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U.N. Address 9/23/91 [OA 8323] [9]
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U.N. Address 9/23/91 [OA 8323] [9]
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80
FOR TONY SNOW FROM JOE DUGGAN SEPTEMBER 19, 1991
Here are a few thoughts on the UN. I attach materials from
Assistant Secretary of State John Bolton. The first pages of
Bolton's package specifically respond to your request for
examples of UN resolutions and activities from the "Bad old
Days." I also send some materials on "The Invocation of
Universal Values" and a taxonomy of totalitarianism from a figure
from the past,
J---e
K---------k.
At the founding of the UN were gathered: non-utopian
internationalists who believed that the rights of the individual
human person apply universally and that international cooperation
could promote prosperity and prevent some conflicts; nonviolent
utopians; and totalitarian, violence-prone utopians.
The language of the UN Charter and Declaration on Human Rights,
on its face, should have created an international covenant of
civilized states (democracies, protectors of human rights). But
in practice, the totalitarian and other utopian elements in the
UN deformed that covenant. Language and symbols were turned on
their heads in Orwellian fashion.
So we witnessed the UN become highly selective while posing as
universal in choosing causes.
*
With Resolution 3379, ("Zionism is a form of racism and racial
discrimination") the UN desecrated the memory of Holocaust
victims and contradicted its own action of 1947 in helping to
bring a Jewish national state into being.
*
The UN supported "national liberation movements" that were
neither authentically nationalist nor committed to liberty.
*
The UN worked against personal and social freedoms with its
campaigns for a coercive New World Information Order and a
coercive New World Economic Order.
* The UN fomented vulgar-Marxist and classic Marxist class
antagonisms, notably, the "north-south" antagonisms of the 1970s.
Now, as the societies and nations long enslaved by
totalitarianism are freeing themselves, the UN is showing signs
of freeing itself from subservience to lies about war and peace,
about politics and economics, about human nature and human
action.
The UN response to Saddam was principled, measured, deliberate,
good!
and ultimately courageous in authorizing force to reverse
aggression by an outlaw state with capabilities threatening not
only Kuwait but many other states in the region.
Let this be a new beginning for the UN, and may the UN now undo
all the ideological deformations it committed over the past few
decades.
KEYNOTE FOR A NEW ERA OF COOPERATION -
ADDRESS TO THE 46TH UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY
Setting: The President will be standing on the world stage as
the undisputed world leader, as the Cold War has clearly ended
and we are on the threshold of a new era. Everyone is looking to
the President for a State of the World speech with vision and his
definitions of the New World Order. He need not give firm
definitions but rather should set out the parameters or elements
of a New World Order. He would not dictate specifics but would
suggest an agenda of opportunities made possible by the new era
of cooperation and invite others to join in shaping the New World
Order. The statesmanlike approach of leading while including all
nations in responsibility for the task should be well received by
the UN audience and the world audience. And the agenda of
opportunities should be an irresistible bipartisan approach here
at home.
Speech objectives:
-- Demarcate clearly between Cold War and new era of
cooperation that all together can shape if we shed Cold War
mentality.
-- Set forth a vision of the new world as a world community
of nations/New World Order to be built by all, including building
blocks.
-- Counter suggestions of US hegemonic ambitions.
-- Increase understanding and support for New World Order
by broadening it to include social and economic aspects.
-- Indirectly rally domestic support for an active foreign
policy and counter the false choice raised by Administration
critics who assert the country needs a "domestic president" in
1992.
-- Chart a general course for the UN and its specialized
agencies, along with the international financial institutions
(primarily IMF and World Bank) to reach the potential envisioned
when they were created.
Major themes:
-- Hallmark of the new era: The role of government is to
serve of the people, by the people, and for the people. The role
of governments is not to test the limits of government's rights
but to advance the cause of individual rights.
-- Opportunities exist for building world community of
nations to the benefit of all mankind based on shared interests
and shared values of democratic principles, market economics,
concern for people, and the peaceful resolution of disputes --
-- On eve of electing new UNSYG, UN is on threshold of rising to
the vision of its founders. In NWO, the UN must enhance
collective security and address political, economic, social, and
humanitarian issues that confront us. True measure of success
must be improvements in the lives of the people of the UN, not
strengthening of member governments.
-- Suggestions for UN on UN reform, emergency humanitarian
response, preventive diplomacy, UN peacekeeping, arms control,
and UN election assistance.
Ending: Come back to world community of cooperation and
government of the prople, by the people, and for the people.
Invite all to work together to make the dream a reality.
within and among states. Accomplishing this is the hard work of
freedom.
Reaching goal requires all to work together. We must
overcome the Cold War mentality and divisions to be successful.
-- The New World Order is meant to be a collective
aspiration (no Pax Americana) encompassing political, social, and
economic elements.
-- There are major challenges known now and others
unforeseen to come. We must move steadily forward based on
principles.
I. Courtesies
II. Introduction/Historical Context
- Extraordinary world changes have given rise to genuine
optimism about the future. We are at a turning point in history,
as events move rapidly to overturn the old order.
- Forty years of Cold War, of confrontation over two separate
views of governance. This test of wills and principles dominated
the world order and policies and greatly limited the potential
for international cooperation.
- Now tremendous change brought about by people around the world
subscribing to the principles of democracy and freedom.
- Overarching lesson of the 20th century is the political,
social, economic, and moral failure of the modern totalitarian
state. Realization is sweeping the world that there must be
limits to the powers of governments and people can bring this
about.
- The overarching lesson for the future is that governments must
be accountable to the people.
- The prospects of the 21st century are freedom and democracy,
limits on the state, and advancement of the individual.
- We all -- peoples and governments and institutions -- have an
opportunity and challenge to build a world community of
cooperation based on shared values and interests. Will require
shedding Cold War way of thinking.
III. Defining Moments - Soviet Union
- Profound events and change is final and total death of idea
that state knows better and can govern without the consent of
those it governs.
- This defining event presents major opportunity for
international cooperation, spread of democracy and free
enterprise. Success of democracy in the Soviet Union will have.
great benefits to Soviet people and in making a better world.
- Now challenge of effecting a transition. As change is
effected there through the will of the people, it is not up to
world community or US to dictate or interfere; US is not
committed to a particular set of institutions but rather
principles. Five crucial principles regarding change set out by
Secretary Baker at historic Moscow CSCE human rights conference:
peaceful change and self-determination, non-violent resolution of
conflicts, respect for human rights, and adherence to obligations
under international law.
- In the near term, US will work together with others to be
certain humanitarian needs are met.
- For the longer term, US strongly encourages IMF to take the
lead in coordinating the international financial institutions in
structuring a program and responding to opportunities presented
to us by the Soviet people as they carry forward their reforms.
- US will continue to work with responsible government on
problem solving such as Afghanistan, other regional conflicts,
arms control, cooperation on Middle East peace.
IV. Defining Moments - Resisting Iraq's Aggression
- In terms of solidly entering a new era of cooperation, we
have already taken the crucial step of setting a standard of
principled response to aggression. We - the world collectively -
did not let aggression stand. Crucible of a New World Order.
- Still work to be done - Iraq violating UN Security Council.
Saddam clearly determined to rebuild arsenal. Means sanctions
will remain in place as long as this regime stays in power.
- Have provided for humanitarian needs with UN mechanism.
- Look forward to day when Iraq has new leadership and can be
integrated back into the world community.
V. New World Order
-
No longer a bipolar world, but not unipolar. Moving to a
community of nations because victor is set of ideals.
- Vision of building to a world community of nations based on
democratic principles, market economics, peaceful resolution of
conflict, and concern for individuals.
- Not a Pax Americana but a peace for the world. A universal
opportunity that requires the energy and creativity of all.
These energies are unlocked as shackles of government control
fall away.
- New World Order can be a cooperative aspiration. Elements of
a New World Order:
Where cooperation has replaced conflict and where peace
has a better chance.
Where governments derive their just powers from consent
of the governed (where governments govern for the
people and by the people) and human rights are a
priority,
Where people and their daily needs matter and we strive
to give every child a better future.
Where free markets thrive, generating economic growth
and development.
Where nations cooperate to tackle global problems such
degradation of the environment, drugs, terrorism.
-- One President cannot bring about such a New World Order.
Takes effort and commitment to cooperation by all. Invitation to
join together in the endeavor. Even those who have until now
still chosen to be outside the community of nations.
VI. New Opportunities and Challenges Facing Us
- Unparalleled opportunities and challenges to do the hard work
of freedom - nationally, regionally, and globally. These can be
the building blocks of a New World Order. All require
cooperation.
-- New way of thinking required to overcome paralysis of Cold
War and divisions into spheres of influence and exaggerated
emphasis on security, rather than integrated approach to world
problems. Have been moving to more comprehensive problemsolving
and need to continue.
O
Reform and strengthen effectiveness of the UN and its
specialized agencies.
O Examine the organization, mission, and resource base of
the Bretton Woods institutions (IMF and World Bank).
-- Promote peace and stability worldwide. Stability allows
greater energies for pursuit of democracy and market economies,
thus benefiting individuals and reinforcing prospects for
stability.
O Tackle problems of international peace and security by
bringing to bear concerted diplomacy and peacekeeping, including
preventive diplomacy, where possible and effective collective
military action where necessary. Pursue arms control and insist
on observance of arms control agreements. Improve international
support for international efforts to curb proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction.
O Some situations born of the Cold War conflict now present
opportunities. Primarily regional conflict, and there is hopeful
progress on these. Can dare to hope that as a result of
solutions underway that half of the world's 16 million refugees
can return to their countries by middle of decade.
-- Building a New World Order will not be simple, quick, or
easy. World remains a dangerous place, still with tensions and
conflict, ethnic rivalries, spreading weaponry, and lingering
authoritarism. Must continuously work for peace and stability
worldwide.
O In dealing with these problems, some of which are
resurfacing after many years, we must apply the principle of
seeking diplomatic, peaceful solutions. Key role of regional
organizations - UN cannot and should not do it all. World
community should deal compassionately with the human dimensions
of these problems (such as ethnic rivalries).
-- Promote and consolidate democratic values, including
insisting on upholding of Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Need to assist in transitions to democracy. Devise ways to
advance democracy and help build democratic institutions which
accompany them, without dictating specifics.
-- Promote market economics, however difficult the transitions
may be from centrally-controlled economies.
-- Improve individual well being. Free market economies, a
sense of community, and a spirit of caring can begin to address
problems of well-being, leading to better lives. The
international community can only benefit by strengthening the
well-being of the people, economies, and societies of all its
members. Will require continued international assistance
programs. Renew commitments undertaken at World Summit for
Children.
-- Reduce global/transnational threats. Threats to our
environment and health, social and criminal problems of drug
trafficking, acts of terrorism should not be allowed to undermine
the New World Order.
VII. United Nations - Fulfilling the Original Vision
- UN at historic juncture. Cold War over for UN too. UN engaged
in many peacemaking and peacekeeping activities in addition to
resistance to aggression in Gulf (and the necessary followup).
IME
vr
THE SITUATION ROOM
PRECEDENCE. IMMEDIATE
PRIORITY ASAP
RELEASER: 05
ROUTINE
DTG: 2002587
MESSAGE NO. 60 CLASSIFICATION Unclas
PAGES 8
FROM
Jennifer Grossman
(Name)
(Phone Number)
(Room No.)
MESSAGE DESCRIPTION
TO (Agency)
DELIVER TO:
DEPT/ROOM NO. PHONE NUMBER
L.A.
Teny Snow
REMARKS
September 19, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR TONY SNOW
FROM:
JENNIFER GROSSMAN
SUBJECT:
MORE UN MATERIAL
1) A couple of pages from Looking Forward
--UN at its worst, baiting and berating US, betrayal,
hypocrisy
**there are a couple of incidents which Bush as
Ambassador witnessed events that seem to have left a
pretty lasting mark on him. If we use them in an
anecdotal "see how far we've come" manner, especially on
a Pakistan VS. Kuwait, for instance, it will really mean
something, personally, for POTUS. If he gets charged up,
it's Bush as his best.
2) Presidential response to questions on UN personal
reminiscences. You might already have this.
3) Below: the best in Hammarskjold and De Tocqueville
QUOTES
1) DAG HAMMARSKJOLD:
"It is when all play safe that we create a world of utmost
insecurity."
"Only he who keeps his eye fixed on the far horizon will find
his right road. (I already gave this one to Curt for the
luncheon, I don't know if it survived)
"A task becomes a duty from the moment you suspect it to be
an essential part of that integrity which alone entitles a man
to assume responsibility."
2)
ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE
"When I refuse to obey an unjust law, I do not contest the
Y
right of the majority to rule; I simply appeal from the
sovereignty of the people to the sovereignty of mankind."
"There is one universal law That law is justice. Justice
forms the cornerstone of each nation's law.'
"Democracy and socialism have nothing in common but one word:
equality. But notice the difference: while democracy seeks
equality in liberty, socialism seeks equality in restraint and
servitude."
"Men are not corrupted by the exercise of power or debased by
the habit of obedience; but by the exercise of a power which
they believe to be illegal and by obedience to a rule which
they consider to be usurped and oppressive."
"It cannot be repeated too often that nothing is more fertile
in prodigies than the ar of being free; but there is nothing
more arduous than the apprenticeship of liberty."
"The tyranny of the majority."
"
of all peoples those most deeply attached to peace are the
democratic nations."
112
George Bush
Looking Forward
113
1972 Security Council resolution that condemned Israel for
sizeable margin. It was a turning point in the history of the
attacking Palestinian bases in Syria and Lebanon but failed
U.N., the first time the anti-Western bloc (including Com-
to condemn the Munich atrocity that led to the attack.
munist countries) had defeated the U.S. when American
It was a one-sided, irresponsible resolution, typical of
prestige was on the line. For some delegates-who literally
what was happening to the U.N. As Third World countries
danced in the aisles when the vote was announced-Taiwan
attained a majority in the General Assembly, baiting the
wasn't really the issue. Kicking Uncle Sam was.
West-particularly the United States-became the order of
The mark of the professional diplomat is never to let
the day. Meanwhile, this country continued to pick up
personal feelings affect the way one looks at the job. I wasn't
nearly one third of the total U.N. budget, a fact that Presi-
& professional, however. Sitting there in the U.S. ambassa-
dent Nixon never failed to note when some new incident of
dor's chair, I could feel not only bitterness but dissoist at the
U.S. baiting occurred.
scene taking place. One of the governments that had helped
In the fall of 1971, the United States suffered its most
found the U.N.-ne Republic of China-had been expelled
serious setback in the General Assembly-up to that time-
from the international community, and the event was being
when the Third World majority voted to expel our
celebrated on the floor of the General Assembly. If this was
Taiwanese allies from the United Nations. As U.S. ambassa-
"the Parliament of man, the Federation of the world," then
dor I led the lobbying effort to permit Taiwan to keep its
the world was in deeper trouble than I thought.
U.N. seat as part of what was called the "Dual Representa-
A short while before, when it became apparent that
tion" plan.
Taiwan's days at the U.N. had run out, I let personal feel-
The plan originated when it became clear that the
ings take over as I saw Liu Chiegh, the Taiwan ambassador,
United States could no longer muster the votes needed to
walk out of the hall with his delegation for the last time.
keep the General Assembly from recognizing the Beijing
Leaving my chair, I caught him before he reached the door,
(then Peking) government as the official representative of
put an arm on his shoulder, and expressed regrets for what
the Chinese people. Our "Dual Representation" policy was
had happened. He felt he'd been betrayed by the organiza-
& fallback position. It accepted the inevitable-Beijing's en-
tion his country had helped found and supported over the
try into the U.N.-while still maintaining our country's
years.
commitment to our friends in Taiwan.
From Liu's perspective, the United States hadn't done
The actual vote came on a procedural question. Our
all it could to support the Taiwan government. America's
lobbying was intense among U.N. delegates from Latin
position regarding his country's status was changing. The
American, African, and Asian countries. On the other side,
U.S. delegation had worked hard to get a "Dual Representa-
Communist and other anti-Western states lobbied equally
tion" policy through the General Assembly, but in the end it
hard in favor of Taiwan's expulsion. For a while our dele-
was a different kind of "Dual Representation" policy-
gate head count showed we had the votes to win; but in the
Washington's ambivalence on the question of recognizing
event, on October 25, 1971, what we thought were commit-
Beijing-that had undercut the case we tried to make to
ted votes turned into abstentions. Some delegates who'd
save Taiwan.
promised their support didn't show up. The final count was
In the summer of 1971, Henry Kissinger had made the
59-55, with 15 countries abstaining. To this day I still re-
secret visit to Beijing that first signaled the change in U.S.
member the countries that promised to vote with us, then
policy. Then, not long before the debate on Taiwan's status
broke their word.
in the General Assembly, Washington announced that Presi-
After that procedural vote, the General Assembly went
dent Nixon would visit China in 1972.
on to admit the Beijing government and expel Taiwan by a
The news was seen in the White House and State De-
114
George Bush
Looking Forward
115
partment as a historic breakthrough. But at the operational
level of U.S. policy in the U.N., we were asking neutral
real surprise-that they merely disliked us, but despised the
nations to stand firm against Beijing, while softening our
Russians-came when China's U.N. ambassador, Huang
own policy toward Mao's regime.
Hua, attended his first informal session of the five perma-
nent members of the Security Council.
Despite my personal feelings about Taiwan's expulsion,
The session took place at the apartment of the French
the long-range wisdom of having the People's Republic of
China in the U.N. and of opening diplomatic contacts with
ambassador, Jacques Koscinsko-Morizet. Huang Hua and I
Beijing was obvious. I understood what the President and
had already met in one of those carefully planned scenarios
laid out by State Department protocol experts. Because the
Henry Kissinger were trying to accomplish. What was
harder to understand was Henry's telling me be was "disap-
United States didn't formally recognize the Beijing govern-
ment, my meeting with representatives of the P.R.C. would
pointed" by the final outcome of the Taiwan vote. So was I.
have to appear casual, not preplanned.
But given the fact that we were saying one thing in New
York and doing another in Washington, that outcome was
I seated myself in the U.N. delegate's lounge, at a place
inevitable.
where Qiao Guanhua and Huang Hua would have to pass
00 their way in. Then, as they came by, I rose, extended my
hand, and introduced myself-cordially but not effusively.
They each shook my hand, cordially but not effusively.
The delegation from the People's Republic of China
The "spontaneous" introductions over, we went our ways;
arrived in New York City in their drab gray Mao jackets*
but it was important that the Chinese ambassador and I talk
on November 11. It was my first direct exposure to the
to each other occasionally, because our two countries, de-
Communist Chinese. I was in for some geopolitical sur-
spite having no formal diplomatic relations, had areas of
prises.
common interest.
It came as no surprise when the P.R.C.'s Deputy For-
Now Kosciusko-Morizet, having greeted Huang Hua at
eign Minister, Qiao Guanhua, denounced the United States
the door of his apartment, was ushering him into the living
in his first formal address to the U.N. General Assembly.
room, where Sir Colin Crowe, Yakov Malik, and I were
But while knowing that the two Communist powers had
waiting. Huang was introduced to Sir Colin, shook his hand,
serious differences, I didn't appreciate the antagonism the
then to me, and shook my hand. Then Malik held out his
Chinese felt toward the Russians, until he spent an equal
hand. I saw Huang Hua put his hand forward; but on hear-
amount of time denouncing the Soviet Union. A cartoon
ing the words "Soviet ambassador," he jerked it back,
appeared in the next day's paper showing Malik and me at
pivoted, and walked away.
our desks, grimacing while Qiao dumped a bucket of rice
The insult couldn't have been more calculated. Huang
over both our heads.
knew before he came that Malik would be there. He was
Qiao's speech was only the beginning of my education
giving the Russian a strong taste of the medicine Malik liked
into the true state of Chinese-Soviet relations, however. The
to dish out on meeting newcomers-except that the Chinese
weren't merely probing to see how far they could push the
Actually, "Sun" jackets, after Son Yat-sen, the father of modern China. A few years
Russians. I realized Huang's act was a deliberate, open dis-
Inter, when I was U.S. envoy to Beijing. I made some mention of "Mao jackets" and
was corrected by a Chinese, who quickly informed me that Sun. not Mao, was the first
play to the other major powers that the Chinese considered
to wear them. The fact that both the Taiwan government and Beijing government
Soviet "hegemony"-even more than American "imperial-
claimed Sun as the founder of their movements points up the complexity of Chinese
ism"-the greatest threat to their country's security.
politics and the danger of trying to jump to easy conclusions about Chinese policy and
intentions at any given time.
Malik, his hand extended in midair, turned a livid
shade of purple. It was as if Huang had struck him with the
116
George Bush
Looking Forward
117
back of his hand. At that moment-it couldn't have been
limitations firsthand, but also more supportive, because I'd
more than a few seconds, though it seemed longer-the ten-
seen what the organization can do in humanitarian, social,
sion in the room was impossible to describe. Not a word,
and other areas, where ideological differences can be held to
just heavy breathing. Then our French host, in full flap,
a minimum.
moved rapidly toward the dining room, waving and calling
Politically the U.N. is and always will be a reflection of,
out, "Allons, allons, let's begin the meeting."
rather than a solution to, the tensions that exist in the
The five of us took our places at the table-the two
Communist ambassadors seated a safe distance from each
world. I remember the most compeling speech made to the
other-and we went on to have a relatively civil discussion.
Security Council during the 1971 session. It was delivered
But years later, when I was sent to Beijing as U.S. envoy,
by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, then the Deputy Prime Minister of
the impact of that meeting stayed with me.
Pakistan, who'd flown to New York City to ask for U.N.
The last time an ambassador had refused to shake
action to stop the Indian invasion of East Pakistan.
hands with a Soviet diplomat bad been when Henry Cabot
Bhutto made an impassioned appeal. but it was futile.
Lodge turned away from Foreign Minister Andrei Vishinsky
What I was watching reminded me of the dismal scene at
in the 1950s, at the height of American-Russian Cold War
the League of Nations in 1936 when Haile Selassie flew to
tensions. What I learned in the French ambassador's living
Geneva to ask for help when his country had been invaded
room was that no matter what the state of détente between
by Mussolini's Italy.
the United States and the Soviets, there was another Cold
The members of the League of Nations had sat on their
War taking place in the world-one between the world's two
hands in 1936. Now, in 1971 the members of the United
biggest Communist powers.
Nations, called on to stop a war between two member states,
were sitting on their hands.
"Here you are," said Bhutto as he concluded his
Dad had been on vacation in Maine when he developed
speech, "here you are with your three wines and your grand
a cough that he didn't seem to be able to shake. He was
dinners, and your 'Oui, monsieur' and 'Non, monsieur,'
finally persuaded to go to Sloan-Kettering's Memorial Hos-
while my country is being ripped asunder by war." And
pital in New York for a thorough checkup. The diagnosis
with that he dramatically picked up the yellow sheets he'd
was lung cancer. He didn't despair, but the disease spread
been reading from and tore them to pieces, letting the paper
rapidly.
shreds fall onto the table-at which point Israel Byne Tay-
Mother stayed with us at the ambassador's residence in
lor-Kamara of Sierra Leone, the presiding officer of the Se-
the Waldorf-Astoria, spending most of her time at Dad's
curity Council, as if to underscore Bhutto's message, stirred
bedside. He died October 8, 1972. It was a real blow for me,
awake to say, "We thank the distinguished gentleman from
for all his children. We had lost & best friend.
Pakistan for his most helpful remarks."
Clearly, the United Nations has much to be said for it,
but it still has a long way to go before it can ever achieve its
I served as U.S. ambassador to the United Nations un-
early promise as "the world's last best hope for peace."
til January 1973. On leaving to return to Washington, I was
asked by a reporter whether my experience there had
changed my opinion of the organization.
The President wanted to see me at Camp David. When
My answer-then and now-was yes. It made me more
the call came in, I knew our days in New York City were
critical of the U.N. than I'd been before, seeing its flaws and
drawing to a close.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
9/18
DATE:
NOTE FOR:
CHRISS WINSTON
DAN MCGROARTY
The President has reviewed the attached, and it is forwarded to
you for your:
information
action
Thank you.
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
(x-2702)
CC:
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 15, 1989
see
INFORMATION
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH: CHRISS WINSTON ew
FROM:
DANIEL MCGROARTY King
SUBJECT: UN SPEECH -- PERSONAL REMINISCENCES
As the first former UN Ambassador to address the General
Assembly as President, your reminiscences of your days in the UN
offer a unique opportunity in your upcoming UN speech.
Brief mention of your recollections at the beginning of your
speech would lend a personal tone -- and at the same time
establish that you speak as one who knows the UN from the inside.
We would appreciate whatever recollections you could provide
regarding your thoughts as you sat in the General Assembly at the
opening of the 26th Session 18 years ago, your impressions as a
new Ambassador on the responsibilities of your assignment, on the
opportunities or potential of the UN, etc.
You may be interested to know that eight of the current UN
ambassadors served in the same capacity during your
ambassadorship in 1971-1973.
1. Be sure we get the proper formal salutation in the very beginning.
Jospeh Reed can help or UN protocol But we must properly salute
teh Sec. general and the Pres. of the General Assembly.
Might mention the names of the perm reps who were there when I was.
also the fact that so many perm reps go on to leasd their countries.
Excuse the persoanl reminiscing but this in a sense is like coming home."
As in one's school days one makes fast friends here- friendships that
cut across political boundaires:"
"Under our able Sec General the UN is widely recognized as having
a renewed role in the import area of Peacekeepuing. I salute
the efforts of our able Sec General. " 9check this with Brent)
Find a subtle way to tease , not ridicule, the length of the speeches
Possible:
I'l lnever forget one meeting of the Security Council. I was US Perm Rep. I wa:
45 minutes late gettign to the meeting. One speaker had been going
on and on for the full 45 minutes. He saw me walk in and take
the us seat at the table. He stopped his remarks and said" Oh I am
so glad trh3e Us Perm Rep. could join us. And now for his benefit I
will start over. The graon that went up from the room. tansceneded
idealogical lines, historic alliances, regional differences
The whole place groaned in unison and the laughtrer broke out
1 wil ltry not to compete with his record breaking oratory. ""etc etc
Possible- Im not hooked on it.
Friendships are formed here; Genuine Understanding is Enhanced
Here; a Genuine sense of service prevails here- from the security
people, the people who weork in the Delegates Lounge, those who work in the
dining room, run the elevators, there is a UN spirit a spirit of
fraternity and that is good.
SEP18 P12
9-10-91
DRAFT
UNGA SPEECH OUTLINE
Setting: Forty sixth UN General Assembly. End of Cold War,
threshold of new era. Everyone is looking to the President for a
State of the World speech and his definitions of the New World
Order. He can claim victory about advancement of the individual.
It need not be a gloating victory speech, as the "losers" are
winning by joining in the opportunities generated for individuals
and societies by democracy and a more cooperative world
community. It is the right time internationally and domestically
for the president to set out an agenda for the future to the
multiple audiences, to demonstrate his (unquestioned) leadership.
It can be a world agenda and an irresistible bipartisan agenda.
Audience: World leaders, citizens everywhere, international
media, the UN
Speech objectives:
Set forth a vision of a world community based on
democratic values.
Advance U.S. claim to lead a world community
increasingly committed to democracy, market economics
and the peaceful resolution of disputes--within and
among states.
Set out building blocks of the New World Order as the
agenda for the future.
Counter any suggestion of U.S. hegemonic ambitions or
inordinate concern with Eastern Europe and developments
in the Soviet Union by emphasizing and illustrating the
universality of democratic values, market principles,
and our commitment to cooperate with all who share
them.
Increase understanding and support for New World Order
by broadening it to social and economic aspects,
including advancement of the individual.
reaffirm the legitimacy of international involvement in
the internal affairs of countries to promote and
protect basic human rights.
Rally U.S. domestic support for an active foreign
policy, greater international cooperation, and
rejection of the false choice raised by Administration
critics who asset the country needs a "domestic
president" in 1991.
Promote further reform and enhanced effectiveness of
the UN and its specialized agencies, along with the
complementary efforts by the international financial
institutions, regional organizations and other less
formal efforts to solve problems collectively.
DRAFT
2
I. Courtesies
- Greet very good friend and distinguished Secretary General,
Javier Perez de Cuellar. Pay special tribute to him in his tenth
and final year as UNSYG.
- Greet UNGA President.
- Welcome new members to this rejuvenated world body. Several
have waited a ling time for this recognition (refers especially
to Baltics and Republic of Korea). You have joined the UN on the
brink of a new age.
- Greet countries large and small, who are members. All have an
important role in the future of the organization
II. Introduction/Historical Context
- Extraordinary world changes have given rise to genuine
optimism about the future. We are at a turning point in history.
Melting of Cold War and walls and divisions, allowing
greater individual freedoms and international
cooperation.
O
Also have accomplished critically important task of
setting a standard of behavior in the world community
(Iraq).
- Highlight recent events/achievements involving varied and
reinforcing forms of international cooperation that point in the
direction of the New World Order, to wit: promoting peace and
security with the victory in the Gulf through the UN, the
progress in resolving regional conflicts (e.g. Angola,
ECOWAS/Liberia, Western Sahara, Cambodia), new commitments (by
China and South Africa) to abide by the Non-Proliferation Treaty;
spreading democracy (not only in EE and the Soviet Union but
across much of Africa, Mongolia, and, now in all of Latin America
except Cuba), early September CSCE human rights conference in
Moscow; economic and other forms of cooperation (including the
environment, health, etc.)
- These winds of change allow the focus of our energies to
change because we are in a new world of cooperation, not the old
world of conflict. We are building a New World Order that will
bring us into the 21st Century, based on lessons of 1991:
O
Aggression will not be tolerated
O
Freedom and democracy are irresistible
International cooperation works.
- The principles that underlie these changes are liberty,
democracy, peaceful settlement of disputes, human rights, rule of
law, caring, cooperation.
O
Shared values - domestic bridge.
- Lessons of the 20th Century - A brief section should provide
historical context. The overarching political, social, economic
and moral lesson of the 20th Century is the cruelty and failure
of the modern totalitarian state and the success of democracy.
Dictators are on the run and have no where to hide. We are on
the brink of a new age of enlightenment.
- Prospects for the 21st Century - If the 20th Century tested
the limits of the state, the lodestar of the 21st Century will be
3
advancement of the individual. (Many of the themes that the
President has raised domestically, about self-help, improvement
of individuals equal opportunity, the boundless potential of the
human spirit --regardless of race, religion, or culture now have
unmatched resonance internationally.) Powerful forces to devolve
or evolve the role of states are accelerating -- often
simultaneously -- around the world. Increasingly, judgments
regarding the merits of such changes will be made in terms of
their likely impact on all individuals directly concerned.
Individual becoming more important
Governments giving more power to the people -- or the
people taking it to themselves
Cautionary note about orderliness
III. Soviet Union
- The birth of freedom and democracy in the Soviet Union marks
the end of a great civil conflict that has divided the world
community for generations. Most remarkably, this struggle was
primarily in the minds of ordinary people. The idea that the
state knows better and can govern without the consent of those it
purports to serve is dead at last. Never before has there been a
turning point in history SO profound, far-reaching, peacefully
effected, and focused fundamentally on advancing the rights and
obligations of individual citizens.
- People have spoken - want less government. Want democracy,
having tasted it and because of modern communications the power
of information helped give power to the people.
- US is not committed to set of particular institutions but to
the basic values and principles of democracy. Put peoples of
Soviet Union on notice that we will be holding them to CSCE
standards.
- US role: Continue to work with responsible government on
problem solving, such as Afghanistan, arms control and control of
arms. Note importance of continued cooperation on Middle East
peace.
Humanitarian
International financial institutions
O
National initiative like extending Democracy Corps to
Soviet Union?
O
Anything else to announce?
IV. New World Order
- From bi-polar to world community of nations - The bi-polar
order that has existed since World war II will not be replaced by
a uni-polar one. Today's victor is not one country or one leader
but an ideal. The coalition of democratic nations whose values
have prevailed have no hegemonic presumptions. We do, however,
seek a world that is increasingly receptive to democracy, market
economics, and cooperation against aggression. Recent history
shows that such a community can only be forged and successfully
sustained through voluntary cooperation, with members acting in
accordance with the expressed will of their peoples.
4
- In the New World Order, the Soviet Union is a member of the
community of nations. Benefits to Soviet peoples and to the
world will be enormous with new opportunities for their own
society and economic development and for international
cooperation.
- Some nations are still outside community of nations;
leadership has not thrown off old ways. Iraq, Cuba, Vietnam,
Burma, others. A New World Order seeks to bring them in, not by
imposing it from the outside but by letting the idea of freedom
work.
- Say to the others: Come and join us in freedom and
cooperation toward a better life for all. This is not a "Pax
Americana" as some have said. It is a peace of the world. It is
universal.
- NWO is fundamentally a more democratic world based on rule of
law
Where cooperation has replaced conflict and where peace
has a better chance.
Where force is condoned only when used after other
means have failed, for the principle of protecting and
defending peace
Where governments derive their just powers from the
consent of the governed (where governments govern for
the people and by the people)
Where people and their daily needs matter
Where we strive to give every child a better future
Where human rights are a priority
Where the rights of the individual are respected
Where free markets thrive, generating economic growth
and development.
Where nations cooperate to tackle global problems much
degradation of the environment, drugs, terrorism.
- In the emerging NWO, we see a major opportunity that solutions
to regional conflict will allow millions of refugees, some of
whom have been refugees for a decade or more, to return home to
rebuild their lives and their countries.
Have already seen this in Namibia and Nicaragua. Now
there is concrete progress in Cambodia, Western Sahara,
South Africa, and the Horn of Africa -- where famine
adds to the misery of refugees and displaced. In
Afghanistan, we believe with international cooperation
an end to the protracted conflict and tragedy of 5
million refugees can be found.
Will require major repatriation programs and assistance
to successfully return the people, which the
international community should generously support.
Believe we can dare to hope that by the middle of the
decade the 16 million refugees now in camps can be
reduced by half.
- Yes, it is a new world of hope, but building the New World
Order is not simple, quick, or easy. It will take time for the
New World Order to evolve and we must expect some progress, some
5
difficulties. The world remains a dangerous place with ethnic
antagonisms, national rivalries, spreading weaponry, personal
ambitions and lingering authoritarianism. End of Cold War and
central repression can unmask old rivalries among peoples. In
some cases will generate -- has generated -- bloodshed, refugees.
We need a new code of decency to deal with problems rather than
open warfare.
- International community through the UN and regional
organizations must be ready to work compassionately toward
solutions without imposing solutions to internal problems as long
as peace and security are not threatened. UN's diplomatic,
peacekeeping, and humanitarian efforts are well known. Also
recognize the historic initiative by the Economic Community of
West Africa (ECOWAS) in deploying regional peacekeeping forces to
Liberia, and we salute the EC's ongoing efforts to bring peace in
Yugoslavia.
V. Iraq
- Irresponsible aggressive international behavior put Iraq
outside standards of behavior of the international community.
The international community through the United Nations took the
necessary steps based on principle and the UN Charter to counter
the behavior. We - the world collectively - did not let
aggression stand. Crucible of the New World Order.
Recount briefly UN role - all done by votes: counter
aggression, control weapons of mass destruction, care
for refugees and displaced.
There is still work to be done in the Persian Gulf; the
UN is still engaged in following through on all aspects
to ensure peace and stability and meet humanitarian
concerns.
Six months after the passage of UNSCR 687 and 688 we
are confronted with a pattern of serious violations of
the cease fire by Saddam and his regime. Saddam
clearly is determined to rebuild his weapons of mass
destruction arsenal in flagrant violation of 687 while
subjecting his people to brutal repression despite 688.
Iraq's contempt for U.N. resolutions -- first
demonstrated in August 1990 and now illustrated
virtually very day -- means we must keep UN sanctions
in place as long as this regime stays in power.
UNSCR 706 created a responsible mechanism for providing
humanitarian relief to the people of Iraq has been
created and it should now be implemented.
O
The United States looks forward to the day when Iraq
has new leadership and can be integrated back into the
world community. A new Iraqi leadership that
indicates its willingness to live at peace with its
neighbors, respects U.N. resolutions, and provides its
own people with basic civil rights and an opportunity
for political participation will be met with warmth by
the U.S. and its neighbors in the region.
6
The Iraqi people have suffered more than anyone else
from their dictator's actions and we look forward to
the day when their agony ends.
VI. United Nations
- The experience of dealing with Iraq's aggression has clearly
strengthened the UN and given it new vitality. The UN's
collective security role has been carried out through the
principled use of force to protect and defend the peace. This is
a useful model, not a new status quo.
- The UN is at a historic juncture, as it reflects the world.
After 45 years of underachievement, largely due to the Cold War,
the UN is reinvigorated as it takes on difficult problem-solving
worldwide. The UN and particularly the Secretary General has
been engaged in a broad array of activity in addition to the
Persian Gulf situation, including seeking a solution on Cyprus
and addressing the Middle East hostage issue, looking for peace
in El Salvador, and closing conflict in the Western Sahara and
Cambodia. On the eve of electing a new UNSYG the UN is on the
threshold of rising to the vision of its founders. In the New
World Order, the UN must enhance collective security by measures
to keep the peace and must address the political, economic,
social, and humanitarian issues that confront us. The true
measure of success must be improvements in the lives of the
people of the United Nations, not the strengthening of member
governments. Some specifics:
- Preventive Diplomacy - In the past, UN diplomacy has focused
chiefly on ending conflicts once started. Now it is reasonable
to aspire to equal success in conflict prevention. The US will
pursue the following objectives on preventive diplomacy with the
new Secretary General and the Security Council:
that the Secretary General, by informal information
sharing or by such other means as states may decide, be
kept fully informed of the status of existing or
potential situations which may lead to international
friction;
that the Secretary General shall take all necessary
steps to reinforce his capacity to communicate with the
parties to a dispute and to seek solutions, including
enhanced use of special representatives in good offices
and quiet diplomacy missions to help resolve issues
which may lead to conflict;
that consideration be given to the use of peacekeeping
troops as a means of forestalling conflict before the
outbreak of hostilities, such as by deployment to the
border of a threatened state;
We call on member states to assist in every way
possible to support efforts of the Secretary General
and his special representatives to settle disputes that
threaten the peace.
- UN Peacekeeping - Demands for UN peacekeepers -- the blue
helmets -- is growing, as durable solutions are being shaped for
7
some of the most protracted conflicts in nearly every region.
This year alone, at least five new peacekeeping missions are in
the field or on the drawing board. The US is fully committed to
support peacekeeping and strengthen it institutionally in the UN.
- Arms Control - We warmly endorse the efforts of the EC and
Japan to establish a UN arms transfer registry.
We will work closely with them to ensure the passage of a
resolution designed to bring needed transparency to the global
arms trade.
- UN Election Assistance - (Bush initiative announced at UNG
last year) We believe that the UN can play an important role in
furthering democratization around the globe by providing
electoral assistance to those countries that specifically
requests it. We look forward to the Secretary General's report
on UN electoral assistance and hope to work with other member
states in sponsoring an appropriate resolution on the topic.
- UN Emergency Humanitarian Response -
O
Note need for faster startup and coordinated response.
UN and world community have a responsibility.
Urge action now, not waiting for more comprehensive
reforms.
Strongly urge creation of humanitarian czar working in
closest conjunction with the UN Secretary General to
direct and coordinate the international response to
disasters and to arrange better coordination of
financial appeals and faster mobilization of resources.
Recommend that the GA set up a humanitarian response
start up fund by authorizing use of the Working Capital
Fund to finance expenses incurred at the outset of a
humanitarian mission, as is done with peacekeeping.
Expenditures would be controlled by the humanitarian
czar.
US would like to see part of its arrearage payments
used for these humanitarian purposes, to reach
suffering people faster.
O
Hope General Assembly would task humanitarian czar to
work with member states to identify military and
civilian assets that could be called upon when natural
or manmade humanitarian disaster strikes.
- UN Reform - We must reform and strengthen the United Nations
system, to make it more effective and responsive to the goals of
its members and the world agenda. The convergence of world
events and the forthcoming election of a new Secretary General --
to replace our distinguished and revered incumbent -- offers an
opportunity for progress and furtherance of these goals. We
should not miss this narrow windows of opportunity to press ahead
in:
strengthening the system, particularly through
restructuring the Secretariat
reviewing and tightening coordination among the various
elements of the UN system playing to prevent
8
overlapping programs to ensure efficient use of
resources.
adapting of existing institutions to the future
requirements of peacekeeping, peacemaking and the
economic and social welfare of all UN members.
VII. Agenda for the Future - to act on now and into the future.
Unparalleled opportunities and challenges to do the hard work of
freedom--nationally, regionally and globally. These are the
building blocks of the New World Order.
- Assure peace and stability worldwide - We must tackle problems
of international peace and security by bringing rapidly to bear
concerted diplomacy and peacekeeping where possible and effective
collective military action where necessary and through arms
control. Through cooperative efforts, we must:
O
Promote diplomatic solutions to regional conflicts,
including preventive diplomacy. Regional organizations
and the UN have key roles.
Strongly support UN peacekeeping
Follow through with international support and
assistance to rebuild countries and repatriate refugees
following conflict, to build foundations of stability.
Arms Control:
-- Reduce size of military arsenals while still
maintaining the legitimate rights of self defense to
deter and defend against military aggression.
-- Stop the global proliferation of nuclear, chemical
and biological weapons through bilateral and
multilateral agreements.
-- US/Soviet agreement to cut deeply their nuclear
arsenals
-- We support ban on chemical weapons.
-- We are working in UNSC to negotiate guidelines for
restraining destabilizing transfers of conventional
arms.
-- Stress importance of adherence to arms control
agreements. The international community must
demonstrate the seriousness with which it views
violations of arms control agreements, as is being done
in holding Iraq to UN Resolutions 687 and 706.
Reduce military spending -- Too many countries spend
too much on weapons of war. The United States is
setting an example that other nations should follow.
In response to the reduced threat from the Warsaw Pact,
the United States is making significant defense cuts.
By 1995 we will:
-- devote a smaller share of our economy to defense
than at any time in more than half a century;
-- reduce our military forces by 25 percent;
-- significantly cutting the size of our strategic
nuclear forces.
9
If other nations would follow this trend, the world
could become a more peaceful place with greater
resources available for economic development.
- Promote and consolidate democratic values - History shows
democracies to be less aggressive, more prosperous, more humane,
and more cooperative with other nations than conceivable
alternatives.
Assist transitions to democracy.
Devise ways to advance democracy and help build
democratic institutions which accompany them.
Advance human rights. With the developments of the
past year, there can no longer be any justification--
ideological, political or necessity--for any government
to violate the basic human rights of its citizens.
-- Note that in UN action regarding massive
humanitarian abuse of Iraqi Kurds by the Iraqi
government, world community recognized acts of genocide
or other massive humanitarian abuses as threats to
international peace and security. Such acts are of
direct and immediate concern to the world community,
which can act to deal with them through the Security
Council.
-- President has asked US Congress to speed the
process toward ratification of the UN Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights which embodies the essential
freedom of opinion and expression.
-- Note that US action on Torture Treaty is nearly
complete and we strongly oppose torture anywhere it
occurs.
- Promote market economics - Free market economies are the
engine of growth. An open and expanding international economy,
(based on market principles, stable currencies, and broadly
respected rules for managing and resolving economic disputes) is
essential.
Encourage the growth of capitalism and limitation of
central government control.
O
Support aid, trade, and investment policies that
promote economic development.
o
encourage free trade and development of a community of
free-trading nations.
Foster individual enterprise.
O
Utilize fully international financial institutions in
facilitating reform and cooperation.
- Improve individuals lives. Free market economies, a sense of
community, and a spirit of caring can begin to address problems
of well-being, leading to better lives. The international
community can only benefit by strengthening the well-being of the
people, economies, and societies of all its members.
o
Continue bilateral and multilateral international aid
programs, with greater coordination to insure effective
use of resources
10
Devise ways to more effectively institutionalize the
international capacity to help peoples and countries in
need.
Renew our solemn commitments undertaken one year ago at
the historic World Summit for Children. The goals must
be met --reduce the terrible toll and tragedy of child
mortality, increase education, and ensure a better
future for all children because they are our future.
Emphasize education
Emphasize democracy and market principles to increase
productivity and economic activity, leading to greater
self sufficiency and lessening need for international
aid.
- Respond to urgent humanitarian needs - This is a
responsibility. The international community has repeatedly
demonstrated its readiness and capacity to meet critical
humanitarian needs caused by natural or man-made disasters. This
capability and compassion will continue to be needed.
Strengthen international ability to respond to massive
humanitarian needs where natural or man-made disaster
strikes.
Do not flag in providing assistance
Enlarge donor community
- Reduce global/transnational threats. These are longer-term
threats that transcend borders and require international
cooperation to be conquered.
Systematically and aggressively address:
-- degradation of the environment,
-- health issues such as AIDs and a children's vaccine
-- drug trafficking and the social and criminal
problems involved in narcotics
--
terrorism
Ending:
Winds of change, winds of hope on every continent.
Move forward with vigilance to a world community of cooperation
based on democratic values and universal principles. Truly a
defining moment in history on brink of third millennium. Can
build the bridges necessary for a lasting peace and a better
world for all. Let us work together -- large nations and
small -- to make the dream a reality.
September 16, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR TONY SNOW
FROM:
JENNIFER GROSSMAN
SUBJECT:
THOUGHTS ON UN ADDRESS
As you relayed in this morning's meeting, these remarks should
kick a kudos in the UN's direction, while reflecting on a changing
world. You also touched on the hesitation in delivering specific
proposals and decisive judgements -- presumably given the fluidity
of the ongoing Soviet crack-up.
I believe these parameters should invite us to give a more
thematic, philosophical, and, yes, visionary speech than might be
encouraged under ordinary circumstances. Circumstances have been
anything but; and this year's UN has been far from business as
usual. In the formulation/reconciliation of this speech, I could
foresee a struggle arising, similar to the annual battle for the
soul of the State of the Union. The list VS. the leitmotif, the
trees vs. the forest -- the tasks VS. the vision. Attached for
your attention is a memo addressing this tension sent to POTUS and
the powers during last year's SOU.
I realize that in trying to unify a broad philosophical
approach to the new world dawning, we tread close to wording NWO
or Pax Americana. still, given the almost chiliastic events of the
past year, a failure to address the shifting fundamentals of our
world would be disappointingly conspicuous. Our audience might not
be looking to us to patrol the world beat, but I'm sure some of
them wouldn't mind asking us for directions.
If you leaf though the excerpts of relevant past UN addresses,
you will remark a willingness to talk about America -- its people
and its ideals. I think this should be embraced. And while I will
restrain the brat in me (na na na na na, we won the cold war) I
believe it imperative that we state for the record not who, but
what won -- the universal, inextinguishable desire for freedom,
national self-determination, and individual liberty. America has
championed these ideals, and that's at least worth a foot note.
In an attached article, Feulner goes a little bit farther and
harsher as he is wont to do, but I think it's worth your attention.
Oh yeah: the member count is 159 today, 166 tomorrow -- no
kidding.
MORE QUOTES
1)
"What kind of man would live where there is no daring? I
don't believe in taking foolish chances, but nothing can be
accomplished without taking any chance at all."
--Charles Augustus Lindbergh
2)
"There are those, I know, who will reply that the liberation
of humanity, the freedom of man and mind, is nothing but a
dream
they are right. It is the American Dream. "
--Archibald MacLeish
3)
"America has been settled by people of all nations. All
nations may claim her for their own. We are not a narrow
tribe of men No, our blood is the flood of the Amazon, made
up of a thousand noble currents all pouring into one
We are
not a nation so much as a world. "
-Herman Melville, Redburn
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
January 14, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR
FROM:
SUBJECT:
STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS
"The common misfortune of the Presidential Annual
Message is that they tend to become a catch-all. Being
that they often catch nothing."
New York Times, December 5, 1928
To list, or not to list, that is the question. Given the
historical tension between the impulse to deliver a laundry list
annual message and the desire to give a shorter, more thematic
State of the Union address, we've assembled and assessed research
that might clarify the choice. The material we've reviewed seems
to endorse the brief, thematic approach as the most effective,
the most memorable, and the oratorical weapon of choice of some
of our greatest presidents.
The other obvious argument that weighs in favor of a more
thematic, inspirational speech is the context of the current Gulf
crisis. Historian Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., in describing
Lincoln's Second State of the Union address, notes that "the war
itself inspired Lincoln to the highest eloquence of all Annual
Messages." We must ask ourselves whether at this decisive moment
in history, the American people are waiting for a long list
projects and proposals or whether they need to hear words of
leadership, comfort, and vision.
Abraham Lincoln, Woodrow Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt are
recognized as having delivered the most effective State of the
Union addresses. All three served in times of national crisis;
all three impressed the nation as leaders, inspired and
inspiring. It is telling that these men chose not only to
deliver more thematic annual messages, but shorter ones as well.
Mark -
Empowermint
THE HERITAGE FOUNDATION
Chronicling the
M:
Age
of
Conservatism
in
NewAge
collapse of
a
the
old
world
MK
Edwin J. Feulner, Jr.
order
that we have due to by the grandwink ber
et the record show that 1989 was
the wave of the future by many of Ameri-
another told us that less is more, small is a
L
the most significant year in the
ca's leading leftist intellectuals. These are
beautiful, and yesterday was better than NE
most important decade since
the realities, brought about by the conser-
tomorrow ever will be."
WOR
World War II.
vative policies of the Reagan-Bush era, that
Internationally, it was much of the ORDE same.
But before the revisionists rewrite his-
cut gaping holes in the barbed wire of the
America retreated from Vietnam, Iran,
tory and credit the global triumph of
Iron Curtain and turned the Berlin Wall
Angola, Ethiopia, Afghanistan, Nicaragua,
freedom to Carter-Mondale-Weicker-
into another capitalist triumph: historical
and in the face of OPEC. We surrendered
McGovernism, or to Soviet President
souvenirs at Macy's and other fine stores.
the Panama Canal, closed our eyes to
Mikhail Gorbachev, let the record also
Indeed, the very policies that brought
Soviet treaty violations, and at the United
show that the victory belongs to American
renewal to the West and forced Soviet
Nations apologized obsessively for daring
conservatives.
rulers to confront reality are the ones that
to have national interests. As Sen. Daniel
Sure, liberals as well as conservatives
liberals have fought and belittled every
Moynihan D-N.Y., confidently, but incor-
"believe" in freedom and democracy. And
step of the way. Those of us on the receiv-
rectly, observed:
they have every bit as much reason to cel-
ing end of their endless barbs have every
American democ-
ebrate the events in Eastern Europe as do
reason to gloat.
racy had begun "to
Ronald Reagan, George Bush, Barry Gold-
But even these developments are already
1989 was
look like monarchy
water, Ed Meese, and Ed Feulner.
history. Perhaps the ultimate tribute to
the most
in the 19th century
But it wasn't the weak policies of the
conservative ideas and policies is what lies
ahead. Because it is to us-to the free-
significant
the place
weip
Seventies-the public retreat from world
where the world
leadership, the humiliating self-doubt, the
market ideas of F.A. Hayek, Adam Smith,
year in the
was, not where it is
lonely walks in the Rose Garden, the
and Milton Friedman and to people like
most impor-
going."
"incurable" stagflation, the block-long gas
Richard Rahn of the U.S. Chamber of
tant decade
It was, in short, a
lines, the malaise of the Misery Index-
Commerce, William Dennis of the
since World
dreadful decade.
that prompted the Soviets to loosen their
National Federation of Independent
War II.
And one president
grip. Nor did they come around as a result
Business, and Stuart Butler of The Heri-
after another-
of lectures on income redistribution by
tage Foundation-that the governments
Richard Nixon,
John Kenneth Galbraith or friendship vis-
of Eastern Europe are now turning for
Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter-was over-
its by Armand Hammer.
advice. They have seen the future and it's
whelmed by the problems he faced and
Mikhail Gorbachev saw the handwriting
not the vaunted Soviet model, which has
turned haggard by the burdens of office.
on the wall. And what he saw was this:
brought them nothing but poverty. Only
The 1980s repealed all that. We cut
eight years (and still counting) of sustained
on U.S. college campuses does the social-
taxes, began deregulating the economy,
U.S. economic expansion; determined
ist dream linger on. In Warsaw, Tallinn,
and returned to a typically American strat-
U.S. efforts to rebuild its military arsenal
Prague, and Budapest, they don't want lec-
egy for economic growth, creating hun-
after years of neglect; U.S.-built Stinger
tures on income redistribution and capital-
dreds of thousands of new businesses and
anti-aircraft missiles being effectively used
ist exploitation, they want income and
millions of new jobs. By recognizing again
by the Afghan freedom-fighters to shoot
capitalism.
that government is not the universal solu-
down Soviet aircraft; the Strategic Defense
To appreciate just how far we've come in
tion, we reversed nearly half-a-century of
Initiative; NATO's strategic modernization
the 1980s we need to recall where we were
conviction that Washington knows best.
program; unrelenting U.S. efforts through
just a decade ago. As my colleague Burt
Voice of America, Radio Free Europe, and
Pines, who chronicled many of America's
Radio Liberty to explain to people living
most troubled days for Time magazine,
n dealing with Moscow, the 1980s also
behind the Iron Curtain not only what was
reminds us, America was "in retreat on
almost every front" when the '70s came to a
I
reversed a decade and a half of skittish
happening in the West, but in their own
self-doubt. We rebuilt our military
countries as well; President Reagan's oft-
close. At home, we had surrendered to high
arsenal, dared the Kremlin to keep techno-
criticized war of words; and last but not
taxes, bracket creep, hyper-inflation, failing
logical pace, and kept our promise to our
least, the embarrassing failure of state
educational standards, crime in the streets,
allies-doggedly ignoring massive
socialism, an economic system hailed as
and "listened with respect as one leader after
protests-to deploy medium-range nuclear
THE HERITAGE FOUNDATION
DEMS WANT TO EMPOWER
GOUT, WE WANT TO
EMPOWER PEOPLE
missiles in Western Europe. We allowed
through winking at Soviet adventurism.
the '80s.
talks with the Soviets to collapse, and
While the Soviet economy was disinte-
The driving vision behind much of mod-
refused to make new concessions simply to
grating (as it continues to do), the U.S.
ern liberalism is, of course, Franklin
keep them at the bargaining table. We
economy boomed. Even Reagan's deregu-
Roosevelt's New Deal. The Great Society
even dared brand the Soviet Union "the
lation of oil prices helped turn the tide
programs launched by Lyndon Johnson in
Evil Empire," established the National
against the Soviets, triggering a world-
the '60s merely applied a more-the-merrier
Endowment for Democracy to wage a
wide price drop that cut sharply into the
rationale to the New Deal.
global battle for public opinion, and dared
Soviets' hard currency earnings from oil
By their own admission, New Dealers
challenge "containment," the very center-
exports.
were flying by the seats of their pants in
piece of our own foreign policy, with a
This is how we helped make a new
creating all the agencies that empowered
new vision: rolling back the Soviet
world. The Kremlin's leaders didn't sud-
government to do what before would have
Empire. The Reagan Doctrine.
denly mutate into Jeffersonian democrats.
been considered radical and mostly uncon-
Now the Iron
They were pushed there by the same
stitutional. To be sure, there were social-
Curtain is history.
changed "correlation of forces" that caused
ists who saw the New Deal as the first shot
Even many con-
Soviet General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev
in an anti-capitalist fusilade, but on the
servatives laughed
Perhaps the
to gloat a decade earlier about the "seri-
whole it was a series of ad hoc political
when President
ultimate
ously weakened" state of world capitalism.
responses to demands to do something-
Reagan and Britain's
More than anything else, all of these
tribute to
anything-about an economic crisis that
Margaret Thatcher
momentous changes mean one thing for
makes the recession of the early '80s seem
said Mikhail Gorba-
conservative
conservatives: We have to recognize that
like a boom.
chev was truly a
ideas and
the world is dramatically different than the
We must define Never
new kind of Soviet
policies is
one we inherited from the Carter-era
Onder New America Order
leader. Then last
what lies
doomsayers a decade ago. And we have to
he 1980s Reagan Revolution, by
year, as the people
ahead.
act accordingly.
T
contrast, was rooted in philosoph-
of Hungary, Po-
This does not mean compromising in
ical principles, rather than poli-
land, East Ger-
any way the principles in which conserva-
tics. Conservatives knew what we wanted
many, Romania, and Czechoslovakia were
tives believe-limited government, indi-
and why we wanted it, even if we didn't
giving communism the boot, not only did
vidual liberty, free enterprise, and peace
know fully how to get it. Today, I'm con-
the Kremlin do nothing to stop them, it
through strength.
vinced we know what it takes; but the jury
was itself inching toward democratic
But we have to recognize that we have a
is still out on whether a movement whose
reform.
chance like none other since the New Deal
roots are primarily intellectual and philo-
By the time Reagan left office, commu-
to reshape the political landscape, and take
sophical can displant one whose roots pri-
nism, if not quite a corpse, was tottering
advantage of it. The future is still up for
marily are political.
toward the grave. By late 1989, Berliners
grabs.
I wouldn't be in this game if I weren't an
were dancing on a crumbling wall, Viet-
In the '80s conservatives successfully
optimist, but facts must be faced: Except
nam was pursuing free-market reform,
popularized conservative principles as prin-
for the 1980 election, the only real change
Heritage Foundation analysts were in Esto-
ciples. In the '90s our goal must be to trans-
in Congress has been the replacement of
nia helping the Estonians plan their transi-
late these principles into policy, and in that
tax-and-spend liberals with the spend-and-
tion to a market economy, Paul Weyrich
respect the fight has just begun.
spend kind.
and fellow conservative activists were giv-
To plan the future, we must remember
Today, there is far less consensus than a
ing seminars in Moscow on grassroots
how we and our adversaries got where we
few years ago on the conservative future.
political organizing, and the president of the
are. The roots of modern conservatism are
In itself, this is neither surprising nor
Soviet Union was meeting with the Pope.
chiefly philosophical, while the roots of
unhealthy. True intellectuals must make
All of this was a great triumph for
modern liberalism are chiefly practical and
careful distinctions, and conservatives
American conservatism. President Reagan
political. This difference is crucial. Unless
have never been slack in distinguishing
not only strengthened U.S. defenses, but
conservatives come to grips with it, we
various strands of conservatism: economic
he made clear that the United States was
will lose the momentum we generated in
libertarians, cultural conservatives, paleo-
Moder
conservation vs. modern
THE HERITAGE FOUNDATION
conservatives, neo-
longer enough to unify and energize cen-
states, localities, private enterprise, and
conservatives, old
servatives. But if, as a few observers have
institutions that build community values
right and new right
predicted, this means that conservatism
and make Americans actively involved citi-
Conser-
-so many strands
will become a spent rocket in the '90s,
zens instead of resentful taxpayers. In view
vatives
that it's easy to lose
we'll have ourselves to blame, not our
of the obstacles he confronted, it's amazing
track! But in the
ideas.
must show
he got as far as he did. But it wasn't far
'80s the unifying
The decline of communism and the
beyond the starting blocks.
they can
force was opposi-
nice
image,
can
we
usei
longest economic expansion in American
succeed
tion to Soviet
history are, after all, vindications of our
where
expansion and to
ideas. Our chief failures in the '80s-our
he conservative agenda can never
liberalism
the escalating cost
failures to restrain federal spending and to
T
be brought to full flower simply
has failed.
and obtrusiveness
bring the fruits of the economic recovery
by rearranging the deck chairs on
of the federal
to the poor in the inner cities-were
the Titanic called the federal bureaucracy.
bureaucracy, and
caused not by a lack of vision, but by our
For the conservative revolution to take
points of disagreement seemed trifling in
inability, after so many years in opposition,
root firmly, we must empower Americans
comparision. Today, this can no longer be
to capitalize on the opportunity to govern.
to run their own lives. This means, for
taken for granted.
Conservatives must stop merely adjust-
example, giving parents the freedom to
First, because of our success in rolling
ing to liberal initiatives and start pushing
choose the schools their children attend,
back communism, there is no longer much
their own more aggressively. Otherwise,
empowering tenants to manage the public-
consensus on what constitutes a "conserva-
what Ed Meese calls the "tin-cup syn-
housing projects where they live, and pro-
tive foreign policy," and in the public's
drome" will continue, turning America
viding businesses incentives to invest in
mind foreign policy has receded in impor-
from a nation of entrepreneurs into a
poor inner-city neighborhoods. As Presi-
sr
tance. Moscow still sends mixed signals,
nation of lobbyists stampeding to Wash-
dent Bush has said, the best anti-poverty
blessing East European freedom but con-
ington to beg Congress for money. Such
program is a job-a real job in the private
tinuing to modernize its nuclear arsenal
competition is not over who can best cre-
sector, with a real future.
and fund communist insurgency and dicta-
ate wealth through greater productivity
"By supporting
torship in the Third World. What is the
and innovation, but over who can get the
empowerment,"
proper conservative response?
biggest slice of existing wealth through
Heritage Director
It's easy to forget that until the Vietnam
adroit use of political pressure, not quite a
Conserva-
of Domestic Policy
War provoked the anti-war movement of
road that leads to preeminence in the
tives don't
Studies Stuart But-
the '60s, culminating in George
world economy.
ler wrote in
McGovern's winning the 1972 Democratic
In 1977, the late Sen. Edward Zorinsky,
enjoy
National Review,
presidential nomination, an activist foreign
D-Neb., explained his decision to run for
spending
"conservative
policy was a hallmark of liberalism, while
the Senate as follows: "As Mayor [of
$300 billion
poverty-warriors
conservatism had a strong isolationist
Omaha] I was on the receiving end of
a year
can trigger confron-
strain. Despite images to the contrary, con-
bureaucracy from Washington, D.C., tell-
on the
tations between the
servatives don't enjoy spending $300 bil-
ing me how to run the city, when to run it,
Pentagon.
poor and the wel-
lion a year on the Pentagon. Today, we are
why to run it, where to run it. The federal
fare state that
debating how much defense is necessary,
revenue-sharing dollars that we received
serves them so
where the United States is most threat-
didn't have strings attached to them, they
badly. These confrontations will help con-
ened, and how much of the burden U.S.
had ropes attached to them. And then they
servatives to build the coalitions needed to
allies should carry.
act like all that money is born in Washing-
tip the political balance in favor of their
This isn't the place to set forth a new
ton; they don't give you credit for paying
proposals."
conservative foreign-policy agenda. But it
taxes."
It's not enough anymore simply to dis-
is the place to acknowledge that in an era
Reagan came to Washington to change
credit liberalism; in the new age, conserva-
when even many communists have turned
that. He is one of the few leaders in history
tives must show we can succeed where
anti-communist, anti-communism is no
who sought power to give it away-to
liberalism has failed. That failure is every-
THE HERITAGE FOUNDATION
where. Yet in such areas as environmental
help shape policy at the local and state
opposed us.
policy, health care, and day-care, liberal
level. Effective conservative research and
Now conservatives are ready to do bat-
members of Congress are promoting more
advocacy organizations now exist in more
tle on other fronts. Stuart Butler, Jack
of the same: policies that, by the end of
than half the states, from Washington, Cal-
Kemp and Anna Kondratas propose a con-
the '90s, could make the deficits of the '80s
ifornia, and Arizona in the West to Penn-
servative war on poverty. Warren Brookes
seem piddling.
sylvania, Massachusetts and Connecticut
sees the environment as the great battle
The good news is that conservatism
in the East, and more will appear as their
ground of the 1990s. The fight against
appears fully up to the task. The left,
successes grow. Already some of these
drugs demands our attention-as does the
though unsure of what to make of Eastern
organizations have left their marks, offer-
war against public schools that are a public
Europe's passion for free minds and free
ing alternative solutions to such problems
disgrace.
markets, is right
as educational decline, prison overcrowd-
about one thing:
ing, and public transit financing.
NEW WORLD:
the collapse of the
There is now a conservative public-
he world, too, is still a dangerous
Soviet
Empire
We
interest law movement, where a decade
place. The Soviets, who possess
means conserva-
ago there was nothing. Conservative jour-
T
must
enough nuclear fire-power to
tives don't have to
nals, modeled after the Dartmouth
incinerate most of the globe, face troubled
spend as much time
empower
Review, established several years ago by
times; and instability in the Soviet Union
worrying about the
Americans
Heritage alumnae Benjamin Hart and
poses great challenges and grave threats to
threat of commu-
to run
Dinesh D'Souza and several of their class-
the West. Iraq is building long-distance
nist aggression. But
their
mates, now flourish on dozens of college
missiles, and may again be developing
instead of spreading
own
campuses, from Harvard to Stanford and
nuclear arms. Much of Latin America is
despair among con-
lives.
Berkeley. And even the publishing indus-
still in turmoil. And Africa: the legacy of
servative troops,
try-including Macmillan's Free Press,
socialism can be seen everywhere as the
this should help lib-
Rutgers University's Transaction Books,
malnourished and starving and near-
erate us, and free us to tackle many of
Universe Books, Madison Books, Univer-
corpses compete for less and less bounty.
those other problems that despite their
sity Press of America, Stein and Day, and
By not deviating from bedrock princi-
importance and even urgency, have
Basil Blackwell-has discovered, as the tra-
ples, conservatives have helped change the
seemed less important, less urgent when
ditional conservative publishers Lexington
world for the better. But there are many
compared to the task of national survival.
Books, Green Hill and Regnery Gateway
battles still to fight. Nineteen-eighty-nine
Intellectually, conservatism has never
learned years ago, that Americans who
was a remarkable year in the annals of free-
been healthier. Four of our own-Milton
buy books want both sides of the story. In
dom. We intend to see that the 1990s are
Friedman, F. A. Hayek, George Stigler,
other words, conservative books sell.
remembered as the decade of freedom-
and James Buchanan-have been recog-
Conservatives have spent the last 45
and of unprecedented opportunity for
nized in recent years with Nobel Prizes in
years preventing the left from dismantling
each and every American.
economics, at one time the exclusive pre-
the barricades against Soviet communism.
serve of the left. In other fields as well,
Today all the world can appreciate the wis-
conservative academics and intellectuals
dom of our struggle, derided for so many
Edwin J. Feulner Jr., is President of The Heritage
have helped reshape the way America
years, and in so many ways, by those who
Foundation.
thinks. In the 1970s, for example, who had
heard of Charles Murray, Stuart Butler,
George Gilder, Daniel Pipes, Kim Holmes,
or Richard McKenzie? You can bet they
will all be heard from time and time again
214 Massachusetts Avenue, N.E.
in the decade ahead.
The
Washington, D.C. 20002
While conservatives have sometimes
fumbled the political ball in Washington,
Heritage Foundation
(202) 546-4400
we now are better prepared than ever to
Telex: 440235-HRTG UI
FAX: (202) 546-8328
SEP 19 '91 04:40PM STATE DEPT IO/1AP&PA
P.1/1
For many years, the United Nations failed to hold all
nations to a single standard of human rights. While member
states found it easy to single out for criticism small
countries without powerful patrons among the bloc of countries
here that can control a majority of votes, others with much
poorer human rights records escaped censure, and sometimes even
led the attack.
This has changed. We find that there is a willingness to
confront the records of countries such as Cuba which have
institutionalized abuse of human rights as a mainstay of their
form of government. But much still needs to be done.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights is one of this
bodies oldest documents. It is a testiment to the founders'
vision of the UN in which human rights play a vital role in
securing mankind from the scourge of war. The Universal
Declaration today provides us with a single international
standard by which all governments can be measured, and to which
they should all be held accountable. It is this document, more
than any other adopted by this body which reaches out to the
individual to succor him against the depredations of tyrannical
government. It is up to every member here to protect and
promote the fundamental rights and liberties it contains.
FG.03
SEP 19 '91 04:31PM STATE DEPT IO/IAP&PA
P.3/4
SUBJECT: Prez UNGA Speech: Talking Points on NWICO
For many years this Assembly provided the forum for a great
ideological debate waged on the one hand by certain
governments suspicious of a free press at home which could
subject them to scrutiny and make them more accountable to
their own people, and the activities of international media
which was perceived as a threat because they were unable to
control it, and on the other hand by those who believed
that a free press was one of the backbones of a free people
and a free society. Proposals under the rubric of a
so-called New World International Communications Order were
floated which would have led to drastic and sweeping
controls on the dissemination of information and on the
activities of journalists everywhere.
After seven years of drawn out polemical wrangling, last year
the General Assembly was able to put ideology aside and reach
concensus on information issues. Last year's concensus served
us well:
- The Committee on Information is now focusing on its central
role of providing guidance and direction to the Department
of Public Information, while at the same time recognizing
the need for the DPI to have the flexibility to provide
information support for the United Nations as it confronts
events that call for immediate and urgent action.
-- More importantly, rather than seeking to restrict
information, last year's resolution unequivocally called
for "a free flow of information at all levels." As the
changes now sweeping much of the globe have shown, the free
flow of information and ideas is a direct spur to
democratic development.
Cleared: IO:JWoloott
IO/SR:Susan Jacobs
1506:SESR
SEP 19 '91 04:31PM STATE DEPT IO/IAP&PA
P.2/4
FROM BOLTON
UNGA ACCOMPLISHMENTS IN THE ECONOMIC DIALOGUE
The United Nations has provided a useful and important
forum for a global dialogue on issues of economic
cooperation and development.
It has come a long way since the 1970s, when sterile
confrontation between developed and developing countries
generated unrealistic initiatives under the rubric of the
"New International Economic Order".
In the past several years, we have seen a sea change in the
way the world looks at problems of economic development.
Today, for the first time, there is almost universal
agreement on the fundamental building blocks of economic
success: democratic, accountable government and
market-based economic policies. No society can succeed
without the twin pillars of free citizens and free markets.
0
By providing a forum for the expression of this new
consensus on economic issues, the United Nations has played
-- and should continue to play -- an important role.
12773
Snow/Grossman
UN.TS
September 20, 1991
Draft One
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY
UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY HALL
MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 23, 1991
11 A.M.
[INTRODUCTORY ACKNOWLEDGMENTS; PERSONAL REMINISCENCES]
Today I plan to deliver a different kind of address than you
have heard from a President of the United States. I do not plan
to dwell on a superpower rivalry that led to this organization's
founding and defined international politics for a half century,
although I will discuss it for a moment, because it provides a
foundation for my main topic: The new world that faces us all.
For nearly 50 years, world affairs revolved around a
conflict between the United States and the communist world --
principally, the Soviet Union. Many wars, many debates, many
events reflected the competition between two ideologies:
communism, which asserted the primacy of governments over
individuals; and free-market democracy, which declared that
governments derive their just rights from the people they serve.
Cut through the rhetoric, peer into the military and
economic competition, and the conflict between the superpowers in
many
ways hinged on a crucial question: Do people have
inalienable rights?
Well, I look around this room and I see the answers. Today,
a single delegation represents the people of Germany; two
delegations represent Korea; the republics of Estonia, Latvia and
2
Lithuania all send their own delegations. Just one week ago, 159
nations enjoyed membership in the U.N. Today, the number stands
at 166. Seven nations in one week -- in fact, all joined in one
day: That's extraordinary.
In their own ways, each of these changes -- changes that
have occurred within the past year -- illustrate the new
ascendency of individual rights. They hail a new age of liberty.
I look back upon the past year, and I also see the makings
of a new era of peace. You see, the old order began yielding to
the new in this very chamber. Less than a year ago, the Soviet
Union joined the United States and a host of other nations in
defending liberty - - and opposing the treacherous barbarity of
Saddam Hussein. For the very first time, superpower competition
took a back seat to international cooperation
and
And, for the very first time, we began go glimpse glimpse - - like
Now
can
mountains emerging at dawn's first light -- a world in which we
can fulfilling the challenge of the United Nations Charter and
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Think about it: In the long history of the United Nations,
superpower competition rendered hopeless the charter's
determination "to save succeeding genrations from the scourge of
war
to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the
dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men
and women and nations large and small
to
promote
social
progress and better standards of life in larger freedom."
3
No MOM. Now we May focus on
The three key words there are: "in larger freedom." For
many in this room, and for many of the nations that belong to
this body, "larger freedom" did not exist. Governments cared
less about observing individual rights than about forcing the
masses to conform to a planner's vision of a perfect society.
Individuals were tossed about, murdered and tortured, sent to
labor camps or resettled in distant provinces -- all for the sake
of theories that never made sense.
The communist ideal fell when people grasped the emptiness
of its promises, and saw that freedom -- true freedom -- works.
When they no longer could ignore the failures of their
governments and their economies, they rose up and shouted
defiantly: We are people! Treat us with dignity! Understand
that your power flows from us -- not the other way around! So-
called Peoples' republics fell victim to the people.
Many of us watched in amazement as the Berlin Wall came
tumbling down; as the old Warsaw Pact nations emerged from their
long dark confinement into the bright light and bracing air of
freedom. Some of us also wept with joy as kinsmen threw off
their chains, unfurled their flags, celebrated the cultures that
they had struggled so long and at such great personal peril -
- to keep alive, and preserved the common bonds that gave them
strength, courage, and hope that the forces of freedom eventually
would prevail over the minions of tyranny. The whole world
celebrated as these men and women enjoyed the startling
liberation of real freedom -- and real responsibility.
4
But communism froze history. It suspended ancient disputes;
it subordinated ethnic rivalries and nationalist aspirations.
In
short, communism blotted out the identities of individuals and of
ationalities.
As totalitarian masters relaxed their grip on their victims,
and as individuals began again to taste their rightful freedom,
old animosities raced to the surface; old hatreds reasserted
themselves; and in the tumultuous aftermath of communism's
collapse, people who for years had been denied their past and
future began searching for their own identities. The struggle
over ideology gave way to the far older struggle for identity.
That struggle has unleashed warfare between Croatians and
Serbians; Armenians and Azerbaijanis; Kurds and Iraqis - - each
battle merely picking up hatreds that have festered for more than
50 years.
you 988 sigas of this new travit verywhere
The United Nations has organized only 13 peacekeeping
missions in its history. It organized four such mission during
its first 43 years, and nine since 1988. In three years, our
world has changed so much that no sane person can now envision a
World War III. Nevertheless, most sober observers fear the
constant eruption of smaller, deadly wars.
All of us must face this challenge squarely: First, by suing
for the peaceful resolutions of disputes now in progres; second,
and more importantly, by trying to prevent others from erupting.
No one here can promise that today's borders will remain
fixed for all time: They won't. We must do our best to ensure
5
that people resolve border disputes peacefully, and that any new
nations that might join our community will arrive peacefully, and
not after years of bloody savagery.
we can start by cetanding the inalienable rights described in the
Most nations already give lip service to the one step
UN; founding documents. H In nationalities disputes, none stands out
necessary for peace- Most nations already argue that they defend
individual rights. But If minorities cannot enjoy the full
more clearly then the need to defant minority rights of
fruits of liberty; conflicts will erupt. If people cannot
exercise their own inalienable rights if they cannot speak
their minds; if they cannot form political parties freely and
elect governments without coercion; if they cannot practice their
religion freely; if they cannot raise their families in peace; if
they cannot enjoy a just return from their labor; if they cannot
live fruitful lives and, at the end of their days, look upon
their achievements and their society's progress with pride if
# steef
these simple conditions for the good life do not exist, people do
not enjoy true freedom, and their governments have failed in
their primary duty, which is to protect the freedoms that enable
people to live good lives.
In the years to come, we will face the challenge of
reconciling people's yearnings for freedom and identity with the
need to live in a peaceful world a world in which people and
peoples build ties of common interest. We must nurture feelings
peoples Sansa of identify
of nationalism without shredding the fabric of international
without initing
society and hurling our nations into the kind of bloody
factionalism that led to our first world war -- and ultimately,
perhaps, to the Cold War.
6
But now, we must begin to build the basis for a new world of
peace and prosperity, one that honors the individual's thirst for
freedom; nations' desire for identity; and the world's desire for
a vibrant prosperous peace.
For the people in this room, the challenge is simple: Honor
the commitments we have made by signing the United Nations
Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
This chamber in past years has made a mockery of its
founding document by distorting the meaning of such simple terms
as "liberty" and "democracy." [anecdotes]
Not too long ago, this chamber debated a New World
Information and Communication Order that sought to constrain free
speech, not to defend it. This shameful interlude has drawn to
an end, and the Committee on Information has embraced a more
traditional interpretation of free speech. It has begun trying
to provide accurate information to the U.N., and this chamber has
called for "a free flow of information at all levels." That's a
far cry from the clumsy censorship embodied in the NWICO.
For years, the U.N. approved of the export of tyranny -- it
supported so-called liberation movements, from which freedom-
loving people now must liberate themselves. Still, with free
elections in Nicaragua, prospects for free elections in Angola,
Afghanistan, Mozambique -- and what once was called the USSR, the
tide has turned.
And, during that unfortunate age, the United Nations
promoted a coercive New World Economic Order that, if enacted,
IME OF TRANSMISSION
TIME OF R
THE SITUATION ROOM
PRECEDENCE: IMMEDIATE
RELEASER: cBr
PRIORITY ASAP
ROUTINE
DTG: 200420Z SEP91
MESSAGE NO. 61
CLASSIFICATION Unclas
PAGES 45
FROM
Jennifer (Name) Grossman
(Phone Number)
(Room No.)
MESSAGE DESCRIPTION
TO (Agency)
DELIVER TO:
DEPT/ROOM NO. PHONE NUMBER
L.A.
Tony Snow
REMARKS
September 19, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR TONY SNOW
FROM:
JENNIFER GROSSMAN
SUBJECT:
STILL MORE UN MATERIAL (FAX THREE)
Tony, I think I just got in trouble. I was just
unceremoniously booted from the library by a very large secret
service woman. She called me "unauthorized." Would you please
tell them that such epithets can be potentially emotionally
scarring to young minds? Anyway, attached:
1)
Reportage from '46 formation of the United Nations
2)
Excerpts from Representing America. Chapter by Bush on UN
experience.
3)
more re. founders' vision, a chapter from The United Nations
at Forty: A Foundation to Build On, entitled "Shaping World
Order."
4)
Moynihan on "Zionism is Racism."
QUOTES
1)
"The only dependable foundation of personal liberty is the
personal economic security of private property."
--Walter Lippmann
2)
JAVIER PEREZ DE CUELLAR (On the eve of the 40th anniversary
of the United Nations) :
"We face today a world of almost infinite promise which is
also a world of potentially terminal danger."
"The United Nations cannot -- and was not intended to -- solve
all the problems of the international community, but it is the
best place to avoid the worst and to strive for improvement."1
ood
United Nations formed
is divided
Su
Mo
1
2
zones
8
9
15
16
Allied supreme com-
22
23
a declaration today
29
30
nch divides Germany
ICS and imposes terms
surrender. Formaliz-
ment, which required
2. Germa
occupyin,
epresentation like that
zone in R
of the Treaty of Ver-
3. Harry
Allied Commanders-in-
Truman
Eisenhower of the
5. Washi:
Bernard Montgom-
than Jr.
Georgi Zhukov of
secretary
Jean de Lattre of
5. Trums
will comprise the
over Go
ons Control Council.
Ohio. to
four nations will OCCU-
5. Maul
the German state as
liberativ
Sec. of State Stettinius, head of the U.S. delegation. signs the U.N. declaration
are the Nazi expansion
6. Japan
with the annexation of
Honshu
e lives on Okinawa
June 26. Hailing the creation to-
of peace." In failing to use it,
937. The division is as
fire-box
day of a charter to establish a Unit-
said, "we shall betray all those
eastern zone for the
8. Salins
he highest ranking
ed Nations, President Truman told
have died in order that we
a northwestern sector
Bertuce:
ed in combat.
a cheering throng: "Oh, what a
meet here in freedom to create
Britain; a southwestern
prisoner
and wou
attle for Okinawa
great day this can be in historyl"
If we seek to use it selfishly-for
merica; and a western
atively calm note
ance. The United Na-
10. U.S.:
Approval of the historic charter
advantage of any one nation
I 6th Marine Divi-
came as a climax to a 63-day con-
small group of nations-we shall
the action as "there is
utility, d
h and 96th Army
ference of delegates from 50 nations,
equally guilty of that betrayal"
government in Germany
13. Marl
from 11-
1 April 1 on the
meeting in San Francisco. The new
The speech was loudly applaude
maintaining order."
1. But then the
charter provides the framework for
by the 3,500 persons in the
rovisions of the Allied
13. U.S.
ran into the Shuri
what its signers hope will be a new
Memorial Opera House, $ gill
include complete dis-
heavy bc
islands
Ushijima had con-
start on the way to a lasting peace
walled structure dedicated to
all armament factories
craggy section in
in the world.
memory of San Franciscans
the release of prisoners
14. Italy
sector of the is-
(-
11/
President Truman, who will ask
died in the Great War. Truman
regime, the evacuation
ed three weeks of
the Senate next week to ratify the
bied territories outside of
15. Berli
accompanied to the rostrum by
arrive fc
ve fighting before
charter, spoke at the concluding
ward Stettinius, the Secretary
the arrest of all Nazis
as breached. The
session of the conference, telling the
State; Alger Hiss, conference
war crimes and stern
16. New
assembled delegates that the world
AKOE
bomb to
pped away for a
tary; and presidential military
Fainst the destruction of
desert (-
southern tip of the
must now use the new "instrument
Col. Harry Vaughn (- 7/28)
7/1).
17. Ma
:, Navy ships off-
restore
desperate attack
24).
forms new
18. Tol
bomb
for Poland
stroyir
21, But
sador I
Joseph Stalin has suc-
Argen
tablishing a new. Com-
23. Fre
itrolled government in
in Pan
final arrangements,
24. Ch
made in Moscow. were
Japan
the search for moderate
Shane
the bad gone into hid-
28. U
They were all found
charte
29. JA
onal unity government"
SUJIET
Osubka-Moravski. The
31. P1
and Britain recog-
Amer
emment after Stanis-
zyk was named Vice
DEA
kolajezyk headed the
20.F.
en-exile in London.
(*10
The Queen Elizabeth hits N.Y.. full of eligible soldiers from Europe.
sians superseded with
FROM A BOOK CALLED REPRESENTING AMERICA.
DIFFERENT CHAPTERS FROM DIPPARENT USUN
AMBASSADORS
sion was one of the great
GEORGE BUSH Permanent Representative and Chief of the U.S.
et my French colleague,
Mission to the United Nations, 1971-72.
d drafted the Universal
vering intellect, and when
During my early days in politics. I was highly critical of the UN, I felt
is because I speak French
it was falling short of its promise from the late '40s. I saw it become
ance]. He sat on what is
increasingly unable to be useful in its peacekeeping roles. After I served
'ou did come across some
there, my view changed. I felt that the UN was particularly helpful in
of ordinary people. It was
the economic and social areas [ECOSOC]. I favored certain of the
IL But I did come away at
multilateral efforts in the health field, food field, population field, etc.
ed optimistically. I came
Sometimes it is much better to use multilateral diplomacy and I saw
ut the possibilities of the
that clearly after being at the UN.
ace and understanding.
A former oil-industry executive and Texas Republican congressman, George
Herbert Walker Bush was named U.S. representative to the United Nations by
President Nixon in 1971. Bush cofounded and developed the Zapata Offshore
Company (1956-64), and later advanced to chairman (1964-66). Convinced
that businessmen "ought to take an interest in politics," Bush was active in Re-
publican politics in the Houston area. From 1967 to 1970 he served in the U.S.
House of Representatives. After losing a Senate race in 1970, Bush was appointed
to the UN post. His informal, energetic style, amiable personality, and access to
President Nixon won him the respect of fellow delegates. In 1971 Bush advocated
the Nixon administration's two-China policy-a compromise under which the
United States would support the admission of Communist China while calling
for the continued membership of Taiwan. Although Bush tried to win sufficient
support for the compromise, the assembly voted to expel Taiwan,
In 1972 he left the United Nations to become chairman of the Republican
National Committee; in 1974 President Ford named him head of the U.S.
Liaison Office in China. Two years later. he became director of the Central
Intelligence Agency, where he instituted structural and procedural reforms.
Considered a potential running mate for Nixon and later for Ford, Bush decided
to wage his own presidential campaign for 1980. He then became Ronald Reagan's
vice-presidential nominee on the Republicans' successful ticket against Carter
and Mondale. AND THEN
I felt [after serving there] that the UN was an extremely useful place
at which to conduct bilateral diplomacy. It's a fantastic place for
meeting future world leaders-getting to know them on a friendship
you that can
basis. As vice president, I continually run into people from all over
the world with whom I served at the United Nations.
It also found the UN to be frustrating in some ways-the attacks
on the United States, and so on. The UN passed a lot of irrelevant
169
170 / Representing America
resolutions, and I think that diminished its effectiveness. There's
the war between India and
an awful lot of rhetorical overkill at the UN. In the General Assem-
macy on that one was cond
bly, the debates were often not real debates, [with] no real give
I believe strongly in pe
1
and take, as in giving a speech and [having] someone exercising a
or multilateral diplomacy.
right to reply, for example. But it still was a worthwhile forum in
above going to the smaller
which to vent one's frustrations or one's desires or one's goals.
from smaller countries, WC
In securing support of U.S. policies, our home mission worked
countries' representatives
the diplomatic circuit very, very hard. We had excellent political
their positions, and if you
officers, we contacted everyone-no mission was too small. I, as
can get the benefit of the d
ambassador, would not hesitate to go to a small African country's
of course, and it's certain]
representative. The UN job is much more than making speeches and
work, and in addition, it
posturing. To be really effective in terms of securing votes, you
United States is seen throu
have to get out and work at it. 1 liked that part of the job; I liked
tries. I am not naive enou
the politics of the UN.
change their fundamental
In terms of cooperation or disagreement with the Western allies.
For the permanent rep
generally speaking, we had very close relations and stayed together
It's the perception more
on most of the important questions. There were of course exceptions.
ship between the U.S. per
As for the Soviet Union, we had many differences, and they're on
is an important compone
the record. I got along with Ambassador Malik of the Soviet Union
General U Thant and Sec
and made it a point to work with him. But our differences were pro-
ships do matter a great de
friction or if there is ind
nounced on most political issues.
As to the Group of 77, 1 became frustrated at group positions
secretary of state are of c
that I knew individual members did not support. But again, we had
his instructions through t
to work on various questions to get the support of different mem-
shall decree. And thus bo
bers in the group.
tions with the secretary 0
As to the tenor of the times, the biggest questions in the political
sometimes conflicting sign
field were the India/Pakistan War, the Taiwan question-entry of
rep to the UN does a balar
China into the United Nations-and certain events in the Middle East.
The UN's greatest stre
The principal challenge did relate to the Chinese-representation ques-
tives, and its greatest we:
tion. Ours was not a two-China proposal in the technicalities of the
peace to troubled situati
proposal. There was a dual-representation proposal which was termed
are involved.
"two Chinas" by some. There is a distinction, given the fact that
both Taiwan and Peking consider that there is one China. Given the
new U.S. opening to China at the time of the UN debate, it was
extraordinarily difficult to keep out votes-votes that had been com-
mitted to the dual-representation position. The issue was extraor-
dinarily emotional, but when it was over, the United States properly
shifted gears and, in the UN context, dealt with the realities at hand
In terms of tilting toward Pakistan, the U.S. position is on the
record there at the UN. We used our best efforts to try to help stop
The Nixon-Ford Years, 1969-76 / 171
its effectiveness. There
the war between India and Pakistan. But most of the bilateral diplo-
JN. In the General Assem
macy on that one was conducted by Dr. Kissinger in Washington.
bates, [with] no real
give
I believe strongly in personal relationships in bilateral diplomacy
ing) someone exercising
or multilateral diplomacy. I think the United States should not be
/as a worthwhile forum
above going to the smaller embassies, meeting with the ambassadors
sires or one's goals.
from smaller countries, working with the regional groups, etc. Some
our home mission worked
countries' representatives at the UN have considerable flexibility in
We had excellent political
their positions, and if you have a personal relationship, you find you
sion was too small. I,
can get the benefit of the doubt on certain issues. It's not always true,
a small African country
of course, and it's certainly not true with the big powers. But it does
than making speeches and
work, and in addition, it is important that the human side of the
ns of securing votes, you
United States is seen through the eyes of diplomats from other coun-
at part of the job; I liked
tries. I am not naive enough, however, to believe that people would
change their fundamental convictions based on personal relationships.
ent with the Western allies
For the permanent rep, access to the White House is important.
ations and stayed together
It's the perception more than the reality, in my view. The relation-
were of course exceptions
ship between the U.S. perm rep and the secretary general of the UN
lifferences, and they're on
is an important component. I had many meetings with Secretary
Malik of the Soviet Union
General U Thant and Secretary General Waldheim. These relation-
it our differences were pro-
ships do matter a great deal. Word spreads through the UN if there is
friction or if there is indeed compatibility. The relations with the
istrated at group positions
secretary of state are of course important. The UN ambassador gets
support. But again, we had
his instructions through the secretary of state, or as the president
support of different mem-
shall decree. And thus both the access to the White House and rela-
tions with the secretary of state are important. It's not always easy-
st questions in the political
sometimes conflicting signals come forth, and it is then that the perm
Taiwan question-entry of
rep to the UN does a balancing act.
1 events in the Middle East,
The UN's greatest strength lies in the economic and social objec-
hinese-representation ques
tives, and its greatest weakness lies in its inability to bring instant
in the technicalities of the
peace to troubled situations-particularly when the larger powers
proposal which was termed
are involved.
nction, given the fact that
ere is one China. Given the
of the UN debate, it
-votes that had been com-
on. The issue was extraor-
the United States properly
It with the realities at hand,
the U.S. position is on the
1 efforts to try to help stop
W. TAPLEY BENNETT, JR.: Deputy Permanent Representative on
some of the more comfo
the Security Council, 1971-72; and Deputy Permanent Representa.
home. Then the Algerians
would tyrannize some of tl.
it)
tive to the United Nations, 1973-76.
one year-and I don't thin
when in many ways the si
C
We should treat nations fairly and even generously, but, at the same
was Algeria: more than our
t)
time. defend our own rights. I think we have to stand up for what we
the British, just because the
believe, and should expect other people to understand our concerns
even as we try to understand theirs. I believe in a perfectly honest
and used it. And they wer
approach.
mentary rulings-not hearin
In 1976 we had the
Dubbed the "dean of U.S. diplomats" by the New York Times when he retired
tinental shelf] between Gr
from the Foreign Service in 1983, W. Tapley Bennett, Jr., has had a long and
of my major accomplishme
active career as a diplomat, with assignments in Latin America, Europe, and the
for weeks. We finally got a
United Nations. In 1945, only four years after entering the Foreign Service,
Council that both countries
Bennett served as an adviser to the U.S. delegation at the UN conference in San
negotiating again and hav
10
Francisco. He served again as an adviser to the U.S. delegation at the United
between the foreign minist
Nations in 1950.
at least they did not go to и
He is perhaps best remembered for his part in the American intervention in
I had managed all through
the Dominican Republic in 1965. President Johnson, fearing that political in-
been away. I believe he wa
stability would turn the Dominican Republic into "another Cuba," ordered
American troops in to restore order. Bennett, then U.S. ambassador to the
at one point. And when h
Dominican Republic, worked with special envoy Ellsworth Bunker to arrange
final day [of the debate)
free elections and the restoration of normal political life.
And he said, "No, indeed,
After serving as ambassador to Portugal (1966-69), Bennett was appointed
this all out. You've worked
deputy U.S. representative on the Security Council (1971-72) and deputy
credit-you know, cast the
permanent representative to the United Nations (1973-76). He became U.S.
where Bill Scranton was SO
permanent representative to NATO in 1977, his final diplomatic assignment.
men in America's public life
During his tenure at the United Nations, Bennett gave special attention to eco.
George Bush was, I thir
nomic and social issues affecting Latin America and the Third World. He chaired
UN. [Soviet Ambassador]
a UN visiting committee to the remote trusteeship of Papua in New Guinea in
favorite capitalist." He [Bu
1972; the U.S. delegation to the UN Development Conference in Geneva (1973):
were in a debate: it was on
and the UN Conference on Industrial Development in Lima. Peru (1975).
old Baroody [Saudia Arab
know he could go on for h
paper no bigger than a qua
I was at the UN during the Third World's rise in importance, and
was berating the Israelis, an
they were quite unified in the beginning. Now, of course, they've
I don't know why a Saudi A
got their own internal differences. But I was there during the period
he was. And just at that tim
when they were at their maximum of unity, and the Algerians were
out pausing in his oratory,
running it [Group of 77]; Abdelaziz Bouteflika was their foreign
Bush. Come in and sit down
minister. They ran it with a whip hand. They'd have these meetings.
oil companies. I want you
and if they had trouble, they'd just stay until after midnight, after
in oil himself.
172
The Nixon-Ford Years, 1969-76 / 173
Representative on
some of the more comfortable nonaligned [delegates] had gone
manent Representa.
home. Then the Algerians would ram their measures through; they
would tyrannize some of the milder Africans. I would say there was
one year-and I don't think this is too much of an exaggeration-
but. at the same
when in many ways the single most influential country at the UN
nd up for what we
was Algeria: more than ourselves, more than the Russians, more than
stand our concerns
the British, just because they had this vehicle at their beck and call,
a perfectly honest
and used it. And they were absolutely unscrupulous [as to] parlia-
mentary rulings-not hearing a "no," and that kind of thing.
In 1976 we had the Aegean dispute [over rights on the con-
A Times when he retired
tinental shelf] between Greece and Turkey. That was certainly one
Jr., has had a long and
of my major accomplishments and satisfactions; we worked on that
America, Europe, and the
for weeks. We finally got a reasonable resolution out of the Security
ing the Foreign Service,
Council that both countries lived with, and it started them [off] to
he UN conference in San
negotiating again and having exchanges and visits and meetings
delegation at the United
between the foreign ministers. Nothing really had been resolved, but
American intervention in
at least they did not go to war, which they had been close to doing.
fearing that political in-
1 had managed all through the debate, because Bill Scranton had
"another Cuba," ordered
been away. I believe he was at the Republican national convention
U.S. ambassador to the
at one point. And when he came back [to the council], it was the
worth Bunker to arrange
final day [of the debate] and we were going to have the solution.
ie.
And he said, "No, indeed, I will not take the chance if you've worked
». Bennett was appointed
this all out. You've worked on it for a month, $0 you must have the
il (1971-72) and deputy
credit-you know, cast the vote." Which was nice. And that was
973-76). He became U.S.
where Bill Scranton was so marvelous. He's really one of the finest
12) diplomatic assignment.
men in America's public life.
e special attention to eco.
George Bush was, I think, one of the most popular people at the
he Third World. He chaired
UN. Soviet Ambassador] Malik used to say, "Bush, you're my
of Papua in New Guines in
nierence in Geneva (1973);
favorite capitalist." He [Bush] just could get along
One day we
Lima. Peru (1975).
were in a debate; it was on the Middle East, as they are so often, and
old Baroody [Saudia Arabian Ambassador] was orating, and you
know he could go on for hours. He'd do it all from a little piece of
paper no bigger than a quarter, and talk for an hour and a half. He
rise in importance, and
was berating the Israelis, and berating the oil industry, and so forth-
iow. of course, they've
I don't know why a Saudi Arabian should berate the oil industry, but
i there during the period
he was. And just at that time Bush came in to take his seat, and with-
and the Algerians were
out pausing in his oratory, Baroody said: "I'm glad to see you, Mr.
tellika was their foreign
Bush. Come in and sit down. I'm having a few things to say about the
y'd have these meetings,
oil companies. I want you to hear this." Of course, George had been
ntil after midnight, after
in oil himself.
by, regional security agreements, providing for the use of force to prever
or halt aggression in specific areas-the Organization of American Stati
and the League of Arab States, for example. It was ultimately agreed th
regional agreements should be given a part in the world Organization bo
with regard to peaceful settlement and, under certain conditions, for tl
enforcement of peace, provided that the acts and aims of the regional grot
were consistent with the principles and purposes of the United Natior
While the Security Council was to encourage the development of peacef
settlement of local disputes through regional arrangements and, where a
PG.09
propriate, was to use such arrangements or agreements for enforcement
tion under its authority, no enforcement action was to be taken under regio
al arrangements without specific authorization of the Security Council
Provision for registration of international treaties was included in the Cha
er (as it was in the League's Covenant), but opinions differed at San Fra
cisco with regard to the provision of machinery for treaty revision On 1
one hand, many felt that relations between nations should be flexible a
subject to adjustment as circumstances changed; on the other hand, the P
vision for reconsideration in the League Covenant had led to wholesale
FRI 20 SEP 91 04:31
mands for revision of treaties resulting from the First World War. It V
felt that repetition of such occurrences after the Second World War CO
only lead to instability and might endanger peace. It was finally agreed t
no specific mention should be made in the Charter of arrangements for
vision of treaties, although such revision might be recommended by
General Assembly in the course of its investigation of any situation req
ing peaceful adjustment.
A major revision of the Dumbarton Oaks proposais resulted in the Ch
er chapter on trusteeship. The original plan had not included provision
a system by which certain dependent areas could be administered until t
achieved independence or self-government. Careful consideration was gi
at the Conference to the aims and objectives for the development of r
self-governing areas, and on these matters there was, in general, agreem
As a result, a Declaration Regarding Non-Self-Governing Territories
included in the Charter-the first international instrument in which nat
adhered to a declaration of obligations towards the peoples of depen
territories.
A controversy centered, however, on the question whether, in the i:
national trusteeship system set up under the Charter, the aim should
help those territories to become "independent" or "self-governing". S
felt that complete independence should be the aim in all cases; other
WHITE HOUSE COMMCEN
this might not always be desired or desirable, especially regarding very
territories. The phrase "self-government" was finally chosen to defir
objective, with the understanding that the term was all-inclusive and co
the idea of independence, if the people of a trust area so decided. It was
11
Uniping vonu Orucl
UN AT PORTY
world organization. After further talks at Yalta between British, Sovie
United States leaders, the proposals became the basic text for the 1945
CHAPTERTHREE
Francisco Conference on International Organization.
Shaping a
World Order
San Francisco Conference
At the invitation of the United States, delegates from 50 nations m
San Francisco between 25 April and 26 June 1945. (Argentina, the Byek
PG.08
sian Soviet Socialist Republic and the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Rept
were admitted to the Conference on 30 April, and Denmark was invite
attend on 5 June, after its liberation. Poland, recognized as one of the
The Covenant of the League of Nations began with a reference to "The
ganization's founding members, was unrepresented because its post-
High Contracting Parties"; the Preamble to the United Nations Charter be-
government had not been formed, but space was reserved for its signa
gins with the words "We the peoples of the United Nations". The differ-
on the Charter.) Meeting in the San Francisco Opera House, the deleg
ence is significant, reflecting the shift from an age of imperialism to one in
worked in four main commissions and 12 technical committees, consi
which Governments professed broadly democratic concerns. Nazism and
ing 547 amendments to the Dumbarton Oaks proposals which were in
fascism, with their militaristic dictatorships and belief in the theory of racial
porated into some 400 pages of text. In tribute to the memory of Presic
FRI 20 SEP 91 04:31
superiority and dominance, offered a contrast to the ideals of the Allied
Roosevelt, who had died just before the Conference convened, his prop
countries.
that the new world body be called the "United Nations" was accepted
A second fundamental divergence from the League was a new concept
acclamation. It was also decided that the first nation to affix its signal
which had gained strength between the two world wars. This concept was
to the Charter would be China, the first country to be attacked in the Sec
that, to be effective, any organization created to preserve peace must have
World War.
force at its command. Those nations, therefore, which had powerful forces
(On 31 October 1947, the General Assembly decided that 24 October,
available must, in the future, accept major responsibility in enforcement of
anniversary of the entry into force of the Charter, should henceforth be (
peace. While the post-war trends in international affairs were to belie the
cially called "United Nations Day" and be devoted to making known
hopes behind the concept, the largely unused Charter provisions in this area
the peoples of the world the aims and achievements of the Organizat
remain the core of the Charter's collective security provisions.
and to gaining their support for its work.)
On the first day of 1942, while war raged on, the Declaration by United
As the discussion developed at the San Francisco Conference, it beca
Nations, signed in Washington, pledged 26 countries to continue fighting
clear, on the one hand, that there were broad areas of agreement, and,
against the Axis Powers and to co-operate to build a better world after the
the other, that there were certain issues on which there was strong div
war. The question of establishing a definite organization for future world
gence of views. Questions around which there was considerable debate W
peace took more precise form in October 1943, when the representatives
regionalism versus universalism, arrangements for revision of treaties,
of China, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom and the United States met
dependence or self-government as the aim of trusteeship for depend
in Moscow. These four countries agreed to co-operate with each other, as
areas, the "veto" power of the permanent members of the Security Co
well as with other nations, to establish "at the earliest practicable date a
cil, compulsory jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice, fut
general international organization, based on the principle of sovereign equal-
amendments to the Charter, expansion of objectives in the economic a
ity of all peace-loving States, and open to membership by all such States,
social areas, powers of the Secretary-General and the matter of withdraw
WHITE HOUSE COMMCEN
large and small, for the maintenance of international peace and security".
from the Organization.
in the summer and autumn of 1944, the representatives of the United King-
One of the earliest controversies of the Conference involved the questi
dom and the United States met first with those of the Soviet Union and
of whether the principal means of maintenance of peace and security shou
then of China at Dumbarton Oaks in Washington. These "sponsoring
be the concern of regional groups or of the world as a whole. Many cou
Powers" agreed broadly, though not entirely, on a set of proposals for a
tries, prior to the Conference, had already entered into, and were bour
8
9
sired. stood that the term included choice of some other status, if they so
peace were to be maintained, those responsible for its enforcement must
Another difference of opinion concerned the Statute of the International
work in harmony, and the Powers which have the major responsibility 0
Court of Justice. Should it include provision for compulsory jurisdiction of
using armed forces to safeguard world peace should have the right of veto
disputes? If such a provision were accepted, any State joining the United
over any step which might lead up to the use of such forces. But it was no
Nations would automatically subject itself to the jurisdiction of the Interna-
to be assumed, the statement said, that they would use their veto powe
tional Court on all questions which international law recognized as appropri-
"wilfully to obstruct the operation of the Council".
ate. The chief argument against compulsory jurisdiction was that a number
The statement did not satisfy the opposition. Unsuccessful attempts were
of countries might not accept the Charter if it contained that provision.
made to get the sponsoring Powers to agree to a later revision of the voting
The Statute of the International Court of Justice, which is annexed to and
procedure of the Council and change its "permanent" membership. Amon
PG. 10
forms an integral part of the Charter, does not provide for compulsory juris-
the arguments used to support the "veto" provision was that in the event
diction. It does, however, include an optional clause under which States
however theoretical, of attempted enforcement action against the mos
that are Members of the United Nations may agree in advance to submit
powerful members, any resistance would be tantamount to a new work
disputes to the Court for settlement. The hope was expressed that volun-
war. Whatever the merits of the arguments, it became evident that the po
tary acceptance of that clause would gradually result in universal adherence
sition of the permanent members was such that there would be no United
to the compulsory principle. To some extent, that hope was being fulfilled
Nations without the power of veto for the big Powers; and opposition t
prior to the Charter, since, in the case of the Permanent Court of Interna-
the veto subsided.
tional Justice associated with the League of Nations, 45 States had accepted
The clauses requiring unanimity of voting by the Security Council's per
compulsory jurisdiction. The Statute of the new International Court provided
manent members have added importance, since the Council is also respon
FRI 20 SEP 91 04:32
that United Nations Members that had previously made a declaration ac-
sible for recommendations for the post of Secretary-General and for the ad
cepting compulsory jurisdiction of the League Court would be deemed also
mission to the United Nations of new Member States.
to have accepted the same principle regarding the new Court.
Another major attempt at changing the Dumbarton Oaks proposals-thi
The most debated single issue of the Conference was the question as to
one successful-was the expansion of objectives in the economic and socia
how decisions should be reached in the various organs of the United Na-
areas. International co-operation in those areas was considered vital to th
tions, especially in the Security Council. In particular, opposition to the
success of the United Nations, and the original proposals were amende
"veto" power of the five permanent members of the Security Council-
to make the Economic and Social Council one of the principal organs of th
China, France, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom and the United
United Nations. The Organization was mandated to promote higher livin
States-was widespread among the medium and small Powers, many of
standards, full employment and conditions of economic and social progres
which had contributed substantially to the war effort and thought that their
and development. Provisions were made for it to enter into consultative rela
role in keeping the peace of the world was not being adequately reflected.
tionship with non-governmental organizations concerned with matter
They sought to limit the power of veto and to increase the role of the non-
within the competence of the Economic and Social Council. The status give
permanent members of the Council, and they raised so many questions about
to the non-governmental organizations represented an important advanc
how the veto would be used that the sponsoring Powers-which met
in international affairs, for it provided the means for people outside the stru
throughout the Conference in closed sessions at San Francisco's Fairmont
tures of government to work with the United Nations.
Hotel-issued a statement of explanation. They denied that the veto was
The Conference also decided that the intergovernmental organs of th
a new privilege they had arrogated to themselves. The Council of the League
United Nations would be serviced by an impartial international civil ser
of Nations had operated unanimously, they recalled, which meant that ev-
ice. The League of Nations had pioneered the evolution of such a service
ery Member State had possessed the power of veto. The proposed voting
but its independence and status had not-been formally acknowledged
formula for the United Nations Security Council, based on qualified majority
the Covenant. In contrast, the San Francisco Conference gave the secretar
voting, would make it less subject to obstruction. The veto was necessary
at the status of a "principal organ" of the United Nations. It provided fo
WHITE HOUSE COMMCEN
for the permanent members of the Council because they had special respon-
the appointment of the Secretary-General by the General Assembly upo
sibilities in maintaining world peace and security and could not be expect-
the recommendation of the Security Council and, after considerable debat
ed to act in support of decisions with which they did not concur. If world
empowered him to bring to the attention of the Security Council any ma
ter which in his opinion endangered international peace and security. Th
12
13
substantially more independent power than had been given to the top
stances", in an act stemming from a dispute with Malaysia. A year and a
official of the League.
half later, in September 1966, Indonesia, with a changed government, an-
Considerable discussion developed over the question of how the Charter
nounced its decision "to resume full co-operation with the United Nations
would be amended in the future. Many delegations that had been dissatis-
and to resume participation in its activities". The wisdom of not providing
fied with decisions on the veto power hoped that a subsequent conference
for a withdrawal clause in the Charter, with consequent procedures for read-
would be possible to modify the rulings. The sponsoring Powers ultimately
mission, became clear: all that happened was that the General Assembly
accepted, at San Francisco, a proposal by which a two-thirds majority of
took note of Indonesia's decision and the President invited the delegation
the General Assembly and a vote of any seven (now nine) members of the
of Indonesia to resume its seat in the General Assembly.
Security Council would be able to call a general conference for considera-
While the primary aim is the maintenance of world peace, the Charter
tion of amendments to the Charter. They further agreed that if such a con-
sought also "to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the
ference had not been held by the tenth General Assembly, the proposal to
obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can
call such a conference should automatically be placed on the agenda of that
be maintained, and to promote social progress and better standards of life
session and a conference should be held, if desired by a simple majority
in larger freedom". It set forth, in its first two Articles, a set of purposes
of members present and voting and with the concurrence of any seven (now
and principles which laid down the basic rules of international ethics. To
nine) members of the Security Council.
a large extent, they were rules already accepted and enforced within States,
It is both testimony to the viability of the Charter and a reflection of the
and their projection into the international level represented an effort at in-
realities of international relations within which the United Nations now, as
ternational order more significant than a concord among States: it was the
at San Francisco, must operate and exist, that the envisaged conference has
first step towards a global community. Unlike the League of Nations, which
not been held.
sought essentially to maintain the status quo embodied in the Treaty of Ver-
The Charter that emerged from San Francisco provides a constitution for
sailles, those who created the United Nations acknowledged the inevitabil-
an organization to preserve peace and promote social progress and better
ity of broad and historic change. To pursue its mission in that large context,
standards of life in larger freedom. All nations signing the Charter are ob-
the Organization was given, in the 19 Chapters and 111 Articles of its Chart-
ligated to settle international disputes by peaceful means and to refrain from
er, the capacity to deal with a very wide range of problems. It was not,
the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political indepen-
however, given the global powers of a super-State. The United Nations is
dence of any other State. They must also refrain from giving assistance to
not a supra-national body with powers of government but an international
any State against which the United Nations is taking preventive or enforce-
organization dependent on the willing co-operation of its membership. Its
ment action. Nothing in the Charter, however, authorizes the United Na-
six "principal organs", named in the Charter, provide the means to build
tions to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic juris-
agreement and facilitate peaceful change, but unless Governments are will-
diction of any State:
ing to work together the machinery cannot operate.
The decision not to include in the Charter a clause on the withdrawal of
With the exception of the International Court of Justice, which has its seat
States from the Organization was influenced by the unhappy experience
at The Hague in the Netherlands, all the principal organs are based in New
of the League, which had been seriously weakened by the departure of im-
York. The six principal organs are:
portant States when they found it inconvenient to listen to international criti-
cism of their actions. The delegates at San Francisco agreed, however, that
the General Assembly, in which all Member States are represented (159
if "a Member because of exceptional circumstances feels constrained to with-
in 1985);
draw and leave the burden of maintaining international peace and security
the 15-member Security Council, with five permanent members (China,
on the other Members, it is not the purpose of the Organization to compel
France, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom and the United States)
that Member to continue its co-operation in the Organization". They also
and 10 other members elected by the General Assembly for two-year
provided for the suspension and expulsion of States when their interna-
terms;
tional conduct warranted it, with action in both cases to be taken by the
the 54-member Economic and Social Council, which is elected by and
General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council.
reports to the General Assembly;
One country, Indonesia, did announce its withdrawal from the United
the five-member Trusteeship Council, which reports to the Security
Nations, on 20 January 1965, "at this stage and under the present circum-
Council;
14
15
the 15-member International Court of Justice, with the judges elected
United Nations Member States
for nine-year terms by the General Assembly and Security Council
Membership in the United Nations has more than tripled in 40 years, from
jointly;
an internationally staffed Secretariat headed by a Secretary-General
the original 51 Member States in 1945 to 159 Member States in 1985.
who is appointed by the General Assembly on the recommendation
1945 Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic,
of the Security Council for a renewable term, usually five years.
Canada, Chile, China, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Dominican
Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Ethiopia, France, Greece, Guatemala, Haiti,
Over the last 40 years, with the swift growth in United Nations member-
Honduras, India, Iran (Islamic Republic of), Iraq, Lebanon, Liberia, Luxembourg, Mexico,
ship, the Charter has been amended to increase the size of the Security Coun-
Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Norway, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines,
cil and the Economic and Social Council. In 1963 the membership of the
Poland, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Syrian Arab Republic, Turkey, Ukrainian Soviet
Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United Kingdom of Great Bri-
Security Council was increased from 11 to 15. In 1965 the membership of
tain and Northern Ireland, United States of America, Uruguay, Venezuela, Yugoslavia
the Economic and Social Council went from 18 to 27, and in 1973 it was
1946 Afghanistan, Iceland, Sweden, Thailand
further increased to 54. The Trusteeship Council, meanwhile, has dwindled
1947 Pakistan, Yemen
in size as the Trust Territories under its supervision achieved independence
1948 Burma
and one by one the Administering Powers ceased to be members. At present
1949 Israel
1950 Indonesia
only the five permanent members of the Security Council remain in the
1955 Albania, Austria, Bulgaria, Democratic Kampuchea, Finland, Hungary, Ireland, Italy,
Trusteeship body and there is only one territory left on its agenda, the Trust
Jordan, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, Nepal, Portugal,
Territory of the Pacific Islands (Micronesia), under the administration of the
Romania, Spain, Sri Lanka
United States.
1956 Japan, Morocco, Sudan, Tunisia
1957 Ghana, Malaysia
1958 Guinea
1960 Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Congo, Cyprus, Gabon,
Specialized Agencies
Ivory Coast, Madagascar, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Somalia, Togo, Zaire
1961 Mauritania, Mongolia, Sierra Leone, United Republic of Tanzania
An essential part of the move to create the United Nations were parallel
1962 Algeria, Burundi, Jamaica, Rwanda, Trinidad and Tobago, Uganda
initiatives to set up several other international organizations of a more
1963 Kenya, Kuwait
1964 Malawi, Malta, Zambia
specialized character and to bring together some already in existence into
1965 Gambia, Maldives, Singapore
a loosely linked system. The United Nations would be at the centre, with
1966 Barbados, Botswana, Guyana, Lesotho
the General Assembly receiving annual reports through the Economic and
1967 Democratic Yemen
Social Council and both bodies empowered to make recommendations to
1968 Equatorial Guinea, Mauritius, Swaziland
the agencies; but each specialized agency would have its own separate con-
1970 Fiji
1971 Bahrain, Bhutan, Oman, Qatar, United Arab Emirates
stitution, membership, budget and legislative body. The founders of this
1973 Bahamas, German Democratic Republic, Germany, Federal Republic of
system were guided by the fact that, over the preceding century, special-
1974 Bangladesh, Grenada, Guinea-Bissau
ized organizations had ensured international co-operation even during times
1975 Cape Verde, Comoros, Mozambique, Papua New Guinea, Sao Tome and Principe,
of conflict among member States. Thus, they planned a decentralized sys-
Suriname
tem of agencies linked to but not organically part of the central political
1976 Angola, Samoa, Seychelles
1977 Djibouti, Viet Nam
structure.
1978 Dominica, Solomon Islands
As noted in the preceding chapter, a number of intergovernmental or-
1979 Saint Lucia
ganizations in existence since the nineteenth century-the International
1980 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Zimbabwe
Telecommunication Union, the Universal Postal Union, the World Meteoro-
1981 Antigua and Barbuda, Belize, Vanuatu
logical Organization and the World Intellectual Property Organization-
1983 Saint Christopher and Nevis
1984 Brunei Darussalam
became part of the system. So did the International Labour Organisation.
A few new agencies were created to meet the urgent needs of a war-torn
world. The shortage of food grains during the war years had been acute
17
16
in many parts of the world, and in May-June 1943 a conference on food and
World Bank. Membership in the IMF and the World Bank went together, so
agriculture met in Hot Springs, Virginia. It led to the creation, at a confer-
that a country that wanted reconstruction aid had to participate in the Fund.
Efforts to create an International Trade Organization which would have
ence in Quebec in October 1945, of the Food and Agriculture Organization
brought a measure of order to world commerce did not, however, get be-
of the United Nations (FAO). The aim of the FAO was to secure "improve-
yond the 1948 adoption of a charter for the organization at a conference in
ments in the efficiency of the production and distribution of all food and
Havana, Cuba. The major trading nations signed a more limited instrument,
agricultural products", better "the conditions of rural populations" and thus
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the planned In-
contribute to an "expanding world economy". The same forward-looking
ternational Trade Organization was never established.
spirit inspired the creation of the International Civil Aviation Organization
Over the last 40 years, the United Nations system of specialized agencies
PG.01
(ICAO) at a conference held in Chicago in 1944. At a time when internation-
has grown as the international community extended co-operation into new
al passenger traffic was still almost entirely by train and ship, the founders
areas. At the first meeting of the Economic and Social Council in February
of ICAO planned the co-ordinating mechanism that would facilitate the boom-
1946, a technical preparatory committee was created to draft the constitu-
ing growth of the infant airlines industry into the jet age. If pilots today can
tion of a World Health Organization (WHO). An international conference
circle the globe without concern about differences in language and national
adopted the constitution later the same year in New York and WHO came
aviation standards, it is because ICAO has been at the centre of a vast co-
into existence in 1948 after the requisite number of ratifications had been
operative network setting the rules of the sky. The aims were even more vi-
deposited. Also in 1948, at a United Nations maritime conference in Gene-
sionary for the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organi-
va, a convention establishing the Inter-Governmental Maritime Consulta-
zation (UNESCO), established in 1946 following a preparatory conference in
tive Organization-now the International Maritime Organization (IMO)-was
FRI 20 SEP 91 04:34
London. "Since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men
adopted. It came into force in 1958 and since then has extended co-operation
that the defences of peace must be constructed", said the opening words
and regulatory law to protect the marine environment from pollution and
of its constitution. UNESCO embodied the perception that true peace was
improve working conditions and safety on ships around the world.
more than absence of war; it must be a rich and creative sharing of culture.
In 1956 two new agencies were created. One, the International Atomic
The international economic institutions that emerged from the United Na-
Energy Agency (IAEA), resulted from an initiative of the General Assembly
tions Monetary and Financial Conference held at Bretton Woods, New
which called in 1954 for a world organization devoted exclusively to the
Hampshire, in 1944 also envisaged unprecedented co-operation and growth.
peaceful uses of atomic energy. The statute of the organization was unani-
Those who planned the Bretton Woods Conference had seen the national
mously approved at a conference at United Nations Headquarters in 1956,
chauvinism of the 1920s and 1930s wreck the world economy. Caught up
and the IAEA came into existence in 1957. (Though a part of the United Na-
in the belief that national power depended on having a surplus of exports
tions system, the IAEA, like GATT, is not, strictly speaking, a specialized
over imports, Governments had resorted to a variety of policies ranging from
agency; established "under the aegis of the United Nations", it reports
tariff and non-tariff barriers to gross manipulation of the international ex-
annually to the General Assembly.) Since its creation, the IAEA has played
change values of their currencies: Under the unstable conditions created by
a vital role in ensuring that nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes only.
these tactics, international traders found it difficult to predict either their
The other agency created in 1956 was the International Finance Corpora-
income from exports or the cost of imports. As more and more of them were
tion (IFC), an organization operating essentially as part of the World Bank
forced to withdraw from international trade, world markets shrank steadi-
but separate from it legally and in its funding. The IFC assists private enter-
ly and finally collapsed in the Great Depression.
prises that contribute to development. In 1960 another agency was created
To prevent a repetition of that scenario was one of the primary aims of those
to work with the World Bank, this time to meet the needs of many develop-
who planned the post-war system of economic co-operation. They created
ing countries for low-cost credit. Unlike loans from the IBRD and IFC, which
the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to stabilize the system of payments
levy interest, the credits of the International Development Association (IDA)
among nations. Under its articles of agreement, all currency values were ex-
WHITE HOUSE COMMCEN
are extended with only a small service charge. A similar need for easy credit
pressed in terms of the United States dollar (pegged to gold at $35 an ounce),
to help poor countries increase food production led to the creation in 1977
helping to create a firm basis for the revival of post-war trade. To participate
of the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD). It lends
in that revival, the war-shattered economies of Europe had to be rebuilt, and
money with an eye to the impact projects will have on the lives of the poorest
for that the Bretton Woods Conference created the International Bank for
sections of rural populations in developing countries.
Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), more commonly known as the
19
18
United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO), es-
Section Two
ablished by the General Assembly in 1967 to promote and accelerate the
industrialization of the developing countries, became a specialized agency
HOW THE
in 1985.
UNITED NATIONS
Other Major Units
WORKS
In addition to the specialized agencies, a number of less autonomous or-
PG.02
ganizations have been created by the General Assembly over the years. Their
executive heads are appointed by the Secretary-General and several are sub-
ject to confirmation by the Assembly. Most of their funding comes from
voluntary contributions by Governments, though some are paid for from
The Commission that worked to establish the United Nations after the
the Organization's regular budget.
1945 San Francisco Conference said in its final report that the Organization,
The first such body to be created, reflecting the urgent need to deal with
to be fully effective, would have to "capture the imagination of the world"
the hundreds of thousands of people displaced by the war, was the United
Over the last four decades, fulfilment of that aim has been difficult. As ear-
Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Agency (UNRRA), agreed to in Novem-
ly as June 1946, in his first report on the work of the Organization, Secretary-
ber 1943 at a meeting of 44 States in Washington. It was replaced by the
General Trygve Lie was already expressing dissatisfaction. World opinion
International Refugee Organization in the first years of the United Nations
had not been touched "in the degree that might be hoped for", in part be-
FRI 20 SEP 91 04:35
and that in turn gave way in 1951 to the Office of the United Nations High
cause there was an "inevitable slowness" in the work of intergovernmen-
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). In 1946 the United Nations Interna-
tal relations at the United Nations. There were "certain widespread misun-
tional Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF) was created to meet the needs
derstandings of the Charter and the functions and limitations of the Organi-
of children in post-war Europe and China for food, medicine and clothing.
zation as laid down in that document". In words echoed by every Secretary-
(Unlike other units in the United Nations system, UNICEF obtains a sub-
General since then, he pointed to the need "to educate public opinion to
stantial portion of its budget from donations by private organizations and
appreciate more fully the significance of the often undramatic but fundamen-
individuals.) In 1950 the scope of UNICEF was broadened to include needy
tal work that is being performed".
children in developing countries and its name was changed to the United
In 1985 the United Nations is not only a far larger and more complex Or-
Nations Children's Fund.
ganization than in 1945, but the aura of new hope that came with the end
Among other major units set up by the General Assembly are: the United
of the Second World War has faded. Indeed, today, it might seem, for those
Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East
concerned with its creation, to be mankind's bruised hope; for those born
(UNRWA), 1949; the World Food Programme (WFP), established in co-
since-some 60 per cent of the world's population-it might appear to be
operation with FAO in 1961; the United Nations Conference on Trade and
an establishment façade, not an exciting experiment in building a better
Development (UNCTAD), 1964; the United Nations Development Programme
world. While much can be said in healthy criticism of the United Nations,
(UNDP), 1965; the United Nations Institute for Training and Research
far too often what is said against it these days reflects a basic lack of infor-
(UNITAR), 1965; the United Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA),
mation or a consistently anti-internationalist, isolationist approach. This sec-
1969; the Office of the United Nations Disaster Relief Co-ordinator (UNDRO),
tion looks at how four of the six "principal organs" of the Organization have
1972; the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), 1972; the Unit-
worked over the last four decades. They are the General Assembly, the Secu-
ed Nations University (UNU), 1973; the World Food Council (WFC), 1974;
rity Council, the International Court of justice and the Secretariat. The Eco-
the United Nations Centre for Transnational Corporations (UNCTC), 1974;
nomic and Social Council and the Trusteeship Council are described in the
the United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (Habitat), 1978; and the
WHITE HOUSE COMMCEN
chapters on development and decolonization, respectively.
International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women
(INSTRAW), 1979. The evolution of this system has been in response to the
specific needs of the international community, and it has played an increas-
ingly effective role over the years.
20
21
FROM
1 unavoidable condition
DANIEL PATRICK MOYNIHAN'S
rse Freud's dictum:
BOOK: A DANGEROUS PLACE
his experience of life and
his assertion?
It is al-
ble number of people in
over to receive the mani.
rather more gentle than
1 an extended period of
emory. such that there
replace one subjugation
nothing more than the
me rights to nationhood
9
as the crisis of the Thir-
I. Not the accused at all,
"Zionism Is a Form of Racism
e proceedings - and for
- that the charge against
eeked of the totalitarian
and Racial Discrimination"
not at all from a concern
love all with its survival.
vn. a history marked for
AS WITH MANY THINGS instantly known, the proposition that the Soviets
the defense of liberty, a
were behind the Zionism resolution turned out to be difficult to prove.
ed into the Zionism de-
(It would, to be sure, have been equally difficult to disprove.) At the
Kissinger, who must be
rudimentary level, the Soviets sponsored the resolution; the only de-
f attacked for aloofness,
veloped country to do so. Of the other twenty-five sponsors, twenty-one
were Moslem countries, all Arab save Afghanistan and Somalia. Two,
Cuba and Guinea, were client states of the Soviets, while Mali. another
sponsor, has a large Moslem population. Of all the sponsors, only Da-
homey fit none of these patterns.
More fundamental, Soviet propaganda had for some years, by this
point, been asserting that Zionism was indeed racist, and more especially
that Zionism was virtually indistinguishable from Nazism. For a
congeries of reasons, neither the United States government nor the
American Jewish community had paid much attention to this, with
some prescient exceptions. But the fact was known, and in particular
was known to us - Garment. Weaver. myself - at the Mission. Bernard
Lewis of Princeton seemed to know most about the history of the sub-
ject, which he later recounted in Foreign Affairs. Following the Second
World War. Soviet propaganda began to link internal pan-Turkish and
pan-Iranian movements to Nazism (there may indeed have been Ger-
"ZIONISM is A FORM OF RA(
170
A DANGEROUS PLACE
man links there) and to apply the term racist to nationalist movements
Now all this was familiar as a
that tried to connect non-Slavic peoples of the Soviet Union with their
enormous lic, the mind-numbing
kin elsewhere. Other nationalisms within the USSR could be dismissed
of the Zionism resolution. Yet it
as feudal, bourgeois, reactionary, or clericalist, but the term racist was
involved, and probably independ
reserved for these particularly threatening nationalist tendencies. Con-
Evidently the Arabs - the oth
demnation of these movements, and of pan-Islamism as well, was, in
ganda - had shown but little int
Lewis's words, "fierce and unremitting." Then, following the 1967 war,
When Arabs attacked Zionism
there was a great stirring among Soviet Jews, a people so labeled on
for being pro-Bolshevik or so
their identity cards and even, technically, endowed with a Soviet home-
example, of the Saudis and of
land in Birobidjan. (Malik was fond of the tale of the Soviet Minister
things at length began to change.
of Commerce who, visiting the Jewish Soviet Republic, remarked on
From the 1960s onward, Bernard
the poverty of the people. It was explained to him that, since the place
had been reserved for Jews, there were no Russians to cheat.) Outside of
Arab attacks on the Zio
the USSR, efforts on behalf of Soviet Jewry increased after 1967. In
to make extensive use of suc
between Israel and South A
response, Soviet propaganda began to describe Zionism as anti-Soviet
Zionists and Nazis
and as racist.
In February, 1971, Pravda carried a two-part series called "Anti-So.
Thus in the Palestine National (
vietism Is the Profession of Zionists." It was charged in the aftermath of
the 1967 war, when all Communist countries but Rumania broke rela-
list of pejorative adjectives appli
which Lewis notes was, "signific
tions with Israel, that Zionist subversive activity had increased. "The
Zionism as a form of racism.
first practical test of this theory and policy were the events in Czecho-
slovakia in 1968," stated Vladimir Bolshakov, the author. A number of
There the matter must rest.
claim to the 1975 Zionism resolt
the Czech "liberals" having been Jews, it followed that Dubček was part
of a Zionist plot. Shortly after the Pravda article appeared, Bernard
the Soviet connection that preo
question seemingly never occurr
Gwertzman described these events in The Times:
it matter whose idea it was?) It
Zionist leaders are accused of having collaborated with the Nazis
were using the Zionism resolutic
attack Israel - and to intimida
during the war and are charged with practicing a racism of their own.
Soviet television recently showed a 50-minute documentary film
out of the movement to expel 1
largely devoted to the history of Zionism. The Nazi-Zionist theme was
the time was that Israel and E'
emphasized. On several occasions, David Ben-Gurion's face was super-
moving toward something like
imposed on that of Hitler.
ing been expelled from Egypt, W
Newsreel footage of Israeli forces on parade was followed by similar
On July 14, in his Milwaukeu
footage of Nazi storm troopers parading past Hitler. Piccures of inmates
United States would do many
of Nazi concentration camps were shown immediately before victims
were even so much as suspended
of Israeli air raids in Egypt.
July 16, a conference of foreign 1
even so for the expulsion of Is:
It appears that the publication of anti-Semitic literature in the Soviet Union con-
national bodies. On July 17, the
siderably increased after 1975. Professor John Armstrong of the University of Wiscon-
tion to "defend and promote It
sin reports that books belonging to the gente, published in editions of 100,000 and
member states and for the exis
200,000; do not distinguish between Zionist and Jew, and blend "the main features
of traditional anti-Semitic propaganda, as developed from the Middle Ages through
Israel's rights were not to be into
the Nazi press, and including Soviet Cold War cliches in which Jews, Zionists, and
adopted a resolution saying tha
Israel replace the Western powers as archvillains." A preferred theme is that jews
the United States would conside
collaborated with Nazis during World War II.
ACE
"ZIONISM IS A FORM OF RACISM AND RACIAL DISCRIMINATION" 171
cist to nationalist movements
Now all this was familiar as a pattern. and unmistakably Soviet: the
the Soviet Union with their
enormous lie, the mind-numbing accusation. Enough to settle the origins
the USSR could be dismissed
of the Zionism resolution. Yet it is to be insisted that others were also
1list, but the term racist was
involved, and probably independently involved.
nationalist tendencies. Con.
Evidently the Arabs - the other natural source of anti-Israel propa-
an-Islamism as well. was, in
ganda - had shown but little interest in the Zionist movement as such.
hen, following the 1967 war,
When Arabs attacked Zionism on ideological grounds, it was mainly
ows, a people so labeled on
for being pro-Bolshevik or socialistic. Such was the position, for
indowed with a Soviet home-
example, of the Saudis and of King Faisal. Still, even for the Arabs
e tale of the Soviet Minister
things at length began to change, as the uses of ideology were perceived.
viet Republic, remarked on
From the 1960s onward, Bernard Lewis writes,
to him that, since the place
lussians to cheat.) Outside of
Arab attacks on the Zionist enterprise and on Zionist theory began
/ry increased after 1967. In
to make extensive use of such terms as racist, and to seek resemblances
cribe Zionism as anti-Soviet
between Israel and South Africa. and, even more remarkably. between
Zionists and Nazis.
-part series called "Anti-So-
charged in the aftermath of
Thus in the Palestine National Covenant of 1964, racist is added to the
es but Rumania broke rela-
list of pejorative adjectives applied to Zionism, while a 1965 Arab tract,
ctivity had increased. "The
which Lewis notes was, "significantly," published in English. classifies
were the events in Czecho-
Zionism as a form of racism.
V, the author. A number of
There the matter must rest. Arab propagandists can lay as good a
lowed that Dubček was part
claim to the 1975 Zionism resolution as can the Soviets, though it was
article appeared. Bernard
the Soviet connection that preoccupied me at the time. (As usual, the
mes:
question seemingly never occurred to anyone in Washington. What did
it matter whose idea it was?) It was in any event clear that the Soviets
collaborated with the Nazis
were using the Zionism resolution as a fallback position from which to
cticing a racism of their own.
attack Israel - and to intimidate Egypt - after the momentum went
50-minute documentary film
out of the movement to expel Israel from the U.N: The plain fact of
The Nazi-Zionist theme was
the time was that Israel and Egypt. with American sponsorship, were
Ben-Gurion's face was super.
moving toward something like peace. The Soviets, especially after hav-
ing been expelled from Egypt, would not have it.
arade was followed by similar
On July 14, in his Milwaukee address, Kissinger made clear that the
ast Hitler. Pictures of inmates
United States would do many things, possibly drastic things, if Israel
1 immediately before victims
were even so much as suspended from the coming General Assembly. On
July 16. a conference of foreign ministers of forty Islamic countries called
even so for the expulsion of Israel from the U.N. and from all inter-
rature in the Soviet Union con-
national bodies. On July 17. the European Nine expressed their inten-
ing of the University of Wiscon-
shed in editions of 100,000 and
tion to "defend and promote respect for the Charter, for the rights of
and blend "the main features
member states and for the existing rules of procedure," meaning that
from the Middle Ages through
Israel's rights were not to be interfered with. On July 18, the U.S. Senate
CS in which Jews, Zionists, and
1 preferred theme is that Jews
adopted a resolution saying that if Israel were expelled from the U.N.
the United States would consider seriously the implication of continued
178
A DANGEROUS PLACE
"ZIONISM IS A FORM OF RA
American membership in that body. On July 28, Israeli Foreign Minister
a state determined to be racist
Yigal Allon appealed to "enlightened" members of the U.N. to try to
close to political reality, especial
head off any move to suspend Israel from the Thirtieth Session by serv-
There were now but three
ing notice that they themselves would walk out if Israel was suspended.
dominated by European white:
Nothing daunted, on July 25, the foreign ministers of the Organization
To Israclis, and no doubt to grc:
of African Unity directed that their drafting committee prepare a resolu-
it will seem absurd to put them
tion seeking the suspension of Israel. Then, on the same day, July 25,
homeland of the Jews. But Afri-
Anwar Sadat, President of Egypt, stated that "Israel must be present at
that Israel is the homeland on
the United Nations if it is expected to comply with its resolutions." He
there, The rest are Russian
continued that if Israel did not comply, then it should be expelled. But
Colonizers have no rights. Non
the essential Egyptian statement was that for the moment Israel must
was the devastating aspect of ti
remain if the movement toward peace between the two countries was to
to be a regime of the past.
continue. On July 29, Allon stated that if Israel were ousted from the
If I knew little of Israel. I K
U.N., the U.N. would be ousted from Israel, and there would be no
Peace Conference. and was not
Geneva peace conference. Events turned. On August 1, the O.A.U.
would make The treaty of Sè¹
assembly of heads of state approved a resolution which spoke merely of
be an Arab state in Syria and a
"the possibility of eventually depriving Israel
of its membership."
granted at San Remo in 1920 Oi
On August 30, the ministerial conference of Non-Aligned in Lima
already. in 1919, the Emir Feis:
adopted a thirty-two-page declaration, which omitted a call for Israel's
Jewish settlement in Palestine.
suspension or expulsion, calling merely for Israel to abide by the Charter
stateless. so also were the Arab
and implement all United Nations resolutions concerning the Pales-
was the age of Wilson.
tinian and Middle East questions.
This is what I knew. 1 think
The United States had won. Kissinger had won. The Egyptians, hav-
Asians. and others. to see thing
ing broken with the Russians, succeeded in upholding their new rela-
remaining remnant of white.
tionship with the United States, and the step-by-step movement toward
American Jews. and I assumed
peace with Israel that rested fundamentally on U.N. resolutions.
ing that anyone could see Israe
The object of the Zionism resolution that followed was to spoil these
was deadly dangerous. The ]
relations and disrupt such progress, to force Egypt, as Lewis later wrote,
themselves as the very model c
"to join in this exercise and to sabotage independent Egyptian moves
society. And of all the things t
toward peace." The irony is that this second-best, fallback alternative
certainly not after the Holoc
for the Soviets was potentially far more devastating than expulsion. In-
under their radar screen; unde
stead of merely challenging the right of Israel to participate in the
General Assembly, the Zionism resolution challenged the right of Isracl
to exist. The legitimacy of the Israeli state was denied. The official
A careful history may one
doctrine of the state. the ideology of the movement to create a Jewish
issue. What I recount is what
homeland. was declared to be suffused with racism. the one doctrine that
and November of '975, where
the existing world political community had outlawed. The United Na-
Reis. we at least knew the U.N
tions system. in thirty years, had granted legitimacy to all manner of
course, were cultural and poli'
economic, social, and political arrangements: democratic and totali-
that, in Bernard Lewis's word
tarian; capitalist and socialist; pluralist and centralist. All were equally
our day is the racist. just as
accepted as equally legitimate. Only regimes based on racism and racial
But the United Nations was a
discrimination were held to be unacceptable. This is not to say that any-
ing this transition and for gi
thing that might be accorded the standing of international law held that
attitude.
ACE
"ZIONISM IS A FORM OF RACISM AND RACIAL DISCRIMINATION" 173
ly 23, Israeli Foreign Minister
a state determined to be racist had no right to exist, but this was very
embers of the U.N. to try to
close to political reality, especially at the United Nations.
the Thirtieth Session by serv.
There were now but three states left in all of Africa or Asia still
k out if Israel was suspended.
dominated by European whites: South Africa, Rhodesia - and Israel.
ministers of the Organization
To Israelis. and no doubt to great numbers of Americans and Europeans,
g committee prepare a resolu-
it will seem absurd to put them in such company. Israel is, after all, the
n, on the same day, July 25,
homeland of the Jews. But Africans and Asians so disposed reply to this
at "Israel must be present at
that Israel is the homeland only of those Jews who have always lived
aply with its resolutions." He
there. The rest are Russian and Polish and Hungarian colonizers.
en it should be expelled. But
Colonizers have no rights, None. certainly, at the United Nations. This
for the moment Israel must
was the devastating aspect of the Zionism resolution: it declared Israel
veen the two countries was to
to be a regime of the past.
Israel were ousted from the
If I knew little of Israel. I knew a fair amount about the Versailles
rael, and there would be no
Peace Conference, and was not impressed by the historical case the Arabs
On August 1, the O.A.U.
would make. The treaty of Sèvres clearly anticipated that there would
ution which spoke merely of
be an Arab state in Syria and a Jewish state in Palestine. The Mandate
ael
of its membership."
granted at San Remo in 1920 only strengthened this presumption, while
e of Non-Aligned in Lima
already, in 1919, the Emir Feisal and Chaim Weizmann had agreed to a
ich omitted a call for Israel's
Jewish settlement in Palestine. If the Jews at the time were in some sense
Israel to abide by the Charter
stateless, so also were the Arabs. None had states. All would have. This
utions concerning the Pales.
was the age of Wilson.
This is what I knew. 1 think I also knew that it was quite possible for
ad won. The Egyptians, hav-
Asians. and others, to see things quite differently, to see the Israclis as a
in upholding their new rela-
remaining rempant of white, European colonialists. I also knew that
ep-by-step movement toward
American Jews. and 1 assumed Israelis, had very great difficulty imagin-
y on U.N. resolutions.
ing that anyone could see Israel in such a perspective. Hence this attack
it followed was to spoil these
was deadly dangerous. The Israelis and their supporters thought of
: Egypt, as Lewis later wrote,
themselves as the very model of the modern anti-imperialist, collectivist
ndependent Egyptian moves
society. And of all the things they could never be accused of was racism:
ond-best, fallback alternative
certainly not after the Holocaust. And so the jets came screaming in
vastating than expulsion. In-
under their radar screen; undetected. utterly unexpected.
Israel to participate in the
challenged the right of Israel
ate was denied. The official
A careful history may one day be written of the emergence of this
novement to create a Jewish
issue. What I recount is what we knew at the U.S. Mission in October
racism, the one doctrine that
and November of 1975. where, thanks to a superb legal officer, Herbert
1 outlawed. The United Na-
Reis, we at least knew the U.N. background. The large causal events, of
legitimacy to all manner of
course, were cultural and political: the process by which it came to pass
nts: democratic and totali-
that, in Bernard Lewis's words. "the fashionable enemy in the West in
1 centralist. All were equally
our day is the racist, just as a few years back he was the communist."
is based on racism and racial
But the United Nations was an ideal institutional structure for facilitat-
E. This is not to say that any-
ing this transition and for giving an institutional structure to the new
f international law held that
attitude.
174
A DANGEROUS PLACE
"ZIONISM IS A FORM OF RACIS
The transition was rapid. In 1965, on the basis of a draft prepared by
for the speedy eradication of ti
the Human Rights Commission, the General Assembly took up and
territories subject to their juris
adopted the International Convention on the Elimination of Racial
Discrimination. Article I defined the term:
Brilliant: to oppose both anti-S
clusiveness" with racial discrimin
In this Convention, the term "racial discrimination" shall mean any
by a decision not to give priority
distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, colour,
discrimination," but the idea rema
descent or national or ethnic origin which has the purpose or effect of
This decision also put aside con
nullifying or impairing the recognition. employment or exercise. on an
that referred not only to "racial d
equal footing, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the politi.
day. but to "racism" as such. Just n
cal, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life.
to invoke the term racism was not
of the word in the U.N. system th
In the expansive spirit of the proceedings (there was virtually no
in 1965 in a Security Council resc
debate) the United States, with Brazil, proposed adding an additional
tion of independence by Rhodesia
article:
But for the longest while. the
vocabulary: speeches, resolutions,
States Parties condemn anti-Semitism and shall take action as appro-
"racial discrimination." A very
priate for its speedy eradication in the territories subject to their juris-
Fortune was later to point out:
diction.
racism a doctrine. The implication
As a term, racism came into in
The United States delegate, William P. Rogers, former Attorney Gen-
International Convention on Hut
eral and future Secretary of State, explained:
to observe the twentieth anniver
Article 1 makes it quite clear that this Convention is intended to pro-
versal Declaration. Just weeks
tecl ethnic as well as racial groups. Although all members of this Com-
Kerner Commission report had to
mittee who have spoken have argued that the present language of the
the term racism, especially white
Convention is broad enough to cover anti-Semitism
[the] article
idea dominated the years that fo!
proposed by Brazil and the United States would appropriately highlight
variants as sexism and ageism. It
the application of the Convention to anti-Semitism.
but now too fashionable for an ex
delegation to the Tehran confert
It was understandable that Rogers, with an American sensitivity to the
Commission, Roy Wilkins, and
racial language in which the Nazis had expressed their anti-Semitism,
Jewish and racial affairs. For wha
should want the U.N. to proclaim its abhorrence of the latter. But in the
the delegation brought little alo
end the association proved to be a weapon accessible to enemies as well
initiative on human rights to th
as friends, for it held within it support for the idea of Jews as a race, a
ings at every opportunity. I
complicated idea to begin with, but by 1975 especially dangerous, as
recognized," the Afghan rappor.
enemies of Israel were beginning to claim that Jews justified their
tragic situation in southern A
nationhood on racial grounds, and accordingly, somehow, did not
flagrant violation of human rip
deserve to have a nation. In 1965 the Soviets proposed an amendment
than the age of Hitler, presums
to the Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, which
American asked for precision. 1
suggests they were onto the idea:
occupation of Arab territories, n
States Parties condemn anti-Semitism, Zionism, Nazism, neo-Nazism
continuously associated with t:
and all other forms of the policy and ideology of colonialism, national
initiative on specific human rig'
and race harred and exclusiveness and shall take action as appropriate
by the Soviets. There had recent
"ZIONISM IS A FORM OF RACISM AND RACIAL DISCRIMINATION" 175
asis of a draft prepared by
for the speedy eradication of those inhuman ideas and practices in the
I Assembly took up and
territories subject to their jurisdiction.
ie Elimination of Racial
Brilliant: to oppose both anti-Semitism and Zionism! To link "ex-
clusiveness" with racial discrimination The amendment was put off
rimination" shall mean any
by a decision not to give priority to "any
specific forms of racial
ence based on race, colour,
discrimination," but the idea remained.
has the purpose or effect of
This decision also put aside consideration of a Bolivian amendment
ployment or exercise, on an
that referred not only to "racial discrimination." the going term of the
ental freedoms in the politi-
day, but to "racism" as such. Just what prompted the Bolivian delegation
Id of public life.
to invoke the term racism was not clear, but this was the first appearance
of the word in the U.N. system that we could discover. It appeared also
(there was virtually no
in 1965 in a Security Council resolution that asserted that the declara.
sed adding an additional
tion of independence by Rhodesian white settlers had no legal validity.
But for the longest while. the term scarcely existed in the U.N.
vocabulary; speeches, resolutions, and conventions were directed against
shall take action as appro-
"racial discrimination." A very different matter, as Paul Weaver of
tories subject to their juris-
Fortune was later to point out: racial discrimination is a practice,
racism a doctrine, The implications differ considerably.
As a term, racism came into its own at the U.N. with the Tehran
rs, former Attorney Gen.
International Convention on Human Rights, convened in April, 1968,
to observe the twentieth anniversary of the proclamation of the Uni.
avention is intended to pro-
versal Declaration. Just weeks before the Tehran conference, the
1 all members of this Com-
Kerner Commission report had been released in the United States, and
he present language of the
the term racism, especially white racism, achieved a huge vogue. The
Semitism
[the] article
idea dominated the years that followed, and produced by analogy such
uld appropriately highlight
variants as sexism and ageism. It was a clear enough idea to begin with,
litism.
but now too fashionable for an exact meaning to survive. The American
delegation to the Tehran conference included a member of the Kerner
herican sensitivity to the
Commission, Roy Wilkins, and Morris Abram, a man active in both
ssed their anti-Semitism,
Jewish and racial affairs. For whatever reason, apart from this new word,
e of the latter. But in the
the delegation brought little along with it, conceding almost the whole
ssible to enemies as well
initiative on human rights to the dictatorships, avowing American fail-
idea of Jews as a race, a
ings at every opportunity. Language depreciated rapidly. "All
especially dangerous, as
recognized," the Afghan rapporteur of the conference noted. "that the
hat Jews justified their
tragic situation in southern Africa constitutes the vilest and most
gly, somehow, did not
Aagrant violation of human rights ever recorded in history." Worse
proposed an amendment
than the age of Hitler, presumably, or of Stalin, or of Idi Amin. No
1 Discrimination, which
American asked for precision. No American took exception as Israeli
occupation of Arab territories, now a huge fact of Middle East life, was
nism, Nazism, neo-Nazism
continuously associated with the situation of southern Africa. The
BY of colonialism, national
initiative on specific human rights issues was almost wholly taken over
take action as appropriate
by the Soviets. There had recently taken place in West Germany (where
176
A DANGEROUS PLACE
"ZIONISM is A FORM OF R
a thoroughly democratic government permitted such opposition) an
ordinary vulnerability of that
outbreak of small neo-Nazi demonstrations. The governments of the
of attack now being made upo
USSR, Poland, and Czechoslovakia obtained from the conference the
struggle and surviving by virtu
sternest condemnation of this "Nazism" and "neo-Nazism." Nigeria
highest intellectual as well as 5
proposed adding the words and racism after "neo-Nazism," and the
aircraft carrier in a hostile sea
sponsors agreed. The resolution was thereafter modified only in that the
notice. Off would go the sirens
conference rejected the Soviet contention that these outbreaks "con-
in seconds, minutes later takin
stitute a threat to the peace and security of peoples." The Soviets
was such a matter of minutes is
similarly introduced the resolution calling on the General Assembly to
Yet now there was taking place
declare 1969 "the International Year for Action to Combat Racism and
as such - indeed, the first attack
Racial Discrimination." In time, the General Assembly expanded the
Nations. Before six weeks had
period from a year into a decade, which technically began in 1978. It
agency, would state that surely
will be recalled that the resolution to declare Zionism a form of racism
surely everyone saw it coming
and racial discrimination was one of several amendments to the basic
those who had the greatest need
charter of the "Decade," and as such had now come before the Thirtieth
The State of Israel was surre
General Assembly.
its destruction. Huge majoritie.
In the interval, a more specific attack on Israel had also proceeded.
in the United Nations. The Й
The first direct move against Israel's part in the U.N. system had come
Union, was openly anti-Semiti
in the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organiza-
generally, and Japan particul.
tion, which will seem appropriate to those who believe that the largest
economic difficulty consequent
political phenomena appear first in the culture. On November 20, 1974,
which were also Israel's enemi
by a vote of 64 in favor to 27 (including the United States) against,
could be predicted that the Eu
with & abstentions, the UNESCO General Conference condemned
the Israelis for this, while for
Israel for altering the historical features of Jerusalem and undertaking
aloof. Our support had been E
excavations that constituted a danger to its monuments. (The vote, in
had available to us the air base
percentage terms, was almost precisely that on the Zionism resolution a
plex world.) Whatever would f
year later. Fifty-five percent for, 23 percent against, 22 percent abstain-
In the meantime, with the out
ing in UNESCO. Fifty-two percent for, 25 percent against, 23 percent
oil prices, the West had entere
abstaining in the General Assembly.) The UNESCO General Con-
riod of inflation and unemploy
ference next rejected a motion to include Israel in UNESCO's European
liamentary governments cons
regional group, leaving it the only member state not included in any
responsible, Israel surely would
such grouping. Finally the conference called on the Director-General to
most. Israel would be regretted.
supervise the educational and cultural institutions in the occupied Arab
Somehow this reality was
territories. in cooperation with the Arab States and the Palestine Libera-
especially to American Jews. H
tion Organization, so that these populations might have access to educa-
Jewish history seemed to dens
tion and culture to preserve their national identity. Much work had
could be on the left. Jewish his
been done by the time the Third Committee of the Thirtieth General
could be thought guilty of (rim
Assembly convened.
of Israel was so new. It was ha:
havior might display the same
Jews imprisoning others? Jews
desecrating the culture of other
Chaim Herzog, the Israeli Ambassador to the U.N., later recalled that
But of course there was no
the issue took the Israelis by complete surprise. This suggests the extra-
said and believed. By 196;, th
"ZIONISM IS A FORM OF RACISM AND RACIAL DISCRIMINATION" 177
ted such opposition) an
ordinary vulnerability of that nation, and of Jews generally. to the kind
The governments of the
of attack now being made upon them. Here was Israel, born in bloody
from the conference the
struggle and surviving by virtue of intense, unceasing vigilance of the
d "neo-Nazism." Nigeria
highest intellectual as well as spiritual order. The nation lived like an
r "neo-Nazism," and the
aircraft carrier in a hostile sea, ready to fight on six or seven minutes'
modified only in that the
notice. Off would go the sirens, the fighter bombers would be in the air
at these outbreaks "con-
in seconds, minutes later taking out air bases on another continent. It
of proples." The Soviets
was such a matter of minutes that saved the nation in the Six Day War.
the General Assembly to
Yet now there was taking place an attack on Israel's national movement
III to Combat Racism and
as such - indeed, the first attack of this kind in the history of the United
I Assembly expanded the
Nations. Before six weeks had passed, dimwitted Tass, the Soviet news
inically began in 1973. It
agency, would state that surely the event came as no surprise to anyone.
Zionism a form of racism
surely everyone saw it coming. But no, it came as a complete surprise to
amendments to the basic
those who had the greatest need to see it coming.
come before the Thirtieth
The State of Israel was surrounded by nations formally committed to
its destruction. Huge majorities for this proposition could be summoned
Israel had also proceeded.
in the United Nations. The world's second greatest power, the Soviet
the U.N. system had come
Union, was openly anti-Semitic. The world's greatest power, the West
C, and Cultural Organiza-
generally. and Japan particularly, had entered a time of prolonged
ho believe that the largest
economic difficulty consequent upon the decision of the Arab nations,
e. On November 20, 1974,
which were also Israel's enemies, to quintuple the price of energy. It
1C United States) against.
could be predicted that the Europeans would somehow begin to blame
I Conference condemned
the Israelis for this, while for certain the Japanese would want to stay
crusalem and undertaking
aloof. Our support had been effective in the 1967 war because we still
nonuments. (The vote, in
had available to us the air bases of prerevolutionary Portugal. (A com-
n the Zionism resolution a
plex world.) Whatever would follow, that regime in Portugal had gone.
gainst, 22 percent abstain-
In the meantime, with the outcome of that war and the quintupling of
ercent against, 23 percent
oil prices, the West had entered what was likely to be a protracted pe-
UNESCO General Con-
riod of inflation and unemployment, with the normal difficulties of par-
el in UNESCO's European
liamentary governments considerably worsened. Whether Israel was
state not included in any
responsible, Israel surely would be blamed: openly by some, privately by
on the Director-General to
most. Israel would be regretted.
tions in the occupied Arab
Somehow this reality was not making its way through, perhaps
:S and the Palestine Libera-
especially to American Jews. Here a long history was proving no guide.
night have access to educa-
Jewish history seemed to deny the possibility that the enemies of Jews
identity. Much work had
could be on the left. Jewish history seemed especially to deny that Jews
: of the Thirtieth General
could be thought guilty of crimes committed by governments. The State
of Israel was so new. It was hard to think that Jewish thought and be.
havior might display the same characteristics found in other nations.
Jews imprisoning others? Jews occupying the territory of others? Jews
desecrating the culture of others? Surely there was some mistake.
he U.N., later recalled that
But of course there was no mistake at all, as far as what was being
se. This suggests the extra-
said and believed. By 1965 the State of Israel had been in existence
178
A DANGEROUS PLACE
"ZIONISM IS A FORM OF
longer than most members of the United Nations. A clear majority of
outcome of this or that negol
the states that sponsored the Zionism resolution were created after the
save defiance. Thus it was the
establishment of Israel. They found no difficulty conceiving of a state of
when, on October 1 - two da
Israel, which might act as other states - as their own - did. Nor, let it
the A.F.L.-C.I.O. convention
be recorded, did the U.S. Permanent Representative.
lution, which had been sprt
This helped me to respond. I had no resistance to the evidence of
realize the import of this res
what was going on, no difficulty in believing it possible. Israel was a
back Israel; that I was afraid
small democracy to whose survival the United States had made a strong
with Israel on the issue. Our
commitment, but not a commitment of a different order from that made
proposition when it had bee
to other democracies. I was clear in my mind that anyone wishing to see
International Women's Year
that commitment sustained should in any event emphasize its general
Later, in the aftermath o!
rather than its particular nature. The whole experience was, at one level,
on what grounds we had che
rather abstract for me.
counter we would surely lose.
But there was another level on which my concern was anything but
First, 1 had been asked to do
abstract. The Zionism resolution was aimed not merely at the State of
of Israel, which had a claim 0
Israel, but at Zionists. Which meant most of the Jews of the United
own. Second, my own gover
States. I did not represent the State of Israel, but I most assuredly did
the Mexico City conference.
represent the United States. And the peoples thereof.
Session given full evidence of
to the assaults represented h-
were now allowing themselv
Fourth, the American peop!
Chaim Herzog, the man who did represent Israel, had been born in
proposed to take. Anyone eve
Ireland, son of the Chief Rabbi of Ireland. He had served in the Guards
have known this. Fifth, to :-
Armoured Division, and was knighted. He was a man to be in a tank
less than Israelis, and I had
battle with; yet there was the part of him that made him publisher of
As we were certain to los
the Encyclopaedia Judaica. A man of courage and grace, and great
argument. Herzog and I agr:
heart. Settled in law practice, he had been persuaded that spring to
that the resolution was a 1.
come to New York to combat the expected move to expel his country
small and weak nations that
from the General Assembly.
- that the United Nations
We had met only briefly, and not especially as allies. All summer (in-
day be turned against then
deed through all this period) the Security Council was involved in one
prove. Third, that if the Z:
negotiation or another having to do with renewing the mandates of
tion Against Racism and R₂
various United Nations peacekeeping forces on the Israeli borders, and
We agreed that the critic
with the role of the Palestine Liberation Organization in the peace
the European Nine, who ha
negotiations. Endless discussions would take place as to whether in one
turned out not to be diffic
instance, in return for Egyptian agreement to a three-month extension,
in the Third Committee.
the Council should express its "appreciation" to Cairo or merely its
munity, stated that they W
"satisfaction." In all such proceedings, from first to last, I had precise
that if it were to pass, the
instructions. In the critical moments at the Security Council table I
This was more than we 11
would read from the texts prepared in Washington. without having
exaggerate the Israeli or
made the least change. This was the proper thing to do, but it did not
We were not alone.
make for the warmest relations with the Israelis. They now distrusted
Our next object was to
Kissinger with great intensity, and even when not dissatisfied with the
whose own Decade was in S.
"ZIONISM IS A FORM OF RACISM AND RACIAL DISCRIMINATION" 179
tions. A clear majority of
outcome of this or that negotiation never showed any face to the world
ion were created after the
save defiance. Thus it was that Herzog and I had no special relationship
Ity conceiving of a state of
when, on October I - two days before 1 was to go to San Francisco for
cir own - did. Nor, let it
the A.F.L.-C.I.O. convention - he telephoned about the Zionism reso-
tative.
lution, which had been sprung out of the blue. He asked, "Do you
stance to the evidence of
realize the import of this resolution?" I said that I did; that we would
3 it possible. Israel was a
back Israel; that I was afraid, however, that we would remain isolated
I States had made a strong
with Israel on the issue. Ours had been the only two votes against the
rent order from that made
proposition when it had been included in the final declaration of the
hat anyone wishing to see
International Women's Year Conference just three months before.
ent emphasize its general
Later, in the aftermath of the final vote, we were asked, in effect,
perience was, at one level.
on what grounds we had chosen to enhance the importance of an en.
counter we would surely lose. I can only tell what I thought at the time.
concern was anything but
First, I had been asked to do so by the representative of the government
lot merely at the State of
of Israel, which had a claim on any democratic nation and especially our
the Jews of the United
own. Second, my own government had already opposed the measure at
but I most assuredly did
the Mexico City conference. Third, the United States had at the Special
ereof.
Session given full evidence of its bona fides. All we had asked was an end
to the assaults represented by this resolution. Instead, the Non-Aligned
were now allowing themselves to he made party to a moral outrage.
Fourth, the American people would absolutely support the position I
Israel, had been born in
proposed to take. Anyone even partially familiar with survey data would
had served in the Guards
have known this. Fifth, to attack Zionists was to attack Americans no
is a man to be in a tank
less than Israelis, and I had said at the outset we would defend ourselves.
t made him publisher of
As we were certain to lose the vote, it was essential that we win the
ge and grace, and great
argument. Herzog and I agreed we would fight on three grounds. First,
ersuaded that spring to
that the resolution was a lie. This we could prove. Second, that the
ove to expel his country
small and weak nations that voted for it would he voting for a principle
- that the United Nations could lie and would lie - which would one
IS allies. All summer (in-
day be turned against them. This was a proposition no one could dis-
ncil was involved in one
prove. Third, that if the Zionism resolution passed, the Decade for Ac-
newing the mandates of
tion Against Racism and Racial Discrimination would be dead.
the Israeli borders, and
We agreed that the critical move would be to obtain the support of
ganization in the peace
the European Nine, who had not been on our side at Mexico City. This
ace as to whether in one
turned out not to be difficult. On October 3. the day Garment spoke
three-month extension,
in the Third Committee, Italy's Piero Vinci, speaking for the Com-
to Cairo or merely its
munity, stated that they would not go along with the resolution, and
st to last, I had precise
that if it were to pass, the Nine would not participate in the Decade.
ecurity Council table I
This was more than we had hoped, and suggests that one shouldn't
ington, without having
exaggerate the Israeli or American role in the days that followed.
ng to do, but it did not
We were not alone.
is. They now distrusted
Our next object was to dissuade a respectable portion of Africans,
not dissatisfied with the
whose own Decade was in some respects at stake, to oppose the resolution
180
A DANGEROUS PLACE
"ZIONISM" IS A FORM
on grounds of principle or prudence, however they liked. Then, to
presented as a substitute,
stir opinion in the United States, to which, after all, both Europeans
a single resolution that de
and Africans looked for support in more than a few matters.
discrimination." Zionism
To this end Herzog called Rabbi Israel Miller, the President of the
with the operational pro
Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, an
tended as a conciliatory n
umbrella group that had been set up at the request of Secretary of State
their Decade. But we put
John Foster Dulles. In the classic mode of reorganizations, the result of
acting for the Soviet Un
drawing a big box around all the other boxes had been merely to create
Decade were, as Garment
yet another box, Still, Miller was the appropriate person for the Israclis
lose the other. We had no
to look to. Unfortunately, as far as we could tell, instead of in turn call.
but it was at least possibi
ing the organizations he was supposed to represent, Miller commenced
it aside.
to call me, a development I reported to Herzog with some testiness.
Herzog then saw Miller and asked why we weren't hearing anything
from the American Jewish community. There had not been a word. No
statements. No advertisements. No petitions. (By contrast, the American
The final debate in the
Jewish Committee had at least sent a telegram to the President support-
Friday, October 16 and
ing the statements Mitchell and 1 had made about Amin.) Miller
ton on the Thursday. He
replied. sorrowfully as Herzog judged, that he had raised the matter
table the resolution rather
with the Israeli Embassy in Washington and had been told: "Ignore it,
Who is to say whether
it's nonsense."
vote? This one did, 1 th
This only aroused Herzog further. The Israeli Foreign Minister,
times vituperative. The A
Yigal Allon, came through New York on the weekend following my
think. Replete with char
speech to the A.F.L..C.I.O. and Garment's statement in the Third Com-
leering with proofs of Je-
mittee. Herzog gave him dinner in a kosher Chinese restaurant in the
Israeli newspapers or the
garment district, pitch black and deserted on a Sunday evening, adding
with near to thirty years
rather to the drama of the occasion. We both spoke of the urgency of the
incapable of praise. The
matter as we saw it. Allon took the point. His next stop was London.
had quite lost his large
where he spoke to Harold Wilson. The British thereupon became
Haiti said that "no one 1
much more active.
against humanity," Iraq
As October progressed we were still surrounded by silence, but making
few countries prevailed 1
some impression within the U.N. itself. Our one bit of leverage - what.
when the General Assem
ever the elegance of our arguments - was the Decade Against Racism,
The nearest to a tactic
and this began to show effect. The technical situation was as follows:
Decade with southern Af:
Somalia, acting on behalf of thirteen sponsoring countries, had sub-
the number of countrie
mitted seven amendments. These identified "Zionism as a form of
populations decreased. B
racial discrimination to be included in the Programme of the Decade,"
completely and shared in
proposed to provide "moral and material support to the national liber-
led an African effort to
ation movements and victims of apartheid, Zionism, and racial dis-
had continually to remir
crimination," and requested a study of the "colonial roots" of Zionism.
lem. Our principal tacti,
Faced with the sudden show of Western opposition, Somalia requested
ness of the Arabs simply
that the vote be postponed, which was agreed. Two weeks of lobbying
an anti-Israel majority i
and negotiation followed, with the Africans under pressure from many
But with the West now
sides. On October 15. Somalia withdrew the seven amendments and
bers of that coalition,
"ZIONISM IS A FORM OF RACISM AND RACIAL DISCRIMINATION" 181
they liked. Then, to
presented as a substitute, this time on behalf of twenty-six cosponsors,
r all, both Europeans
a single resolution that declared, "Zionism is a form of racism and racial
/ matters.
discrimination." Zionism was no longer cited in the resolution dealing
the President of the
with the operational programs of the Decade. Evidently this was in-
ish Organizations, an
tended as a conciliatory move toward African nations concerned about
it of Secretary of State
their Decade. But we put it about that in our view Somalia was merely
lizations. the result of
acting for the Soviet Union and that the Zionism resolution and the
been merely to create
Decade were. as Garment later said, "inseparably linked." Adopt one,
person for the Israelis
lose the other. We had no thought of defeating the resolution outright,
nstead of in turn call.
but it was at least possible that a majority might he persuaded to put
it, Miller commenced
it aside.
with some testiness.
n't hearing anything
not been a word. No
ontrast, the American
The final debate in the Third Committee took place Thursday and
he President support-
Friday, October 16 and 17. I met with Kissinger for lunch in Washing-
bout Amin.) Miller
ton on the Thursday. He supported us completely in a plan to try to
ad raised the matter
table the resolution rather than to defeat it.
been told: "Ignore it,
Who is to say whether and how debate ever affects the outcome of a
vote? This one did, I think, at least somewhat. It was intense and at
!li Foreign Minister,
times vituperative. The Arabs were at their worst, or best, as they might
eekend following my
think. Replete with charters and pacts and proclamations of long ago,
nt in the Third Com-
leering with proofs of Jewish wickedness snipped from the editorials of
lese restaurant in the
Israeli newspapers or the pronouncements of anti-Zionist Jews. Bitter
nday evening, adding
with near to thirty years of defeat on the battlefield. Quick to belittle.
of the urgency of the
incapable of praise. They would invoke Saladin. but these descendants
!XI stop was London,
had quite lost his largeness, his munificence. If the representative of
1 thereupon became
Haiti said that "no one until today thought to name [Zionism] a crime
against humanity," Iraq would then recall that "Haiti was one of the
y silence, but making
few countries prevailed upon by U.S. pressure to change its vote in 1947
it of leverage - what-
when the General Assembly voted for the partition of Palestine."
:ade Against Racism.
The nearest to a tactical success we had was using the leverage of the
ation was as follows:
Decade with southern Africans. As one went southward on the continent,
countries, had sub-
the number of countries with Moslem majorities or sizable Moslem
onism as a form of
populations decreased. Blyden of Sierra Leone understood our position
mme of the Decade,"
completely and shared it completely. In the end he voted with us, and
to the national liber-
led an African effort to table. Yet as I pressed for this or that, he had
rism, and racial dis-
had continually to remind me that the majority of his cabinet was Mos-
ial roots" of Zionism.
lem. Our principal tactical mistake was not to understand the willing-
n, Somalia requested
ness of the Arabs simply to buy themselves a majority. There had been
VO weeks of lobbying
an anti-Israel majority in the General Assembly for at least a decade.
pressure from many
But with the West now for the first time pressing the marginal mem-
en amendments and
hers of that coalition, the Arabs responded with what the Barbados
182
A DANGEROUS PLACE
"ZIONISM IS A FORM OF
representative, Waldo E. Waldron Ramsey, in his speech to the Com-
racism. It discredits these
The United Nations,
mittee, deftly termed "blandishments." A second error, disastrous and
definitive, was to suppose that the Latin American countries, with sig.
by the force of majoritic
lived only - I repeat, 01
nificant Jewish populations almost everywhere and no direct stake in
tions of the world, asse
the issue, would be with us. When the vote came, Brazil and Mexico
decent and humane inst
were against us, and there were many more Latin American abstentions
the moral authority of
than votes with us. Japan also abstained.
influence upon human :
On the morning of October 17, still in committee, Sierra Leone and
Actions like this do n
Zambia moved to postpone consideration for a year. The motion lost
consequences, many of
with 68 against and only 45 in favor, with 16 abstentions. The Dutch
time soon become part
and others were doing their best to find a way to put the whole thing
make no mistake: at r.
off, but Smid of Czechoslovakia was in the chair. Smid the liberal had
United Nations' only I
This risk is as reckless 3
become Smid the apparatchik; every ruling went against us.
Accordingly, the Uni:
At length Garment spoke. It was clear we would lose; but we wished
applying only to the De
the majority to be clear what it was about to do.
work of the United Nat
We have taken part in :
My delegation has read the new proposal before us. It is unusually
want to be ablc to do 50
straightforward. It asks us to determine "that Zionism is a form of
against the third resolu
racism and racial discrimination."
wise. On its adoption
As simple as this language is. we are concerned that what may not
to the first two. Therei
be fully understood is that this resolution asks us to commit one of the
States will vote agains
most grievous errors in the thirty-year life of this organization.
appreciates the fact th:
This committee is preparing itself, with deliberation and foreknowl-
have shown that they
edge, to perform a supreme act of deceit. to make a massive attack on
before committing the 1
the moral realities of the world. Under the guise of a program to elimi-
nate racism the United Nations is at the point of officially endorsing
anti-Semitism, one of the oldest and most virulent forms of racism
We then moved to adjour
known to human history. This draft explicitly encourages the racism
against, 40 in favor, and 1
known as anti-Semitism even as it would have us believe that its words
crowded, hot, and excited. S.
will lead to the elimination of racism.
Garment sat in our chair
I choose my words carefully when I. say that this is an obscene act.
taking our presence. I had
The United States protests this act. But protest alone is not enough.
the British critic Goronw\
In fairness to ourselves we must also issue a warning. This resolution
places the work of the United Nations in jeopardy. The language of
farewell to Lionel Trilling
this resolution distorts and perverts. It changes words with precise
her husband would have
meanings into purveyors of confusion. It destroys the moral force of
called to ask if I would no
the concept of racism, making it nothing more than an epithet to be
show him around. He had
flung arbitrarily at one's adversary. It blinds us to areas of agreement
gested he come back for th
and disagreement, and deprives us of the clarity of vision we desperately
he described the moment:
need to understand and resolve the differences among us. And we are
here to overcome our differences, not to deepen them.
Zionism is a movement which has as its contemporary thrust the
There were ghosts
preservation of the small remnant of the Jewish people that survived
ghosts of Hitler and (
the horrors of a racial holocaust. By equating Zionism with racism, this
light to hear, not only
resolution discredits the good faith of our joint efforts to fight actual
which would have P'
"ZIONISM IS A FORM OF RACISM AND RACIAL DISCRIMINATION" 188
I speech to the Com-
racism. It discredits these efforts morally and it cripples them politically.
error, disastrous and
The United Nations, throughout its thirty year history. has not lived
a countries, with sig-
by the force of majorities; it has not lived by the force of arms. It has
id no direct stake in
lived only - I repeat. only - because it has been thought that the na-
tions of the world. assembled together, would give. voice to the most
!, Brazil and Mexico
decent and humane instincts of mankind. From this thought has come
American abstentions
the moral authority of the United Nations, and from this thought its
influence upon human affairs.
ee, Sierra Leone and
Actions like this do not go unnoticed. They do not succeed without
:ar. The motion lost
consequences, many of which while only imperfectly perceived at the
tentions. The Dutch
time soon become part of an incradicable and regrettable reality. Let us
put the whole thing
make no mistake: at risk today is the moral authority which is the
Smid the liberal had
United Nations' only ultimate claim for the support of our peoples.
ainst us.
This risk is as reckless as it is unnecessary. But it is still avoidable.
I lose: but we wished
Accordingly, the United States will support [the first two resolutions
applying only 10 the Decade.
J
We support, without reservation, the
work of the United Nations to combat racism and racial discrimination.
We have taken part in these vitally important activities in the past and
ore us. It is unusually
want to be able to do so without obstruction in the future. We will vote
Zionism is a form of
against the third resolution. We call upon other delegations to do like-
wise. On its adoption the third resolution becomes inseparably linked
ed that what may not
to the first two. Therefore, if all three are sent to Plenary the United
I to commit one of the
States will vote against all three at that time.
My government
organization.
appreciates the fact that there were so many in this Committee who
tration and foreknowl.
have shown that they wanted to consider this matter more carefully
ke a massive attack on
before committing the United Nations to so serious a step.
of a program to elimi-
of officially endorsing
nient forms of racism
We then moved to adjourn without a vote; but this failed, 65 votes
encourages the racism
against, 10 in favor, and 21 abstentions. The Committee room grew
believe that its words
crowded, hot, and excited. Something obscene was about to happen.
Garment sat in our chair. I sat behind him. There was to be no mis-
this is an obscene act.
taking our presence. I had asked Podhoretz to be there; with him was
alone is not enough.
the British critic Goronwy Rees, who had come to New York to say
ming. This resolution
ardy. The language of
farewell to Lionel Trilling, but arrived just too late. Diana Trilling, as
es words with precise
her husband would have expected, thought of their visitor first and
ys the moral force of
called to ask if I would not find a moment to see him and perhaps to
than an epithet to be
show him around. He had come for coffee that morning and I had sug-
to areas of agreement
gested he come back for the vote that afternoon. Later, in Encounter,
f vision we desperately
he described the moment:
mong 128. And we are
em.
itemporary thrust the
There were ghosts haunting the Third Committee that day: the
I people that survived
ghosts of Hitler and Goebbels and Julius Streicher, grinning with de-
nism with racism, this
light to hear, not only Israel, but Jews as such denounced in language
efforts to fight actual
which would have provoked hysterical applause at any Nuremberg
184
A DANGEROUS PLACE
rally.
And there were other ghosts also at the debate: the ghosts
again,
rising
us
of the 6,000,000 dead in Dachau and Sachsenhausen and other exter.
screen.
in
license
mination camps, listening to the same voices which had cheered and
two
votes
over
jcered and abused them as they made their way to the gas chambers.
For the fundamental thesis advanced by the supporters of the resolu-
tion, and approved by the majority of the Third Committee, was that to
C
1
rose
and
be a Jew, and to be proud of it, and to be determined to preserve the
said.
right to be a Jew, is to be an enemy of the human race.
Finally, all moves to postpone having failed, Herzog spoke:
As
Mr. Chairman, we have listened to the most unbelievable nonsense on
Zbigniew
the subject of Zionism from countries who are the archetypes of racists.
mission.
:
I ask you. does it not beg the question? Here is one small country,
Jimmy
3,000,000 in population - a free democratic country which can be
Waldorf
visited by anybody in which all citizens, Jews and Arabs, are frec and
remarked
the
equal - being castigated hour in, hour out by countries whose regimes
politics.
.b
practice racism, incorporate racism in their laws and their daily prac-
Under
tice. Does it not beg the question? Why not examine the racism prac-
the
U.N.
ticed in so many countries who have been speaking so profusely? Why
the politive
pick on a small Jewish state? 1 suspect because it is Jewish and small.
This
was
It doesn't surprise me, Sir, because we are a people who have lived
with this form of discrimination - anti-Semitism - for centuries. How
supported Leac
ery.
Because
dare these people talk of racism to us we, who have suffered more
than any other nation in the world from racist theories and practices.
a nation which has suffered the most terrifying holocaust in the history
The
This
of mankind. For centuries we have suffered from racism. We suffer to
In
Fever
day from racism in a number of countries, including Arab racism as
Alghanistras
lorussia,
practiced in so many of the sponsor countries. The sponsors have the
Cyprus
Nahair
effrontery to talk of racism. It lies not in your mouths. You have de
Bissau, Grade
graded this world organization by introducing this anti-Semitic clc-
non,
Libra
goneter
ment into the world body and in so doing you may well destroy it
Mongolia Mine
Qatar,
Sami
M.
ultimately.
Tanrania Inc.
NIHCI
This
is a sad day for the United Nations. The Jewish people
em Temer 20/.
will not forget this scene nor this vote. We are a small people with a
Opposed
long and proud history. We have lived through much in our history.
Australia
Dominicar
We have survived all our oppressors and enemies over the centuries.
Ivory Coas:
hubade
We shall survive this shameless exhibition. But we, the Jewish people.
Sweden. [tack
will not forget. We shall not forget those who spoke up for decency
Abstaining
N.
and civilization; and I thank the delegations who expressed themselves
Botsware
against this pernicious resolution. We shall not forget those who voted
Japan, Lr:
mania,
to attack our religion and our faith. We shall never forget.
Zaire. and
Absen:-
I
These last words were shouted, and the room for a moment fell silcut.
Argenima
torial GRAM
Then, as if the others were rallying their ranks, the stirring commenced
Principe
I
Mal
"ZIONISM IS A FORM OF RACISM AND RACIAL DISCRIMINATION" 185
; is the debate: the ghosts
again, rising to a frenzy. The vote came, racing across the computer
tenausen and other exter.
screen. 7° in favor, 29 against, with 27 abstentions. They had picked up
which had cheered and
two votes over the Sierra Leone motion to postpone, five over ours. A
VIV to the gas chambers.
long mocking applause broke out. The Israeli delegation, clearly on
apporters of the resolu-
instructions. showed not the least emotion.
EPT Committee, was that to
1 rose and walked over to Herzog and embraced him. "Fuck 'em!" I
tetermined to preserve the
said.
man race.
mg spoke:
As it happened, on the day of the vote I had accepted an invitation by
Zbigniew Brzezinski to speak to a luncheon of the Trilateral Com-
IT =believable nonsense on
mission, the foreign policy study group of which, we were to learn.
ID the archetypes of racists.
Eas is one small country,
Jimmy Carter was a member. 1 arrived at the Louis XVI Room at the
= country which can be
Waldorf full of news from the Third Committee. During lunch I
N5 and Arabs, are free and
remarked that I feared the pending vote would affect not only world
countries whose regimes
politics, but American domestic politics as well. George W. Ball, former
aws and their daily prac-
Under Secretary of State and former U.S. Permanent Representative to
L -xamine the racism prac-
the U.N., replied, "Nonsense. The campaign finance act has broken
geaking so profusely? Why
the political power of the American Jews."
⑆ : is Jewish and small.
This was endemic at the Department of State: to suppose that we
= in people who have lived
supported Israel because of Harry Truman's partner in that haberdash-
urism - for centuries. How
ery. Because Abraham Feinberg stayed at the White House when Lyndon
= who have suffered more
- theories and practices,
mg Eolocaust in the history
The Third Committee vote was:
im racism. We suffer to.
In Fevor: 70
Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Brazil, Bulgaria. Burma, Bye-
:=cluding Arab racism as
lorussia, Cameroon, Cambodia, Cape Verde. Chad. Chile, China, Congo, Cuba,
h The sponsors have the
Cyprus, Czechoslovakia, Dahomey, East Germany, Egypt. Gabon. Guinea, Guinea-
CUT mouths. You have de-
Bissau. Guyana, Hungary, India, Indonesia, Iran. Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Laos. Leba-
this anti-Semitic ele-
non, Libya, Madagascar, Malaysia, Mall, Malta, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mexico,
if 'ou may well destroy it
Mongolia. Morocco, Mozambique. Niger, Nigeria, Oman, Pakistan, Poland, Portugal,
Qatar. Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Somalia. Soviet Union, Spain, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Syria,
Tantania. Tunisia, Turkey. Uganda, Ukraine, United Arab Emirates, Yemen, South-
fartons. The Jewish people
ern Yemen, and Yugoslavia.
It a small people with a
Opposed: 29
mush much in our history.
Australia, Austria, Bahamas, Barbados, Belgium, Canada, Costa Rica, Denmark,
Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Finland. France, Haiti, Iceland, Ireland, Israel, Italy,
memies over the centuries.
Ivory Coast, Liberia, Luxembourg, the Netherlands. New Zealand. Nicaragua, Norway.
3c: we, the Jewish people,
Sweden. United Kingdom. United States, Uruguay, and West Germany.
via spoke up for decency
Abstaining: 27
Botswana, Colombia, Ethiopia, Fiji, Gambia, Ghana, Grenada, Honduras, Jamaica,
15 who expressed themselves
Ice forget those who voted
mania, Rwanda. Sierra Leone, Singapore, Swaziland, Togo, Upper Volta, Venezuela,
Japan, Kenya, Lesotho. Malawi, Nepal, Papua-New Guines, Peru, Philippines, Ru-
zever forget.
Zaire. and Zambia.
Absent: 16
Argentina, Bhutan, Bolivia, Burundi, Central African Republic, El Salvador, Equa-
1 for a moment fell silent.
torial Guinea, Greece, Guatemala, Maldives, Panama, Paraguay, São Tome and
of the stirring commenced
Principe, South Africa, Thailand, and Trinidad-Tobago.
PG.19
FRI 20 SEP 91 04:44
WHITE HOUSE COMMCEN
"ZIONISM IS A FORM o
186
A DANGEROUS PLACE
Johnson was there. Because Max Fisher was there under Nixon and
instead to try to shame the
Ford, and God knows who would be, there if Jackson got in. In a word,
wished in particular to mak
that the Jews bought their influence in American foreign policy; that we
one side and the dictatorsl
did not support Israel primarily because it was in the United States'
rating, 76 percent of those
Not Free. Only 7 percent of
interest to do so.
Podhoretz, while 1 was in India, had written to tell me that the object
as Free. Just the reverse и
of the movement for campaign finance reform then under way was to
percent were Not Free; 61 P
break the political power of the Jews. 1 had written back to tell him that
The Chileans gave me an
he knew nothing of politics.
group had reported on the
being a matter of special
denounced the existence of
political repression. The III
The Zionism resolution was voted at about 6:30 in the evening. Most
mittee, and the Chileans be
delegates went straight home to change for the United Nations Ball
not get it put off, much as
sponsored by the United Nations Association at the Waldorf. The
tion. On October 17, the C
Secretary-General waltzed with imperial éclat.
tion. The next morning I
told him for "background"
story made as much or mor
Aide Charges Chile Sold U
I saw Kissinger a week later, at the annual United Nations Concert at
"United States official" wa
the Kennedy Center in Washington I told him what Ball had said, and
some like-minded military
he agreed. He added that one of the country's better known politicians
Many other Latins, the offic
had recently told him that his advice to any young man starting out in
I said that "the decent coul
politics would be to "Be an anti-Semite."
to pick your company in
The, story goes that at the Congress of Vienna Metternich was
awakened one night to be told the Russian ambassador had just dropped
again off the record. I poi
states that had voted agains
dead. He rubbed his eyes and asked, "What can have been his motive?"
up for their own interests,"
It was ever thus with Kissinger. What did he mean by that? To arouse
This appeared on the
me to greater effort?
That was not likely. To account for our failure to head off the
Tuesday evening I was sch
Zionism resolution. a failure which would have to be in part his own for
Foundation dinner in Nev
he was Secretary of State? Yes, surely, a little bit that. To be spiteful
Arthur Schncier. was supi
about Ball, who conceivably wanted his job? Probably. But then there
Greek Orthodox, as well as
was the other Kissinger, who truly thought that the lights were going
America had, months earlic
out again. That somehow he might find a way to postpone the inevitable,
a theme. That the issue wa
to put it off a bit, even for a bit to confound it. But in the end the
Third Committee had awal
inevitable would come; and what a waste it would be.
Joyce hit upon the
through. "Its soul." he
ment of its appearan
There was no hope now of defeating the resolution in the General
happened Friday last
Assembly. Technically there had not been a majority against either the
of the United Nations
Sierra Leone-Zambia motion to table, nor ours; but given the number
Self-destruction is H
of abstentions the actual vote was nearly two-to-one against us. 1 decided
United Nations has 1.
"ZIONISM is A FORM OF RACISM AND RACIAL DISCRIMINATION" 187
there under Nixon and
instead to try to shame the countries that voted for the resolution. I
ickson got in. In a word,
wished in particular to make the case that the democracies had been on
n foreign policy; that we
one side and the dictatorships on the other. (By the Freedom House
15 in the United States'
rating, 76 percent of those who voted for the Zionism resolution were
Not Free. Only 7 percent of the favorable vote came from nations listed
to tell me that the object
as Free. Just the reverse was true of those who voted against: only 7
then under way was to
percent were Not Free; 61 percent were Free.)
ten back to tell him that
The Chileans gave me an opening. The previous week a U.N. working
group had reported on the human rights situation in that country, this
being a matter of special concern to the Soviets. The working group
denounced the existence of torture centers in Chile, and reported much
political repression. The matter would soon be before the Third Com-
30 in the evening. Most
mittee, and the Chileans began canvassing delegates, to see if they could
e United Nations Ball
not get it put off, much as we were trying to put off the Zionism resolu-
I at the Waldorf. The
tion. On October 17. the Chileans voted in favor of the Zionism resolu-
tion. The next morning I called in Paul Hofmann of The Times and
told him for "background" that the Chileans had been bought. The
story made as much or more news than the Committee vote itself. "U.S.
tited Nations Concert at
Aide Charges Chile Sold U.N. Vote to Arabs" ran on the front page. A
what Ball had said, and
"United States official" was quoted saying "The fascists in Chile and
better known politicians
some like-minded military regimes are lining up with the anti-Semites."
ung man starting out in
Many other Latins, the official was quoted, "deserted us." On the record
1 said that "the decent countries" had been with us, adding, "If you had
/ienna Metternich was
to pick your company in the world, you couldn't pick better." Once
ssador had just dropped
again off the record, I pointed to the large number of black African
have been his motive?"
states that had voted against the resolution: "The Africans are standing
rean hy that? To arouse
up for their own interests," 1 concluded.
This appeared on the Times front page Monday, October 20. On
failure to head off the
Tuesday evening I was scheduled to address the Appeal of Conscience
to be in part his own for
Foundation dinner in New York. This group, while headed by Rabbi
bit that. To be spiteful
Arthur Schneier. was supported by Roman Catholic, Protestant, and
robably. But then there
Greek Orthodox, as well as by Jewish, religious leaders. (The Jesuits at
It the lights were going
America had, months earlier, asked me to give the speech.) I now found
postpone the inevitable,
a theme. That the issue was not Israel but democracy. The action of the
it. But in the end the
Third Committee had awakened us, none too soon:
d be.
Joyce hit upon the term epiphany for such moments of showing
through. "Its soul." he wrote, "its whatness leaps to us from the vest.
ment of its appearance
the object achieves its epiphany." This
olution in the General
happened Friday last in the Third Committee of the General Assembly
jority against either the
of the United Nations.
but given the number
Self-destruction is what first showed through. For some time now the
ne against us. I decided
United Nations has been showing a seemingly compulsive urge so to
188
A DANGEROUS PLACE
"ZIONISM IS A FORM
outrage those very principles on which it was founded as to suggest
kinds of encounter
that a sinister transmutation has occurred in an organism that yet
tions is now much I
enough remembers its own beginnings as to be revulsed by what it has
nature, having to de
become and somehow to seek expiation in bringing on its own. doom.
nations, much as the
Things like that happen. How else to explain the incessant quest for
with similar issues h.
yet new devices for scandalizing the good opinion on which the survival
surprise D$, for by a
of the institution depends? I do not refer to the occasional onset of
what we are suppose
role reversal in which some of the newer nations in the world display a
academicians have t
certain disrespect for some of the older ones. Some of the older ones,
not in fact what the
our own nation included, have a certain amount of disrespect coming,
the contrary, it is the
and occasional irreverence will do no one harm. Nor do I refer to the
creed which increasir
debates over the distribution of wealth among the nations of the world
Given this, is it no
which have much occupied the United Nations in recent years. Suffi.
math of the latest w
ciently long ago to suggest that it comes naturally, Aristotle noted that
Lion is not peculiar
the founding of any truly political forum is the signal for a struggle
but rather is very II:
between rich and poor to commence. It is one of the redeeming quali-
most the whole of Γ.
ties of the institution that it has indeed begun at the United Nations.
of us to sce that no
The real problem is very different, and vastly ominous. It is that the
much absorb us in
United Nations has become a locus of a general assault by the majority
seems to be the stat:
of the nations in the world on the principles of liberal democracy
identity of the indiv
which are now found only in a minority of nations, and for that matter
a dwindling minority. It was not Zionism that was condemned at the
United Nations on Friday, it was Israel; and not the State of Israel
nearly so much as the significance of Israel as one of the very few
places, outside of Western Europe and North America and a few off-
By now Congress was It
Richard Stone of Florid:
shore islands, where western democratic principles survive, and of all
such places, currently the most exposed.
duced a resolution conder
This may not be the view of others, but it is and was the view of the
with force: "It is time to
United States Mission to the United Nations, and that view was stated
of name-calling, which I
with as much clarity as we could command in the Third Committee
Goebbels and his Nazi P2
debate
House of Representatives
The Committee thereupon voted. and this obscene act, this reckless
introduced a similar resc
act was adopted by 70 votes to 29, with 27 abstentions. The epiphany
Friday, October 24, the P.
occurred, and nothing more epiphanic than the wholesale decision of
mittee vote "in the stror.
the despotisms of the right in the world to side with the despotisms of
United States in the Unit
the left, in common concert against the liberal democracies of the cen-
the views of this Admin:
ter. It was an awful occasion, but it had about it, most of all, the awful-
ness of truth
sue." On Sunday 1 appear
The question now arises: What are we to do? About this resolution,
be confident with respect
Whatever the outcome, 1.
which has now passed the Third Committee of the United Nations.
The answer is unavoidable. It must not pass the General Assembly.
they were:
It must not receive that final - and admittedly in most instances auto-
The President, the
matic - sanction as the judgment of the world community. There can
We will stand &
be no community of belief about such я judgment.
with racial tolerance
One could hope, however, for some common understanding about the
hideous thing.
"ZIONISM IS A FORM OF RACISM AND RACIAL DISCRIMINATION" 189
unded as to suggest
kinds of encounter we are having with one another. The United Na-
organism that yet
tions is now much preoccupied with economic issues of a distributive
ulsed by what it has
nature, having to do with the relative condition of various classes of
8 on its own doom.
nations, much as the internal politics of many societies are preoccupied
incessant quest for
with similar issues having to do with classes of citizens, This ought not
n which the survival
surprise us, for by all the doctrinal lights of the soth century, this is
occasional onset of
what we are supposed to be preoccupied with. And yet, as a number of
the world display a
academicians have been arguing with perhaps increasing force, this is
e of the older ones,
not in fact what the Twentieth Century is turning out to be about. To
of disrespect coming,
the contrary, it is the ancient and supposedly recessive bonds of race and
for do I refer to the
creed which increasingly occupy the political forums of the world.
nations of the world
Given this, is il not possible for nations caught up in the latest after-
n recent years. Suffi-
math of the latest world movement to see at very least that the condi-
Aristotle noted that
tion is not peculiar to one region or another, or one era or another,
signal for a struggle
but rather is very much the stuff of history, and the experience of al-
the redeeming quali.
most the whole of mankind? Is it not at very least possible for some
the United Nations.
of us to sce that no matter who prevails in the disputes that so very
ninous. It is that the
much absorb US in the world, the ultimate victor in every instance
sault by the majority
seems to be the state, and the state system, and the increasing forced
of liberal democracy
identity of the individual with the state and the fortunes of the state?
and for that matter
IS condemned at the
L the State of Israel
one of the very few
By now Congress was reacting. In the Senate, Javits of New York and
erica and a few off-
Richard Stone of Florida, along with a number of colleagues, intro-
3 survive, and of all
duced a resolution condemning the Third Committee vote. Javits spoke
with force: "It is time to speak out and call a halt to this vicious brand
1 was the view of the
that view was stated
of name-calling, which brings echoes of the propaganda machine of
he Third Committee
Goebbels and his Nazi party colleagues in the nineteen-thirties." In the
House of Representatives the Majority Leader, Thomas P. O'Neill, Jr..
ene act, this reckless
introduced a similar resolution with nearly a hundred cosponsors. On
itions. The epiphany
Friday, October 24, the President issued a statement deploring the Com-
wholesale decision of
mittee vote "in the strongest terms," adding: "The spokesmen for the
ith the despotisms of
United States in the United Nations have expressed well and forcefully
mocracies of the cen-
the views of this Administration and the American people on this is-
nost of all, the awful-
sue." On Sunday I appeared on television on Face the Nation. I tried to
be confident with respect to issues that votes as such could not decide.
About this resolution,
Whatever the outcome. the vote would tell us who we were and who
United Nations.
they were:
12 General Assembly.
most instances auto-
The President, the Secretary of State, the Congress made it very clear.
mmunity. There can
We will stand with the rights of a liberal democracy. We will stand
with racial tolerance, with ethnic tolerance. We will stand against that
lerstanding about the
hideous thing.
"ZIONISM IS A FORM
190
A DANGEROUS PLACE
a century and nok
thority.
That evening J. H. Plumb arrived from England. I knew no. one
In some ways wh:
whose judgment of Europe was better. He had been in his own way a
There may be a case
man of the left, but absolutely a democrat and as fearless of Commu-
the United States gc
nists as, during the war, he had been fearless of the Nazis. Plumb, who
the whole squalid C
had advised caution more than once in the past, now urged audacity.
East River might be
the U.N. would not
He felt that the European governments were terrified of the combina-
tion of the Soviets and the Persian Gulf Arabs, and would abandon the
votes but from the I
states are prepared
Jews as they had done in 1938 and 1939. But the European public, he
ferociously executin
said, would not have it; already they were beginning to hear what we
Soviet aircraft unsu
were saying in New York and they approved.
KBG interrogation
Next came support from the least expected British source. The New
beyond her sphere 0
Statesman of that week carried a long article, "The Resources of Civili-
zation," by its former editor, Paul Johnson. He began with Gladstone's
And he ended by speakin
speech on terrorism, given in 1881: "If it shall appear that there is still
to be fought a final conflict in Ireland between law on the one side and
Has not the time
sheer lawlessness on the other, if the law purged from defect and any
of the world is wait
taint of injustice is still to be repelled and refused, and the first condi-
that the civilised PO
tions of political society to remain unfulfilled then I say, gentlemen.
tional behaviour set
without hesitation, the resources of civilisation against its enemies are
the most systematic.
not yet exhausted." What an age! thought Johnson. He then went on
essary - while they
our tormented plan
to events in the Third Committee:
telligent men and
are praying that the
A fortnight ago the U.N. Social, Humanitarian and Cultural Com.
- and that the Bre.
mittee - a nomenclature so rich in savage irony as to eclipse even a
the Arafats and the
Swift - passed by 70 votes to 19 Я resolution condemning Israel as a
"threat to world peace" and Zionism as a "racialist and imperialist
1 had first appeared i:
ideology." In fact. as all educated people know, Israel, far from being
a threat to anyone, stands in perpetual danger of extermination from
New Statesman protesti
its bloodthirsty neighbours; and Zionism is neither a racial nor an im-
American plans for wor
perial but a cultural phenomenon. Of course, at the U.N. facts and
sion" of North Korea.
realities do not matter. What matters is force, money and physical
time. To have the form
purpose a quarter-centu:
power. Indeed, the U.N. is rapidly becoming one of the most corrupt and
In Moscow Andrei
corrupting creations in the whole history of human institutions. How
adopted, it can only (
many of the delegates were actually bribed by Arab governments to
countries, by giving then
vote against Israel on this occasion is a matter of speculation; but al.
most without exception those in the majority came from states notable
for racist oppression of every conceivable hue.
But where were the
The melancholy truth, 1 fear, is that the candles of civilisation are
burning low. The world is increasingly governed not so much by
from. On October 26,
capitalism, or communism, or social democracy, or even tribal bar-
protest against the reso
barism, as by a false lexicon of political clichés, accumulated over hall
in New York there was
"ZIONISM IS A FORM OF RACISM AND RACIAL DISCRIMINATION" 191
a century and now assuming a kind of degenerate sacerdotal au-
thority.
nd. I knew no one
In some ways what is said and voted at the U.N. does not matter.
n in his own way a
There may be a case - not yet. I would say, an overwhelming one - for
fearless of Commu-
the United States government to cut off the U.N.'s money, and send
Nazis. Plumb, who
the whole squalid circus packing. The slab of steel and glass on the
now urged audacity.
East River might be then put to some useful purpose. But breaking up
fied of the combina-
the U.N. would not end the problem, which springs not from paper
would abandon the
votes but from the physical supplies of arms and money which certain
European public, he
states are prepared to pour into the terrorist cauldron. Russia, while
ng to hear what we
ferociously executing dissidents in her own midst (those who hijack
Soviet aircraft unsuccessfully know they will never emerge from the
KBG interrogation cellars), equips a wide variety of terrorist gangs
sh source. The New
beyond her sphere of control.
Resources of Civili-
gan with Gladstone's
And he ended by speaking of what was to be done:
ear that there is still
on the one side and
Has not the time come to change our strategy? What 1 think the rest
from defect and any
of the world is waiting for - indeed hoping for - is some positive sign
and the first condi-
that the civilised powers are going to uphold the standards of interna-
en I say, gentlemen,
tional behaviour set by their forebears; that they are going to do so in
ainst its enemies are
the most systematic, relentless and comprehensive manner, and if nec.
n. He then went on
essary - while they still possess it - with overwhelming force. All over
our tormented planet, there are millions of decent, peaceable and in-
telligent men and women of all religions, complexions and races, who
an and Cultural Com-
are praying that the resources of civilisation are not, indeed, exhausted
- and that the Brezhnevs and the Amins, the Ghadaffis and the Maos,
y as to eclipse even à
the Arafats and the O'Sadists will not be allowed to take over the earth.
ondemning Israel as a
acialist and imperialist
Isracl, far from being
I had first appeared in print in England in 1958, in a letter to The
of extermination from
New Statesman protesting an article by G. D. H. Cole describing the
her a racial nor an im-
American plans for world conquest, which had begun with the "inva-
at the U.N. facts and
sion" of North Korea. The letter created a brief stir in London at the
:, money and physical
time. To have the former editor of that journal speak precisely to my
purpose a quarter-century later was an event.
the most corrupt and
In Moscow Andrei D. Sakharov declared, "If this resolution is
man institutions. How
adopted, it can only contribute to anti-semitic tendencies in many
Arab governments to
countries. by giving them the appearance of international legality."
of speculation: but al-
me from states notable
idles of civilisation are
But where were the Jews? In Moscow, certainly, they were heard
med not so much by
from. On October 26, Soviet Jews from fifteen cities issued a public
y, or even tribal bar-
protest against the resolution, calling it "essentially anti-Semitic." But
accumulated over half
in New York there was - silence. So also in Israel, where the press paid
192
A DANGEROUS PLACE
"ZIONISM IS A FO
little attention to the event. The first editorial on the resolution - so
came to the General
far as we in New York were aware - appeared only on October 16. I
ponement.
commenced to deplore this to Herzog, who assured me I was not alone.
Ivor Richard had told him he was surprised by the lack of Jewish reac-
tion. Von Wechmar of West Germany had told him it would have been
There is little trace
helpful if the Jewish community had reacted somewhat more. I tele-
idea that Jews are a
phoned and harangued, but to no visible effect.
nineteenth-century an.
Finally Herzog had to take the matter head-on. On October 24 he
and Edouard Drumor
made his first appearance before the Conference of Presidents of Major
excluding and persecu
American Jewish Organizations. He made a formal speech. He asked,
gious grounds of anti
could Jewry be proud of its silence? It was the first major attack on
the race to which one
world Jewry since the days of Hitler, and how had they reacted? In the
conceptions, any perso
greatest metropolis in the entire world, the greatest concentration of
converting to the Jewi
Jews in the entire world, there had been hardly a word of protest in
said, any person born
the newspapers. Only on Friday the twenty-fourth, a week. after the
ligion is no longer a
resolution passed in the Third Committee, did a weak editorial appear
People, it is scarcely a r
in The New York Times. In Israel the press was concentrated on the
It was equally strikir
issue of the stevedore strikers at Ashdod Port, not having regard to
were, not only new to
the fact that there in the U.N. the world community was planning to
Chamberlain and Drui
eliminate Ashdod Port. El Al airline workers were striking against
ism. but there, were 11
their own government, not realizing that in the United Nations Herzog
of their time to describ
was fighting for the right of a government in Israel even to exist. The
as one could learn, the
essentials of Herzog's speech were reported in the next day's Times:
logical and nationalist
"Herzog Says Jews Let Israelis Down during U.N. Debate." He was
by way of a 1932 trans
quoted at the end saying, "The lead on this issue was taken, to its
lution. By 1936, accord
eternal credit, by the United States delegation." This certainly was how
tionary, the word as U
he felt.
meaning, which it has
All hell broke loose for Herzog. He had insulted the American lead-
delegations in the pro
ership; by implication affronted the Israeli Embassy in Washington.
success. In fairness. nei
The matter was raised in the Israeli Cabinet, and the question of re-
with respect to the Isr.,
calling him for an explanation was discussed. But he also suddenly
words would mean wha
found himself a hero with the rank and file of American Jewry and
soon with the public in Israel. Sacks of mail arrived, overwhelmingly
supportive, strikingly disapproving of the American Icadership he had
Word of our lingui
taken to task.
bassador asked me to
find Dr. Abdallah al-S:-
a Kuwaiti citizen, also
rage was clear at the
I went on telephoning, but still to little consequence. When I asked
so many into exile. I
the United Nations Association to protest, and it produced a draft that
Assembly was about "
began by deploring racial inequality in the United States, I more or less
member country with
stopped telephoning.
could we know if Zion
The Western nations caucused and agreed that when the resolution
fined racism?
"ZIONISM IS A FORM OF RACISM AND RACIAL DISCRIMINATION" 193
on the resolution - so
came to the General Assembly we would try once more for a post-
only on October 16. I
ponement.
d me I was not alone.
1e lack of Jewish reac-
im it would have been
There is little trace either in Jewish doctrine or in Zionism of the
mewhat more. 1 tele.
idea that Jews are a race. The very idea was itself an invention of
nineteenth-century anti-Semites such as Houston Stewart Chamberlain
n. On October 24 he
and Edouard Drumont, who saw the need for a new justification for
of Presidents of Major
excluding and persecuting Jews in a secularized age when the old reli-
nal speech. He asked,
gious grounds of anti-Semitism were losing force. One cannot choose
first major attack on
the race to which one belongs. But in both the Jewish and the Zionist
d they reacted? In the
conceptions, any person of any racial stock can be or become a Jew by
atest concentration of
converting to the Jewish religion. Conversely, as the Israeli courts have
a word of protest in
said, any person born of a Jewish mother who converts to another re-
rth, a week after the
ligion is no longer a Jew. If one can join or resign from the Chosen
weak editorial appear
People, it is scarcely a racially determined category.
$ concentrated on the
It was equally striking to learn how recent the terms racist and racism
not having regard to
were, not only new to U.N. vocabulary but to the language altogether.
unity was planning to
Chamberlain and Drumont may have been racists, or have preached rac-
were striking against
ism, but there were no words in the French or English dictionaries
United Nations Herzog
of their time to describe who they were or what they were up to. As near
ael even to exist. The
as one could learn, the term first appeared in French, having both bio-
the next day's Times:
logical and nationalistic connotations, and made its way into English
I.N. Debate." He was
by way of a 1932 translation of Trotsky's History of the Russian Revo-
ssue was taken, to its
lution. By 1936, according to the files kept by the Oxford English Dic.
This certainly was how
tionary, the word as used in English had acquired a definite biological
meaning, which it has retained. I began to try to interest various Arab
ed the American lead-
delegations in the problem of language entailed here, but with no
bassy in Washington.
success. In fairness, neither English nor French was their language; and
nd the question of re-
with respect to the Israelis, the Arabs were pretty much determined that
But he also suddenly
words would mean whatever they chose them to mean.
American Jewry and
rived, overwhclmingly
can leadership he had
Word of our linguistic explorations got around. The Kuwaiti am-
bassador asked me to lunch October 29 to talk about it. I arrived to
find Dr. Abdallah al-Sayegh, a Palestinian Arab born in Tiberias, now
a Kuwaiti citizen, also present. His life study had been Zionism, and his
rage was clear at the people who had overmastered his own, and sent
quence. When I asked
so many into exile. I nonetheless pressed my point that the General
produced a draft that
Assembly was about to brand the national liberation movement of a
d States, I more or less
member country with a term that the U.N. had never defined. How
could we know if Zionism was a form of racism if we had never de-
it when the resolution
fined racism?
"ZIONISM IS A FORM r
194
A DANGEROUS PLACE
We have seen that
Al-Sayegh fairly leapt. To the contrary! he exclaimed, the term
that it involves a dist.
"racism" is precisely defined in Article I of the International Conven-
how bad this is from
tion on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, adopted
human rights. We now
by the General Assembly in 1965. This was a blow. I allowed that I had
of meaning will benel
better learn my texts, and with that, luncheon in a nice town house
committee. The hope L
overlooking the East River came to a close.
sentiments about racis
I returned to the Mission and told Reis of my humiliation. He re-
one has to wonder whe
plied that the Kuwaiti was quite wrong. Article 1 of the Convention
give rise in many mil
refers only to "racial discrimination" and does not contain the other
worse than Zionism, jus
term, "racism," much less does it define it. Nor does any other article of
This kind of outcon.
must step back, and su
the Convention.
I came to see that all this mattered not at all to the Arabs. What
future of human rights
The members of [th
mattered was that the Israelis looked down upon them. They were pre-
the official equation 0
pared to hit back with any charge that came to hand. That an Ameri-
precedent for future 5
can might say that this charge was not just any charge, but the most
general
awful accusation that could be hurled at Jews, and a matter for the
Even those who now
gravest concern in other parts of the world, especially the Soviet Union,
cynical about the terms
where Sakharov's fears would surely be realized - such argument made
will at length cease to
no impress whatever.
feeling in those who he
When the debate came in the General Assembly. al-Sayegh spoke for
The charge of racise
Kuwait, and picked up exactly where our luncheon conversation had
laugh at. To call Zioni
gle against racism as
left off:
Roman Senate when hc
The United Nations definition of racism and racial discrimination
Again, those who are
is contained in the United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of
why this matters. It 1
when the terms of hun
All Forms of Racial Discrimination, Article I of which states that "dis-
crimination between human beings on the ground of race, color, or
it will be possible to "
ethnic origin is an offense to human dignity and shall be condemned";
Second, the language
and in the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
nations' foreign policy
Racial Discrimination, which goes even further, in Article 1, by stating
relationships and chan
that "in this convention. the term 'racial discrimination' shall mean any
is taken, the words wil
distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, color.
racism can mean anytl
descent or national or ethnic origin. We accept no abridgement of this
that the new governme
The third importani
definition."
of the United Nations
That the excerpt he quoted defined "racial discrimination" and did
of notions of rights. sp
not contain the word racism would probably not have mattered, but in
tional sphere, on colo.
any event, almost certainly he did not notice.
tory, a disinterested ob
human nature has ch:
pendence in the next
can be avoided witho
Charles H. Fairbanks, a young political scientist at Yale, a Straussian,
this danger shows an 0
prepared a long memorandum to the effect that words and their mean-
century's events in m:
tion.
ings do matter:
ZIONISM 18 A FORM OF RACISM AND RACIAL DISCRIMINATION" 195
:laimed, the term
We have seen that the equation of Zionism with racism is absurd,
rnational Conven-
that it involves a distortion of the meaning of words. We have seen
mination, adopted
how bad this is from the point of vicw of those who do care about
allowed that 1 had
human rights. We now need to raise the question whether this reversal
of meaning will benefit the nations that voted for it in the [Third]
a nice town house
committee. The hope behind this resolution is evidently to transfer our
sentiments about racism to Zionism by linking the words.
In fact,
numiliation. He re-
one has to wonder whether the equation of Zionism with racism will not
of the Convention
give rise in many minds to the following reflection: if racism is no
contain the other
worse than Zionism, just how bad is it?
any other article of
This kind of outcome is a real possibility. To sce how likely it is, we
must step back and survey for a moment the history and the probable
to the Arabs. What
future of human rights language. Lct us begin with the future.
lem. They were pre-
The members of [the U.N.] cannot lull themselves into thinking that
nd. That an Ameri-
the official equation of Zionism and racism is an isolated act. It sets a
precedent for future speech about racism and human rights issues in
harge, but the most
general.
nd a matter for the
Even those who now care about human rights will become ever more
lly the Soviet Union,
cynical about the terms they now use to express this concern. The words
such argument made
will at length cease to stand for anything authentic or to evoke any
feeling in those who hear them.
al-Sayegh spoke for
The charge of racism will eventually become something that people
on conversation had
laugh at. To call Zionism a form of racism makes a mockery of the strug.
gle against racism as the emperor Caligula made a mockery of the
Roman Senate when he appointed to it his horse.
id racial discrimination
Again, those who are utterly indifferent to human rights may wonder
I on the Elimination of
why this matters. It matters for three very important reasons. First,
f which states that "dis-
when the terms of human rights speech have lost their specific meaning
ound of race, color, or
it will be possible to use them in unforeseen and disturbing ways.
id shall be condenined";
Second, the language of human rights is being used to achieve many
mination of All Forms of
nations' foreign policy goals, such as change in imernational economic
& in Article 1, by stating
relationships and change in Southern Africa. If the Committee's path
mination' shall mean any
is taken, the words will soon be made useless for such purposes. When
ce based on race, color.
racism can mean anything at all, it will no longer make men indignant
it no abridgement of this
that the new government of South Africa is racist.
The third important consideration is this
many of the members
of the United Nations owe their independence in part to the influence
iscrimination" and did
of notions of rights, spreading from the domestic sphere to the interna-
1 have mattered, but in
tional sphere, on colonial powers. Looking at the whole of earlier his-
Lory, a disinterested observer would be compelled to predict that unless
human nature has changed many weak nations will lose their inde-
pendence in the next century. It is certainly hard to believe that this
can be avoided without the help of ideas of rights.
To ignore
ist at Yale, a Straussian,
this danger shows an optimism about human nature falsified by the last
t words and their mean-
century's events in many of the very countries supporting the resolu-
tion
196
A DANGEROUS PLACE
"ZIONISM IS A FORM OF
It might, finally, be said that when the old language of human rights
Tiresias in Oedipus Rex, he
has become meaningless through abuse there will appear new words
it throughout a superb text:
expressing the same thing, as in other areas of language. This is pre-
cisely what will not happen
Human rights is a concern of an
It is symbolic that this
unusual kind. Never in human history did the term or the idea of
point in the fortunes of
human rights appear before the seventeenth century. When the idea of
the possible continued C
human rights did appear, it was the product of a specific philosophic
on November 10th. Tor
doctrine, the social contract school.
The question is whether any
history as Kristallnacht
other philosophic school could produce a doctrine of human rights
night on 10 Novembe
anew; certainly it is not an indigenous term in the vocabulary of the
launched a coordinated
deepest forms of modern thought. such as existentialism and Marxism.
burnt the synagogues in
When the old language is worn out and destroyed, no new Jeffer-
the Holy Books and S
son or Woodrow Wilson will arise to renew it. The presuppositions of
night when Jewish hon
such renovators have been undermined
away, many of them nev
Our specific principles of human rights will not fall and rise again.
of all Jewish businesses
Any damage done to them is irreversible.
in the cities of Germa:
To the nations that do not care about human rights ] would there-
into millions of crystals
fore say: you are giving away real and enduring props of national se-
Night of the Crystals. It
curity in idle skirmishes soon to be forgotten. For the rest of us, we
matoria and gas chambe
should know what we see before us, What we are witnessing is not
Theresienstadt and other
merely one of the routine degradations of the United Nations and its
rifying holocaust in the !
ideals. It is, unless we can stand in its way, the most crippling blow yet
dealt in the irreversible decline of the concern with human rights as
As he concluded, he tore the
we know it.
Synagogue in Jerusalem, his
Paper announcing the limita
I spoke toward the end. It
had the sense to leave us be.
The vote came on November 10. The General Assembly was tense,
"The United States rises to
not with uncertainty of the outcome, but rather with the knowledge of
United Nations, and before
it. A succession of resolutions were adopted amending the Decade for
will not abide by, it will ne
Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination. Most of the reso-
be understood how seriously
lutions were aimed at Israel. By a vote of 93 to 18, with 27 abstentions,
the General Assembly established a Committee on the Exercise of the
As this day will live
Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People to insure that there would
it to declare their thou
be resolutions to vote on next year. When the Zionism resolution was
here, that we were not
reached, Belgium moved to adjourn debate. We got a fair-size vote, in-
we lost, we fought with
cluding a good many African countries: Ethiopia, Ghana, the Ivory
1 recounted in detail the a
Coast, Kenya, Liberia, Malawi, Sierra Leone, Swaziland, Togo, Upper
itself: "In logic, the State
Volta, Zaire, and Zambia. But the Soviet-Arab coalition held, and we
things, theoretically includ
lost 67 to 55, with 15 abstentions. Herzog would later contend that this
be and could not become
was the highest pro-Israeli vote in a decade, but it wasn't enough. The
turned to the yet larger poi
other side never dropped below 65.
The outcome was so predetermined that only two nations spoke in
It is precisely a CO)
the formal debate prior to the voting, Afterwards Herzog rose. Like
or should be precious
"ZIONISM IS A FORM OF RACISM AND RACIAL DISCRIMINATION" 197
Tiresias in Oedipus Rex, he began at a peak of intensity and sustained
e of human rights
ppear new words
it throughout a superb text:
uage. This is pre-
a concern of an
It is symbolic that this debate, which may well prove to be a turning
m or the idea of
point in the fortunes of the United Nations and a decisive factor as to
When the idea of
the possible continued existence of this Organization, should take place
pecific philosophic
on November 10th. Tonight thirty-seven years ago has gone down in
on is whether any
history as Kristallnacht or The Night of the Crystals. This was the
of human rights
night on 10 November 1988, when Hitler's Nazi storm troopers
vocabulary of the
launched a coordinated attack on the Jewish community in Germany,
lism and Marxism.
burnt the synagogues in all its cities and made bonfires in the street of
yed, no new Jeffer-
the Holy Books and Scrolls of the Holy Law and Bible. It was the
presuppositions of
night when Jewish homes were attacked and heads of families taken
away, many of them never to return. Tt was the night when the windows
fall and rise again.
of all Jewish businesses and stores were smashed, covering the streets
in the cities of Germany with a film of broken glass which dissolved
ghts I would there-
into millions of crystals giving that night the name, Kristallnacht, The
ops of national se-
Night of the Crystals. It was the night which led eventually to the cre-
the rest of us, we
matoria and gas chambers, Auschwitz, Birkenau, Dachau, Buchenwald,
: witnessing is not
Theresienstadt and others. It was the night which led to the most ter-
ed Nations and its
rifying holocaust in the history of man.
crippling blow yet
th human rights as
As he concluded, he tore the resolution in two. In 1935, in the Yeshurun
Synagogue in Jerusalem, his father had torn in two the British White
Paper announcing the limitation of Jewish immigration to Palestine.
1 spoke toward the end. It was our speech wholly, Washington having
had the sense to leave us be. I began with words Podhoretz had written:
sembly was tense,
"The United States rises to declare before the General Assembly of the
the knowledge of
United Nations, and before the world, that it does not acknowledge, it
ng the Decade for
will not abide by. it will never acquiesce in this infamous act." I let it
Most of the reso-
be understood how seriously we took this matter:
ith 27 abstentions,
he Exercise of the
As this day will live in infamy, it behooves those who sought to avert
e that there would
it to declare their thoughts so that historians will know that we fought
here. that we were not small in number - not this time - and that while
ism resolution was
we lost, we fought with full knowledge of what indeed would be lost.
a fair-size vote. in-
Ghana. the Ivory
I recounted in detail the argument we presented against the resolution
and, Togo, Upper
itself: "In logic, the State of Israel could be, or could become, many
Ition held, and we
things, theoretically including many things undesirable, but it could not
r contend that this
be and could not become racist unless it ceased to be Zionist." I then
vasn't enough. The
turned to the yet larger point we wished to make:
0 nations spoke in
It is precisely a concern for civilization, for civilized values that are
Herzog rose. Like
or should be precious to all mankind. that arouses us at this moment to
"ZIONISM IS A FORM
198
A DANGEROUS PLACE
such special passion. What we have at stake here is not merely the honor
national rights sprang
and the legitimacy of the State of Israel - although a challenge to the
philosophy now. Most
legitimacy of any member nation ought always to arouse the vigilance
thought, in philosoph
of all members of the United Nations. For a yet more important matter
from and prior to the
is at issue.
vide any justification
The terrible lie that has been told here today will have terrible con.
that have no words b-
sequences. Not only will people begin to say, indecd they have already
words that were given
begun to say, that the United Nations is a place where lies are tokl. Far
to replace them, for pl
more serious, grave and perhaps irreparable harm will be done to the
But there are those
cause of human rights. The harm will arise first because it will strip
still $0 new to much
from racism the precise and abhorrent meaning that it still precariously
not anywhere, not eve
holds today. How will the peoples of the world feel about racism, and
about the need to struggle against it, when they are told that it is an
I closed as I had begun:
idea $0 broad as to include the Jewish national liberation movement?
it does not acknowledge, i
As this lie spreads, it will do harm in a second way. Many of the
this infamous act."
members of the United Nations owe their independence in no small
Garment and I then we.
part to the notion of human rights, as it has spread from the domestic
first time now we were ti)
sphere to the international sphere and excrcised ils influence over the
to appear so. We made ou
old colonial powers. We are now coming into a time when that inde.
sitting in our row, unanno
pendence is likely to be threatened again. There will be new forces,
was Hubert H. Humphr
some of them arising now, new prophets and new despots, who will
will understand.
justify their actions with the help of just such distortions of words as
we have sanctioned here today. Today WC have drained the word "rac-
ism" of its meaning. Tomorrow, terms like "national self-determina-
tion" and "national honor" will be perverted in the same way to serve
the purposes of conquest and exploitation. And when these claims be.
gin to be made - as they already have begun to be made - it is the
small nations of the world whose integrity will suffer. And how will the
small nations of the world defend themselves, on what grounds will
others bc moved to defend and protect them, when the language of
human rights, the only language by which the small can be defended,
is no longer believed and no longer has a power of its own?
There is this danger, and then a final danger that is the most serious
of all. Which is that the damage we now do to the idea of human rights
and the language of human rights could well be irreversible. The idea
has not always existed in human affairs. It is an idea which appeared at a
specific time in the world. and under very special circumstances. It ap-
peared when European philosophers of the seventeenth century began
to argue that man, was a being whose existence was independent from
that of the State, that he need join a political community only if he did
not lose by that association more than hc gained. From this very specific
political philosophy stemmed the idea of political rights, of claims that
the individual could justly make against the State; it was because the
individual was secn as so separate from the State that he could make
legitimate demands upon it.
That was the philosophy from which the idea of domestic and inter-
"ZIONISM 1S A FORM OF RACISM AND RACIAL DISCRIMINATION" 199
is not mercly the honor
national rights sprang. But most of the world does not hold with that
ugh a challenge to the
philosophy now. Most of the world believes in newer modes of political
to arouse the vigilance
thought, in philosophies that do not accept the individual as distinct
more important matter
from and prior to the State, in philosophies that therefore do not pro-
vide any justification for the idea of human rights and philosophies
/ will have terrible con.
that have no words by which to explain their value. If we destroy the
ideed they have already
words that were given to us by past centuries, we will not have words
: where lies are told. Far
to replace them, for philosophy today has no such words.
Irm will be done to the
But there are those of us who have not forsaken these older words,
irst because it will strip
still so new to much of the world. Not forsaken them now, not here,
: that it still precariously
not anywhere, not ever.
d feel about racism, and
cy are told that it is an
I closed as 1 had begun: "The United States of America declares that
al liberation movement?
it does not acknowledge, it will not abide by, it will never acquiesce in
econd way. Many of the
this infamous act."
dependence in no small
Garment and I then went off to be interviewed on television. For the
spread from the domestic
first time now WE were tired, even depressed. All that was left was not
sed its influence over the
to appear so. We made our way back to the Assembly chamber. There,
D a time when that inde.
sitting in our row, unannounced, unabashed, outraged, bearing witness,
There will be new forces,
id new despots. who will
was Hubert H. Humphrey. Ha-mavin yavin; those who understand
will understand.
ch distortions of words as
ive drained the word "rac-
"national self-determina-
1 in the same way to serve
And when these claims be-
un to be made it is the
ill suffer. And how will the
ves, on what grounds will
em, when the language of
the small can be defended,
ver of its own?
iger that is the most serious
to the idea of human rights
ell be irreversible. The idea
an idea which appeared at a
special circumstances. It ap-
: seventeenth century began
lence was independent from
cal community only if he did
ained. From this very specific
political rights, of claims that
the State: it was because the
he State that he could make
e idea of domestic and inter-
70:60 16 HBC az THA
CONNCEN
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