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GOPAC Charter Members 11/8/91 [OA 8317]
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26
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7
4
Grant/Aarhus
November 8, 1991
Draft four A:GOPAC2
REMARKS: GOPAC CHARTER MEMBERS
THE WILLARD HOTEL
MONDAY, NOVEMBER, 11, 1991
5:30 P.M.
Newt, thank you; and Bo Callaway, it's always a pleasure to
see you; Mary and Terry Kohler. I've come here today because
I've heard a lot about your latest program to build a Republican
majority -- recruiting House challengers in 170 districts, each
with 1,000 volunteers and $100,000 in the bank. The name says
what every American is thinking: "Change Congress Now!"
Why Change Congress Now? Because America needs our agenda
for the future -- the G.O.P. agenda -- of Growth, Opportunity and
Prosperity. America doesn't need the Democrats' tired old agenda
from the past -- one of Desperation, Divisiveness and Disgrace.
We need a new Republican Congress because the liberal
leadership has bricked itself into a maze of power -- more than
300 committees, subcommittees, and ad hoc committees -- all stuck
in the same statist mindset that went out with the Berlin Wall.
The Democrats controlling Congress have built an Orwellian
bureaucracy -- 30,000 staffers and counting, a more than 2.4
billion dollar budget for FY 1991 -- and, after Havana, the last
bastion of big-government one-party rule in this hemisphere. //
It's ironic that the Mayor of Moscow can now run to the right of
the House Majority Leader. It is time to Change Congress Now.//
1992 will be a great year for Republicans. Just last week,
we picked up every open New York county executive seat --
2
including Albany. The Virginia legislature saw the biggest
G.O.P. gain in nearly a century. Republicans went from minority
status to veto-proof majorities in both houses in the New Jersey
legislature. ((I noticed Governor Florio said just before last
Tuesday that the election in New Jersey would be a referendum on
this Presidency./ So be it.))
Look at these elections and you'll see a pattern. Voters
said: we're sick of high taxes and runaway spending. We've had
it with politicians who install hotlines to special interests and
demean real constituents with form letters. They called for an
end to government out of control and out of touch. In the
elections last week, we got the message. We're running to win at
the grassroots level -- and that leaves the Democrats just plain
running. //
Stay tuned: there's more to come, especially in the House.
Realignment continues across America -- young people in
particular have joined the G.O.P. in droves. Redistricting and
reapportionment alone could give us as many as 30 new seats. And
I will work as hard as I can to elect every Republican we've got
to the House of Representatives in 1992. //
Come January of 1993, if we win control of the Congress, Bob
Michel has pledged to cut committee staffs in half -- saving $26
million for taxpayers -- and most importantly, he'll apply to
Congress all laws from which it has exempted itself. For thirty
years, I've called Bob Michel my friend -- but I can't wait until
I can call him "Mr. Speaker." //
3
Bob and Newt have done a great job, fighting for our agenda
every step of the way. They've persuaded some of the opposition
to see the light and vote with us -- on the historic Clean Air
Act Amendments which uses free market principles to clean up our
environment; and on the most sweeping civil rights bill in
decades, the Americans With Disabilities Act; and on our child
care bill, which put choice in the hands of parents.
But we've had it tough -- last year, liberal Democrats
blocked our every effort. Since 1977, Democratic leaders have
resorted increasingly to closed voting rules -- rules that
prevent us from getting our ideas to the floor of the House. I
say it's time to restore democracy to Congress. Stop blocking
the people's business, and get the job done. //
Let me give you an example. A week ago Friday, the
Democrats in the Senate voted to prevent Congress from even
considering our comprehensive National Energy Strategy. They had
no alternative plan -- and they didn't want to debate ours.
There is no question that we need an energy policy -- we need
energy to fuel jobs and economic growth. And we need legislators
who will stand up and enact it -- Republican legislators. //
((I'm reminded of that old joke -- you know what you get
when you play country music backwards? You get your job back,
your wife back, your dog back
Well, you know what you get
when you throw the Democrats out of Congress? You get your job
back, your pride back, your country back. 111))
4
With Republicans in charge of the House, we can move forward
with our agenda for the future: for example -- our education
initiative, "America 2000," to create a new generation of
American schools; our crime bill, to ensure that the rights of
victims come before the rights of criminals; and funding our HOPE
initiative, to take the first step toward home ownership for
public housing residents and first-time home buyers.
The American people have had enough of the liberals' tax-
and-spend, search-and-destroy, hem-and-haw political agenda. My
detractors, when they're not off on recess, say I don't have an
agenda for the economy. Take a look at the record: three times
in three years, I've asked Congress for much-needed economic
growth legislation. I've asked for incentives for investment
like our R&D tax credits, and penalty-free withdrawals from IRAs
for first-time home buyers -- to stimulate the housing industry.
[But our banking reform legislation, which would have put the
industry on sound footing, was gutted by special interests.]
And I've asked for a capital gains tax cut. We now have the
highest effective tax on capital gains of any major
industrialized nation in the world. I say it's time for a level
playing field. Think of it this way: Right now, we have
literally billions of dollars sitting around collecting dust
because tax rates make it unprofitable for investors to invest
their money. Well, let's get that money moving. Let's put the
entrepreneurs and investors back to work on the American Dream.
5
A high capital gains tax doesn't hurt the rich -- they've already
made their fortunes. It hurts people with dreams.
I'll take the political heat -- let the demagogues call it a
"tax cut for the rich" -- but watch and learn as the farmers,
middle-income homeowners, small businessmen and women, and the
rest of Middle America feels the fresh winds of opportunity.
We all remember that fateful day two years ago when, despite
winning majorities in both Houses of Congress, George Mitchell
and the Democratic leadership buried capital gains. Congress
went into recess, and the country went into recession. 11
That single act demonstrated the difference between our
parties. The Democrats don't have new ideas or issues, so they
try to make an issue out of me. They deliberately send bad
legislation to the White House, knowing that I'll have to veto
it. Then they complain about the vetoes. This isn't leadership
-- it's Democratic showboating -- and the American people know
it. That's why we had to postpone our Asia trip -- to keep an
eye on a Congress run amok.
George Mitchell has said that he wants to send another bad
unemployment bill to my doorstep, knowing I will veto it. Our
ten-week extension of benefits would have become law long ago and
the unemployed would have their checks if Democrats really cared
about workers. Instead, the Democrats treat the unemployed like
political pawns. So the unemployed go hungry while the
opposition sells t-shirts and holds press conferences.
6
No wonder the voters want term limits. If we can impose term
limits on Ronald Reagan and Dwight Eisenhower, we can certainly
impose term limits on Richard Gephardt and George Mitchell. //
We do need to Change Congress Now. People see a Democratic
Congress that's out of sync with society, full of way-out
liberals who don't understand the world we live in. We live in
an integrated world, one where foreign and domestic priorities
are the same: excellence, competitiveness, strength and peace.
That's true whether I'm at the drug summit fighting to keep crack
off our streets, or in Europe opening markets for American jobs.
I hear this question all the time: how can it be that we
have such successes in foreign policy and such difficulties on
the domestic side? Let me just say this: Thank God I didn't have
to listen to Secretary of State Dick Gephardt and Secretary of
Defense Ted Kennedy and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Pat
Schroeder during the Gulf War. If I did, Saddam Hussein would
probably be in Saudi Arabia by now and Norman Schwarzkopf would
still be in Florida. That's why we need to Change Congress Now.
I am tired of hearing Democrats gloat about how bad things
are, preying on misery -- while we try to bring hope and
opportunity to all Americans. Here's the key difference between
us and them: unlike the Democrats, we believe that the working
men and women of this country can outproduce, outperform and
outwork any other nation on Earth -- if only they get the chance.
Our domestic initiatives have one aim and one aim only: to
unleash the power of the American people. So while the
7
Democratic naysayers preach their gospel of doom and gloom, we
want to act. We want to give people reason for hope.
To all of you, I say keep up the good fight. 1992 will be a
big year for Republicans -- and GOPAC is on the front lines.
Thank you very much and God bless the United States.
# # #
285031
REVISED
Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 11/07/91
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 10:00a.m. Friday 11/08
SUBJECT:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: GOPAC CHARTER MEMBERS/MO!!. NOV. 11th
(11/07 draft three)
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
HORNER
SUNUNU
MCCLURE
SCOWCROFT
PETERSMEYER
DARMAN
PORTER
BRADY
ROGICH
BROMLEY
SMITH
CARD
BOSKIN
:
KAUFMAN
DEMAREST
MCBRIDE
FITZWATER
SNOW
GRAY
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please forward your comments directly to Tony Snow, Rm. 122,
x 2930, no later than 10:00 a.m., Friday, November 8, with a
copy to this office. Thanks.
RESPONSE:
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
REVISED
Ext. 2702
Grant / Aarhus
November 7, 1991
Draft three A:GOPAC
REMARKS: GOPAC CHARTER MEMBERS
Terry &Many
THE WILLARD HOTEL
MONDAY, NOVEMBER, 11, 1991
kohler
5:30 P.M.
Jenny Plona, GOPAC
[Newt, thank you; and Bo Callaway, it's always a pleasure to
relected
see you. Other acknowledgements to come.] I've come here today
because I've heard so much about your latest program to build a
Republican majority -- recruiting strong House challengers in 170
districts, each with 1,000 volunteers ready and $100,000 in the
bank. The name says what every American is thinking: "Change
Congress Now!"
Why Change Congress Now? Because America needs our agenda
for the future -- the G.O.P. agenda -- of Growth, Opportunity and
Prosperity for all Americans. And America doesn't need the
Democrats' tired old agenda from the past -- one of Desperation,
Divisiveness and Disgrace.
We need a new Republican Congress because the liberal
leadership has bricked itself into a maze of power -- more than
300 committees, subcommittees, and ad hoc committees -- all stuck
in the same statist mindset that went out with the Berlin Wall.
The Democrats controlling Congress have built an Orwellian
bureaucracy -- 30,000 staffers and counting, a more than 2.4
billion dollar budget for FY 1991 -- and, after Havana, the last
bastion of big-government one-party rule in this hemisphere. //
It strikes me as ironic that the Mayor of Moscow can now run to
2
the right of the House Majority Leader. It is time to Change
Congress Now. //
SusanDaws X6670
1992 will be a great year for Republicans. Just last week
Republicans went from minority status to veto-proof majorities in
both houses + in the New Jersey legislature. We picked up every
open New York county executive seat -- including Albany.
Thicago
XXX
saw the biggest G.O.P. gain in years. Look at these
elections and you'll see a pattern. Voters said: we're sick of
high taxes and runaway spending. We've had it with politicians
who install hotlines to special interests and demean real
constituents with form letters. They called for an end to
government out of control and out of touch.
In the elections we won and the elections we lost last week,
we got the message. That's why we're running to win at the
grassroots level -- and that leaves the Democrats just plain
Zagatta
running. //
Tony said it.
Stay tuned: there's more to come, especially in the House.
Realignment continues across America -- young people X in X
2:1
the
statistic
is
particular have joined G.O.P. in droves. Redistricting and
X RNC uses RNC
reapportionment alone could give us as many as 30 new XX seats.
And
David ton
I will work as hard as I can to elect every Republican we've got
to the House of Representatives in 1992. //
Come January, if we win control of the Congress, Bob Michel
has pledged to cut committee staffs in half -- saving $26 million
for taxpayers -- and most importantly, he'll apply to Congress
all laws from which it has exempted itself. For thirty years,
in office 16 terms 3
I've called Bob Michel my friend -- but I can't wait for the day
when I can call him "Mr. Speaker." //
Bob and Newt have done a great job, fighting for our agenda
every step of the way. They've persuaded some of the opposition
to see the light and vote with us -- on the historic Clean Air
Act Amendments which uses free market principles to clean up our
environment; and on the most sweeping civil rights bill in
decades, the Americans with Disabilities Act, which will bring 43
million Americans into the economic mainstream; and our child
care bill, which put choice in the hands of parents.
But we've had it tough -- last year, liberal Democrats
blocked our every effort, stopping us in two out of every three X
far
votes. That's when we could get a vote. Since 1977, Democratic
3
Political
leaders have resorted increasingly to closed voting rules --
orieg.
rules that prevent us from getting our ideas to the floor of
either the house. I say it's time to restore democracy to Congress.
Stop blocking the people's business, and get the job done. //
It's no surprise that people think America's off on the wrong
track -- they see a Congress stopped dead in its own tracks. //
((I'm reminded of that old joke -- you know what you get
when you play country music backwards? You get your job back,
your wife back, your dog back ... Well, you know what you get
when you throw the Democrats out of Congress? You get your job
back, your pride back, your country back. ///))
With Republicans in charge of the House, we can move forward
with our agenda for the future: for example -- our education
4
initiative, "America 2000,' to create a new generation of
American schools; our National Energy strategy, to decrease our
dependency on foreign oil and encourage innovative energy
technology and jobs; and our HOPE initiative, to take the first
step toward home ownership for public housing residents and
first-time home buyers.
The American people have had enough of the liberals' tax-
and-spend, search-and-destroy, hem-and-haw political agenda. My
detractors, when they're not off on recess, say I don't have an
agenda for the economy. Take a look at the record: three times
economic
in three years, I've asked Congress for much-needed growth
legislation. I've asked for incentives for investment like our
R&D tax credits, and penalty-free withdrawals from IRAs for
Mitrisi
X
first-time home buyers -- to stimulate the housing industry.
C80ZX
[But our banking reform legislation, which would have put the
special interest
other language
will call at
industry on sound footing, was gutted by partisan zealots.]
And I've asked for a capital gains tax cut. We now have the
amajor
highest effective tax on capital gains of any industrialized
AndyM.
nation in the world. I say it's time for a level playing field. 1002
Think of it this way: Right now, we have literally billions of
dollars sitting around collecting dust because tax rates make it
unwise for investors to invest their money. We tell our
investors we don't need them -- and then we worry about jobs.
Well, let's get that money moving. Let's give working
people a chance to make their fortunes. As somebody once said,
no one ever got rich on wages. A high capital gains tax doesn't
5
hurt the rich -- they've already made their fortunes. It hurts
people with dreams.
I've said it before: I'll take the political heat -- let the
demagogues call it a "tax cut for the rich" -- but watch and
learn as the farmers, middle-income homeowners and small
businessmen and women, and the rest of Middle America feels the
fresh winds of opportunity.
We all remember that fateful day two years ago when, despite
winning majorities in both Houses of Congress, George Mitchell and the
leadership
single handedly buried capital gains. Congress went into recess,
and the country went into recession. //
That single act demonstrated the difference between our
parties. The Democrats don't have new ideas or issues, so they
try to make an issue out of me. They deliberately send bad
legislation to the White House, knowing that I'll have to veto
it. Then they complain about the vetoes. That isn't leadership
-- it's showboating -- and the American people know it.
George Mitchell wants to send another bad unemployment bill
to my doorstep, knowing I will veto it. Our ten-week extension
oke
of
benefits would have become law two months ago if Democrats
Fred
really cared about workers -- rather than treating them like
phoned Asin
political pawns. Instead, the unemployed go hungry while the
opposition sells t-shirts and holds press conferences.
No wonder the voters want term limits. If we can impose term
limits on Ronald Reagan and George Bush, we can certainly impose
term limits on Richard Gephardt and George Mitchell. //
6
We do need to Change Congress Now. People see a Democratic
Congress that's out of sync with society, full of way-out
liberals who don't understand the world we live in. We live in
an integrated world, one where foreign and domestic priorities
are the same: excellence, competitiveness, strength and peace.
That's true whether I'm at the drug summit fighting to keep crack
off our streets, or in Japan opening markets for American jobs,
or in Washington waiting for a growth package from Congress.
I hear this question all the time: how can it be that we
have such successes in foreign policy and such difficulties on
the domestic side? Let me just say this: Thank God I didn't have
to listen to Secretary of State Ron Dellums and Secretary of
Defense Ted Kennedy and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Pat
>probably
Schroeder during the Gulf War. If I did, Saddam Hussein would be
in Saudi Arabia by now and Norman Schwarzkopf would still be in
Florida. That's why we need to Change Congress Now. //
I am tired of hearing Democrats gloating about how bad
things are, preying on misery -- while we try bring hope and
opportunity to all Americans. Here's the key difference between
us and them: we believe that the working men and women of this
country can outproduce, outperform and outwork the people of any
other nation on Earth -- if only they get the chance.
Our domestic initiatives have one aim and one aim only: to
unleash the power of the American people. So while the
Democratic naysayers preach their gospel of doom and gloom, we
want to act. We want to give people reason for hope.
7
To all of you, I say keep up the good fight. 1992 is going
to be a big year for Republicans -- and GOPAC is out on the front
lines. You have my full support and my deep gratitude.
Thank you very much and God bless the United States.
# # #
Clean airs
ADA
BobMichel
&
Child Care
Newt
voteulus ?
Reserve room- Fran ext. 2500
Alert West Lobby (Karl) to arrival
395-4011
Order place cards- Bill ext. 2510
FOLLOW-UP AFTER EVENT:
-Make clip package for POTUS
-Get transcripts and deliver as
(stenographers office room 20
8-91 FRI 14:16 GOPAC
P.01
GOPAC
THE NATIONAL
440 FIRST STREET
GRASS-ROOTS
NEWT GINGRICH
NORTHWEST
ORGANIZATION
GENERAL CHAIRMAN
SUITE 400
BUILDING
WASHINGTON, D.C.
REPUBLICAN
HOWARD H. CALLAWAY
20001
CHAIRMAN
LEADERS FOR
AMERICA'S
PHONE (202) 484-2282
FUTURE
FAX (202) 783-3306
TELECOPY TRANSMISSION
COVER SHEET
TO
CAROL AARHUS
456-6218
FROM JIFF E.
DATE
TOTAL # OF PAGES (including cover sheet) 2
REMARKS/MESSAGES
TROUBLE?- PLEASE CALL (202) 484-2282
Authorized and paid for by GOPAC on recycled paper
194
Vital Statistics on Congress, 1991-1992
1990
Table 8-1 (continued)
Bush
N
Q
House and
President
Senate
a
House
No. of
Senate
No. of
and year
(%)
(%)
Votes
(%)
Votes
1985
1979
76.8
71.7
145
81.4
161
1980
75.1
76.9
117
73.3
116
Reagan
Average
76.4
Reagan
1981
82.3
72.4
76
88.3
128
1982
72.4
55.8
77
83.2
119
1980
1983
67.1
47.6
82
85.9
85
1984
65.8
Carter
52.2
113
85.7
77
1985
59.9
45.0
80
71.6
102
1986
56.5
34.1
88
81.2
80
1987
43.5
33.3
99
56.4
78
1988
47.4
32.7
104
Ford
64.8
88
Average
61.9
1975
Bush
1989
62.6
50,0
86
73.3
101
1990
46.8
32.4
108
63.4
93
Average
54.7
Nixon
n.a. = not available.
1970
Note: Percentages indicate number ofcongressional votes supporting the president divided
by the total number of votes on which the president had taken a position.
The findings for 1956, 1981, 1982, and 1983 differ slightly from previous editions due to
recalculation and corrections in The Congressional Quarterly Almanac The Congressional
Quarterly Almanac frequently rounds off House and Senate percentages, but figures in Vital
Statistics are not rounded.
Johnson
NOV- 8 9 FRI 14:17 GOPAC
Sources: Congressional Quarterly Almanac (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly, vari-
ous years); Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report. January 2. 1982; December 31, 1983;
1965
October 27, 1984; January 11, 1986; October 25, 1986, 2690; January 16, 1988; November 19,
lated. 1988; December 30, 1989; January 6, 1990; December 22, 1990. Some percentages recalcu-
Kennedy
CARSE ALMOOT THES one E0260T
Figure 8-1 Presidential Victories on Votes in Congress, 1953-1990
1960
Note: Percentages indicate number of congressional votes supporting the president divided by the total number of votes on which the president has taken
Eisenhower
1955
Table 0.1
Percent
100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
postion. .
4-91 MON 11:58 GOPAC
P.01
GOPAC
THE NATIONAL
440 FIRST STREET
NEWT GINGRICH
GRASS-ROOTS
NORTHWEST
GENERAL CHAIRMAN
ORGANIZATION
SUITE 400
BUILDING
WASHINGTON, D.C.
HOWARD H. CALLAWAY
REPUBLICAN
20001
CHAIRMAN
LEADERS FOR
AMERICA'S
PHONE (202) 484-2282
FUTURE
FAX (202) 783-3306
TELECOPY TRANSMISSION
COVER SHEET
TO
TONY SNOW
456 - 6018
FROM
JEFF Eisenach
DATE
11/4
TOTAL # OF PAGES (including cover sheet)
3
REMARKS/MESSAGES
TROUBLE?- PLEASE CALL (202) 484-2282
Authorized and paid for by GOPAC on recycled paper
NOV- 4-91 MON 11:59 GOPAC
P.02
TALKING POINTS FOR PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH
GOPAC CHARTER MEETING
11/11/91
THE GOPAC PROGRAM
o
Charter Members (audience) = $10,000 donors (very involved,
entrepreneurial group)
GOPAC General Chairman Newt Gingrich.
o Chairman Bo Callaway was member of Base Closing Commission. Now
focussing on recruiting House challenger candidates in 170
districts.
o GOPAC Gavel Club Co-Chairs Mary and Terry Kohler, from
Wisconsin, are working to find 100 people to give or raise $1,000
each -- total of $17 million -- for House challengers in each of
170 districts.
o GOPAC is working to identify 1,000 volunteers to get out the
vote in each of 170 districts.
o
Summary: 170 challenger candidates; $100,000 each; 1,000
volunteers each.
Program is called Change Congress Now!
WHY WE NEED TO CHANGE CONGRESS NOW!
o
We have an agenda for governing. Just three examples:
- Capital gains and our growth package --- we've sent it up
for three years running, and we will send it up again next
year.
- America 2000 and education choice -- watered down by Ted
Kennedy and Bill Ford, who apparently believe bureaucrats, not
parents, should control where children go to school. (Lamar
Alexander is scheduled to speak afternoon of 11/11)
- Jack Kemp's HOPE plan -- the first step towards tenant
ownership for all public housing and homeowership for first-
time buyers, but can't even get it funded. (Jack is a Charter
Member favorite, scheduled to speak at breakfast on 11/11.)
(May want to use energy, based on 11/1 Senate vote, or environment,
or crime -- probably should tie to some event of the week.)
These are three pretty big things -- jobs, education, housing --
but in to the liberal Democrats who run Capitol Hill, they don't
count. Why? Because they empower people rather than government.
NOV- 4-91 MON 12:00 GOPAC
P.03
o That's our vision -- empowering people -- summed up in a speech
this Summer which GOPAC has been kind enough to mail out to 7,500
people on its "farm team" -- about "An America Whole and Good."
(Tape attached; Newt talks about this in every speech. See also
Newt handout.)
- Market properly understood;
- Service properly engaged;
- Government properly defined.
This is the vision for America.
O But the liberal Democrats don't see it, and they block every
effort to move in the right direction:
- Last year, lost two out of every three votes where we took
a position. (CQ)
fax over Norm Ornstein
- That's because Democrats vote together 86 percent of the
time (CQ average "unity rating" for Democrats = percent of
members who vote with their party on typical vote.)
- And that's when we get a vote. Use of closed rules has
quadrupled since 1977 (15 percent to 60 percent; Bob Michel,
forthcoming, Policy Review, attached). Tyranny of the
majority in the U.S. House.
WE CAN WIN THE HOUSE IN 1992
o 1992 is going to be a great year for Republicans, especially in
the U.S. House.
- Redistricting and reapportionment alone could give us as
many as 30 seats. (Per John Morgan, RNC's lead demographer.)
703-476-4071
- Realignment continues, and young people are Republican by
overwhelming margins.
- Retirement of Democrats -- some because of the chance to
take their campaign funds for personal use, and some just
because Newt has worn them down.
...
- Re-election (some reference to President's re-election and
willingness/enthusiasm to campaign for House candidates)
o We're going to win big in 1992. In fact, with your help, Bob
Michel will be elected Speaker of the House when Congress comes
back next January.
o And then you will see some changes. Bob has already committed
to cutting committee staffs in half -- saving $26 million -- and to
applying to Congress all of the laws from which it has exempted
itself. (Bob Michel, forthcoming, Policy Review, attached.)
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P.01
GOPAC 12:31 ERI 16-8 -AON
How Would the House Change With a Republican Majority?
by House Republican Leader Robert H. Michel
FORTHCOMING, POLICY REVIEW
" as Speaker Robert H. Michel received the gavel symbolizing his
new office he told his colleagues that "from now on we will do unto
ourselves what we have heretofore done unto others." Michel
referred to the fact that the House is not subject to a wide-ranging
number of laws. from the Social Security Act of 1935 to the Civil
Rights Restoration Act of 1988, including the Freedom of Information
Act and The Civil Rights Act of 1964, The House will under my
Speakership be obliged to abide by all the laws. rules. and
regulations that we impose upon the American people legislatively.',
Michel said.
Front page, The Washington Post, January 3, 1993
A fantasy? Perhaps, but I believe the public's disgust with the way
Congress operates makes it possible for the first time in many years
for a Republican majority to be formed in the House of
Representatives. Overgrown staffs and underhanded procedures,
irresponsible budgets and irrational schedules, the arrogance of
unlimited power and the power of unchecked privileges--these are
the legacy of Democratic control of the House of Representatives, in
January of 1993, for 56 out of the last 60 years.
House Republicans claim no monopoly on legislative or ethical virtue,
but we alone can provide the will and the vision to rid the House of
decades of institutional decay and decline, and create a new Hill
order. The Democrats have had their chance, and failed.
A Republican majority would embark on a truly conservative
revolution in the House, for our goal would be to restore the
institutional virtues that have been lost, preserve the strengths that
have survived, and direct the energies of the House to enhance and
protect traditional American values.
As Speaker of the House, I would in the first one hundred days lay
out a program for broad, comprehensive reform of the House's
procedures and practices, and guarantee prompt and expeditious
consideration of all the great issues of the day. A Republican-
controlled House would work with a Republican President, not thwart
his efforts as the Democratic majority has done on every major issue
from the war in the Gulf to a highway bill.
P.02
GoPAC 12:31 FRI 16-1 -AON
- 2
But exciting as such a program might seem, it would be impossible to
pass unless Republicans first take control of the legislative
machinery of the House.
While the often volatile nature of the legislative process doesn't
always lend itself to the managerial disciplines of business, there is
absolutely no excuse for the House to be the kind of bureaucratic
monstrosity it has become.
In the thirty-five years I have been a Congressman--all as a member
of the minority--the House has changed from a relatively small and
efficient institution into a chaotic, bureaucratic empire of 11,000
staff members, 1800 support staff, including shademakers, venetian
blind technicians and upholsterers, not to mention 27 committees
and 136 subcommittees.
The Congressional staff-House and Senate--is nine times larger than
the second largest legislative staff in the world, the Canadian
parliament. In 1960, three years after I became a member, the
legislative budget was $131 million. In 1990, it was $2.24 billion---
an increase of 1,709%.
As a majority, Republicans would cut committee staffs in half, saving
at least $26 million. We would get rid of most of the select
committees and drastically reduce the number of sub-committees.
In order to make the House more responsive I would insure that all
controversial bills come to the floor with rules guaranteeing free and
open debate One of the worst outrages of Democratic Party
domination has been its insistence upon closed or semi-closed rules
effectively disenfranchising millions of Americans who lose the
chance to have their representatives offer amendments. When I first
came to the House, civil rights bills were debated for days, not hours.
In 1977, 85% of all rules were open rules. By 1990, that figure had
fallen to 45%. The phrase "free and open debate" becomes
meaningless when the chance for such debate is effectively
eliminated by closed rules.
I would also establish a more orderly schedule for the consideration
of legislation. The current process of doing very little in the early
part of the year and then cramming important legislation into the
very end of the schedule is not conducive to thoughtful legislating.
20'd
NOV- 8-91 FRI 12:32 GOPAC
-3- - -
If all of these reforms strike some as being "merely" structural or
procedural changes, I can only say that in the House, structure
determines process, form dictates substance, and procedure shapes
outcomes.
The cancer eating at the House is the inability or unwillingness on
the part of the Democrats to undertake a comprehensive House
reform, from the rules that govern the House to the rules that govern
our elections.
The reforms that the House needs are varied, and I have touched on
just a few of them in this article. As Speaker of the House I would
have the scope--and the majority--to undertake the first
comprehensive reform of the House of Representatives in modern
times. I look forward to it.
###
P.04
GOPAC 12:33 FRI 16-8 -AON
CAPITAL GAINS
Gramm-Rudman cuts, but instead it relied heavily on them
made during his presidential campaign for a permanent top
to meet the $14 billion target. The measure achieved nearly
rate of 15 percent on capital gains (income from the sale of
one-third of its savings, or $4.6 billion, by retaining some of
an appreciated asset). But the idea languished until the
the cuts. It reduced the affected programs by a percentage
summer, when it found friends among six Democrats on the
equal to having the cuts in place for four months and a
House Ways and Means Committee. Led by Ed Jenkins, D-
week. or 130 days.
Ga., they joined with committee Republicans to force a
The bill was actually projected to save $17.75 billion in
version of the cut into the committee's deficit-reduction
1990. including $6.9 billion in spending cuts and $5.6 bil-
bill - over the objections of Chairman Dan Rostenkowski,
lion in higher revenues, according to preliminary Congres-
D-Ill. Strenuous efforts by the House Democratic leader-
sional Budget Office (CBO) calculations.
ship to defeat the Jenkins plan on the floor failed 190-239.
But, in keeping with Bush's demands for real savings,
Attention then turned to the Senate, where Finance
negotiators subtracted more than $300 million in question-
Committee Chairman Lloyd Bentsen. D-Texas, proposed
able cuts and $2.7 billion from accelerated collections of
an alternative tax cut an expansion of the Individual
payroll, gasoline and airline ticket taxes. a sum that had
Retirement Account (IRA) as part of that chambers defi-
been criticized as inflated.
cit-reduction package. Bentsen narrowly defeated efforts
Within the $14.7 billion in "hard savings," $2.9 billion
led by ranking Republican Bob Packwood of Oregon to
resulted from Postal Service changes generally acknowl-
replace it with A variant of the capital gains reduction.
edged to be bookkeeping shell games, while a House GOP
Supporters of the capital gains cut then needed a floor
analysis listed more than $800 million of the Medicare cuts
amendment to add it to the reconciliation bill, a move that
as paper savings.
was subject to special Senate rules rquiring 60 votes. Given
The brief House debate was marked mostly by protests
that procedural advantage, Majority Leader Mitchell
from Appropriations Committee members, who opposed
forced & winning minority coalition of those who opposed
the retention of the automatic cuts. They complained that
the cut on substance and those who opposed waiving the
the cuts were a second hit at spending bills that had been
usual procedures on its behalf.
held to strict limits, and all because other panels had failed
Frustrated, Senate GOP leaders on Oct. 13 gave up on
to raise taxes or cut programs in their jurisdictions.
the reconciliation bill and began looking for other vehicles.
The bill left Congress and the president far short of the
For & time, the cut was a pending amendment on legisla-
$28 billion in 1990 deficit reduction called for in their April
tion authorizing emergency aid to Poland and Hungary (S
budget summit. And it did little to dent long-term deficits
1582). At another stage, supporters threatened to attach it
as the president and Congress turned to drafting the 1991
to as bill raising the limit on the national debt (H J Res 280
budget a process that was projected to require up to $40
- PL 101-140).
billion in additional cuts. "Even with this, the size of the
But as Thanksgiving neared, & compromise was
gap for '91 will be very large," said Darman.
reached. The House agreed to drop its capital gains provi-
sion in HR 3299, then reapproved it Nov. 9 as a free-
standing bill (HR 3628). The following week, the new bill
Capital Gains Tax Cut
was brought to the Senate floor, where Packwood's plan
was substituted for the substance of the House version.
Killed for the Year
Two attempts, on Nov. 14 and 15, to win cloture failed.
History
President Bush's greatest legislative disappointment in
When Bush unveiled his capital gains plan, he set in
1989 was his near-miss on cutting the tax rate on capital
motion a new installment of a debate that went back at
gains. The issue was effectively settled for the year Nov. 2,
least to 1978. The question: Would lower capital gains
when the president formally asked Congress to strip the
taxes actually increase government receipts through
rate cut from a pending deficit-reduction bill (HR 3299 -
greater investment and other economic activity?
PL 101-239). That move cleared the way for completion of
Some academics and other experts argued that lower
HR 3299, which had been stalled by a deadlock over the
capital gains rates would spur more revenues in two ways.
rate cut.
First, investors would respond to lower rates by cashing in
A version of the capital gains cut had been approved by
investments to realize locked up gains, thus generating tax
the House as part of HR 3299. But supporters in the Senate
revenue to the government. Second, more investors would
were unable to get the cut into the bill in the Finance
direct capital into securities and other business invest-
Committee and failed to overcome a procedural hurdle that
ments in anticipation of a generous after-tax return.
blocked them from adding it on the floor. (Majority Leader
But others argued that the so-called unlocking effect
George J. Mitchell of Maine made it clear he would require
would be a one-time event. Long-term economic behavior
60 votes for any capital gains amendment.) The White
would not change enough to make up for reduced revenues
House and Senate Republicans struggled for weeks to find
generated by the lower rate. And many investors would
a way to keep a capital gains provision in the bill or hitch it
simply shift money from investments that produced in-
to another vehicle. But each time, they ran up against the
come taxable at ordinary, higher rates, to those that re-
fact that they could not muster 60 votes, Republicans
sulted in capital gains. That threatened big revenue losses.
finally settled for two symbolic but unsuccessful cloture
In 1989, the top rate on capital gains, as for other types
votes and dropped the issue for the year, although there
of income, was 28 percent (or, for some higher-income
was no doubt that it would resurface in 1990. (Deficit-
taxpayers, 33 percent). But that had only been the case
reduction bill, p. 92)
since the 1986 tax overhaul.
In 1978, a Democratic-controlled Congress, against the
BACKGROUND
wishes of President Jimmy Carter, slashed the rate from 48
In his February budget, Bush reiterated a proposal
percent to 28 percent. The reduction was the centerpiece of
1989 CQ Almanac - 113
GOPAC 12:33 16-8 -AON
ECONOMICS & FINANCE
Democrat, David L. Boren of Oklahoma, joined the panel's
1, 1989, and after, regardless of when they were acquired.
nine GOP members in voting for the Packwood plan.
The top tax rate for corporations would have fallen
from 34 percent to 33 percent on assets held three years -
Bentsen's 'Supor' IRA
and lower for assets held longer (to a minimum of 29
Bentsen's plan would have allowed individuals with
percent on assets held at least 15 years).
incomes higher than the cutoff set in the 1986 tax law
Joint Tax projected a revenue loss over five years of
($25,000 a year, $40,000 for those filing jointly) or with
$6.9 billion from the individual capital gains cut and $3.3
pension plans to write off 50 percent of their contributions
billion from the corporate cut - a total of $10.2 billion.
to an IRA, up to $1,000. IRAs could be used without tax
But Packwood's loss would have been covered, for those
penalty for down payments on first homes or for college
five years, by Roth's restructuring of the IRA.
tuition. Bentsen estimated that by fiscal 1994, the plan
Roth would have allowed IRA contributions up to
would lower the year's tax collections by $4 billion.
$2,000 ($8,000 after five years). They would have been
Bentsen won support for his IRA as part of a much
deductible, as in a traditional IRA, but Roth would have
larger tax package that included an array of pet proposals
allowed the entire account contributions and earnings
from committee colleagues estimated to cost $5.1 billion
- to be paid out tax-free after retirement. (He also would
more over the 1990-94 period.
have allowed up to 25 percent to be withdrawn for à first
home, college tuition or catastrophic medical bills.)
SENATE FLOOR ACTION
The result: the Roth plan would have cost the Treasury
Bentsen's success in keeping the capital gains cut out of
nothing at the outset no matter how many new IRAs
the reconciliation bill in committee gave Mitchell an open-
were opened. But the earnings on these new savings, which
ing to block it on the Senate floor. Mitchell quickly made it
otherwise would have been taxed sooner or later, would
clear that he would force Republicans to muster 60 votes to
now have been tax-free.
overcome a budgetary point of order to a capital gains
Moreover, an added feature of the Roth plan would
amendment. (Under the so-called Byrd rule, named for
have enabled it to raise revenue in the short term. IRA
Sen. Robert C. Byrd, D-W.Va.. a point of order could be
holders would have been permitted to convert their old
lodged against tacking "extraneous matter" onto reconcili-
accounts into new ones, paying taxes over four years on any
ation bills, including provisions that reduced revenues in
contribution that had previously been deducted. That
subsequent years. The Packwood plan was estimated to
would have brought a short-term windfall in revenue, but
gain revenue in its first two years but lose revenue there-
the earnings already accrued on the full account could have
after.) While Republicans said they had 50 votes, they were
been rolled over tax-free, resulting in a long-term loss.
not confident they could get to 60.
Then in a surprise move on Oct. 5. Mitchell offered a
Breaking the Logjam
way around the impasse: a stripped-down budget-reconcili-
The maneuvering continued for another month, with
ation package that would exclude capital gains as well as
Republicans unwilling to take the capital gains provision
hundreds of other extraneous items including Democratic
out of the reconciliation bill in conference until they had
initiatives such as child care that did not contribute to
secured an agreement on another vehicle for the tax cut,
deficit reduction.
and Mitchell vowing that a capital gains amendment on
After a week of negotiations and partisan maneuvering,
any other bill would draw a filibuster.
Senate Republicans accepted Mitchell's offer. In the begin-
Mitchell was able to hold Democrats, such as Boren,
ning, they stuck with the White House, which continued to
who otherwise favored a capital gains amendment by mak-
demand a vote on capital gains, apparently insisting it
ing it a procedural issue; Republicans were unable to secure
come on the reconciliation bill. But when failure to reach
the 60 votes needed to halt a filibuster.
agreement on reconciliation by Oct. 16 led to across-the-
The stalemate held up not only reconciliation, but a
board budget cuts under the Gramm-Rudman law, GOP
must-pass debt-limit bill, along with popular provisions to
leaders seemed to lose patience with their position as mid-
repeal the catastrophic-health-costs law and the tax code's
dle men. They accepted the Mitchell plan, giving up their
Section 89 regulations against discriminatory employee
insistence on a promise of a simple majority vote on capital
benefit plans. An aid bill for Poland and Hungary also was
gains. On Oct. 13, a stripped-down reconciliation bill -
stalled, as Packwood tried to attach the capital gains provi-
without a capital gains provision - won Senate approval.
sion to it.
Senate Republicans quickly began looking for another
Finally on Nov. 2 Bush broke the logjam, calling for the
vehicle for what had become known as the Packwood-Roth
captial gains provision to be stripped from the reconcilia-
plan, combining Packwood's moderate cut in the capital
tion bill. In the end, Senate Republicans won agreement for
gains tax with a radical redefinition of the IRA offered by
two symbolic votes on the issue. For that purpose, the
William V. Roth Jr., R-Del.
House passed the Jenkins-Archer plan. as a free-standing
bill (HR 3628). Then on Nov. 14, after debating the Pack-
Packwood-Roth Plan
wood plan as a substitute, supporters of the cut fell nine
Packwood's plan would have excluded from taxes 5
votes shy of the 60 needed to close debate. The vote by
percent of a capital gain for each year the asset was held
which motion for cloture failed was 51-47; it was followed
(up to 35 percent after seven years). As an alternative, a
the next day by an identical vote. (Votes 295, 298, p. 55-S)
person could choose to reduce a gain to account for infla-
The issue was dead for the year, but it was expected to
tion. The provision would have applied to assets sold Oct.
resurface as soon as revenue issues were rejoined in 1990.
116 - 1989 CQ Almanae
12:34
Norman J. Ornstein
Thomas E. Mann
Michael J. Malbin
American Enterprise Institute
Republicans
Republicans
74
85
80
79
83
81
60
78
74
79
77
89
82
80
81
74
80
74
n.a.
81
79
75
78
78
73
74
72
71
75
73
74
68
71
72
75
66
73
(Table continues)
Senate
Southern
Democrats
64
64
62
70
61
68
59
80
78
69
75
Senate
Southern
Democrats
n.a.
78
75
81
76
63
60
N.a.
m.a.
n.a.
n.a.
55
52
59
57
53
65
56
43
52
41
48
46
48
54
62
All
Democrats
76
77
76
76
75
79
74
85
85
79
82
All
Democrats
77
82
80
79
82
76
73
n.a.
80
79
73
75
73
75
71
74
71
74
72
79
72
76
74
72
75
76
79
80
76
80
77
80
76
79
80
76
78
Table 8-4 Party Unity Scores in Congressional Voling, 1954-1990 (percent)
Republicans
84
78
78
75
73
85
77
n.a.
80
84
82
Republicans
81
81
82
76
71
72
76
76
74
71
78
75
77
77
79
House
57
House
Southern
Democrats
Southern
Democrals
64
62
67
68
76
76
78
81
77
78
n.a.
68
79
71
67
77
62
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
55
55
53
48
47
52
48
44
55
51
53
52
55
53
60
n.a. Note: Data of aLmentiers voting with a majority of their party on party unity voles. Party unity votes are those roll calls OR which a majority of
of a party voles on one side of the issue and a majority of the other party voles on the other side. The percentages are normalized to eliminate the effects
Sources Congressional Quarterly Almanec, various years; Congressional Quarterly Weekly Regist. January 9. 1982: January 15. 1983, 188: October 27, 22. 1984. 1990. 2804-
2805; January 11. 1986. 88; November 15. 1986, 2902-2906; January 16, 1988; November 19, 1988; December 30, 1989; January 6, 1990; December
IIV
78
75
77
82
81
86
86
88
68
86
86
All
Democrats
80
84
80
79
77
85
75
SE
85
82
80
78
77
73
71
71
72
70
75
72
75
75
74
71
75
Table 8-4 (continued)
Democrals
n.a.
not available.
absences, as follows: party unity = (unity)/(unity + opposition).
Year
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
Year
1954
1955
1956
1957
1958
1959
1960
1961
1962
1963
1964
1965
1966
1967
1968
1969
1970
1971
1972
1973
1974
1975
1976
1977
1978
1979
00
0
-
d
0
(I
-
00
-
>
o
Z
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Copyright (c) 1991 Chicago Tribune Company;
Chicago Tribune
November 7, 1991, Thursday, FINAL
SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 5; ZONE: M
LENGTH: 717 words
HEADLINE: Economic frustrations surface at polls
BYLINE: By Steve Daley and Mitchell Locin
BODY:
National politics looked different the morning after Tuesday's elections:
There was a sense that next year's presidential election might not be a
coronation for President Bush.
Harris Wofford, a novice in electoral politics, managed to connect with
voters in Pennsylvania and win a Senate seat from a state that had not elected a
Democrat to the U.S. Senate in nearly 30 years. (Wofford had been appointed to
the seat) He did so by identifying an issue - affordable health care - and
tapping a vein of voter resentment toward business-as-usual in Washington.
His surprising political savvy sent former Atty. Gen. Dick Thornburgh into
private life, even as it emboldened national Democrats and transformed Bush into
a political mortal.
Watching Wofford rebound from a 40-point deficit in opinion polls to defeat
Bush's handpicked choice for the Senate made some Democrats giddy. But voter
anger cut deep Tuesday, and the Democrats were hardly unbloodied.
Voters in Virginia turned their state legislature over to the GOP for the
first time in years, and Republicans won the governor's mansion in Mississippi
for the first time since Reconstruction.
New Jersey voters made the state legislative races a referendum on
Democratic Gov. Jim Florio's record tax-increase package and, without Florio to
target, they rewarded rival Republicans with a veto-proof majority.
With few exceptions - the mayoral races in Boston and Baltimore, to name a
couple - any association with incumbency provided a target, any link with the
political establishment became an issue.
"I don't think any of us should underestimate the frustration and anger
people feel," said Rep. Vic Fazio of California, who heads the Democratic
Congressional Campaign Committee.
That standard would have to apply to Bush, who in recent days has endured one
of the toughest periods of his presidency.
Rumblings of domestic discontent have forced Bush to cut back his overseas
travel plans, an itinerary that has included stops in more than 30 countries in
his three-year tenure.
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Bush left Wednesday for a NATO meeting in Rome, but earlier the White House
announced he had postponed a 10-day Asian trip scheduled for later this month.
Proud of his foreign policy skills, Bush has watched Americans react with
little interest to the recent series of Mideast peace talks in Madrid, talks
that were crafted by the president and Secretary of State James A. Baker III.
Meanwhile, Democrats have pounded away at what they call Bush's "passport
presidency," and at the failure of his administration to cope with the
continuing economic recession.
On the heels of all that came the Thornburgh defeat, a 55-45 rout that froze
Republican expectations for the next election cycle, and allowed Democrats to
draw a line of political vulnerability from Thornburgh to the White House.
As for his own standing with the electorate, Bush said, "I do not live and
die by these polls that go up and down." Noting that the polls still show him
beating all potential Democratic challengers in head-to-head races, Bush said he
"feels pretty good about it."
For their part, Democrats made it clear they will continue to challenge Bush
on pocketbook issues. By late next week, for example, the House will vote on
another family-leave plan, which Bush has threatened to veto, as he did the
first proposed legislation.
Negotiations between the White House and Capitol Hill on extending
unemployment compensation should end by next week, and Bush may be put in the
position of having to veto that bill. Democratic leaders also promised to pass a
health-care plan by next fall, just in time for the election.
Feeling the pulse of voter anxiety in Pennsylvania, the six Democrats chasing
their party's presidential nomination have begun to offer their own plans for
national health insurance, assuring that the issue will figure prominently in
the race for the White House.
The last word went to Harris Wofford, back in the Senate courtesy of an angry
electorate and a sputtering economy.
"I think George Bush better wake up," Wofford said Wednesday. "But there's a
lot of feeling the people in Washington don't have a spirit of urgency about
these problems we're talking about
I want to build a fire under my own
party."
GRAPHIC: PHOTO: Dick Thornburgh's loss in Pennsylvania's Senate race Tuesday
showed increasing voter resentment toward business-as-usual in Washington. AP
Laserphoto.
PHOTO: Harris Wofford won his Senate race courtesy of a spirited campaign and a
sputtering economy. AP Laserphoto.
TERMS: ANALYSIS; REACTION; ELECTION; RESULT; PENNSYLVANIA; ECONOMY; QUOTE
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Proprietary to the United Press International 1991
November 6, 1991, Wednesday, BC cycle
SECTION: Regional News
DISTRIBUTION: New York, New York Metro
LENGTH: 462 words
HEADLINE: Both parties trumpet local elections victories
DATELINE: ALBANY, N.Y.
KEYWORD: NY-ELECTIONS
BODY:
State Republican Committee Chairman William Powers Wednesday called GOP
victories in four county executive races a sign of a ''pronounced Republican
swing'' in New York, while the state Democratic leader celebrated victories in
Republican Sen. Alfonse D'Amato's Nassau County.
Powers said victories over Democratic incumbents in Suffolk and Monroe
counties, an easy win in Dutchess County and the defeat of the Albany County
political machine 'reflect a new, energized Republican Party'' that will
'deliver for President Bush and Sen. (Alfonse) D'Amato'' in 1992.
''The Republican Party offered the electorate a meaningful alternative to
the failed record of Gov. Mario Cuomo and the tax-and- spend Democrat liberals
that have dominated New York for nearly 20 years,' Powers said.
Dutchess County Clerk William Steinhaus easily defeated Democratic political
neophyte Dom Cannizzaro for the county executive seat vacated by Democrat
Lucille Pattison. Robert King, a Rochester state Assemblyman, defeated incumbent
Monroe County Executive Thomas Frey.
The GOP reclaimed Suffolk County as Robert Gaffney defeated incumbent
County Executive Patrick Halpin.
But the party's biggest coup was Michael Hoblock's win --- despite an
enrollment advantage of 2-to-1 - over Robert Lyman, the contender for the
Albany County Executive post vacated by fellow Democrat James Coyne, who
resigned under a 28-count federal indictment of accepting bribes and conspiracy.
That GOP win ended 70 years of Democratic domination of the county
legislature, dating back to 1921, when Daniel 'Connell and Edwin Corning
founded one of the country's most enduring political machines.
Democrats still have a majority in the county legislature, but Tuesday lost
the two-thirds majority crucial for important spending measures.
Still, State Democratic Chairman John Marino found things to brag about in
the elections, including ''amazing stories'' in Westchester and Nassau counties.
LEXIS'NEXIS'LEXIS NEXIS
Services of Mead Data Central, Inc.
PAGE 6
Proprietary to the United Press International, November 6, 1991
''Nassau County Republicans made a critical error. Seeking to exploit the
strong anti-incumbent mood, the tried to run against Governor Cuomo the way
Harris Wofford successfully ran against President Bush in Pennsylvania, Marino
said, referring to Wofford's victory in a Senate race over U.S. Attorney General
Dick Thornburgh, which some had called a referendum on Bush's presidency.
''It didn't work,' he said, noting Democrats won the towns of Oyster Bay
and North Hempstead in the traditionally Republican county.
'We've We sent a real message to Al D'Amato for '92,'' Marino said.
Marino also noted three town victories for Democrats in Westchester and
hailed the fact that 'Democrats gained control of the County Board for the
first time in 83 years.
LEXIS'NEXIS LEXIS'NEXIS
George Allen Cong elect.
and. 175
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
TO:
FROM:
CHARLES BACARISSE
Office of Public Liaision
CK Vital Statistics copy oncongress 191-92
Citizens for 202-488-8288. Congressional Reform
Marianne
appro. from legis. branch
Sator Sun
NET
RNC
Florida saysibe on 863-8500
election
BusMatoSxn
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
TO:
FROM:
CHARLES BACARISSE
Office of Public Liaision
Nov 07,91 12:28 P.01
TITABAN
Citizens for Congressional Reform
FACSIMILE TRANSMISSION COVER SHEET
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RE:
DATE:
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From Conference Report to Agreement accompany
HR 5399
16
Report#
tracking cable TV channels. Similar to the Senate floor tracking
101-964
cable TV channels, two such stations are provided for the House of
Representatives, one to be managed and operated by the Speaker
or his designee and one to be managed and operated by the Minori-
ty Leader of his designee. Following a three month airing period,
these channels shall be subject to review by the Speaker and the
Minority Leader.
Amendment Nos. 61-63: Delete Senate provisions regarding allo-
cation transfers, cost reporting, and Library of Congress reductions.
CONFERENCE TOTAL-WITH COMPARISONS
The total new budget (obligational) authority for the fiscal year
1991 recommended by the Committee of Conference, with compari-
sons to the fiscal year 1990 amount, the 1991 budget estimates, and
the House and Senate bills for 1991 follow:
usethis
one
New Budget (obligational) authority, fiscal year 1990
$1,941,913,100
Budget estimates of new (obligational) authority, fiscal year 1991
2,411,881,000
House bill, fiscal year 1991
1,670,823,000
Senate bill. fiscal year 1991
2,072,126,425
Conference agreement. fiscal year 1991
2,161,366,500
Conference agreement compared with:
New budget (obligational) authority. fiscal year 1990
219,453,400
Budget estimates of new (obligational) authority, fiscal year
1991
-250,514,500
House bill, fiscal year 1991
490,543,500
Senate bill, fisca) year 1991
88,940,075
VIc FAZIO,
DAVID R. OBEY,
JOHN P. MURTHA,
BOB TRAXLER,
thru 9/30/,
LINDY BOGGS,
JAMIE L. WHITTEN,
JERRY LEWIS,
SILVIO O. CONTE,
JOHN T. MYERS,
JOHN EDWARD PORTER,
Managers on the Part of the House.
HARRY REID,
ROBERT C. BYRD,
DON NICKLES,
TED STEVENS,
Managers of the Part of the Senate.
Ref.
JK1041
A7
1992
WH
Norman J. Ornstein
Thomas E. Mann
Michael J. Malbin
American Enterprise Institute
136
Vital Statistics on Congress, 1991-1992
Congressional Staff and Operating Expenses
Table 5-9 Legislative Branch Appropriations and the Consumer Price
Table 5-9 (continued)
Index, 1946-1990
Appropriation
Increase
Consumer
Increase
Appropriation
Increase
Consumer
Increase
Year
(dollars)
(percent)
Price Index
(percent)
Year
(dollars)
(percent)
Price Index
(percent)
1946
54,065,614
-
58.5
-
1986
1,783,255,000
11.4
328.4
1.9
1947
61,825,020
14.4
66.9
14.4
1987
1,635,190,214
-8.3
340.4
3.6
1948
62,119,714
0.5
72.1
7.8
1988
1,745,201,500
6.7
354.3
4.1
1949
62,057,678
-0.1
71.4
-1.0
1989
1,804,624,000
3.4
371.3
4.8
1950
64,313,460
3.6
72.1
1.0
1990
1,968,441,000
9.1
391.4
5.4
1951
71,888,244
11.8
77.8
7.9
1946-1990
-
3,540.8
-
569.0
1952
75,673,896
5.3
79.5
2.2
1953
77,670,076
2.6
80.1
0.8
Note: Appropriations include supplementals, except for 1986; appropriations are for fiscal
1954
70,925,361
-8.7
80.5
0.5
years, but the consumer price index is for calendar years.
1955
86,304,923
21.7
80.2
-0.4
a From fiscal year 1946 through fiscal year 1976, the fiscal year began on July 1. Beginning
1956
94,827,986
9.9
81.4
1.5
with fiscal year 1977, the start of the fiscal year was shifted to October 1. During the
1957
120,775,798
27.4
84.3
3.6
transition quarter of July 1-September 30, 1976, the amount appropriated for legislative
1958
107,785,560
branch operations was $207,391,365. This amount is not included.
- 10.8
86.6
2.7
1959
136,153,580
26.3
Sources: For 1946-1976, U.S. Congress, House, Committee on House Administration, Studies
87.3
0.8
1960
Dealing with Budgetary, Staffing, and Administrative Activities of the U.S. House of Represen-
131,055,385
-3.7
88.7
1.6
tatives, 1947-78, 95th Cong., 2d sess., 1978. For 1977-1979, Congressional Quarterly Almanac
1961
140,930,781
7.5
89.6
1.0
(Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly, 1977-1980). For 1980, House LBA Hearings for
1962
136,686,715
-3.0
90.6
1.1
1981, pt. 1, 10-11; Senate LBA Hearings for 1981, pt. 1, 15-23; Public Law 96-304 (July 8, 1980);
1963
150,426,185
10.1
91.7
1.2
Public Law 97-51 (October 1, 1981). For 1981, House LBA Hearings for 1982, pt. 1, 15-23;
1964
168,467,869
12.0
92.9
1.3
Senate LBA Hearings for 1982, 268; U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Appropriations,
1965
221,904,318
31.7
94.5
Comparative Statement of New Budget Authority and Outlays-Fiscal Year 1983, 97th Cong., 2d
1.7
1966
sess., 1982 (unpublished committee document), 3; Public Law 97-12 (June 5, 1981). For
197,965,307
10.8
97.2
2.9
1982-1986, House Committee on Appropriations, Comparative Statement of New Budget
1967
221,715,643
12.0
100.0
2.9
Authority (unpublished committee documents). For 1987, Congressional Quarterly Almanac,
1968
282,003,322
27.2
104.2
4.2
vol. 42 (1987). For 1988, Congressional Quarterly Almanac, vol. 43 (1988). For consumer price
1969
311,542,399
10.5
109.8
5.4
index, 1946-1986, Economic Report of the President, January 1989. For 1987-1990, U.S.
1970
361,024,327
15.9
116.3
5.9
Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics.
1971
443,104,319
22.7
121.3
4.3
1972
564,107,992
27.3
125.3
3.3
1973
645,127,365
14.4
133.1
6.2
1974
662,180,668
2.6
147.7
11.0
1975
785,618,833
18.6
161.2
9.1
1976ª
947,185,778
20.6
170.5
5.8
1977
963,921,185
1.8
181.5
6.5
1978
1,009,225,350
4.7
195.4
7.7
1979
1,124,766,400
11.4
217.4
11.3
1980
1,199,061,463
6.6
246.8
13.5
1981
1,285,943,826
7.2
272.4
10.4
1982
1,365,272,433
6.2
289.1
6.1
1983
1,467,318,263
7.5
298.4
3.2
1984
1,644,160,600
12.0
311.1
4.3
1985
1,599,977,138
-2.7
322.2
3.6
138
Table 5-10 Legislative Branch Appropriations, by Category, 1982-1990
(in thousands of dollars)
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986a
1987
1988
1989
1990
Senate
228,034
239,008
255,856
285,930
308,834
307,658
337,314
340,677
373,761
House of Representatives
380,386
367,871
419,784
439,398
455,431
463,907
513,786
506,068
537,207
Joint itemsᵇ
84,472
102,448
128,933
96,415
155,804
103,136
94,981
120,983
170,454
Architect of the Capitol
83,173
143,768
82,021
85,181
112,191
101,633
107,306
103,640
116,221
Botanic Garden
2,351
1,897
2,158
2,080
2,197
2,062
2,221
2,521
2,638
Congressional Budget Office
13,226
15,094
16,723
17,541
18,455
17,251
17,886
18,361
19,580
Congressional Research Service
31,605
33,851
36,700
39,833
38,963
39,602
43,022
44,684
46,895
Copyright Royalty Commission
487
469
210
217
227
123
129
123
101
General Accounting Office
236,000
252,665
271,710
299,704
339,639
304,910
329,847
347,339
364,720
Government Printing Office
129,851
121,829
125,700
122,704
122,268
94,956
89,521
85,731
98,018
Library of Congress
195,123
209,185
228,715
228,242
242,829
183,670
191,998
199,650
211,100
Office of Technology
Assessment
12,169
13,084
14,831
15,692
17,000
15,532
16,901
17,937
18,900
Railroad Accounting Principles
Board
-
-
50
1,000
1,000
-
-
-
-
Note: Includes supplemental appropriations, except for 1986.
a Figures for 1986 are prior to Gramm-Rudman-Hollings sequestration.
b Includes such items as joint committees, Capitol police, and official mail costs.
Sources: For 1982-1986, House Committee on Appropriations, Comparative Statement of New Budget Authority. For 1987, Congressional Quarterly Almanac, vol. 42
(1987). For 1988, Congressional Quarterly Almanac, vol. 43 (1988). For 1989, Congressional Quarterly Almanac, vol. 44 (1989). For 1990, Congressional Quarterly
Almanac, vol. 45 (1990).
19
Re
Sol
1º
Congressional Staff and Operating Expenses
139
Table 5-11 Costs of Official Mail, 1971-1989
Average unit cost
Appropriations
of franked mail
Year
(dollars)
(cents)
1971
11,244,000
8.0
1972
14,594,000
8.0
1972 supplement
18,400,000
1973
21,226,480
9.0
1974
30,500,000
9.9
1975
38,756,015
11.4
1976
46,101,000
13.2
Transition periodᵃ
11,525,000
1976 supplement
16,080,000
1977
46,904,000
13.4
1978
48,926,000
11.4
1979
64,944,000
12.8
1980b
50,707,000
13.4
1981
52,033,000
12.4
1982
75,095,000
13.9
1983
93,161,000
13.1
1984
117,277,000
12.8
1985
85,797,000
12.6
1986
95,700,000
12.6
1987
91,423,000
18.4
1988
82,163,000
14.1
1989
85,262,000°
14.9
Note: See Table 6-8 for number of pieces of franked mail.
a Reflects change in the fiscal year from July 1 to October 1.
b Lower figure reflects decrease in bulk mail rates.
C Adjusted to reflect FY89 shortfall in the mail account.
Sources: For 1971-1987, Office of the Clerk of the House. For 1988 and 1989, Congressional
Research Service Report for Congress, "U.S. Congress Official Mail Costs: FY 1972 to FY
1991," July 20, 1990.
40
Table 5-12 Allowances for Representatives, 1977-1991
1977
1979
1981
1983
1985
1987
1989
1991
Category
Clerk-hire
$238,580
$288,156
$336,384
$366,648
$394,680
$406,560
$431,760
$475,000
$211
b
b
b
b
b
b
b
Postage
b
b
b
b
b
b
b
Stationery
$6,500
b
Travel (round trips)
33
b
b
b
b
b
b
b
b
b
b
b
b
Telephone/telegraph
$5,200 for
b
equipment;
15,000
long-distance
minutes
District and state
2,500 sq. ft.
b
b
b
b
b
b
b
offices rental
b
b
b
b
b
b
b
Furnishings (one-time)
$27,000
Official expenses
$7,000
$50,000-
$66,200-
$588,850-
$105,513-
$105,513-
$108,400-
$135,000-
130,000
248,601
279,470
306,509
306,509ᶜ
306,500
317,000
Constituent
communications
b
b
b
b
b
b
b
(begun in 1975)
$5,000
b
b
b
b
b
b
b
Equipment lease
$9,000
a Each member was entitled to an annual clerk-hire allowance of $475,000 for a staff not to exceed twenty-two employees, four of whom must fit into five
categories: (1) shared payroll-employees, such as computer experts, who are shared by members; (2) interns; (3) employees on leave without pay; (4) part-
time employees; (5) temporary employees-employees hired for a specific purpose for not more than ninety days.
b As of January 3, 1978, previous individual allowances for travel, office equipment lease, district office lease, stationery, telecommunications, mass
mailings, postage, computer services, and other official expenses were consolidated in a single allowance category-the official expenses allowance.
Members may budget funds for each category as they see fit. The official expenses allowances for individual members ranged from $135,000 to $317,000 for
the 1991 calendar year. The average allowance for 1991 was $173,500.
c Each member is entitled to a base official expenses allowance of $105,500. In addition, there are three variables that determine the total amount allotted
for official expenses: (1) transportation costs, (2) telecommunications costs, and (3) cost of office space. The amount allotted for travel is computed as
follows:
64 multiplied by the rate per mile multiplied by the mileage between the District of Columbia and the farthest point in the member's district. The
minimum amount allotted for travel in 1987 was $6,200 per member.
The amount allotted for telecommunications is computed as follows: 15,000 times the highest long-distance rate per minute from the District of
Columbia to the member's district. The minimum amount allotted for telecommunications in 1987 was $6,000 per member. If the member has elected to
use WATS or a similar service in his office, the 15,000-minute multiplier will be reduced by one-half.
The amount allotted for office space costs is computed as follows: 2,500 square feet multiplied by the highest applicable rate per square foot charged by
the administrator of the General Services Administration to federal agencies in the district for rental of office space.
The official expenses allowance may not be used for:
1. expenses relating to the hiring and employment of individuals, including, but not limited to, employment service fees, transportation of
interviewees to and from employment interviews, and cost of relocation upon acceptance or termination of employment
2. items purchased from other than the House stationery store that have a useful life greater than current term of the member and that would have a
residual value of more than $25 upon the expiration of the current term of the member
3. holiday greeting cards, flowers, and trophies
4. personal advertisements (other than meeting or appearance notices)
5. donations of any type, except flags of the United States flown over the Capitol and items purchased for use as gifts when on official travel
6. dues other than to legislative support organizations as approved by the Committee on House Administration
7. educational expenses for courses of study or information or training programs unless the benefit accrues primarily to the House and the skill or
knowledge is not commonly available
8. purchases of radio and television time
9. parking for member and employees at district offices, except when included as an integral part of the lease or occupancy agreement for the district
office space.
Each member'r may allocate up to $40,000 from the clerk-hire allowance to supplement the official expenses allowance. A member also may allocate up to
$40,000 from the official expenses allowance to supplement the clerk-hire allowance, provided that monthly clerk-hire disbursements not exceed 10
percent of the total clerk-hire allowance.
Sources: For 1977 and 1979, Committee on House Administration, Studies Dealing with Budgetary, Staffing and Administrative Activities of the U.S. House of
Representatives, 1946-1978. For 1981, 1983, and 1985, U.S. House of Representatives, Congressional Handbook. For 1987, "Salaries and Allowances: The
Congress," Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C., July 15, 1987, update. For 1989. Office of the Clerk of the House. For
1991, Committee on House Administration.
42
Table 5-13 Allowances for Senators, 1972-1991
Category
1972
1979
1981
1983
1985
1987
1989
1991
Clerk-hire
$311,577-
$508,221-
$592,608-
$645,897-
$695,244-
$716,102-
$754,000-
$814,000-
588,145ᵃ
1,021,167ᵃ
1,190,724ᵃ
1,297,795ᵃ
1,396,947ᵃ
1,438,856ᵃ
1,636,000ᵃ
1,760,000ᵃ
Legislative assistance
n.a.
$157,626b
$183,801b
$200,328b
$215,634b
$243,543
$248,000ᵇ
$269,000b
C
C
c
c
Postage
$1,215-1,520
C
C
C
Stationery
$3,600-5,000
C
C
C
C
c
c
c
Travel (round trips)
20-22
C
c
c
C
c
c
c
District and state
offices rental
n.a.
4,800-
4,800-
4,800-
4,800-
4,800-
4,800-
4,800-
8,000
8,000
8,000
8,000
8,000
8,000
8,000
sq. ft.d
sq. ft.d
sq. ft.d
sq. ft.d
sq. ft.
sq. ft.d
sq. ft.d
Furnishings,
state offices
n.a.
$22,550-
$22,550-
$22,550-
$22,550-
$30,000-
$30,000-
$30,000-
31,350
31,350
31,350
31,350
41,744
41,744e
41,744e
Official office
expense account
n.a.
$33,000-
$33,000-
$36,000-
$36,000-
$36,000-
$33,000-
$47,000-
143,000¹
143,000¹
156,000
156,000¹
156,000
156,000
122,000¹
n.a. = not applicable.
a There is no limit on the number of employees a senator may hire. He must, however, use only the clerk-hire or legislative assistance allowance to pay
staff salaries. The clerk-hire allowance varies according to state population.
b In addition to clerk-hire, each senator has a legislative assistance allowance worth $269,000 in 1991. This allowance is reduced for any committee
chairman or ranking minority member of a committee. It is also reduced for any other senator authorized by a committee chairman to recommend or
approve any individuals for appointment to the committee staff who will assist that senator "solely and directly" in his duties as a member of the
committee. The reduction requirements were waived for the 99th and 100th Congresses.
c This allowance is one of the allocations of the consolidated office expense allowance. Before January 1, 1973, senators were authorized individually
controlled allowances for six expense categories as follows: transportation expenses for the senator and his staff; stationery; air mail and special delivery
postage; long-distance telephone calls; telegram charges; and home state expenses, which include home state office expenses; telephone service charges
incurred outside Washington, D.C.; subscriptions to newspapers, magazines, periodicals, and clipping or similar services; and home state office rent
(repealed effective July 1, 1974).
Effective January 1, 1973, the Supplemental Appropriations Act, 1973, provided for the consolidation of these same allowances to provide flexibility to
senators in the management of the same dollars provided for their expense allowances. No limit was imposed on any expense category by this
authorization. The allowance was designated as the consolidated office expense allowance. Effective January 1, 1977, the Legislative Branch Appropriation
d Act redesignated the consolidated office expense allowance as the official office expense account.
Effective July 1, 1974, the Legislative Branch Appropriations Act, 1975, provided a formula for the allowable aggregate square feet of office space in the
home state of a senator. There is no limit on the number of offices that may be established by a senator in his home state, but the designated square footage
may not be exceeded. The cost of office space in the home state is not chargeable to the official office expense account.
e An aggregate furniture and furnishings allowance is provided through the General Services Administration for one or more state offices in either federal
or privately owned buildings. The $30,000 minimum allowance for office space not greater than 4,800 square feet is increased by $734 for each authorized
increase of 200 square feet of space.
f The expense account may be used for the following expenses (2 U.S.C. 58[a], as amended):
1. official telegrams and long-distance phone calls and related services
2. stationery and other office supplies purchased through the stationery room for official business
3. costs incurred in the mailing or delivery of matters relating to official business
4. official office expenses in home state, other than equipment or furniture (purchase of office equipment beyond stated allocations may be made
through 10 percent funds listed under item 9 below)
5. official telephone charges incurred outside Washington, D.C.
6. subscriptions to newspapers, magazines, periodicals, or clipping or similar services
7. travel expenses incurred by a senator or staff member, subject to certain limitations
8. expenses incurred by individuals selected by a senator to serve on panels or other bodies making recommendations for nominees to service
academies or federal judgeships
9. other official expenses as the senator determines are necessary, including (a) additional office equipment for Washington, D.C., or state offices; (b)
actual transportation expenses incurred by the senator and employees for official business in the Washington metropolitan area (this is also allowed to
employees assigned to a state office for actual transportation expenses in the general vicinity of the office to which assigned but is not available for a
change of assignment within the state or for commuting between home and office).
The total reimbursement expense for the calendar year may not exceed 10 percent of the total official office expense account.
Beginning with fiscal year 1981, each senator was also allowed to transfer funds from the administrative, clerical, and legislative assistance allowances to
the official office expense account.
Sources: For 1972, Senate LBA Hearings for 1980. For 1979-1985, U.S. Senate, Congressional Handbook. For 1987, "Salaries and Allowances: The Congress." For
1989, Office of the Secretary of the Senate; Office of the Sergeant-at-Arms. For 1991, Senate Disbursing Office.
TS Edits
Grant / Aarhus
November 8, 1991
Draft four A:GOPAC2
REMARKS: GOPAC CHARTER MEMBERS
THE WILLARD HOTEL
MONDAY, NOVEMBER, 11, 1991
5:30 P.M.
[Newt, thank you; and Bo Callaway, it's always a pleasure to
see you. Other acknowledgements.] I've come here today because
I've heard a lot about your latest program to build a Republican
majority -- recruiting House challengers in 170 districts, each
with 1,000 volunteers and $100,000 in the bank. The name says
what every American is thinking: "Change Congress Now!"
Why Change Congress Now? Because America needs our agenda
for the future -- the G.O.P. agenda -- of Growth, Opportunity and
Prosperity (for all Americans. And America doesn't need the
Democrats' tired old agenda from the past -- one of Desperation,
Divisiveness and Disgrace.
We need a new Republican Congress because the liberal
leadership has bricked itself into a maze of power -- more than
300 committees, subcommittees, and ad hoc committees -- all stuck
in the same statist mindset that went out with the Berlin Wall.
The Democrats controlling Congress have built an Orwellian
bureaucracy -- 30,000 staffers and counting, a more than 2.4
billion dollar budget for FY 1991 -- and, after Havana, the last
bastion of big-government one-party rule in this hemisphere. //
It's
[It strikes me as ironic that the Mayor of Moscow can now run to
the right of the House Majority Leader. It is time to Change
Congress Now. //
2
1992 will be a great year for Republicans. Just last week,
we picked up every open New York county executive seat --
including Albany. The Virginia legislature saw the biggest
G.O.P. gain in nearly a century. Republicans went from minority
status to veto-proof majorities in both houses in the New Jersey
legislature. ((I noticed Governor Florio said just before last
Tuesday that the election in New Jersey would be a referendum on
this Presidency. // So be it. ))
Look at these elections and you'll see a pattern. Voters
said: we're sick of high taxes and runaway spending. We've had
it with politicians who install hotlines to special interests and
demean real constituents with form letters. They called for an
end to government out of control and out of touch. In the
elections we won and the elections we lost last week, we got the
message. That's why we're running to win at the grassroots level
-- and that leaves the Democrats just plain running. //
Stay tuned: there's more to come, especially in the House.
Realignment continues across America -- young people in
particular have joined the G.O.P. in droves. Redistricting and
reapportionment alone could give us as many as 30 new seats. And
I will work as hard as I can to elect every Republican we've got
to the House of Representatives in 1992. //
Come January of 1993, if we win control of the Congress, Bob
Michel has pledged to cut committee staffs in half -- saving $26
million for taxpayers -- and most importantly, he'll apply to
Congress all laws from which it has exempted itself. For thirty
3
years, I've called Bob Michel my friend -- but I can't wait until
I can call him "Mr. Speaker.' //
Bob and Newt have done a great job, fighting for our agenda
every step of the way. They've persuaded some of the opposition
to see the light and vote with us -- on the historic Clean Air
Act Amendments which uses free market principles to clean up our
environment; and on the most sweeping civil rights bill in
decades, the Americans With Disabilities Act; and on our child
care bill, which put choice in the hands of parents.
But we've had it tough -- last year, liberal Democrats
blocked our every effort, stopping us in two out of every three
votes. That's when we could get a vote Since 1977, Democratic
leaders have resorted increasingly to closed voting rules --
rules that prevent us from getting our ideas to the floor of the
House. I say it's time to restore democracy to Congress. Stop
blocking the people's business, and get the job done. //
Let me give you an example. A week ago Friday, the
Democrats in the Seante voted to prevent Congress from even
considering our comprehensive National Energy Strategy. They had
no alternative plan -- and they didn't want to debate ours or before
America. There is no question that we need an energy policy --
we need energy to fuel jobs and economic growth. And we need
legislators who will stand up debate it and enact it --
Republican legislators. //
((I'm reminded of that old joke -- you know what you get
when you play country music backwards? You get your job back,
4
your wife back, your dog back
Well, you know what you get
when you throw the Democrats out of Congress? You get your job
back, your pride back, your country back. 111))
With Republicans in charge of the House, we can move forward
with our agenda for the future: for example -- our education
initiative, "America 2000," to create a new generation of
American schools; our crime bill, to ensure that the rights of
victims come before the rights of criminals; and funding our HOPE
initiative, to take the first step toward home ownership for
public housing residents and first-time home buyers.
The American people have had enough of the liberals' tax-
and-spend, search-and-destroy, hem-and-haw political agenda. My
detractors, when they're not off on recess, say I don't have an
agenda for the economy. Take a look at the record: three times
in three years, I've asked Congress for much-needed economic
growth legislation. I've asked for incentives for investment
like our R&D tax credits, and penalty-free withdrawals from IRAs
for first-time home buyers -- to stimulate the housing industry.
[But our banking reform legislation, which would have put the
industry on sound footing, was gutted by special interests.]
And I've asked for a capital gains tax cut. We now have the
highest effective tax on capital gains of any major
industrialized nation in the world. I say it's time for a level
playing field. Think of it this way: Right now, we have
literally billions of dollars sitting around collecting dust
because tax rates make it unprofitable for investors to invest
5
their money
Democrats tell our investors we don't need them
and then we worry about jobs
Well, let's get that money moving. Let's put the
entrepreneurs and investors back to work on the American Dream.
A high capital gains tax doesn't hurt the rich -- they've already
made their fortunes. It hurts people with dreams.
I ve said it before: I'll take the political heat -- let the
demagogues call it a "tax cut for the rich" -- but watch and
learn as the farmers, middle-income homeowners, small businessmen
and women, and the rest of Middle America feels the fresh winds
of opportunity.
We all remember that fateful day two years ago when, despite
winning majorities in both Houses of Congress, George Mitchell
and the Democratic leadership buried capital gains. Congress
went into recess, and the country went into recession. //
That single act demonstrated the difference between our
parties. The Democrats don't have new ideas or issues, so they
try to make an issue out of me. They deliberately send bad
legislation to the White House, knowing that I'll have to veto
it. Then they complain about the vetoes. This action by the
Democratic
Democrats isn't leadership -- it's^showboating -- and the
American people know it. That's why we had to postpone our Asia
trip -- to keep an eye on a Congress run amok.
George Mitchell has said that he wants to send another bad
unemployment bill to my doorstep, knowing I will veto it. Our
ten-week extension of benefits would have become law two months long
and the unemployed would have their checks 6
agolif Democrats really cared about workers & and they would
have had their checks already. Instead, the Democrats are
treating the unemployed like political pawns. So the unemployed
go hungry while the opposition sells t-shirts and holds press
conferences.
No wonder the voters want term limits. If we can impose term
limits on Ronald Reagan and Dwight Eisenhower, we can certainly
impose term limits on Richard Gephardt and George Mitchell. //
We do need to Change Congress Now. People see a Democratic
Congress that's out of sync with society, full of way-out
liberals who don't understand the world we live in. We live in
an integrated world, one where foreign and domestic priorities
are the same: excellence, competitiveness, strength and peace.
That's true whether I'm at the drug summit fighting to keep crack
off our streets, or in Europe opening markets for American jobs.
I hear this question all the time: how can it be that we
have such successes in foreign policy and such difficulties on
the domestic side? Let me just say this: Thank God I didn't have
to listen to Secretary of State Dick Gephardt and Secretary of
Defense Ted Kennedy and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Pat
Schroeder during the Gulf War. If I did, Saddam Hussein would
probably be in Saudi Arabia by now and Norman Schwarzkopf would
still be in Florida. That's why we need to Change Congress Now.
I am tired of hearing Democrats gloat about how bad things
are, preying on misery -- while we try to bring hope and
opportunity to all Americans. Here's the key difference between
7
us and them: unlike the Democrats, we believe that the working
men and women of this country can outproduce, outperform and
outwork any other nation on Earth -- if only they get the chance.
Our domestic initiatives have one aim and one aim only: to
unleash the power of the American people. So while the
Democratic naysayers preach their gospel of doom and gloom, we
want to act. We want to give people reason for hope.
To all of you, I say keep up the good fight. 1992 is going
to be a big year for Republicans -- and GOPAC is out on the front
lines. [You have my full support and my deep gratitude
.]
Thank you very much and God bless the United States.
# # #
NOV- 8-91 FRI 17:46 GOPAC
P.01
GOPAC
THE NATIONAL
440 FIRST STREET
NEWT GINGRICH
GRASS-ROOTS
NORTHWEST
GENERAL CHAIRMAN
ORGANIZATION
SUITE 400
BUILDING
WASHINGTON, D.C.
HOW ARD H. CALLAWAY
REPUBLICAN
20001
CHAIRMAN
LEADERS FOR
AMERICA'S
PHONE (202) 484-2282
FUTURE
FAX (202) 783-3306
TELECOPY TRANSMISSION
COVER SHEET
TO Carol
FROM Jennie Piona
DATE November 8, 1991
TOTAL # OF PAGES (including cover sheet) LOTS!
REMARKS/MESSAGES
Call me else if you need anything
TROUBLE? - PLEASE CALL (202) 484-2282
Authorized and paid for by GOPAC on recycled paper
NOV- 8-91 FRI 17:47 GOPAC
P.02
NEWT GINGRICH
REPUBLICAN WHIP OF THE U. S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
GENERAL CHAIRMAN, GOPAC
Newt Gingrich, Republican Whip of the House of Representatives,
is in his seventh term in office and has served the people of the
sixth district of Georgia since 1979. In 1986, when asked by
Governor Pete du Pont, he assumed the role of GOPAC's General
Chairman.
GOPAC, one of four national Republican Committees, works with
state, local, and federal candidates to build a team of elected
officials who will help win a Republican majority in the U. S.
House.
Co-founder of the Conservative Opportunity Society, Gingrich has
played a major role in changing the forces that shape American
politics and believes today that a Republican majority can be
achieved in 1992.
He also co-founded the Congressional Military Reform Caucus and
the Congressional Space Caucus. He believes that the future of
America rests in developing high technology designed to keep our
freedoms and assure that our allies are strong and secure.
Most recently, Newt has joined with Congressional colleagues in a
concerted effort to address the most prominent of our country's
problems. Along with Senator Phil Gramm, Newt co-sponsored the
Economic Growth Act, an initiative designed to facilitate
economic growth and job creation.
Newt also serves as co-chairman, with House Minority Leader Bob
Michel, of the Leaders' Task Force on Health, an organization
dedicated to the provision of affordable health care for all
Americans.
The Almanac of American Politics describes Newt as one of the
most influential Members of the House. He was responsible for
filing charges against House Speaker Jim Wright which resulted in
Wright's resignation.
Newt, along with wife Marianne, and David Drake co-authored
WINDOW OF OPPORTUNITY.
Son of a career soldier, he received his Bachelor's degree from
Emory University, and his Master's and Doctorate from Tulane
University.
NOV- 8-91 FRI 17:47 GOPAC
P.03
HOWARD H. (BO) CALLAWAY
Chairman, GOPAC
Since 1987, Howard H. (BO) Callaway has generously given of
his time to serve as the Chairman of GOPAC. He and his wife,
Beth, are GOPAC Charter Members.
A fifth generation Georgian, born on April 2, 1927, in
LeGrange, Georgia, Bo Callaway married the former Elizabeth
Walton, and together they have raised five children, and now have
16 grandchildren.
After graduating from the U.S. Military Academy at West
Point in 1949, he served as a Lieutenant in the U.S. Army
Infantry from 1949 to 1951, a Platoon Leader in Korea, and in
instructor in Tactics at Fort Benning, Georgia from 1951-52. He
was decorated with the Combat Infantry Badge, three Campaign
Ribbons, and the Republic of Korea Presidential Unit Citation.
Bo returned to Georgia to run his family business, Callaway
Gardens, and now serves as Chairman of the Board of Trustees of
the Ida Cason Callaway Foundation.
In 1965, Bo was elected as a Member of the U.S. Congress
from the Third District in the State of Georgia, and he was the
Republican nominee for Governor of Georgia in 1966.
From 1970 to 1973, he served as Vice Chairman of the
Republican National Committee.
Bo served as Secretary of the Army under the Nixon and Ford
Administrations from 1973 to 1975, and was the recipient of the
Medal of Distinguished Public Service from the Department of
Defense in 1975.
He managed President Ford's Presidential campaign in
1975-76.
In 1970, Bo purchased and further developed the Crested
Butte Mountain Ski Resort in Colorado.
Always active in politics, Bo was a candidate for U.S.
Senate in Colorado in 1980, served as Chairman of the Colorado
Republican Committee from 1981 to 1987, and was active in the
1988 Bush Presidential Campaign.
In early 1991, Bo was appointed by President Bush to serve
as a Commissioner on the Defense Base Closure and Realignment
Commission.
Bo serves on the Board of Directors of various nationwide
corporations, has made numerous philanthropic contributions and
social commitments, and enjoys memberships in the World Business
Council (serving as International President in 1986), and the
Chief Executives' Organization.
8-91
FRI
17:48
GOPAC
P.04
11/08/91
11:40
6414 457 8599
WINDWAY CAPITAL +++ GOPAC
002/004
MARY STEWART SIMPSON KOHLER
PERSONAL AND CIVIC HISTORY
Born - Rockford, IL 1929
Bachelor of Science, University of Wisconsin - 1950 in Geology
Paleontology, cum laude.
January, 1981 married to Terry Kohler
Four sons, ages 24 - 40.
Resident of Wisconsin since 1964
Public Affairs, The Vollrath Co., 1983 through 1988
Public Affairs, Windway Capital 1989 to present.
ECOLOGICAL ACTIVITIES
Delegate Winnebago County, Illinois to State of Illinois
Conservancy school, Fox Lake, Illinois, 1945.
Teacher, Naturalist at Riveredge Nature Center 1970-1984.
Board of Riveredge Nature Center 1971-1975.
Volunteer Assistant, Milwaukee Public Museum - 1973-1977.
Milwaukee Public Museum Dinosaur Dig - 1978-81-83-84-85.
Set up outdoor education program at Wilson Avenue Grade School,
Mequon, Wisconsin and subsequently in two other Mequon
grade schools. Trained mothers to be teacher/naturalists
in this program 1975-79.
Board Member, The Nature Conservancy, Wisconsin Chapter 1976-79.
Organized and taught ecology classes, summers 1977-86 at Pine
Lake, Rusk County, Wisconsin.
Crane Count in China for International Crane Foundation Jan. 1987.
REPUBLICAN ACTIVITIES
Chairman of the county chairmen (3rd Vice-Chairman Republican Party
of Wisconsin) 1979-81.
Chairman of Republican Party of Ozaukee County 1977-79.
Vice-Chairman, Ozaukee County, 2 terms 1973-77.
Ozaukee County Executive Committee - 1971-83.
Ozaukee Membership co-chairman 1971.
Newsletter Editor, ozaukee 1971-80.
Steering Committees for TFW, Hermening and Keller for Assembly -
1986.
Campaign Chairman, Keller for Assembly 1984.
Campaign Manager, Kohler for senate, 1980.
Campaign Chairman, Vollrath for Assembly, 1979.
Wisconsin Commitment, 1980 Honorary Chairman
Reagan campaigns, 1976, 1980, 1984.
Campaign Committee, Dave Opitz 1979, 1980
Jim Sensenbrenner, 1978, 1980
Ozaukee Unit of Republican Women, Campaign Chairman 1977 - present.
Sheboygan Women's Republican Club, Delegate to National Convention,
1981, 1985.
Co-Chrm., GOPAC Gavel Club, 1991
MISCELLANEOUS
Board of Trustees and Treasurer, Nashotah House, Nashotah, WI
(Episcopal Church)
Chairman, coastal Management Council
Chairman, Wisconsin Women's Council
Board of Directors, Rockford Institute, Rockford, IL
Coalitions for Wisconsin, Co-Chrm.
Nov- 8-91 FRI 17:49 GOPAC
P.05
11/08/91
11:40
5414 457 8599
WINDWAY CAPITAL +++ GOPAC
003/004
November 8, 1991
BIOGRAPHY OF TERRY J. KOHLER
Terry Kohler, 57, of Brule, Wisconsin, is President of Windway
Capital Corp., a holding company with multiple subsidiaries:
Subsidiary
Field
Position
North sails Group, Inc.
Sailboat racing sails
Chairman
The Vollrath co., Inc.
Food service smallwares
Board member
Vollrath Group, Inc.
Medical patient care
Chairman
Mr. Kohler was associated with The Vollrath Co. for 26 years,
holding position of Chairman and CEO prior to its reorganization in
January, 1989, when Windway Capital Corp., the holding company, was
formed.
Terry is a graduate of Admiral Farragut Academy in New Jersey. In
1955 he joined the U.S. Air Force and was trained as a jet fighter
pilot. He then spent three years as a B-47 combat crew member
pilot, and was discharged from the Strategic Air Command in 1959
with the rank of Captain.
Three years later, he graduated from the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology (MIT) with a Bachelor of Science degree in Industrial
Management. Terry earned his Master of science degree in
Industrial Management a year later in 1963 from the Alfred P. Sloan
school of Management at MIT. His thesis and research were in the
area of business application of large scale computers in smaller
companies.
In addition to teaching computer programming as a faculty assistant
at MIT, he has taught Production Management at U.W. Appleton, and
was the first Business Executive in Residence at Lakeland College
in the '70's.
Terry Kohler is also an outdoor sports enthusiast. He spent 6
years on the National Ski Patrol and is a member of the
Experimental Aircraft Association (EAA), the Aircraft Owners and
Pilots Association (AOPA), Riveredge Nature Center, a life member
of Ducks Unlimited and the National Rifle Association and serves on
the Ice Age Park & Trail Foundation Board of Directors. He is &
past Commodore of the Lake Michigan sail Racing Federation. He
also defended the Canada's Cup for the U.S. in 1978, sailing his
boat, the Agape'. In two successive years (1984 and 1985) was
first in his section in the Chicago Mackinac.
NOV- 8-91 FRI 17:49 GOPAC
P.06
11/08/91 11:41 6414 487 8599
WINDWAY CAPITAL ->- GOPAC
004/004
He is a member of the Economics Club of sheboygan and past Finance
Chairman of the Republican Party of Wisconsin. In 1980, Mr. Kohler
ran second to Bob Kasten in the Wisconsin four-way primary for the
United States Senate. Kasten went on to defeat Gaylord Nelson and
become the Senator. In 1982, Mr. Kohler was the Republican
Candidate for Governor of Wisconsin. Mr. Kohler's father, Walter
J. Kohler, Jr. was Governor of Wisconsin from 1951 to 1957. His
grandfather, Walter J. Kohler, also served as Governor from 1929 to
1931.
Mr. Kohler is married to Mary simpson Kohler. Between them they
have 7 children, all grown. He is a member of Grace Episcopal
Church in sheboygan, Wisconsin.
Mr. Kohler has been active in the efforts of the nationwide
Republican Committee, GOPAC and presently is c0-chairman with his
wife, Mary, of the Gavel Club, organized as a part of the GOPAC
project, Change Congress Nowl
Business Address: 630 Riverfront Dr., suite #200
Sheboygan, WI 53081
Phone: 414/457-8601
Fax: 414/457-8599
Mail Address:
P.O. Box 897
Sheboygan, WI 53082-0897
Home Address:
P.O. Box 52
Brule, WI 54820
NOV- 8-91 FRI 17:50 GOPAC
P.07
GOPAC
Charter Member Meeting
November 11th and 12th 1991
The Willard Intercontinental Hotel
Attendance List
ANDERSON, RAY
LAGRANGE, GEORGIA
BERG, GAYLE AND AL
MELVILLE, NEW YORK
BOWER, ERIKA
WASHINGTON, D.C.
BOWER, SOOK
CORONADO, CALIFORNIA
BOYER, BRIAN
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
BRENNAN, DAVID
AKRON, OHIO
BURKE, MURPH AND JOHN
MILWAUKEE, WISCONSIN
CALLAWAY, BETH AND BO
DENVER, COLORADO
CAMPBELL, TONY
THOMASVILLE, GEORGIA
CASON, JULIE AND KENNY
DALLAS, TEXAS
CHESTER, CHIPS
WASHINGTON, D.C.
CRONK, DAN
DALLAS, TEXAS
CROUSE, TERESA AND DAVID
LAKE FOREST, ILLINOIS
DENSON, JIM
WASHINGTON, D.C.
DUCHOSSOIS, DICK
ARLINGTON HEIGHTS, IL
ETEMAD, ANGELA AND MEHRAN
GREAT FALLS, VIRGINIA
FERNANDEZ, MARY ELLEN AND WALDEMAR
COMMACK, NEW YORK
FERNANDEZ, MELISSA
COMMACK, NEW YORK
FISHER, WHITNEY
CINCINNATI, OHIO
FLANNAGAN, ANGELA AND BRIAN
NEW YORK, NEW YORK
FLOWERS, BILL
THOMASVILLE, GEORGIA
FRENCH, TIM
BETHESDA, MARYLAND
FUTCHIK, MARY AND LARRY
GREAT FALLS; VIRGINIA
GAINES, LAURA
PALM BEACH, FLORIDA
GAINES, RALPH
PALM BEACH, FLORIDA
GAINES, STANLEY
PALM BEACH, FLORIDA
GAMMON, TOM
TYSONS CORNER, VIRGINIA
GINGRICH, JACKIE SUE
ATLANTA, GEORGIA
GINGRICH, MARIANNE AND NEWT
JONESBORO, GEORGIA
GELATT, PHILIP
SPARTA, WISCONSIN
GERBER, PATTI
NEW YORK, NEW YORK
GRUNDEN, JOHN AND MARC
FAYETTE, GEORGIA
HAIG, CHRISTOPHER
HONOLULU, HAWAII
HANNA, SALLY AND FRANK
MARIETTA, GEORGIA
HARRINGTON, ELLIE AND CHARLIE
WILMINGTON, DELAWARE
HADEN, FRED
FAIRFAX, VIRGINIA
HOSKINS, BETTE AND BILL
KANSAS CITY, MISSOURI
NOV- 8-91 FRI 17:51 GOPAC
P.08
JOHNSON, PAT AND BUTCH
HAYWARD, WISCONSIN
KERSHAW, TOM
BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS
KOHLER, MARY AND TERRY
SHEBOYGAN, WISCONSIN
LANIER, BETTY AND SMITH
WEST POINT, GEORGIA
LAWRENCE, TORI AND JIM
ALMA, CALIFORNIA
LEE, LADONNA AND BILL
ARLINGTON, VIRGINIA
LOOMIS, GINY AND LEE
BLUFTON, SOUTH CAROLINA
LUBBERS, KATHY AND PAUL
GREENSBORO, NC
MacNEIL, SANDY
BAYSIDE, WISCONSIN
MAHE, EDDIE
WASHINGTON, D.C.
MANOR, JANIS AND MIKE
DALLAS, TEXAS
MARK, SUSAN AND MORRIS
NEW YORK, NEW YORK
McCORMACK, JOHN
HOUSTON, TEXAS
McLAUGHLIN, CAROLYN AND GEORGE
LAKE FOREST, ILLINOIS
McMULLIAN, AMOS
THOMASVILLE, GEORGIA
MILLER, CORBIN
NEW YORK, NEW YORK
MURPHY, JOANN AND JOE
NEW YORK, NEW YORK
MURRAY, MARY AND GLENN
GRASS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA
NAFTZGER, PAULINE
BEVERLY HILLS, CA
NOBLE, BEN
DALLAS, TEXAS
OGDEN, EMIL
COLLEGE STATION, TEXAS
OWEN, GUS
ALISO VIEJO, CALIFORNIA
PORTMANN, SHAWN
TIERRA VERDE, CALIFORNIA
PRESSLEY, ADRIAN AND JIMMY
ATLANTA, GEORGIA
PURSELL, CHRIS AND JIM
SYLACAUGA, ALABAMA
REYNOLDS, PERCY
WASHINGTON, D.C.
RIVA SALETA, LUIS
CINCINNATI, OHIO
ROBERTS, SUSAN AND OWEN
BELLEAIR BLUFFS, FLORIDA
RYAN, LYNN AND JACK
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
SACHER, RUTH AND FRED
GRASS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA
SAWYER, GEORGE
FORT FAIRFIELD, MAINE
SCHINE, BERNDT
NEWPORT BEACH, CA
SCHWAN, DELORES AND MARVIN
MARSHALL, MINNESOTA
SCHWAN, MARK
MARSHALL, MINNESOTA
SEIDMAN, GLORIA AND IRVING
ROSLYN HEIGHTS, NY
SIEWERT, MIRIAM AND DAN
ATLANTA, GEORGIA
SMITH, PETER
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
STUMBERG, SHIRLEY AND BERT
ATLANTA, GEORGIA
SWILLINGER, DAN
WASHINGTON, D.C.
TALBOT, JANE AND TOM
PORTAGE, WISCONSIN
TEICH, LOIS AND BUDDY
MAMARONECK, NEW YORK
UNGER, PHYLLIS AND BOB
GREAT NECK, NEW YORK
WEINER, RAYNA AND ED
JONESBORO, GEORGIA
WHELAN, JOHN
INDIANAPOLIS, INDIANA
WINSHIP, PATRICIA
ATLANTA, GEORGIA
WOLFE, TOM
BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS
NOV- 8-91 FRI 17:51 GOPAC
P.09
WRIGHT, BENSON
CINCINNATI, OHIO
WRIGHT, CAROLYN AND CREIGHTON
CINCINNATI, OHIO
WRIGHT, CREIGHTON Jr.
CINCINNATI, OHIO
ZELLI, ELAINE AND KAMRAN
GREAT FALLS, VIRGINIA
ZYLA, MARK
ATLANTA, GEORGIA
GOPAC Staff
Judy Barrett
Tony Moonis
Jana Rodgers
Stefanie Behrends
Todd Moore
Mary Stiles
Jeff Eisenach
Kirk Murray
Laura Stotz
Candy Fox
Stacey Oswalt
Cherie Sveiven
Joe Gaylord
Pier Parisio
Kathleen Taylor
Jill Herndon
Jennie Plona
Tracy Tone
Barry Hutchinson
Kay Riddle
June Weiss
NOV-11-91 MON 15:36 GOPAC
P.01
GOPAC
THE NATIONAL
440 FIRST STREET
NEWT GINGRICH
GRASS-ROOTS
NORTHWEST
GENERAL CHAIRMAN
ORGANIZATION
SUITE 400
BUILDING
WASHINGTON, D.C.
HOWARD H. CALLAWAY
REPUBLICAN
20001
CHAIRMAN
LEADERS FOR
AMERICA'S
PHONE (202) 484-2282
FUTURE
FAX (202) 783-3306
GOPAC
LAURA C. STOTZ
POLITICAL SERVICES DIRECTOR
440 1st ST. N.W. SUITE 400. WASHINGTON. D.C. 20001
PHONE (202) 484-2282
FAX (202) 783-3300
TELECOPY TRANSMISSION
COVER SHEET
To:
Christina Mostin
Date:
11/11/91
Total Number of Pages:
3
Comments:
Pes help. as discussion. Thanks a million For yar
Authorized and paid for by GOPAC on recycled paper
NOV-11-91 MON 15:37 GOPAC
P.02
GOPAC Charter Meeting Victory Celebration
All winning candidates in Mississippi, New Jersey and Virginia to whom GOPAC contributed were invited to attend. Six New
Jersey and twenty-two Virginia candidates are present. Charter Members can identify legislators in the audience by the black
stars on their nametags.
Congressman-elect George Allen from Virginia's Seventh District is a guest of honor.
Joe Elton, Executive Director of the Republican Party of Virginia, is here with two senior members of his staff. Together Joe
and Tom Morgan developed the extremely effective Wilder Index strategy discussed this morning in the political presentation.
Steve Haner, Executive Director of Virginia's Joint Republican Caucus, is widely respected throughout the state for his
campaign expertise. He and his staff gave help and advice to every candidate in the field. Steve also provided tremendous
assistance with the GOPAC program, including sponsorship of video training workshops.
New Jersey Senator-Elect
Andrew Ciesla
Brick (Dist. 10)
60%
New Jersey Assemblymen-Elect
(Note: In N.J. Assembly elections, the two candidates receiving the highest vote percentages win.)
Paul DiGaetano
Passaic (Dist. 36)
30%
David Wolfe
Point Pleasant (Dist. 10)
31%
Barbara Wright
Plainsboro (Dist. 14)
38%
Ginny Haines
Tom's River (Dist. 10)
32%
Rose Marie Heck
Hasbrouck Heights (Dist. 38)
29%
Virginia Senators-Elect
Warren Barry
Springfield (Dist. 37)
61%
Clerk of the Circuit Court, Fairfax County.
Brandon Bell
Roanoake (Dist. 21)
54%
Defeated Granger Macfarlane / Wilder Index of 83%.
Fred Quayle
Virginia Beach (Dist. 13)
52%
Attended GOPAC video training workshop.
Defeated Johnny Joannou / Wilder Index of 100%.,
Ed Robb
Charlottesville (Dist. 25)
51%
Attended GOPAC video training workshop.
Defeated Tom Michie / Wilder Index of 83%.
NOV-11-91 MON 15:37 GOPAC
P.03
Ken Stolle
Virginia Beach (Dist. 8)
54%
Defeated Sonny Stallings / Wilder Index of 78%.
Walter Stosch
Richmond (Dist. 12)
76%
Open seat election. Opponent was Charlotte Armstrong.
Del. Jane Woods
Fairfax (Dist. 34)
52%
Jane has a Wilder Index of 33% versus her opponent Emilie
Miller's Wilder Index of 82%. GOPAC supported Jane in
her House of Delegates race in 1989. This hotly-contested
race played an important role in the Republican sweep in
Fairfax.
Virginia Delegates-Elect
Eric Cantor
Richmond (Dist. 73)
u/o
Del. Randy Forbes
Chesapeake (Dist. 78)
u/o
Del. Frank Hargrove
Glen Allen (Dist. 55)
u/o
Del. Bob Harris
Fairfax (Dist. 37)
55%
Riley Ingram
Hopewell (Dist. 62)
54%
Defeated Wesley Jones / Wilder Index of 83%
Bob Marshall
Manassas (Dist. 13)
58%
Roger McClure
Centreville (Dist. 67)
58%
Bob McDonnell
Virginia Beach (Dist. 84)
53%
Defeated Glenn McClanan / Wilder Index of 73%.
Steve Newman
Lynchburg (Dist. 23)
54%
Jay O'Brien
Clifton (Dist. 40)
56%
Del. Harry Parrish
Manassas (Dist. 50)
u/o
Wilder Index 25%
Panny Rhodes
Richmond (Dist. 68)
69%
Linda Rollins
Leesburg (Dist. 33)
61%
Dave Sanders
McLean (Dist. 53)
50%
Frank Wagner
Virginia Beach (Dist. 21)
62%