukakis? What? the South Portico of the White House, prior Yes, the world Q. George Bush, on what weapons he to the President's departure for New York hopes for peace would cut from the defense budget. City. Vice President George Bush and Gov. ve seemed total- Mr. Fitzwater. Something weapon-I Michael Dukakis participated in the first After all, 8 years don't know. I don't know what she's Presidential candidates debate on Septem- ght that a Presi- saying-something about the defense ber 25. uld stand before the Soviet Union the wonders of is: What next? Address to the 43d Session of the United Nations General Assembly in the next 8 in New York, New York s? What are the September 26, 1988 d a safer, better, ome thoughts of Mr. President, Mr. General Secretary of Vietnam's occupying forces. And finally, e're to continue [Secretary-General], distinguished dele- in this hemisphere, where only 12 years ago nd human free- gates: Half a world away from this place of one-third of the people of Latin America ain strong. We peace, the firing, the killing, the bloodshed lived under democratic rule, some 90 per- hose born-again in two merciless conflicts have, for the first cent do so today; and especially in Central ngth while serv- time in recent memory, diminished. After America, nations such as El Salvador, once of weakness. If adding terrible new names to the rollcall of threatened by the anarchy of the death hese last 8 years, human horror-names such as Halabja, squad and the specter of totalitarian rule, gth works. Maidan Shahr, and Spin Buldak-there is now know the hope of self-government and or listening, and today hope of peace in the Persian Gulf and the prospect of economic growth. Afghanistan. So, too, in the highlands and And another change, Mr. Secretary-Gen- coastal cities of southern Africa-places of eral, a change that, if it endures, may go at 12:06 p.m. civil war, places of occupation by foreign down as one of the signal accomplishments troops-talk of peace is heard, peace for the of our history, a change that is a cause for tortured nation of Angola. shaking of the head in wonder, is also upon Sixty-five hundred miles east, in the us-a change going to the source of postwar Southeast Asian country of Cambodia, there tensions and to the once seemingly impossi- is hope now of a settlement-the removal ble dream of ending the twin threats of our 1219 Sept. 26 / Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1988 time: totalitarianism and thermonuclear engaged in more than an academic exer- world war. cise. There is movement. The logjam is For the first time, the differences be- broken. Only recently, when the United tween East and West-fundamental differ- States and the Soviet Union signed the INF ences over important moral questions deal- agreement, an entire class of U.S. and ing with the worth of the individual and Soviet nuclear missiles was eliminated for whether governments shall control people the first time in history. Progress continues or people control governments-for the on negotiations to reduce, in massive first time, these differences have shown number, strategic weapons with effective signs of easing, easing to the point where verification. And talks will begin soon on there are not just troop withdrawals from conventional reductions in Europe. places like Afghanistan but also talk in the Much of the reason for all of this goes East of reform and greater freedom of back, I believe, to Geneva itself, to the press, of assembly, and of religion. small chateau along the lake where I and Yes, fundamental differences remain. But the General Secretary of the Soviet Union should talk of reform become more than had the first of several fireside chats, ex- that, should it become reality, there is the changes characterized by frankness, but prospect of not only a new era in Soviet- friendliness, too. I said at the first meeting American relations but a new age of world in Geneva that this was a unique encounter peace. For such reform can bring peace, between two people who had the power to history teaches. And my country has always start world war III or to begin a new age of believed that where the rights of the indi- peace among nations. And I also said peace vidual and the people are enshrined, war is conferences, arms negotiations, proposals a distant prospect. For it is not people who for treaties could make sense only if they make war; only governments do that. I stand at this podium, then, in a moment were part of a wider context, a context that of hope-hope not just for the peoples of sought to explore and resolve the deeper, the United States or the Soviet Union but underlying differences between us. I said to for all the peoples of the world-and hope, Mr. Gorbachev then, as I've said to you before: Nations do not mistrust each other too, for the dream of peace among nations, the dream that began the United Nations. because they're armed; they're armed be- Precisely because of these changes, today cause they mistrust each other. the United Nations has the opportunity to And in that place, by that peaceful lake live and breathe and work as never before. in neutral Switzerland, Mr. Gorbachev and Already, you, Mr. Secretary-General, I did begin a new relationship based not through your persistence, patience, and un- just on engagement over the single issue of yielding will, have shown, in working arms control but on a broader agenda about toward peace in Afghanistan and the Per- our deeper differences-an agenda of sian Gulf, how valuable the United Nations human rights, regional conflicts, and bilater- can be. And we salute you for these accom- al exchanges between our peoples. Even on plishments. the arms control issue itself, we agreed to In Geneva at this very hour, there are go beyond the past, to seek not just treaties numerous negotiations underway-multilat- that permit building weapons to higher eral negotiations at the Conference on Dis- levels but revolutionary agreements that ac- armament as well as bilateral negotiations tually reduced and even eliminated a whole on a range of issues between the Soviets class of nuclear weapons. and ourselves. And these negotiations, some What was begun that morning in Geneva of them under U.N. auspices, involve a has shown results-in the INF treaty; in my broad arms control agenda-strategic offen- recent visit to Moscow; in my opportunity sive weapons and space, nuclear testing and to meet there with Soviet citizens and dissi- chemical warfare-whose urgency we have dents and speak of human rights, and to witnessed anew in recent days. And, Mr. speak, too, in the Lenin Hills of Moscow to Secretary-General, the negotiators are busy. the young people of the Soviet Union about And over the last few years, they've been the wonder and splendor of human free- 1220 Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1988 / Sept. 26 academic exer- dom. The results of that morning in Geneva alienable rights of all members of the The logjam is are seen in peace conferences now under- human family." In a century where human hen the United way around the world on regional conflicts rights have been denied by totalitarian gov- signed the INF and in the work of the U.N. here in New ernments on a scale never before seen in SS of U.S. and York as well as in Geneva. history, with so many millions deliberately S eliminated for But, Mr. Secretary-General, history teach- starved or eliminated as a matter of state ogress continues es caution. Indeed, that very building in policy-a history, it has been said, of blood, ce, in massive Geneva where important negotiations have stupidity, and barbed wire-few can S with effective taken place-the Geneva accords on Af- wonder why peace has proved so elusive. begin soon on ghanistan, the Iran-Iraq negotiations, for ex- Now, let us understand: If we would have Europe. ample-we see it today as stonelike testimo- peace, we must acknowledge the elementa- all of this goes ny to a failed dream of peace in another ry rights of our fellow human beings. In our a itself, to the time. The Palais des Nations was the head- own land and in other lands, if we would ke where I and quarters of the League of Nations, an insti- have peace, the trampling of the human he Soviet Union tution that was to symbolize an end to all spirit must cease. Human rights is not for eside chats, ex- war. And yet today-that institution and its some, some of the time. Human rights, as frankness, but noble purpose ended with the Second the universal declaration of this Assembly the first meeting World War; ended because the chance for peace was not seized in the 1930's by the adopted in 1948 proclaims, is "for all people nique encounter ad the power to nations of the world; ended because human- and all nations," and for all time. gin a new age of ity didn't find the courage to isolate the This regard for human rights as the foun- aggressors, to reject schemes of government dation of peace is at the heart of the U.N. I also said peace that serve the state, not the people. Those who starve in Ethiopia, those who ations, proposals We are here today, Mr. Secretary-Gener- die among the Kurds, those who face racial nse only if they xt, a context that al, determined that no such fate shall befall injustice in South Africa, those who still the United Nations. We are determined cannot write or speak freely in the Soviet olve the deeper, that the U.N. should succeed and serve the Union, those who cannot worship in the veen us. I said to cause of peace for humankind. So, Mr. Sec- Ukraine, those who struggle for life and I've said to you strust each other retary-General, we realize that, even in this freedom on boats in the South China Sea, time of hope, the chance of failure is real. those who cannot publish or assemble in ey're armed be- But this knowledge does not discourage us; Managua-all of this is more than just an her. it spurs us on. For the stakes are high. Do agenda item on your calendar. It must be a at peaceful lake we falter and fail now and bring down upon first concern, an issue above others. For Gorbachev and ourselves the just anger of future genera- when human rights concerns are not para- nship based not tions? Or do we continue the work of the mount at the United Nations, when the he single issue of founders of this institution and see to it Universal Declaration of Human Rights is der agenda about that, at last, freedom is enshrined and hu- not honored in these halls and meeting -an agenda of manity knows war no longer and that this rooms, then the very credibility of this orga- flicts, and bilater- place, this floor, shall be truly "the world's nization is at stake, the very purpose of its peoples. Even on last battlefield?" We are determined it shall existence in question. If, we agreed to be so. So, we turn now to the agenda of That is why when human rights progress < not just treaties peace. is made, the United Nations grows strong- apons to higher Let us begin by addressing a concern that er-and the United States is glad of it. Fol- reements that ac- was much on my mind when I met with lowing a 2-year effort led by the United minated a whole Mr. Gorbachev in the Kremlin, as well as States, for example, the U.N. Human Rights on the minds of Soviet citizens that I met in Commission took a major step toward rning in Geneva Moscow. It is also an issue that I know is of ending the double standards and cynicism NF treaty; in my immediate importance to the delegates of that had characterized too much of its past. my opportunity this Assembly, who this fall commemorate For years, Cuba, a blatant violator of its itizens and dissi- the 40th anniversary of the Universal Dec- citizens' human rights, has escaped U.N. n rights, and to laration of Human Rights. That declaration censure or even scrutiny. This year, Cuba ills of Moscow to says plainly what those who seek peace can has responded to pressure generated by the viet Union about forget only at the greatest peril: that peace Human Rights Commission by accepting an of human free- rests on one foundation-observing "the in- investigation into its human rights abuses. 1221 Sept. 26 / Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1988 Fidel Castro has already begun to free some courage the Soviet Union to complete its political prisoners, improve prison condi- troop withdrawal at the earliest possible tions, and tolerate the existence of a small, date so that the Afghan people can freely independent national human rights group. determine their future without further out- More must be done. The United Nations side interference. must be relentless and unyielding in seek- In southern Africa, too, years of patient ing change in Cuba and elsewhere. And we diplomacy and support for those in Angola must also see to it that the Universal Decla- who seek self-determination are having ration itself should not be debased with epi- their effect. We look forward to an accord sodes like the "zionism is racism" resolu- between the Governments of Angola, Cuba, tion. Respect for human rights is the first and South Africa that will bring about a and fundamental mission of this body, the complete withdrawal of all foreign troops, most elementary obligation of its members. primarily Cuban, from Angola. We look for- Indeed, wherever one turns in the world ward as well to full implementation of U.N. today, there is new awareness, a growing Security Council Resolution 435 and our passion for human rights. The people of the longstanding goal of independence for Na- world grow united; new groups, new coali- mibia. We continue to support a growing tions form-coalitions that monitor govern- consensus among African leaders who also ment, that work against discrimination, that believe there can be no end to conflict in fight religious or political repression, unlaw- the region until there is national reconcilia- ful imprisonment, torture, or execution. As those I spoke to at Spaso House said to me tion within Angola. last June, such movements make a differ- Mr. Secretary-General, there are new hopes for Cambodia, a nation whose free- ence. Turning now to regional conflicts, we feel dom and independence we seek just as again the uplift of hope. In the Gulf war avidly as we sought the freedom and inde- between Iran and Iraq, one of the bloodiest pendence of Afghanistan. We urge the conflicts since World War II, we have a rapid removal of all Vietnamese troops and cease-fire. The resolution and the firmness a settlement that will prevent the return of of the allied nations in keeping the Persian the Khmer Rouge to power, permitting in- Gulf open to international shipping not only stead the establishment of a genuinely rep- upheld the rule of law, it helped prevent resentative government-a government further spread of the conflict and laid the that will, at last, respect fully the rights of basis for peace. So, too, the Security Coun- the people of Cambodia and end the hide- cil's decisive resolution in July a year ago ous suffering they have so bravely and has become the blueprint for a peaceful needlessly borne. Gulf. Let this war-a war in which there In other critical areas, we applaud the has been no victor or vanquished, only vic- Secretary-General's efforts to structure a tims-let this war end now. Let both Iran referendum on the western Sahara. And in and Iraq cooperate with the Secretary-Gen- the Mediterranean, direct talks between eral and the Security Council in implement- Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities ing Resolution 598. Let peace come. hold much promise for accord in that divid- Moving on to a second region: When I ed island nation. And finally, we look to a first addressed the U.N. General Assembly peaceful solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict. in 1983, world attention was focused on the So, too, the unnatural division of Europe brutal invasion and illegal occupation of Af- remains a critical obstacle to Soviet-Ameri- ghanistan. After nearly 9 long years of war, can relations. the courage and determination of the In most of these areas, then, we see Afghan people and the Afghan freedom progress, and again, we're glad of it. Only a fighters have held sway, and today an end few years ago, all of these and other con- to the occupation is in sight. On April 14, flicts were burning dangerously out of con- the U.S.S.R. signed the Geneva accords, trol. Indeed, the invasion of Afghanistan which were negotiated under U.N. auspices and the apparent will among democratic by Pakistan and the Kabul regime. We en- and peace-loving nations to deter such 1222 Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1988 / Sept. 26 to complete its events seemed to cause a climate where can continue. I can tell this Assembly that it arliest possible aggression by nations large and small was is highly doubtful such a treaty can be ac- ople can freely epidemic, a climate the world has not seen complished in a few months, but I can tell out further out- since the 1930's. Only this time, larger war you a year from now is a possibility-more was avoided, avoided because the free and than a possibility. But we have no deadline. ears of patient peaceful nations of the world recovered No agreement is better than a bad agree- those in Angola their strength of purpose and will. And now ment. The United States remains hopeful, on are having the United Nations is providing valuable as- and we acknowledge the spirit of coopera- rd to an accord sistance in helping this epidemic to recede. tion shown by the Soviet Union in these f Angola, Cuba, And because we're resolved to keep it so, negotiations. We also look for that spirit to bring about a I would be remiss in my duty if I did not be applied to our concerns about compli- foreign troops, now take note here of the one exception to ance with existing agreements. la. We look for- progress in regional conflicts. I refer here to So, too, our discussions on nuclear testing entation of U.N. the continuing deterioration of human and defense and space have been useful. a 435 and our rights in Nicaragua and the refusal of the But let me here stress to this General As- endence for Na- tiny elite now ruling that nation to honor sembly that much of the momentum in nu- promises of democracy made to their own port a growing eaders who also people and to the international community. clear arms control negotiations is due to This elite, in calling itself revolutionary, technological progress itself, especially in d to conflict in seeks no real revolution; the use of the term the potential for space-based defensive sys- ional reconcilia- tems. I believe that the United States deter- is subterfuge, deception for hiding the oldest, most corrupt vice of all: man's age- mination to research and develop and, there are new old will to power, his lust to control the when ready, deploy such defensive sys- ion whose free- lives and steal the freedom of others. And tems-systems targeted to destroy missiles, e seek just as that's why, as President, I will continue to not people-accounts for a large share of edom and inde- urge the Congress and the American public the progress made in recent years in We urge the to stand behind those who resist this at- Geneva. nese troops and tempt to impose a totalitarian regime on With such systems, for the first time, in nt the return of the people of Nicaragua, that the United case of accidental launch or the act of a permitting in- States will continue to stand with those who madman somewhere, major powers will not 1 genuinely rep- are threatened by this regime's aggression be faced with the single option of massive a government against its neighbors in Central America. retaliation but will instead have the chance Ily the rights of Today I also call on the Soviet Union to of a saner choice: to shield against an attack d end the hide- show in Central America the same spirit of instead of avenging it. So, too, as defensive SO bravely and constructive realism it has shown in other systems grow in effectiveness, they reduce regional conflicts-to assist in bringing con- the threat and the value of greater and ve applaud the flict in Central America to a close by halt- greater offensive arsenals. Only recently, to structure a ing the flow of billions of dollars worth of briefings I have received in the Oval Office Sahara. And in arms and ammunition to the Sandinista indicate that progress toward such systems talks between regime, a regime whose goals of regional may be even more rapid and less costly ot communities domination, while ultimately doomed, can than we had at first thought. Today the rd in that divid- continue to cause great suffering to the United States reaffirms its commitment to V, we look to a people of that area and risk to Soviet-Amer- its Strategic Defense Initiative and our offer -Israeli conflict. ican relations unless action is taken now. to share the benefits of strategic defenses sion of Europe Moving now to the arms reduction with others. 0 Soviet-Ameri- agenda, I have mentioned already the im- And yet, even as diplomatic and techno- portance of the INF treaty and the momen- logical progress holds out the hope of at last then, we see tum developed in the START negotiations. diminishing the awful cloud of nuclear ad of it. Only a The draft START treaty is a lengthy docu- terror we've lived under in the postwar era, and other con- ment, filled with bracketed language desig- even at this moment another ominous usly out of con- nating sections of disagreement between terror is loose once again in the world, a of Afghanistan the two sides. But through this summer in terror we thought the world had put ng democratic Geneva, those brackets have diminished. behind, a terror that looms at us now from to deter such There is every reason to believe this process the long-buried past, from ghostly, scarring 1223 Sept. 26 / Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1988 trenches and the haunting, wan faces of establishment of program priorities. These millions dead in one of the most inhumane actions are extremely important. The conflicts of all time: poison gas, chemical progress on reforms has allowed me to re- warfare. Mr. Secretary-General, distin- lease funds withheld under congressional guished delegates, the terror of it! The restrictions. I expect the reform program horror of it! We condemn it. The use of will continue and that further funds will be chemical weapons in the Iran-Iraq war, released in our new fiscal year. beyond its tragic human toll, jeopardizes And let me say here, we congratulate the the moral and legal strictures that have United Nations on the work it has done in held those weapons in check since World three areas of special concern. First, our War I. struggle against the scourge of terrorism Let this tragedy spark reaffirmation of and state-sponsored terrorism must contin- the Geneva protocol outlawing the use of ue. And we must also end the scourge of chemical weapons. I call upon the signato- hostage taking. Second, the work of the ries to that protocol, as well as other con- World Health Organization in coordinating cerned states, to convene a conference to and advancing research on AIDS is vital. All consider actions that we can take together international efforts in this area must be to reverse the serious erosion of this treaty. And we urge all nations to cooperate in redoubled. The AIDS crisis is a grave one. We must move as one to meet it. negotiating a verifiable, truly global ban on chemical weapons at the Conference on And so, too, is the drug crisis. We're Disarmament in Geneva. It is incumbent moving now toward a new anti-drug-traf- upon all civilized nations to ban, once and ficking convention. This important treaty for all, and on a verifiable and global basis, will be completed in December. I am confi- the use of chemical and gas warfare. dent other strong U.N. drug control pro- Finally, Mr. Secretary-General, we must grams will also follow. The American redouble our efforts to stop further prolif- people are profoundly concerned and eration of nuclear weapons in the world. deeply angered. We will not tolerate the Likewise, proliferation in other high-tech- drug traffickers. We mean to make war on nology weapons, such as ballistic missiles, is them, and we believe this is one war the reaching global proportions, exacerbating United Nations can endorse and participate regional rivalries in ways that can have in. global implications. The number of poten- Yes, the United Nations is a better place tial suppliers is growing at an alarming rate, than it was 8 years ago, and so, too, is the and more must be done to halt the spread world. But the real issue of reform in the of these weapons. This was a matter of dis- United Nations is not limited just to fiscal cussion last week between Secretary Shultz and administrative improvements but also and Foreign Minister Shevardnadze. Talks to a higher sort of reform, an intellectual between American and Soviet experts begin and philosophical reform, a reform of old on this today. And we hope to see a multi- views about the relationship between the lateral effort to avoid having areas of ten- individual and the state. sion like the Middle East become even Few developments, for example, have more deadly battlegrounds than they al- been more encouraging to the United ready are. States than the special session this body But in most of these areas, we see not held on Africa 2½ years ago, a session in only progress but also the potential for an which the United Nations joined as one in a increasingly vital role for multilateral efforts call for free-market incentives and a lessen- and institutions like this United Nations. ing of state controls to spur economic devel- That is why, now more than ever, the opment. At one of the first international United Nations must continue to increase assemblies of my Presidency, in Cancún, its effectiveness through budget and pro- Mexico, I said history demonstrates that, gram reform. The U.N. already is enacting time and again, in place after place, eco- sweeping measures affecting personnel re- nomic growth and human progress make ductions, budgeting by consensus, and the their greatest strides in countries that en- 1224 Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1988 / Sept. 26 priorities. These courage economic freedom; that individual the first and most important unit of society, mportant. The farmers, laborers, owners, traders, and man- where all values and learning begin-an in- owed me to re- agers are the heart and soul of develop- stitution to be cherished and protected; er congressional ment. Trust them, because where they're values, too, such as work, community, free- eform program allowed to create and build, where they're dom, and faith. For it's here we find the erfunds will be given a personal stake in deciding economic deeper rationale for the cause of human ar. bush policies and benefiting from their success, rights and world peace. congratulate the then societies become more dynamic, pros- And our own experience on this conti- k it has done in in perous, progressive, and free. We believe in nent-the American experience-though cern. First, our freedom. We know it works. brief, has had one unmistakable encounter, ge of terrorism And this, Mr. Secretary-General and dis- an insistence on the preservation of one sm must contin- tinguished delegates, is the immutable sacred truth. It is a truth that our first Presi- the scourge of lesson of the postwar era: that freedom dent, our Founding Father, passed on in e work of the 5Y works-even more, that freedom and peace the first farewell address made to the in coordinating speech work together. Every year that passes, ev- American people. It is a truth that I hope AIDS is vital. All erywhere in the world, this lesson is taking now you'll permit me to mention in these S area must be hold, from the People's Republic of China remarks of farewell, a truth embodied in to Cameroon, from Bolivia to Botswana, is a grave one. our Declaration of Independence: that the eet it. and, yes, in the citadel of Marxism-Leninism itself. No, my country did not invent this case for inalienable rights, that the idea of ig crisis. We're synergy of peace and freedom, but believe human dignity, that the notion of con- W anti-drug-traf- me, we impose no restrictions on the free science above compulsion can be made only mportant treaty export of our more than two centuries of in the context of higher law, only in the nber. I am confi- experience with it. Free people blessed by context of what one of the founders of this ug control pro- economic opportunity and protected by organization, Secretary-General Dag Ham- The American laws that respect the dignity of the individ- marskjöld, has called devotion to something concerned and ual are not driven toward war or the domi- which is greater and higher than we are not tolerate the nation of others. Here, then, is the way to ourselves. This is the endless cycle, the final to make war on world peace. truth to which humankind seems always to is one war the And yet we Americans champion free- return: that religion and morality, that faith and participate dom not only because it's practical and ben- in something higher, are prerequisites for eficial but because it is also just, morally freedom and that justice and peace within is a better place right. And here, Mr. Secretary-General, I ourselves is the first step toward justice and d so, too, is the hope you'll permit me to note that I have peace in the world and for the ages. of reform in the addressed this assemblage more than any of Yes, this is a place of great debate and ted just to fiscal my predecessors and that this will be the grave discussions. And yet I cannot help but ements but also last occasion I do so. So I hope, too, I may note here that one of our Founding Fa- 1, an intellectual be permitted now some closing reflections. thers, the most worldly of men, an interna- a reform of old The world is currently witnessing another tionalist, Benjamin Franklin, interrupted ip between the celebration of international cooperation. At the proceedings of our own Constitutional the Olympics we see nations joining togeth- Convention to make much the same point. example, have er in the competition of sports, and we see And I cannot help but think this morning of to the United young people who know precious little of other beginnings, of where and when I first ssion this body the resentments of their elders coming to- read those words: "And they shall beat their igo, a session in gether as one. One of our young athletes swords into plowshares and "your ined as one in a from a home of modest means said that she young men shall see visions and your old ves and a lessen- drew the strength for her achievement men shall dream dreams This morning, economic devel- from another source of wealth. "We were my thoughts go to her who gave me many irst international rich as a family," she said, about the love things in life, but her most important gift ncy, in Cancún, she was given and the values she was was the knowledge of happiness and solace monstrates that, taught. Mr. Secretary-General, I dare to to be gained in prayer. It's the greatest help after place, eco- hope that, in the sentiment of that young I've had in my Presidency, and I recall here I progress make athlete, we see a sign of the rediscovery of Lincoln's words when he said only the most untries that en- old and tested values: values such as family, foolish of men would think he could con- 1225 Sept. 26 / Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1988 front the duties of the office I now hold And so, if future generations do say of us without turning to someone stronger, a that in our time peace came closer, that we power above all others. did bring about new seasons of truth and I think then of her and others like her in justice, it will be cause for pride. But it shall that small town in Illinois, gentle people be a cause of greater pride, still, if it is also who possessed something that those who said that we were wise enough to know the hold positions of power sometimes forget to deliberations of great leaders and great prize. No one of them could ever have bodies are but overture, that the truly ma- imagined the boy from the banks of the jestic music-the music of freedom, of jus- Rock River would come to this moment and tice, and peace-is the music made in for- have this opportunity. But had they been getting self and seeking in silence the will told it would happen, I think they would of Him who made us. have been a bit disappointed if I'd not Thank you for your hospitality over the spoken here for what they knew so well: years. I bid you now farewell, and God bless that when we grow weary of the world and you. its troubles, when our faith in humanity fal- ters, it is then that we must seek comfort Note: The President spoke at 11:04 a.m. in and refreshment of spirit in a deeper source the General Assembly Hall at the United of wisdom, one greater than ourselves. Nations. Appointment of William J. Burns as a Special Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs September 26, 1988 The President today announced the ap- the Assistant Secretary of State for Near pointment of William J. Burns as Special East and South Asian Affairs, and political Assistant to the President for National Secu- officer at the U.S. Embassy in Amman, rity Affairs and Senior Director for Near Jordan. East and South Asian Affairs. Mr. Burns graduated from LaSalle Col- Mr. Burns, a career Foreign Service offi- lege and holds a doctorate in international cer, has served on the National Security relations from Oxford University. He was Council staff since 1986. His previous as- born April 4, 1956, in Fort Bragg, NC. Mr. signments include special assistant to the Burns is married and resides in Washington, Deputy Secretary of State, staff assistant to DC. Statement by Assistant to the President for Press Relations Fitzwater on Protection of United States-Flagged Shipping in the Persian Gulf September 26, 1988 After reviewing the current cease-fire in ping in the Gulf. The modification entails a the Persian Gulf, which has been in effect change from a tight escort procedure to an since August 20, and consulting with allies "accompany" regime. In an accompany and friends in the region, the President has regime, U.S. forces will be positioned such decided to modify our present method of that they can take appropriate action if providing protection to U.S.-flagged ship- U.S.-flagged ships are directly threatened. 1226 May 24 / Administration of George Bush, 1991 gressman from western Massachusetts. ignated segments are predominantly pri- What big shoes to fill, but he will do it. vately owned. Where private property in- Thank you all very much, and may I take terests are at stake, a formal study should this opportunity to make a nonpartisan be an absolute requirement before Federal comment. Bill and I and Paul Cellucci and action is taken that may infringe such others rode in from the airport, and I must rights. say I was deeply touched and moved by the I believe that to protect the integrity and warm response and welcome from the viability of the National Park System, com- people that lined the streets coming in pletion of feasibility studies should be a pre- from the airport. I was deeply touched, and requisite for establishment of any new unit it gives me one hell of a sendoff for what's of the National Park System. Any compo- going to be a great Memorial Day weekend. nent of the National Wild and Scenic Rivers Thank you all very, very much. System that is administered by the National Note: The President spoke at 1:22 p.m. in Park Service becomes a unit of the National the Harborview Ballroom at the Boston Park System. I urge the Congress to adhere World Trade Center. In his remarks, he re- to the requirement for such studies in the ferred to Secretary of Commerce Robert A. future. Mosbacher. These remarks were not received George Bush in time for inclusion in last week's issue. The White House, May 24, 1991. Statement on Signing the Niobrara Note: S. 248, approved May 24, was as- Scenic River Designation Act of 1991 signed Public Law No. 102-50. This state- ment was not received in time for inclusion May 24, 1991 in last week's issue. Today I have signed into law S. 248, the "Niobrara Scenic River Designation Act of 1991." This action will, among other things, Remarks at the Yale University designate three segments of the Niobrara Commencement Ceremony in New River and one segment of the Missouri Haven, Connecticut River in Nebraska and South Dakota as "in- May 27, 1991 stant" components of the National Wild and Scenic Rivers System without the benefit of Thank you very, very much. President a formal study. Schmidt and members of the faculty, and The Niobrara River is an outstanding the Yale community, fellows of the Yale river resource, and the national significance Corporation, and especially with congratula- of the resource is not in question. Approval tions to my fellow honorands, it is an honor of this bill will preserve and protect the to be here today. Mayor Daniels, it's nice to resources of the Niobrara for future genera- be back in the city. And most importantly, tions and will provide for a worthy addition to the graduating students: Congratulate to the National Wild and Scenic Rivers each and every one of you. May I single out System. Yale's band. They've cleaned up for today, However, I am extremely disappointed and they've never been better under Mr. that the Congress has acted to designate Tom Duffy. Thank you, sir. And thank you these segments for Wild and Scenic River for the warm welcome. Si res prehensio en status without the benefit of a study under cano est non oves sic vacio. That means, if section 5(a) of the Wild and Scenic Rivers you're holding up the sign, you can't throw Act. This study is not just a matter of blind eggs. [Laughter] process; rather, such a study would have I remember my own commencement. given the Congress all the information Like so many of my classmates, I'd come needed to determine the most appropriate Yale fresh from war, ready to make up method of protecting the valuable resources "lost time." I remember our impatient along the Niobrara. Such a study is especial- and our optimism. And we sensed upcom- ly important when the lands along the des- ing adventure. I imagine it's the same today 674 Administration of George Bush, 1991 / May 27 or all of you. It's almost as if life is about to that once separated East and West, the begin, that is, if the commencement speech democratic idea sprouted anew. ever ends. [Laughter] As a nation, we can take great pride in Twenty-nine years ago, President Kenne- this triumph. It vindicates more than 40 dy stood right here, and my dad was hon- years of American vigilance-a lesson ored with him. And he said, "I have the learned on the battlefields of Europe and best of all worlds: a Yale degree and a Har- the seas of the South Pacific-that this vard education." [Laughter] He had it nation could no longer pursue a policy of wrong. I've got the best of all worlds: a Yale "splendid isolation." education and a Yale degree. The democratic renaissance in Central My day was no different. There's an ex- and Eastern Europe, the blossoming of de- citement in the air, and Barbara and I spent mocracy here in the Americas, the emerg- a good part of our senior year thinking ing consensus on the African Continent that about, literally, becoming farmers. We democracy is the road to development, talked about life on the land and rising none of this would have taken place if early and working hard and raising a crop America had turned inward, away from the and a family. And we looked into the fi- challenges of a new world. So today, as we nances of running a farm. In the end, we decided against the whole idea. We realized seek to promote freedom and democracy that when it came to pigs and chickens and and human rights, as we seek to strengthen cattle or corn, we didn't know the first stability within the international communi- thing about farming. ty, an America confident enough to engage So, of course, there was only one alterna- the world remains our best hope for peace, tive: I went west and became an oilman. security, and shared prosperity. Laughter] The days after-the day-the Look in every corner of the globe and ery day after the ceremony like this one, I you will find that the American example aded the familiar surroundings of this has consequences. When we reach out, we beautiful old campus for the dust and grit offer more than cars or grain or MTV. We and searing heat of the Lone Star State. exemplify an ideal, an ideal that conquers Odessa, Texas, became my world. And circumstance and suspicion, that conquers yet far beyond 37 Hillhouse Avenue where despots and empowers people. Some argue Barbara and I lived, or the Flatlands of that a nation as moral and just as ours West Texas, change rocked the whole world should not taint itself by dealing with na- in ways that would affect us all for more tions less moral, less just. But this counsel than 40 years. On June 20th, 1948-my offers up self-righteousness draped in a false graduation day-the United Nations sent morality. You do not reform a world by out its first peacekeeping force-49 men ignoring it. from the United States and 6 other na- East Asia is a case in point. Today, this tions-to bring the promise of peace to the dynamic region plays an important role in Middle East. And on that day, the Soviet the world economy. As it has grown more Union tried to clamp down on the free sec- prosperous, it has also grown more free. tors of Berlin-the Berlin Blockade had Driven forward by the engine of economic begun. And on that day, Congress, after an growth and trade, especially with the U.S., all-night session, passed a bill to help the South Korea and Taiwan have shed their nations of war-torn Europe. That package once authoritarian rule in favor of democra- would become known, as we all know, as cy and freer trade. the Marshall Plan. This same approach guides our policy to- Today's world-your world-is every bit wards the People's Republic of China, home as astonishing. Back in my day, opportunity to fully one-fifth of the world's people. knocked. And yours-your pager beeps. China easily can affect the stability of the We have seen in 2 short years the end of Asian-Pacific region and, therefore, affect long era of cold war and conflict. The the entire world's peace and prosperity. on Curtain collapsed-it's gone, the wall is The Chinese play a central role in working down. And with it the myth of an ideology to resolve the conflict in Cambodia and called communism. On the barren ground relax tensions on the Korean Peninsula. 675 May 27 / Administration of George Bush, 1991 China has a voice now in the multinational week, I will employ another by proposing organizations. And its votes in the United formally that MFN trade status continue for Nations Security Council against Iraq's China. This policy has generated consider- brutal aggression helped us forge the broad able controversy. Some critics have said coalition that brought us victory in the Gulf. revoke MFN-or endanger it with sweeping And so, when we find opportunities to co- conditions-to censure China, cut our ties operate with China, we will explore them. and isolate it. We are told this is a princi- When problems arise with China's behavior, pled policy, a moral thing to do. This advice we will take appropriate action. is not new. It's not wise. It is not in the best After the tragedy of Tiananmen, the interests of our country, the United States. United States was the first nation to con- And in the end, in spite of noble and best demn the use of violence against the peace- intentions, it is not moral. fully demonstrating people of Beijing. We were the first to guarantee the rights of First, MFN is [not] special. It is not a Chinese students studying on campuses favor. It is the ordinary basis of trade world- across the country, including here at Yale. wide. Second, MFN is a means to bring the The United States was the first nation to influence of the outside world to bear on impose sanctions, and we are now the last, China. Critics who attack MFN today act as alone among the Western democracies, to if the point is to punish China, as if hurting keep those original sanctions in place. At China's economy will somehow help the every high-level meeting with the Chinese cause of privatization and human rights. Government, U.S. officials reiterate our po- The real point is to pursue a policy that sition on human rights violations. has the best chance of changing Chinese Unfair trade is also high on our agenda. behavior. If we withdrew MFN or imposed Just last month, we cited China under the conditions that would make trade impossi- trade rules of a special 301 for pirating U.S. ble, we would punish South China, in pa copyrights and patents. And for the sake of ticular, Guangdong Province, the ver national security, we will ban technologies region where free market reform and the and equipment to any Chinese company challenge to central authority are the found to violate rules outlawing transfer of strongest. Right now, there's an estimated missile technologies. two million Chinese who are working and We will continue to advance our interests proving that privatization can work-all in and ideals: for free and fair trade, for broad- South China. Withdraw MFN and their jobs er democratization, for respect for human would be in jeopardy. In addition, endan- rights throughout China. Let me be clear: gering MFN would deal a body blow to As a member of the United Nations, China Hong Kong, the bastion of freedom and is bound by the U.N. Declaration of Human free trade in the Far East. Rights. We will hold China to the obliga- But the most compelling reason to renew tions that it has freely accepted. And finally, we continue urging China to MFN and remain engaged in China is not economic, it's not strategic, but moral. It is exercise restraint in its weapons exports. Our recent experience with Iraq proves right to export the ideals of freedom and how dangerous the deadly trade can be. democracy to China. It is right to encour- And very soon, I will announce significant age Chinese students to come to the United new steps that we can take to control arms States and for talented American students exports to the entire Middle East. Every to go to China. It is wrong to isolate China nation must play a part in this effort. That's if we hope to influence China. why we urge the Chinese Government to For two decades after the Communists abide by the letter and spirit of internation- seized power in 1949, the Western world al agreements on missile technology con- followed a policy of isolation toward China. trols, and to do what 141 other nations have This period proved to be among the most already done: sign the nuclear nonprolifera- brutal episodes in Chinese history, a nigh tion treaty. mare of anguish and death and sufferin And this is one way that the United States that will scar the soul of China for decades can be a catalyst for positive change. This to come. 676 Administration of George Bush, 1991 / May 28 So, it comes down to the strength of our by them even when people jeer, when belief in the power of the democratic idea. people urge you to find a quick and easy If we pursue a policy that cultivates con- out. If you remain patient and true to your- tacts with the Chinese people, promotes self, you can't go wrong. Second, remember commerce to our benefit, we can help that the corner of the world that matters create a climate for democratic change. most is one right here at home, the one you No nation on Earth has discovered a way share with friends and family. And finally, to import the world's goods and services your destiny and the currents of history will while stopping foreign ideas at the border. most likely intersect more than once. You Just as the democratic idea has transformed will have ample opportunity to make your nations on every continent, so, too, change mark. And take care to make it count. will inevitably come to China. To all the graduates of the class of '91 This nation's foreign policy has always who now join me as proud alumni of this been more than simply an expression of great university, congratulations, good luck American interests; it's an extension of to you, and may God bless the United States American ideals. This moral dimension of of America. American policy requires us to remain active, engaged in the world. Many times, Note: The President spoke at 11:55 a.m. in that means trying to chart a moral course the Yale University Quadrangle. through a world of lesser evils. That's the real world, not black and white. Very few moral absolutes. Enormous potential for error and embarrassment. But all are part of the risks that we willingly take to ad- The President's News Conference in ance the American ideal. Kennebunkport, Maine Many times in the past 40 years, people May 28, 1991 Lave encouraged us to adopt a policy of righteous isolationism, but we remained en- President's Health gaged. We cannot advance principles if we curl up into a defensive ball. We cannot Q. Mr. President, could we get your reac- transform a world if we hide from its un- tion- pleasant realities. We can advance our cher- Q. How about the water at the White ished ideals only by extending our hand, House? Do you want to talk about that showing our best sides, sticking patiently to now? our values, even if we risk rejection. The President. The water at the White Look at the way American encourage- House? ment and the American example-the Q. Yes. power of the American example-is paying The President. What about it? off in Taiwan and Korea. We will have no Q. They're apparently checking it. leverage. We will not be able to advance Q. It's being checked to see if this is the our cause or resist repression if we pull thyroid problem. back and declare that China is simply too Q. They're saying that possibly you and impure a place for us. We want to promote Mrs. Bush and the dog, having gotten these positive change in the world through the autoimmune problems, that perhaps it's force of our example, not simply profess our something to do with the water. purity. We want to advance the cause of The President. Maybe the air. I don't freedom, not just snub nations that aren't know- yet wholly free. Q. You didn't know about it? Let me close today with some modest The President. No. pieces of advice. First, understand that you Q. Did you know it was being checked? ten will confront moral ambiguity. There The President. Not checked. I just heard II come times when you will have difficul- something on the television. I could hardly distinguishing between good guys and believe it. bad guys. When these situations arise, iden- The odds against two people in the family tify your principles and stick by them. Stick having-the doctor told me, the thyroid 677 THE WHITE HOUSE Office of the Press Secretary For Immediate Release January 29, 1991 ADDRESS BY THE PRESIDENT ON THE STATE OF THE UNION The U.S. Capitol Washington, D.C. 9:09 P.M. EST THE PRESIDENT: Mr. President, and Mr. Speaker, and members of the United States Congress. I come to this House of the people to speak to you and all Americans, certain that we stand at a defining hour. Halfway around the world, we are engaged in a great struggle in the skies and on the seas and sands. We know why we're there. We are Americans -- part of something larger than ourselves. For two centuries, we've done the hard work of freedom. And tonight, we lead the world in facing down a threat to decency and humanity. What is at stake is more than one small country; it is a big idea: a new world order, where diverse nations are drawn together in common cause to achieve the universal aspirations of mankind -- peace and security, freedom, and the rule of law. Such is a world worthy of our struggle and worthy of our children's future. (Applause.) The community of nations has resolutely gathered to condemn and repel lawless aggression. Saddam Hussein's unprovoked invasion -- his ruthless, systematic rape of a peaceful neighbor -- violated everything the community of nations holds dear. The world has said this aggression would not stand -- and it will not stand. (Applause.) Together, we have resisted the trap of appeasement, cynicism, and isolation that gives temptation to tyrants. The world has answered Saddam's invasion with 12 United Nations resolutions, starting with a demand for Iraq's immediate and unconditional withdrawal and backed up by forces from 28 countries of six continents. with few exceptions, the world now stands as one. The end of the Cold War has been a victory for all humanity. A year and a half ago, in Germany, I said that our goal was a Europe whole and free. Tonight, Germany is united. Europe has become whole and free -- and America's leadership was instrumental in making it possible. (Applause.) Our relationship to the Soviet Union is important, not only to us, but to the world. That relationship has helped to shape these and other historic changes. But like many other nations, we have been deeply concerned by the violence in the Baltics, and we have communicated that concern to the Soviet leadership. The principle that has guided us is simple: our objective is to help the Baltic peoples achieve their aspirations, not to punish the Soviet Union. (Applause.) In our recent discussions with the Soviet leadership, we have been given representations which, if fulfilled, would result in the withdrawal of some Soviet forces, a reopening of dialogue with the Republics, and a move away from violence. We will watch carefully as the situation develops. And we will maintain our contact with the Soviet leadership to encourage - 2 - continued commitment to democratization and reform. (Applause.) If it is possible, I want to continue to build a lasting basis for -Soviet cooperation, for a more peaceful future for all mankind. The triumph of democratic ideas in Eastern Europe and Latin America, and the continuing struggle for freedom elsewhere all around the world all confirm the wisdom of our nation's founders. Tonight, we work to achieve another victory -- a victory over tyranny and savage aggression. We in this Union enter the last decade of the 20th century thankful for our blessings, steadfast in our purpose, aware of our difficulties, and responsive to our duties at home and around the world. For two centuries, America has served the world as an inspiring example of freedom and democracy. For generations, America has led the struggle to preserve and extend the blessings of liberty. And today, in a rapidly changing world, American leadership is indispensable. Americans know that leadership brings burdens and sacrifices. But we also know why the hopes of humanity turn to us. We are Americans: we have a unique responsibility to do the hard work of freedom. And when we do, freedom works. (Applause.) The conviction and courage we see in the Persian Gulf today is simply the American character in action. The indomitable spirit that is contributing to this victory for world peace and justice is the same spirit that gives us the power and the potential to meet our toughest challenges at home. We are resolute and resourceful. If we can selflessly confront evil for the sake of good in a land so far away, then surely we can make this land all that it should be. If anyone tells you that America's best days are behind her, they're looking the wrong way. (Applause.) Tonight, I come before this House and the American people with an appeal for renewal. This is not merely a call for new government initiatives; it is a call for new initiative in government, in our communities, and from every American -- to prepare for the next American century. America has always led by example. So who among us will set this example? Which of our citizens will lead us in this next American century? Everyone who steps forward today -- to get one addict off drugs, to convince one troubled teenager not to give up on life, to comfort one AIDS patient, to help one hungry child. We have within our reach the promise of a renewed America. We can find meaning and reward by serving some purpose higher than ourselves -- a shining purpose, the illumination of a thousand points of light. And it is expressed by all who know the irresistible force of a child's hand, of a friend who stands by you and stays there -- a volunteer's generous gesture, an idea that is simply right. The problems before us may be different, but the key to solving them remains the same. It is the individual -- the individual who steps forward. And the state of our Union is the union of each of us, one to the other -- the sum of our friendships, marriages, families, and communities. We all have something to give. So if you know how to read, find someone who can't. If you've got a hammer, find a nail. If you're not hungry, not lonely, not in trouble, seek out someone who is. Join the community of conscience. Do the hard work of freedom. And that will define the state of our Union. (Applause.) Since the birth of our nation, "We the people" has been the source of our strength. What government can do alone is limited -- but the potential of the American people knows no limits. MORE - 3 - We are a nation of rock-solid realism and clear-eyed idealism. We are Americans. We are the nation that believes in the future. We are the nation that can shape the future. And we've begun to do just that -- by strengthening the power and choice of individuals and families. Together, these last two years, we've put dollars for child care directly in the hands of parents instead of bureaucracies. (Applause.) Unshackled the potential of Americans with disabilities. (Applause.) Applied the creativity of the marketplace in the service of the environment, for clean air; and made home ownership possible for more Americans. (Applause.) The strength of a democracy is not in bureaucracy. It is in the people and their communities. In everything we do, let us unleash the potential of our most precious resource -- our citizens, our citizens themselves. We must return to families, communities, counties, cities, states, and institutions of every kind the power to. chart their own destiny, and the freedom and opportunity provided by strong economic growth. And that's what America is all about. (Applause.) I know tonight in some regions of our country, people are in genuine economic distress. And I hear them. Earlier this month, Kathy Blackwell, of Massachusetts, wrote me about what can happen when the economy slows down, saying, "My heart is aching, and I think that you should know your people out. here are hurting badly." I understand. And I'm not unrealistic about the future. But there are reasons to be optimistic about our economy. First, we don't have to fight double-digit inflation. Second, most industries won't have to make big cuts in production because they don't have big inventories piled up. And third, our exports are running solid and strong. In fact, American businesses are exporting at a record rate. So let's put these times in perspective. Together, since 1981, we've created almost 20 million jobs, cut inflation in half, and cut interest rates in half. And, yes, the largest peacetime economic expansion in history has been temporarily interrupted. But our economy is still over twice as large as our closest competitor. We will get this recession behind us and return to growth soon. (Applause.) We will get on our way to a new record of expansion and achieve the competitive strength that will carry us into the next American century. We should focus our efforts today on encouraging economic growth, investing in the future, and giving power and opportunity to the individual. (Applause.) We must begin with control of federal spending. (Applause.) That's why I'm submitting a budget that holds the growth in spending to less than the rate of inflation. And that's why, amid all the sound and fury of last year's budget debate, we put into law new, enforceable spending caps -- so that future spending debates will mean a battle of ideas, not a bidding war. (Applause.) Though controversial, the budget agreement finally put the federal government on a pay-as-you-go plan and cut the growth of debt by nearly $500 billion. And that frees funds for saving and job-creating investment. Now, let's do more. My budget again includes tax-free family savings accounts; penalty-free withdrawals from IRAs for first-time home buyers -- (applause) -- and to increase jobs and MORE - 4 - growth, a reduced tax for long-term capital gains. (Applause.) I know there are differences among us -- (laughter) -- about the impact and the effects of a capital gains incentive. So tonight, I'm asking the congressional leaders and the Federal Reserve to cooperate with us in a study, led by Chairman Alan Greenspan, to sort out our technical differences so that we can avoid a return to unproductive partisan bickering. (Applause.) But just as our efforts will bring economic growth now and in the future, they must also be matched by long-term investments for the next American century. That requires a forward-looking plan of action -- and that's exactly what we will be sending to the Congress. We've prepared a detailed series of proposals that include: A budget that promotes investment in America's future -- in children, education, infrastructure, space, and high technology; legislation to achieve excellence in education -- building on the partnership forged with the 50 governors at the Education Summit, enabling parents to choose their children's schools and helping to make America number one in math and science; -- (applause) -- a blueprint for a new national highway system -- a critical investment in our transportation infrastructure; -- (applause) -- a research and development agenda that includes record levels of federal investment, and a permanent tax credit to strengthen private R&D and to create jobs; -- (applause) -- a comprehensive national energy strategy that calls for energy conservation and efficiency, increased development, and greater use of alternative fuels; -- (applause) -- a banking reform plan to bring America's financial system into the 21st century so that our banks remain safe and secure and can continue to make job-creating loans for our factories, our businesses and home-buyers. You know, I do think there has been too much pessimism. Sound banks should be making sound loans now -- and interest rates should be lower, now. (Applause.) In addition to these proposals, we must recognize that our economic strength depends on being competitive in world markets. We must continue to expand American exports. A successful Uruguay Round of world trade negotiations will create more real jobs and more real growth for all nations. You and I know that if the playing field is level, America's workers and farmers can out-work, out-produce anyone, anytime, anywhere. (Applause.) And with a Mexican Free Trade Agreement and our Enterprise for the Americas Initiative, we can help our partners strengthen their economies and move toward a free trade zone throughout this entire hemisphere. (Applause.) The budget also includes a plan of action right here at home to put more power and opportunity in the hands of the individual. And that means new incentives to create jobs in our inner cities, by encouraging investment through enterprise zones. := also means tenant control and ownership of public housing. Freedom and the power to choose should not be the privilege of wealth. They are the birthright of every American. (Applause.) Civil rights are also crucial to protecting equal opportunity. (Applause.) Every one of us has a responsibility to speak out against racism, bigotry, and hate. (Applause.) We will continue our vigorous enforcement of existing statutes, and I will MORE - 5 - once again press the Congress to strengthen the laws against employment discrimination without resorting to the use of unfair preferences. (Applause.) We're determined to protect another fundamental civil right -- freedom from crime and the fear that stalks our cities. The Attorney General will soon convene a crime summit of our nation's law enforcement officials. And to help us support them, we need tough crime control legislation, and we need it now. (Applause.) And as we fight crime, we will fully implement our national strategy for combatting drug abuse. Recent data show that we are making progress, but much remains to be done. We will not rest until the day of the dealer is over, forever. (Applause.) Good health care is every American's right and every American's responsibility. And so we are proposing an aggressive program of new prevention initiatives -- for infants, for children, for adults, and for the elderly -- to promote a healthier America and to help keep costs from spiralling. (Applause.) It's time to give people more choice in government, by reviving the ideal of the citizen politician who comes not to stay, but to serve. And one of the reasons that there is so much support across this country for term limitations is that the American people are increasingly concerned about big-money influence in politics. So we must look beyond the next election, to the next generation. And the time has come to put the national interest above the special interest -- and totally eliminate political action committees. (Applause.) And that would truly put more competition in elections, and more power in the hands of individuals. And where power cannot be put directly in the hands of the individual, it should be moved closer to the people -- away from Washington. The federal government too often treats government programs as if they are of Washington, by Washington, and for Washington. Once established, federal programs seem to become immortal. It's time for a more dynamic program life cycle: Some programs should increase. Some should decrease. Some should be terminated. And some should be consolidated and turned over to the states. (Applause.) My budget includes a list of programs for potential turnover totalling more than $20 billion. Working with Congress and the governors, I propose we select at least $15 billion in such programs and turn them over to the states in a single consolidated grant -- fully funded -- for flexible management by the states. (Applause.) The value -- the value of this turnover approach is straightforward. It allows the federal government to reduce overhead. It allows states to manage more flexibly and more efficiently. It moves power and decision-making closer to the people. And it reinforces a theme of this administration: appreciation and encouragement of the innovative powers of "States as Laboratories." This nation was founded by leaders who understood that power belongs in the hands of people. And they planned for the future. And so must we -- here and all around the world. As Americans, we know that there are times when we must step forward and accept our responsibility to lead the world away from the dark chaos of dictators, toward the brighter promise of a better day. Almost 50 years ago we began a long struggle against aggressive totalitarianism. Now we face another defining hour for - 6 - America and the world. There is no one more devoted, more committed to the hard work of freedom, than every soldier and sailor, every Marine, airman, and Coastguardsman -- every man and woman now serving in the Persian Gulf. (Applause.) Oh, how they deserve -- (applause) -- and what a fitting tribute to them. You see -- what a wonderful, fitting tribute to them. Each of them has volunteered -- volunteered to provide for this nation's defense -- and now they bravely struggle, to earn for America, for the world, and for future generations, a just and lasting peace. Our commitment to them must be equal to their commitment to their country. They are truly America's finest. (Applause.) The war in the Gulf is not a war we wanted. We worked hard to avoid war. For more than five months we, along with the Arab League, the European Community, the United Nations, tried every diplomatic avenue. U.N. Secretary General Perez de Cuellar; Presidents Gorbachev, Mitterrand, Ozal, Mubarak, and Bendjedid; Kings Fahd and Hassan; Prime Ministers Major and Andreotti -- just to name a few -- all worked for a solution. But time and again, Saddam Hussein flatly rejected the path of diplomacy and peace. The world well knows how this conflict began and when: It began on August 2nd, when Saddam invaded and sacked a small, defenseless neighbor. And I am certain of how it will end. So that peace can prevail, we will prevail. (Applause.) Thank you. Tonight, I am pleased to report that we are on course. Iraq's capacity to sustain war is being destroyed. Our investment, our training, our planning -- all are paying off. Time will not be Saddam's salvation. Our purpose in the Persian Gulf remains constant: to drive Iraq out of Kuwait, to restore Kuwait's legitimate government, and to ensure the stability and security of this critical region. Let ne make clear what I mean by the region's stability and security. We do not seek the destruction of Iraq, its culture, or its people. Rather, we seek an Iraq that uses its great resources, not to destroy, not to serve the ambitions of a tyrant, but to build a better life for itself and its neighbors. We seek a Persian Gulf where conflict is no longer the rule, where the strong are neither tempted nor able to intimidate the weak. Most Americans know instinctively why we are in the Gulf. They know we had to stop Saddam now, not later. They know that this brutal dictator will do anything; will use any weapon; will commit any outrage, no matter how many innocents suffer. They know we must make sure that control of the world's oil resources does not fall into his hands, only to finance further aggression. They know that we need to build a new, enduring peace -- based not on arms races and confrontation, but on shared principles and the rule of law. And we all realize that our responsibility to be the catalyst for peace in the region does not end with the successful conclusion of this war. Democracy brings the undeniable value of thoughtful dissent -- and we've heard some dissenting voices here at home -- some, a handful, reckless -- most responsible. But the fact that all voices have the right to speak out is one of the reasons we've been united in purpose and principle for 200 years. (Applause.) Our progress in this great struggle is the result of years of vigilance and a steadfast commitment to a strong defense. Now with like the Patriot miasi'e - 7 - we can defend against ballistic missile attacks aimed at innocent civilians. Looking forward, I have directed that the SDI program be refocused on providing protection from limited ballistic missile strikes whatever their source. (Applause.) Let us pursue an SDI program that can deal with any future threat to the United STates, to our forces overseas, and to our friends and allies. The quality of American technology, thanks to the American worker, has enabled us to successfully deal with difficult military conditions and help minimize precious loss of life. We have given our men and women the very best. And they deserve it. (Applause.) We all have a special place in our hearts for the families of our men and women serving in the Gulf. They are represented here tonight by Mrs. Norman Schwarzkopf. (Applause.) We are all very grateful to General Schwarzkopf and to all those serving with him. And I might also recognize one who came with Mrs. Schwarzkopf - Alma Powell, the wife of the distinguished Chairman of the Joint Chiefs. (Applause.) And to the families, let me say our forces in the Gulf will not stay there one day longer than is necessary to complete their mission. (Applause.) The courage and success of the RAF pilots, of the Kuwaiti, Saudi, French, the Canadians, the Italians, the pilots of Qatar and Bahrain -- all are proof that for the first time since World War II, the international community is united. The leadership of the United Nations, once only a hoped-for ideal, is now confirming its founders' vision. (Applause.) I am heartened that we are not being asked to bear alone the financial burdens of this struggle. Last year, our friends and allies provided the bulk of the economic costs of Desert Shield. And now, having received commitments of over $40 billion for the first three months of 1991, I am confident they will do no less as we move through Desert Storm. (Applause.) But the world has to wonder what the dictator of Iraq is thinking. If he thinks that by targeting innocent civilians in Israel and Saudi Arabia, that he will gain advantage, he is dead wrong. (Applause.) If he thinks that he will advance his cause through tragic and despicable environmental terrorism, he is dead wrong. (Applause.) And if he thinks that by abusing the coalition prisoners of war he will benefit, he is dead wrong. (Applause.) We will succeed in the Gulf. And when we do, the world community will have sent an enduring warning to any dictator or despot, present or future, who contemplates oulaw aggression. The world can, therefore, seize this opportunity to fulfill the long-held promise of a new world order, where brutality will go unrewarded and aggression will meet collective resistance. Yes, the United States bears a major share of leadership in this effort. Among the nations of the world, only the United States of America has both the moral standing and the means to back it up. We're the only nation on this Earth that could assemble the forces of peace. This is the burden of leadership and the strength that has made America the beacon of freedom in a searching world. This nation has never found glory in war. Our people have never wanted to abandon the blessings of home and work for distant lands and deadly conflict. If we fight in anger, it is only because we have to fight at all. And all of us yearn for a world where we will never have to fight again. Each of us will measure within ourselves the value of this great struggle. Any cost in lives -- any cost -- is beyond our power to measure. But the cost of closing our eyes to aggression is beyond mankind's power to imagine. MORE - 8 - This we do know: Our cause is just. Our cause is moral. Our cause is: right. (Applause.) Let future generations understand the burden and the blessings of freedom. Let them say we stood where duty required us to stand. Let them know that, together, we affirmed America and the world as a community of conscience. The winds of change are with us now. The forces of freedom are together, united. We move toward the next century more confident than ever that we have the will at home and abroad to do what must be done, the hard work of freedom. May God bless the United States of America. Thank you very, very much. (Applause.) END 9:57 P.M. EST