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Asia Society 11/12/91 [OA 8317] [3]
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Asia Society 11/12/91 [OA 8317] [3]
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Records of the White House Office of Speechwriting (George H. W. Bush Administration)
Speech Backup Chronological Files
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Originally Processed With FOIA(s):
FOIA Number:
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S
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MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
Library Staff.
Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting, White House Office of
Series:
Speech File Backup Files
Subseries:
Chron File, 1989-1993
OA/ID Number:
13780
Folder ID Number:
13780-003
Folder Title:
Asia Society 11/12/91 [OA 8317] [3]
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Section:
Shelf:
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G
26
21
7
5
policy
Fall 1991
Number 58
$4.50
Conservatism's Growing Pains
Edwin J. Feulner Jr.
Why Communism Failed
Adam Meyerson
Is Japan Our Enemy?
Seth Cropsey
Reclaiming the Culture
Heather S. Richardson
Canada's Patient Patients
Edmund F. Haislmaier
Food Fight on Capitol Hill
Robert Rector
The Loneliness of the Black Conservative
Clarence Thomas
13
0
74470 65831
3
UNCLE SAMURAI
America's Military Alliance with Japan
SETH CROPSEY
T
here were no aftershocks of alarm in Tokyo when
leaders, meanwhile, should hold fast to the American
Iraq invaded Kuwait a year ago. The Japanese, who rely
military umbrella by contributing to its technological and
on Middle Eastern imports for two-thirds of their energy,
financial support as actively and greatly as possible.
figured that oil is oil, and that it would find its way to
market whether or not Kuwait was a sovereign nation.
The Scorch of the Rising Sun
The land of the rising sun lay low.
The Asian solar system has a binary star for its center.
Bush administration requests for Japan's assistance in
China, the primary sun, has the greatest mass. It and the
transporting troops to the Persian Gulf aboard chartered
smaller Japanese star revolve around one another, affect-
airplanes elicited no response from Prime Minister
ing with their combined gravitational force the move-
Toshiki Kaifu's anxious cabinet, and polite refusals from
ment and rotation of all the lesser Asian planets.
both Japan Airlines and All-Nippon Air. By early Septem-
Beginning with the last quarter of the 19th century,
ber, however, the issue could not be avoided. U.S.
Japan's pull has been so strong that it is impossible to
Secretary of the Treasury Nicholas Brady arrived in
discuss Asian security relationships without noting how
Tokyo to ask Kaifu to provide frontline countries in the
the Japanese have altered everyone else's paths. This is
Gulf and the U.S.-led coalition with $4 billion in assis-
especially true in Asia where, owing perhaps to the
tance. Japan began to realize that the nations arrayed
unusual antiquity of its recorded events or the deep
against Saddam Hussein were watching its response to
animosity between its peoples, history is remembered in
the growing crisis very carefully.
detail and called upon routinely as a lesson for the future.
Eventually, Japan contributed $14 billion to Opera-
For its neighbors, Japan's obvious historical fact is its
tion Desert Storm, and after the war was over, it sent
aggression.
four naval vessels to the Persian Gulf to help clear mines.
Closer to Japan than any other neighbor, Korea was
Meanwhile, Japan's Asian neighbors shifted about un-
the first Asian country to encounter an aggressively hos-
comfortably at the thought of Japanese involvement
tile Japan. Intending to pass through and invade China,
once again in significant events beyond its borders. The
Hideyoshi Toyotomi, a 16th-century warlord attacked
political debate that occurred in Japan over what its role
Korea in 1592 and again five years later.
should be as a contributing member of the responsible
As the 19th century drew to a close, Japan resumed
international community continues today. As the
its active interest in Korea. Japanese policy successfully
preeminent Pacific power, as Japan's largest trading
edged out Chinese claims, and then by warfare in 1905,
partner, and as its effective military protector, there is
Russian control over the Korean Peninsula. When Japan
no nation with a keener interest in the outcome of that
decided soon after to bypass formalities and govern
debate than the United States.
Korea directly, the subjugated people rose up. Japanese
The United States and Japan have a common interest
forces put their villages to the torch and killed 12,000
in maintaining the current military partnership. From it
Koreans in a year.
Japan derives the principal source of its security, the
Japan annexed Korea in 1910 and moved quickly to
umbrella of U.S. military force deployed in the western
erase Koreans' sense of their nationhood. Newspapers
Pacific. The United States, meanwhile, gets a base in
were banned, schools closed, history rewritten, and
Japan for protecting American influence in a region of
Japanese treaties substituted for Korean ones. Occasional
the world whose importance will increase with time.
demonstrations against Japanese rule, such as the peace-
America's superior, and Japan's subordinate, role in this
ful one that took place when the old Emperor Kojong
security partnership are essential to the regional and
global peace that both nations seek. As such, U.S. policy-
SETH CROPSEY, director of The Heritage Foundation's Asian
makers should resist isolationist and budget-driven pres-
Studies Center, was deputy undersecretary of the Navy from 1984
sures to diminish American influence in Asia. Japan's
to 1989.
24
Policy
died in 1919, were answered with club, bullet, and hand-
cuff. In Seoul, 6,000 demonstrators were killed, 15,000
wounded, and 50,000 arrested.
For the next three-and-a-half decades until the end of
World War II, Japan ruled Korea with increasing severity,
enforcing worship of the Japanese Shinto religion, en-
ding primary school instruction in the Korean language,
and forcibly assigning nearly 5.5 million laborers to help
support Japan's war effort.
"Bestial Machinery"
In late summer 1931 Japan overwhelmed Manchuria,
a province of China in which elements of the Japanese
army had been stationed since defeating the Russians in
1905. Initiating their military campaign with a manufac-
tured provocation, Japanese soldiers attacked Chinese
troops in the city of Mukden. Japan's forces in China,
known as the Kwantung Army, then conquered all of
Manchuria and several thousand square miles of neigh-
boring inner Mongolia before the year was out.
A skirmish between Chinese and Japanese forces near
Beijing in July 1937 led immediately to general warfare.
By August the fighting had reached Shanghai. In Decem-
ber the Kwantung Army advanced up the Yangtze river
valley and captured Nanjing, the Chinese capital.
Japanese military commanders were determined to
discourage military and civilian opponents alike from
any thought of resistance. They turned Nanjing into a
charnel house, killing 200,000 civilians and prisoners of
war in the first six weeks of occupation. Japanese military
authorities failed to discipline their forces who looted
and burned what could not be raped or slaughtered.
Nazi Germany's ambassador to China cabled home
describing the Japanese army as "bestial machinery."
The sharp gears of this violent instrument were
engaged again as Japan turned it upon the Philippines.
Japanese aircraft operating from bases on Formosa
struck at American military targets on Luzon within
hours of the Imperial Navy's attack on Pearl Harbor.
Library of Congress
After General MacArthur was forced to leave Corregidor
in early March 1942, Japanese occupation closed upon
Japan has been a bulwark against Soviet
the Philippines like a fist. The conquerors' policy was
aggression in the Pacific.
direct: exploit the land for resources to aid Japan's
overall war effort.
treatment. The collective effect of this memory
The Japanese military unleashed its characteristic
forecloses any possibility in the immediate future that
ruthlessness. A special unit of the Imperial Army's
Japan could peacefully assume a significant military posi-
military police known as the Kempei Tai was responsible
tion in Asia.
for upholding law and order in the immediate vicinity
of its bases. Individual accounts of those who survived
Asian Powderkeg
the Kempei Tai tell of the random shooting (and burial
Japan's enormous national wealth, unsurpassed
alive) of children, incineration of live victims' sexual
manufacturing capability, technological prowess, and
organs, beatings with baseball bats, the burning of
personal industriousness would likely produce, if har-
prisoners lashed to a rotating spit, and other forms of
nessed, an exceptionally well-organized military armed
torture that are unprintable.
to the hilt with the most advanced equipment. Yet
When Manila fell in March 1945 the Japanese naval
Japanese rearmament would cause such upheaval
defense commander, Rear Admiral Sanji Iwabuchi, gave
throughout the rest of Asia that it is almost certainly not
orders for retreat that resulted in the beheading, rape,
in Japan's own interests.
and shooting of numerous Filipinos who had thus far
Were Japan seriously to embark upon a major plan to
survived.
rebuild their national defenses today, other Asian
Japan's armed forces stalked across Asia duplicating
countries that have already been occupied in ambitious
this record. Singapore, Hong Kong, Malaya-there is
armament programs for the last decade would redouble
hardly a country in the region that escaped the harsh
their efforts. A hot market in weapons would be trans-
Fall 1991
25
Ships of the World
Japan's neighbors shifted uncomfortably as Japan sent four ships to the Persian Gulf
to clear mines after Operation Desert Storm.
formed into a furnace. The apprehension caused by a
missiles (ICBMs) and aircraft carriers, which are deemed
remilitarizing Japan would be further sharpened by the
offensive. Under this strict interpretation Japan has not,
Bush administration's continuing reductions in
until this past spring, deployed any armed forces outside
American military strength, especially its intention an-
its borders. It has forsworn the right of collective defense,
nounced in 1990 to decrease' troop levels in Asia from
i.e., coming to the aid of allies under attack, and has
135,000 to 120,000 by 1993. Asia would become a pow-
steadfastly refused to export weapons-to anyone.
derkeg as Koreans, Chinese, and other Asians fear a
Japan's defense budget of $30 billion is comparable
resurgence of Japan as the region's preeminent military
to those of Britain, France, and Germany, but small
power.
relative to its GNP and its global economic importance
Tempting as the prospect of a Japan wholly respon-
and interests. It is also deliberately unassuming. Reject-
sible for its own defense is to those in the United States
ing even the slightest appearance of military ostentation,
who would slash the Defense Department or spend its
the Japanese Self Defense Force (SDF) does not speak
budget on domestic priorities, it is not an option so long
of its component parts as an army, navy, and air force,
as a stable Asia that can go on creating wealth while it
choosing instead to call them the ground, maritime, and
moves toward democracy remains, as it should, the U.S.'s
air self defense forces (GSDF, MSDF, ASDF). Together
overall policy goal for the region. Nor would rearmament
they number about 249,000 active-duty troops, a little
be practical for the Japanese.
larger than the total active and reserve strength of the
Because Japan also remembers. Since its absolute
United States' smallest military service, the Marine
defeat at the end of World War II, Japan has eschewed
Corps.
arms as passionately as it once embraced them. Article
With 156,000 men, the GSDF is the largest component
Nine of Japan's constitution, enacted in November 1946,
of Japan's military. It fields one armored and 12 infantry
"forever renounce[s] war as a sovereign right of the
divisions, and would constitute the nation's final defense
nation and the threat or use of force as a means of
against a successful invasion of Japanese soil. The MSDF
settling international disputes."
and ASDF divide the other 93,000 troops equally in
Successive Japanese governments have interpreted
carrying out their defensive missions. Roughly one-third
the article to allow national possession of only those
of the ASDF's 365 combat aircraft are committed to the
weapons that are minimally necessary for self-defense.
support of ground troops, with the balance assigned to
Excluded are such weapons as intercontinental ballistic
defending Japanese airspace. The MSDF is built around
26
a core of surface warships and submarines. Its principal
self-effort that would have destabilized all of Asia, the
mission is to defend the sea-lanes through which Japan's
United States has gained power and influence in the
vital commercial shipping passes up to 1,000 miles from
western Pacific while deterring war with the Soviets, and
the mainland.
the world has been a safer place. The relationship has
Beyond the 1,000-mile boundary, the U.S. Seventh
been mutually-and universally-beneficial.
Fleet, which is homeported in Yokosuka, Japan, along
with its premier capital ship, the aircraft carrier USS
Still a Bear Not to Cross
Independence, assumes responsibility for patrolling the
It is extremely important to remember that while the
vast waters of the North Pacific and keeping open the
climate between the United States and the Soviet Union
sea lines of communication that link Japan with much
is more temperate now than ever, Soviet capabilities in
of the rest of the world.
the Far East have kept expanding as though this sea-
change had taken place in an undiscovered ocean. Both
Japan's Strategic Value
the intentions and capabilities of a potential opponent
Japan has benefited richly from the United States'
must be weighed when trying to peer into the future.
defensive umbrella since the end of World War II.
Intentions can change over a night or two. Capabilities
Released from the burden of acquiring a military com-
take years to develop. Since President Gorbachev as-
mensurate with their dependence on the seas for delivery
sumed power the Soviets have continued to modernize
of raw materials and export of finished goods, the
their forces in their Far Eastern theater.
Japanese have stood out among the free nations in the
Although the Defense Department expects overall
relative puniness of their defense budgets. It was, for
reductions in the number of Soviet tanks deployed in
example, only in 1987 that Japan reversed a decision
the Far Eastern theater, modern and more powerful
made 11 years earlier by Prime Minister Takeo Miki's
models such as the T-80, T-72, and upgraded T-72 will
cabinet to keep defense spending below 1 percent of
replace many of the older ones. As a result, firepower
gross national product. In terms of GNP, this is by far
will be retained. The same is true for tactical air forces.
the smallest of the 20 top defense budgets in the world.
As older planes are withdrawn, new models such as the
The yen saved may have contributed to the Japanese
Su-24 Fencer-E and MIG-29 Fulcrum will preserve com-
economy's position as the second largest in the world.
bat capabilities. The addition of some newer aircraft, like
But the use of Japan as an American base roughly 200
the Su-27 Flanker will provide Soviet commanders with
miles off the eastern coast of the Soviet Union has been
a long-range escort role that will actually increase the
of incalculable strategic value to the United States
threat to Japan and the U.S. forces based there.
throughout the Cold War, and is certain to remain so
Similarly, the fighting capability of Soviet Pacific Fleet
unless some great event divides the two nations.
surface forces is expected to grow significantly
Since 1905, when the Russians were defeated in their
throughout the 1990s. The Defense Department es-
war with Japan, Moscow has been unable to turn its
timates that surface-to-surface missile capacity aboard
complete attention to Europe, serene in the knowledge
Soviet warships will increase by 100 percent, surface-to-air
that its easternmost Asian approaches were secure. Over
the years, Kremlin rulers may also have recalled that the
Japanese troops who landed at Vladivostok in December
1917 were the first of many sent by foreign powers to
Japanese rearmament would
crush the Bolshevik Revolution. Japan did not act out of
a fear of Communism; the chance to seize territory at
cause such upheaval
fire-sale prices was simply irresistible.
As tensions grew with China in the 1950s, Soviet
throughout the rest of Asia
anxiety heightened. By the 1980s the very low-technology
threat of mainland China's People's Liberation Army
that it is almost certainly not
(PLA) had tied up as many as 50 Soviet divisions at a
time in Asia.
in Japan's own interests.
Qualitatively superior to that of the PLA, the U.S.
presence in Japan has had a similar effect on Moscow.
To keep the Soviets from concentrating their attention
on Europe and to hold before them the daunting
missiles by 50 percent, and the number of ships with
prospect of a two-front war, the United States could not
long-range anti-submarine warfare weapons by 40 per-
have asked for a more favorable position than that
cent. With the addition of the ability to project power
offered by the main Japanese islands. They sit con-
ashore to this swelling armada, the Soviet Pacific Fleet is
veniently across the Sea of Japan from Vladivostok,
predicted to increase its capacity to transport amphibious
which is the eastern terminus of the Trans-Siberian
troops from the current level of 50 percent of the naval
Railway, the Soviets' chief warm water port, and the
infantry (marines) assigned to the fleet, to 80 percent
logistical center of the Soviet Union's Far Eastern theater
by the year 2000.
of military operations. The presence of major U.S. armed
Still, there have been cutbacks in the Soviets' Asia-
forces at the USSR's back door speaks to the Kremlin in
based ground forces. Symbolic ones were announced in
a clear and powerful language that needs no translation.
April 1991 when President Gorbachev visited Tokyo and
Japan's security thus has been assured without the
declared his intention to reduce the military division
Fall 1991
27
based on the contested Kurile Islands by one-third. The
Japanese nationals employed on U.S. bases grew by 176
rest of the 325,000 troops in the Far Eastern theater,
percent. Japan's level of support is today far greater than
according to Soviet figures, who are focused on Japan
that of any other nation that is host to U.S. armed forces.
and U.S. forces in Asia, remain where they were.
By 1995 Japan has promised to pay 73 percent of the
The real reductions in the Soviets' Asian forces have
total cost of the U.S. military presence on Japanese soil,
come from their army divisions facing China from which,
minus the salaries of U.S. armed forces personnel and
since 1988, nearly 120,000 troops have been withdrawn.
civilian Defense Department employees.
Leaving aside speculation about what opportunities Beij-
Japan has also increased active defense cooperation
ing thinks the Soviet withdrawal may have unearthed for
with the United States. In 1983 at the request of the
them, practical-minded Japanese are wise to note, as one
Reagan administration, Prime Minister Yasuhiro
defense expert did this past June, that "If the Soviets say
Nakasone's government reexamined Japan's Three Prin-
their Far Eastern forces are not focused on the Chinese,
ciples on Arms Export, which, since their declaration in
then there are only the Japanese and the U.S. left."
1967, had effectively prevented the sale abroad of any
Signs that Moscow's interest in Japan and the Far East
equipment remotely connected with military technology.
is not restricted to the old regime were plain last spring.
Nakasone waived the rules exclusively for the United
Mikhail Gorbachev's rival, Russian Republic President
States, allowing transfer of military technologies for naval
Boris Yeltsin, and no friend of the Soviet Imperium,
and selected surface-to-air missile application.
effectively claimed the Kurile Islands as Russian territory.
Other gauges record similar progress. Among all na-
On the eve of Gorbachev's historic trip to Japan, Yeltsin
tions, Japan is second only to Turkey in the amount by
warned him not to cut any deal with the Japanese without
which its government increased total defense spending
first obtaining the Russian Republic's approval.
during the 1970s and '80s. From 1971 to 1989 Japan's
Japanese defense officials are appropriately wary. In
defense budget grew by 165 percent (the United States
their 1991 annual White Paper, Japan's Defense Agency
by comparison increased its defense spending during the
called the situation in the Soviet Union "still unpre-
same period by 20.5 percent).
dictable and untransparent." Their skepticism is justified
both by the Soviets' continued arms buildup in the Far
Undesired Guest
East, and by their response to the Conventional Forces
Kokusai-koken is shorthand for Japan's still-to-be-
in Europe (CFE) agreement Moscow signed with
defined contribution to the emerging world order. The
Washington last November. Required to decrease force
Gulf War helped concentrate the attention of Japanese
levels in Europe, the Soviets simply transported an enor-
leaders on the question. American policy-makers should
mous quantity of weapons east of the Ural mountains.
anticipate and debate the issue seeking to guide its
Those weapons can be shipped further east.
resolution.
For the United States the first principle is to maintain
Providing for Common Defense
American influence in the western Pacific and Asia. The
In fact, Japan's appreciation of the Soviet threat has
forward-based units of the American military are essen-
long been sound. It is reflected not only by the efforts
tial for U.S. leverage, and the bases Japan provides and
mentioned above at self-defense, and the gradually ac-
helps to provision are still central to America's military
presence in the region. So long as Moscow retains power-
ful armed forces capable of seriously threatening vital
U.S. interests around the world, American sailors,
Japan's defense budget of $30
marines, soldiers, and pilots should remain in Japan as
a strategic reminder to Kremlin leaders of their vul-
billion is comparable to those
nerability to a second front. Moreover, the Soviets are
still modernizing their military capabilities in the Far
of Britain, France, and
East. U.S. forces in Japan offer the strongest bulwark in
the region against that expanding threat.
Germany, but small relative to
The second reason for preserving the U.S. defense
relationship with Tokyo is economic. Japan is the heart
GNP.
of the Asian market that holds the fastest-growing and
most dynamic economies in the world, and to which the
center of international trade is shifting from the North
Atlantic. As America's commerce with Asia grows, so does
celerating percentage of GNP Japanese leaders have
its interest in Asian stability. U.S. forces based in Japan
devoted to the military budget, but by Tokyo's record of
assure that stability, first by protecting Japan, and second,
growing financial support over the years for U.S. troops
by saving Tokyo the military exertions that would agitate
based in Japan, and by several other important but
other nations in the region. The rotating presence of
generally unknown facts.
the Yokosuka-based Seventh Fleet throughout Asia offers
Between 1985 and 1989, and under steady diplomatic
genuine hope for that quarter of the world's continued
pressure, Japanese payments for facilities and equipment
prosperity and its eventual progress toward democracy.
on U.S. bases rose by 45 percent. During the same period
The foundation on which U.S. military presence in
Tokyo's annual payments for items such as water,
Japan rests is sound. Both nations benefit greatly. The
electricity, construction, and a part of the salaries of
fact that Japan now recognizes the need to increase its
28
participation in shaping international events dovetails
with American popular opinion that Japan should as-
sume an even greater share of responsibility for its own
defense. It should not be regarded as the first step in a
reverse march of history.
Today, Japanese energies are absorbed commercially.
Japan's military occupies a place in society much like the
presence at a rich banquet of an unimportant and vague-
ly undesired guest. Recruiting is difficult. This year one-
fifth of the National Defense Academy's graduating class
turned down commissions, largely to accept more lucra-
tive offers in business. Prestige is low; it was only after
Noburu Takeshita became prime minister in November
1987 that military officers were once again allowed to
wear their uniforms in the chief of government's office.
And, the military's voice within the government carries
little weight. In fact they are represented by the Finance
Ministry, and have no direct control over budget
decisions.
In short, while the chance of a relapse into the war-
rior-dominated society that precipitated Japan's behavior
in the decades before and during World War II cannot
be dismissed, signs of it are scant. Kokusai-koken should
be welcomed by the United States as an opportunity to
encourage Tokyo to expand its contribution to our
Reuters/Bettmann Newsphotos
mutual security.
Getting Japan to See It That Way
Aircraft carrier USS Enterprise off Okinawa. Japanese
That will require persuasion. In a recent poll of
bases are central to America's military presence in Asia.
Japanese corporate leaders, 75 percent believed that the
Gulf War forced Japan to consider the extent of its
much, and perhaps more, from the U.S. ability to protect
cooperation with the United Nations. Only 35 percent
international order. For the United States, though, with
thought that the issue raised had been the nature of the
Soviet aggressiveness in remission, Moscow is more likely
U.S.-Japan relationship. Japanese politicians and intel-
to pose a regional than a global threat. The emphasis
lectuals have reacted similarly. Those who favor a more
on Japan's strategic value has shifted from the
active role in the world have focused on measures such
geographic to a mixture of technological and economic.
as mediating Third World disputes, using foreign aid as
Japan's technology with military application, its in-
a more effective lever to advance peace, and stepping up
dustrial prowess, and its wealth will become the chief
participation in internationally sanctioned peace-keep-
benefits to the United States of our mutual security
ing operations.
relationship.
These initiatives can be useful, but they are bound to
That shift alters slightly the balance of the security
have a marginal effect on immediate dangers to peace:
relationship between the two nations, giving a United
rulers such as Saddam Hussein or North Korea's Kim Il
States relieved of having to cope with the Soviets' most
Sung. Nor can such economic or diplomatic measures
troublesome aggressiveness a slight edge over a Japan
protect Japan from the fallout of more distant interna-
that must still face the localized reality of Moscow's
tional explosions: a possible cataclysmic splintering of
well-armed forces. As much as Washington would like to
the Soviet Union, major civil unrest in China, atomic
draw upon Tokyo's know-how and wealth, Japan has a
exchanges in the sub-continent or the Middle East, or
more urgent requirement for America's defensive
nuclear blackmail as powerful weapons and the means
umbrella.
to deliver them proliferate.
U.S. policy-makers should remember that fact as
As a great commercial power, Japan has to prevent
debate over the future of the U.S.-Japan security
the turmoil in marketplaces and unavoidable disruption
relationship takes shape. The leverage it offers should
in seagoing commerce that such upheavals would cause.
not be wielded to threaten Japan with termination of
Japan's clearest foreign policy interest is in continued
U.S. defensive protection, but rather to build upon and
international stability. The most dependable guarantor
strengthen the framework of the relationship that al-
of that equilibrium is U.S. willingness to lead other
ready exists between the two nations.
nations in coalition efforts like Desert Storm or, if neces-
sary, to act by itself. And that fact links the former basis
Greater Burden-Sharing
of the U.S.-Japan security relationship with its future.
One part of that structure that has already been
Where the foundation of the relationship was once
improved almost as much as possible is Japan's direct
the common need to guard against potential Soviet
financial support for U.S. forces based on its soil. Here
aggression, Japan in the future stands to gain just as
and there a significant U.S. expense can still be identified
Fall 1991
29
UPI/Bettmann
Fifty years after Pearl Harbor, the United States and Japan are close friends with common defense interests.
that the Japanese could reasonably be expected to pay.
Seventh Fleet aircraft carrier battle groups. Because it is
One such example is the 5.3 million barrels of ship fuel
likelier to produce results quickly, the Bush administra-
the Seventh Fleet burned last year and which cost
tion should step up its efforts quietly to persuade
American taxpayers roughly $200 million.
Japanese politicians to pass legislation that would allow
The Japanese should divide that bill equally with the
the SDF to conduct joint operations with the United
United States. But the list of military expenses Tokyo
States.
does not share with the United States is finite, and close
A far more profitable area for cooperation, however,
to exhaustion. It cannot be lengthened without changing
and one in which there are tremendous possibilities for
fundamentally the idea of burden-sharing, and that
growth is technology. The Japanese government's 1983
would have a negative effect. For the foreseeable future,
decision to allow the export of military technology to the
the current of Japanese pacifism will run strong, not
United States creates the potential for increased
dictating the country's foreign and defense policies, but
availability of leading-edge technologies, significantly
certainly influencing them. Any agreement Japan could
reduced production costs, and substantial decreases in
make to recompense the United States for defense costs
the long intervals the Pentagon routinely experiences
beyond those that clearly apply to Japan would inevitably
between the completion of research and development
foul and probably diminish the defense relationship
for weapons systems and their actual production.
between the two nations.
There are today three committees, staffed by
A small yet fertile and untilled field that offers more
American and Japanese officials, that are working to
opportunities for Japan to increase its level of support is
reach agreements on the transfer of advanced Japanese
in operations alongside the U.S. military. ,To note a
military technologies to the United States, and another
couple of examples, Japanese naval supply ships could
two that would move selected U.S. technologies in the
help reprovision U.S. naval vessels, and Japanese com-
opposite direction. Gaining access to Japanese excel-
mand-and-control aircraft could work together with
lence in technology that greatly improves a missile's
30
ability to locate and destroy its target, in certain areas of
the human building blocks of a massive technological
magnetic field research, and for ceramics used to
project like SDI, abound in Japanese society. Their
strengthen and lighten internal combustion engines are
talents have already been indicated by the award of
the U.S. objectives in these discussions. In their dealings
contracts let by the U.S. Defense Department's Strategic
with Japanese officials, the Defense Department should
Defense Initiative Organization (SDIO) to Japanese cor-
elevate the importance of reaching timely agreements
porations in areas such as superconductivity and mag-
that produce meaningful, tangible results.
netic field technology. And, of course, Japan has the
wealth to shoulder a large portion of this burden.
SDI Cooperation
Persuading Japan that it has the interest to do so
The United States should expand considerably the
should be the object of the Bush administration. Easing
scope of this effort so that the entire spectrum of Japan's
that task is the suitability of SDI, a defensive weapon, to
applicable manufacturing industry is brought to bear in
Japan's constitutional limitations, its experienced aver-
support of the armed forces that protect both nations.
sion to nuclear attack, and its nearly total vulnerability
Japanese commercial successes in micro-processing,
to the ballistic missile-borne weapons of mass destruction
electro-optics, and advanced steel technologies, to name
a few, can and should be harnessed to serve the interests
of both nations by improving the combat capabilities of
the U.S. military.
SDI cooperation is suitable
More to the point, the United States should con-
solidate in one office of the Department of Defense
for Japan's constitutional
responsibility for all government efforts to identify and
then negotiate with Japan to obtain technologies that
limitations and its
could substantially improve U.S. combat capabilities.
Right now that effort is diffuse. In the Defense Depart-
vulnerability to nuclear attack.
ment, for example, officials of the Defense Security
Assistance Agency, the Defense Technology Security Ad-
ministration, and in the undersecretary for Acquisition's
office are all involved. At the Departments of State and
Commerce efforts are also underway to draw upon
that will before long find their way into more and more
Japan's technological skills. The issue is important today
hands.
and will surely grow enough in the future to deserve the
Complicating the task of convincing the Japanese will
concentrated energies of the arm of government respon-
be their urge to turn to the checkbook when threatened.
sible for defense.
Tokyo's recent discussions with the North Koreans over
Finally, and most important, Japan's industry and
possible reparations from World War II are a good
wealth should become a primary engine in the effort to
example. They come at a time when Pyongyang is
build an effective space-based defense against ballistic
probably trying to complete plans for the production of
missiles. Then-Prime Minister Nakasone laid the
nuclear weapons. A fundamental issue in the U.S.-Japan
groundwork for such cooperation with his 1986 agree-
security relationship's future is not whether Japan will
ment to participate in SDI research. Fleshing it out to
remilitarize, but whether it chooses to become an active,
produce real, practical results should be accomplished
influential participant in shaping world events. Can this
as soon as feasible.
powerful ally resist the temptation to employ the wealth
Japan's ability to play a major role in the development
that is the source of its power to solicit neutral nations
and production of SDI is plain. The research laboratories
and placate hostile ones? The United States must agree
of the nation's great manufacturing corporations labor
upon the means, and then persuade Japan to employ
smoothly and efficiently alongside the production
them in demonstrating its confidence that working
facilities they support. Both respond speedily to decisions
together with friends is the straightest path to mutual
taken by the central government in Tokyo. Engineers,
security.
Fall 1991
31
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Extra
1ST STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1991 The Times Mirror Company;
Los Angeles Times
October 21, 1991, Monday, Home Edition
SECTION: Business; Part D; Page 1; Column 2; Financial Desk
LENGTH: 2134 words
HEADLINE: ASIA SEEKS LEADING ROLE IN PACIFIC'S DESTINY;
TRADE: THE MALAYSIAN PRIME MINISTER'S PROPOSAL FOR AN ECONOMIC CONSORTIUM RAISES
FEARS THAT IT WOULD SHED TRADITIONAL VALUES OF OPEN MARKETS.
SERIES: SECOND OF TWO PARTS
BYLINE: By KARL SCHOENBERGER, TIMES STAFF WRITER
DATELINE: WASHINGTON
BODY:
Whose destiny is it to lead the Pacific into the 21st Century?
Pundits are asking that question with increasing frequency, wringing their
hands over the decline of Pax Americana, fretting about Japan's dream of the
Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere and postulating about how the two great
Pacific powers might balance their interests in a lasting partnership.
But the future may be decided by the followers, not the leaders, as East
Asian nations examine the common values and interests that bind them into a
regional entity.
Worries are rising that Europe's economic integration and North America's
proposed free-trade agreement will divide the globe into protectionist trade
blocs, stifling Asia's export-driven economic growth. A number of countries are
thinking seriously about circling their wagons.
Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohammed has proposed creating an economic
consortium aimed at providing political leverage and counterbalancing the two
groups in the West. Provocatively, the United States, Canada and Australia were
excluded, while Japan was clearly incorporated into the plan.
The idea met initial skepticism, but Mahathir's group appears to be taking on
a life of its own. China endorsed it. Malaysia's Southeast Asian neighbors are
increasingly supportive. Japan is privately intrigued.
Yet the proposal raises the contentious question of how to define common
interests in the broader Asia-Pacific region. The Bush Administration recoils at
the idea of an exclusive Asian trading club, fearing the loss of influence over
the fundamental principles that guide economic behavior.
Despite claims to the contrary, U.S. officials say, Mahathir's proposed East
Asian Economic Group (EAEG) could --- in a worst-case-scenario -- develop into a
protectionist bloc prone to shedding traditional values of open markets. The
obvious tendency would be to emulate the Japanese model of development through
industrial policy, managed trade and mercantilism, a model that draws
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(c) 1991 Los Angeles Times, October 21, 1991
vociferous complaints of unfairness from the West.
In the very least, discussion of an exclusive Asian trade grouping
underscores America's economic decline and formalizes Japan's ascendence as the
dominant power in the region.
"The EAEG proposal is perhaps the first time after World War II in which a
leadership role in East Asia is handed to Japan on a silver platter by another
Asian country," observed Hadi Soesastro, an Indonesian scholar, at a seminar in
Mexico City in February.
In response, U.S. officials are promoting a different vision of Asia's
economic future, one that involves continued economic integration and economic
cooperation across the Pacific and a resolute commitment to free markets.
The likely vehicle to advance that cause would be a loosely defined
association established two years ago in Canberra, Australia, calling itself the
Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC). It gathers government officials from
12 countries, including the United States and Australia, mainly for research.
So far APEC has been formless, toothless and directionless, its critics say.
But U.S. officials expect the annual APEC ministerial meeting in Seoul, South
Korea, next month to mark the beginning of a more vigorous stage of APEC's
development. The three Chinas -- Hong Kong, Taiwan and the People's Republic -
are going to be admitted, and Soviet observers are expected to attend.
"Our goal is to get all these countries into the camp of open markets rather
than see them take the Japanese approach of more managed trade," said a U.S.
official, requesting anonymity.
Developing East Asia, after a decade of phenomenal economic growth, is not as
pliant as it once was. Mahathir is the voice of dissatisfaction, asking whether
the American ideology of open markets and liberal democracy must be the norm or
whether Asia should be allowed its own way of doing things.
"Today, individuals in some developed countries consider it their right to
tell us how to rule our country," Mahathir said in a speech late last month
before the United Nations General Assembly. "If we don't heed them, they
consider it their right to destroy our economy, impoverish our people and even
overthrow our governments."
Mahathir warned of the potential for a sinister, neocolonial "New World
Order," and he pointed to "powerful trade blocs" that would demand "voluntary
restraints" -- an apparent reference to the EC's recent automobile import quota
agreement with Japan.
He also articulated the dilemma of conflicted identities and divided
loyalties for developing East Asia.
"We are told that we may not call ourselves East Asians as Europeans call
themselves Europeans and as Americans call themselves Americans," Mahathir said.
"We are told we must call ourselves Pacific people and align ourselves with
people who are only partly Pacific, but more American, Atlantic and European."
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Mahathir may be grandstanding to the Third World, but he appears to be
hitting a responsive chord in some parts of East Asia. He proposed the EAEG at a
banquet for China's Premier Li Peng, who was visiting the Malaysian capital of
Kuala Lumpur last December. China, caught up in a battle to retain most favored
nation status with the United States, wasted no time in endorsing the EAEG plan.
The foreign ministers of the Assn. of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN),
meeting in July, declared that they would "further examine and advance" the
proposal. ASEAN's economic ministers met earlier this month and proposed a
softer alternative to Mahathir's group, calling it a "caucus." They also revived
an old idea of creating an ASEAN free-trade zone, setting a timetable of 15
years for completion. ASEAN's position on the trade bloc issue won't be entirely
clear until the group holds its next summit in January.
Japan, meanwhile, remains officially skeptical, diplomatically echoing U.S.
concerns about exclusivity. But privately, Japanese officials are sympathetic.
Bureaucrats at the Ministry of International Trade and Industry, engineers of
the industrial policy that resurrected the Japanese economy after World War II,
are reportedly smacking their lips at the plan.
"You have to look at the Japanese behavior in terms of Victorian behavior,"
said Juanjai Ajanant, professor at the University of Toronto and a former high
government official in Thailand. "What they do, they do in the dark."
Proponents of the EAEG grouping say it will be committed to open markets and
free trade. Noordin Sopiee, director of Malaysia's Institute of Strategic and
International Studies, an influential think tank, defended the basic concept in
the New Straits Times in August.
"There must be no attempt to create a fortress East Asia
There must be
no attempt to create a trade bloc," he wrote.
But laissez faire economics isn't necessarily on the agenda. Sopiee suggests
that EAEG may attempt to "harmonize" regional industrial policies and, in
effect, draw up blueprints that would rationalize the divisions of labor across
a set of economies.
"The choice before us in the region is whether we sit back and let nature
take its course, or do we intervene to help the process of increasing
interdependence along," Sopiee wrote.
Such intervention would be a dream come true for the Japanese Ministry of
International Trade and Industry planners, who have for years tried to
orchestrate Japanese penetration into the region with commercially oriented
foreign aid, infrastructure projects and direct foreign investment aimed at
stratifying industrial production.
David Arase, assistant professor of government at Pomona College, said the
notion of coordinating industrial policies through a forum like EAEG would be
tantamount to "integrating Asia under Japanese industrial policy."
"Tokyo controls things from the top by controlling investment and technology
and access to its own markets," Arase said.
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To be sure, Japanese economic dominance is already well established in the
region, but barriers to a more formal economic association with Japan remain
formidable.
Japan's trade surplus with its Asian trading partners has been rising
sharply, creating a strained atmosphere. Massive direct investment in the region
since the yen nearly doubled in value five years ago has caused concern. And
memories of Japan's wartime atrocities remain rooted in the minds of the older
generation.
Rapid economic growth, much of it related in some way to Japanese investment,
has spread the wealth, however, and the Japanese are no longer openly reviled as
"economic animals," exploiting the region.
When Emperor Akihito broke precedent recently and took an historic tour of
Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia, the news was that there was no news. The son
of Hirohito, in whose name Asia suffered tragically, was cordially received.
Japan has opened its markets to Asia's manufactured goods, not just its
resources. Still, economists doubt that it can replace the U.S. market as the
engine of growth in the region. The United States took nearly one-fourth of East
Asia's exports last year, as opposed to Japan's 15% share. The ratio of
manufactured goods to total imports from developing Asia remains significantly
higher for the U.S. market.
Alienating the United States at the expense of building an exclusive house of
Asian interests, as Mahathir proposes, echoes ironically back to Imperial
Japan's World War II battle cry of "Asia for the Asiatics."
"East Asia has come of age," Sopiee, the Malaysian analyst, concluded in his
article. "And the logic of East Asian dynamism, interdependence and cooperation
cannot be denied."
That may be so, but a showdown seems in store over where to draw the lines on
the map.
Does burgeoning East Asia share economic interests with its North American
trading partners that would place it naturally into a pan-Pacific community? Why
can't the sleepier economies of Australia and New Zealand be part of the family?
And does it matter, after all, to American business?
Richard Drobnick, director of USC's International Business Education and
Research program, thinks so, and he advised business executives to keep an eye
on trends in regionalism in a speech earlier this year.
"The Pacific Rim's regional structure does affect business strategies in
terms of decisions about where to focus marketing efforts, where to locate
production, who to seek as strategic alliance partners and subcontractors, and
how to attract, train and retain key employees," Drobnick said.
But monitoring developments across the vast and vague region is a daunting
task.
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"Are we really entering a Pacific century, and will there ever be a natural
feeling of community in the Pacific Rim?" asked James Clad, a senior associate
at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. "My feeling is that we're
light years away."
Competing Trade Blocs
There are competing visions of economic cooperation in the Pacific. Two
organizations -- one fledgling, the other not yet formally established -- are
possibly headed for a showdown, a contest for future economic agenda-setting in
the Asia-Pacific region. One group, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation,
includes the United States and embraces traditional free-trade principles; the
other, the East Asia Economic Group proposed by the Malaysian prime minister,
excludes the Americans, the Australians and the Canadians and looks toward Japan
as the model for development.
Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
(15 members)
1 Australia
2 Brunei
3 Canada
4 (China) *
5 (Hong Kong)*
6 Indonesia
7 Japan
8 S. Korea
9 Malaysia
10 New Zealand
11 Philippines
12 Singapore
13 (Taiwan)* *
14 Thailand
15 United States
East Asia Economic Group
(11 prospective members)
Brunei
China
Hong Kong
Indonesia
Japan
S. Korea
Malaysia
Philippines
Singapore
Taiwan
Thailand
Economic Growth in Asia
1990 gross domestic product in billions of U.S. dollars (percent increase over
previous year)
Japan: (4.9%) ; $2,963
S. Korea: (8.6%) ; $224
Taiwan: (5.2%) ; $165
Hong Kong: (2.3%) ; $70
Singapore: (8.3%) ; $35
Indonesia: (6.5%) ; $96
Thailand: (12.2%) ; $79
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(c) 1991 Los Angeles Times, October 21, 1991
Malaysia: (8.5%); $43
Source: The Heritage Foundation "U.S. and Asia Statistical Handbook"
Asia Export Dependence on the U.S. Market
Despite Japan's economic penetration and domination in Asia, the United
States still plays a key role as the largest single market for Asian exports.
That is one argument against a trade bloc that would exclude the United States
and other Pacific nations such as Australia and Canada.
1990 Exorts to U.S. and Japan as a percentage of total exports
U.S. Share: United States imports about 23% on average.
Japan's Share: Japan imports about 15% on average.
Source: The Heritage Foundation "U.S. and Asia Statistical Handbook"
GRAPHIC: Map, Competing Trade Blocs, JAMES OWENS / Los Angeles Times; Chart,
Competing Trade Blocs, JAMES OWENS / Los Angeles Times; Chart, Asia Export
Dependence on the U.S. Market, JAMES OWNES / Los Angeles Times
TYPE: Series; List
SUBJECT: PACIFIC RIM NATIONS -- BUSINESS; PACIFIC RIM NATIONS -- TRADE; EAST
ASIA -- ECONOMY; EAST ASIA -- TRADE; PARTNERSHIPS; FUTURE; JAPAN -- TRADE;
MAHATHIR MOHAMMED; EAST ASIAN ECONOMIC GROUP; ASIA PACIFIC ECONOMIC COOPERATION;
INDUSTRIAL POLICY; PROTECTIONISM; REGIONALISM
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12TH STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1989 Kyodo News Service
APRIL 14, 1989, FRIDAY
LENGTH: 445 words
HEADLINE: U.S. LAWMAKERS URGE BUSH TO CREATE PACIFIC BASIN FORUM
DATELINE: WASHINGTON, APRIL 13
BODY:
KEY U.S. LEGISLATORS INTRODUCED RESOLUTIONS THURSDAY, URGING PRESIDENT GEORGE
BUSH TO ESTABLISH A PACIFIC BASIN FORUM TO PROMOTE FREE TRADE EASE MILITARY
TENSIONS IN THE REGION.
SEN. ALAN CRANSTON, CHAIRMAN OF THE SENATE SUBCOMMITTEE ON EAST ASIAN AND
PACIFIC AFFAIRS, SAID AT A NEWS CONFERENCE, 'WE BELIEVE IT'S TIME FOR AMERICA TO
SHOW IMAGINATION IN ADDRESSING CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES IN THE PACIFIC.'
'WE NEED DIPLOMATIC INITIATIVE,' SAID THE CALIFORNIA DEMOCRAT. 'WE NEED TO
SHOW WE'RE NOT STANDING STILL, NOT JUST A STATUS QUO POWER.'
INTRODUCED IN BOTH THE SENATE AND THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, THE
RESOLUTIONS STIPULATED THAT THE PROPOSED FORUM SHOULD ARRANGE ANNUAL SUMMIT
MEETINGS OF LEADERS OF THE U.S., JAPAN, CHINA, SOUTH KOREA, INDONESIA, THE
PHILIPPINES, MALAYSIA, THAILAND, SINGAPORE, AUSTRALIA, NEW ZEALAND AND CANADA.
THEY ALSO CALLED FOR SETTING UP A PERMANENT SECRETARIAT 'TO PERFORM RESEARCH
AND TO PURSUE DIALOGUE ON LONG-RANGE CONCERNS OF MUTUAL INTEREST IN THE
PACIFIC,' CRANSTON TOLD REPORTERS.
THE BIPARTISAN RESOLUTIONS WERE COSPONSORED BY REPUBLICAN SENS. RICHARD LUGAR
OF INDIANA AND FRANK MURKOWSKI OF ALASKA AND DEMOCRATIC SENS. CHRISTOPHER DODD
OF CONNECTICUT AND BILL BRADLEY OF NEW JERSEY.
IN THE HOUSE, THE PRIME SPONSOR WAS REP. LEL LEVINE, A CALIFORNIA DEMOCRAT,
AND REP. STEPHEN SOLARZ, CHAIRMAN OF THE FOREIGN AFFAIRS SUBCOMMITTEE ON ASIAN
AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS. REP. JIM LEACH OF IOWA JOINED LEVINE IN INTRODUCING THE
RESOLUTION.
'I WANT TO STRESS THAT THE ORGANIZATION IS NOT AGAINST ANYONE,' CRANSTON
SAID. 'IT'S NOT AGAINST EUROPE, NOR IS IT AGAINST COMMUNISM. IT'S DESIGNED TO
HAVE US WORKING TOGETHER TO THE BEST DEGREE POSSIBLE.'
LEVINE SAID, 'THE PACIFIC CENTURY IS NOT MERELY AROUND THE CORNER, IT IS
HERE NOW.'
MURKOWSKI SAID AT THE NEWS CONFERENCE THAT THE PARTICIPATING NATIONS CAN USE
THE FORUM TO ADDRESS SUCH ISSUES AS TRADE BARRIERS, THE SUPER 301 PROVISION OF
THE U.S. OMNIBUS TRADE ACT, RESPONSIBILITY SHARING AND A COMMON DEFENSE.
CRANSTON SAID HE EXPECTS THE FORUM TO BE FORMULATED IN SUCH A WAY AS TO ALLOW
TAIWAN TO GET ITSELF FULLY INVOLVED IN THE VENUE.
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HE SAID THAT INITIAL REACTION TO THE FORUM CONCEPT FROM SECRETARY OF STATE
JAMES BAKER AND OTHER GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS HAS BEEN ENCOURAGING.
'HE HAD INDICATED INTEREST, CRANSTON SAID OF BAKER. HE ADDED THAT OTHER
GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS CONSIDER THE FORUM 'A VERY FINE APPROACH.'
'THEY MAY HAVE SOME MODIFICATIONS TO IT BUT THEY LIKE THE CONCEPT VERY, VERY
MUCH,' CRANSTON ADDED.
PRESIDENT BUSH UNDERSCORED THE ROLE OF THE U.S. CAN PLAY AS A PACIFIC POWER
DURING HIS FEBRUARY TRIP TO JAPAN, CHINA AND SOUTH KOREA.
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7TH STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1991 Institutional Investor, Inc.,
Institutional Investor
August, 1991
SECTION: A SPECIAL SPONSORED SECTION; Hawaii; Bridge Between East and West; A
Tradition of Internationalism; Pg. S 16
LENGTH: 815 words
BYLINE: BY KENT KEITH, PRESIDENT OF CHAMINADE UNIVERSITY
BODY:
In 1881, King Kalakawa became the world's first reigning monarch to
circumnavigate the globe, calling on heads of state as he went. During his
reign, he envisioned Hawaii as the leader of a Polynesian political
confederation and dispatched diplomats to that end.
In the years since then, Hawaii's leaders have worked to make Hawaii an
international center for meetings, culture, research and education. Historian
Paul Hooper, in Elusive Destiny: The Internationalist Movement in Modern Hawaii,
concludes that Hawaii's internationalism "is probably the most consistent single
tradition in the modern Hawaiian historical experience."
The tradition initially focused on Hawaii's role in political leadership. Às
the = Pacific Century" dawned in the 1980s, Hawaii's leaders turned their
attention more and more to the state's role in terms of business leadership.
Non-tourist activities in international business are described by veteran Hawaii
journalist A.A. Smyser in his booklet, Hawaii As An East-West Bridge, published
by the East-West Center. Those who see Hawaii as only "sand, surf, and hula
girls," should take a closer look at Hawaii's exciting and extensive
international business activities.
While Hawaii has many international business activities and opportunities,
one that fits especially well with the tradition of internationalism is
international education. For America to succeed in Asia and the Pacific, we
need people who understand the languages, cultures, markets, and governmental
systems of the region. Hawaii is already helping to meet this need.
The resources and activities of Hawaii's universities regarding the
Asian/Pacific region are substantial. The state university, the University of
Hawaii, for example, has between 300 and 400 scholars with expertise in
Asian/Pacific subjects and the broadest Asian curriculum of any university in
the U.S. Next door, the federally-supported East-West Center has an
international staff of 300, and fellowships and scholarships which support the
equivalent of 800 full-time students each year.
Hawaii's private colleges and universities are also committed to
internationalism. Chaminade University, for one, offers a Master's degree in
Japanese Business Studies which has attracted students from 20 countries. The
course includes intensive Japanese language training, as well as courses on
Japanese culture, marketing and management and internships in Japan with
companies like Nippon Telegraph and Telephone, the world's largest company in
terms of market value. Hawaii Loa College, at the foot of the Koolau mountain
range, offers a B.A. in Pacific Studies that is unique in the United States,
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as well as majors in Asian Studies, International Relations, and International
Business.
One institution which trains both East and West is the Japan-America
Institute of Management Science (JAIMS) in Hawaii Kai, established by Fujitsu,
Ltd. JAIMS offers programs which prepare American business personnel to work
effectively in Japan and help Japanese business personnel work more effectively
in America. Over 1,500 people have graduated from their academic programs since
1972. Other campuses supported from Japan are Kansai Gaidai Hawaii, Tokyo
Honolulu International College and Tokai University Pacific Center.
Hawaii has the resources and commitment to expand its international education
programs significantly. It also has the right cultural setting. There is no
ethnic or racial majority; all are minorities. The largest group is called
"mixed" or "cosmopolitan," and constitutes 31 percent of the population. The
next largest groups are Caucasian (24 percent), Japanese (23 percent), Filipino
(11 percent) and Chinese (5 percent).
As a multicultural society, Hawaii has something special to offer those
preparing for an international career in the Asia -Pacific arena. It is hard
to measure, but many people who have lived in a multicultural environment are
more at ease with, and more respectful of, cultural and ethnic differences.
They are also more willing to work out a problem or take advantage of an
opportunity within the context of the market or social system in which they find
themselves, rather than trying to impose the system of their own country. I
have had a number of businessmen tell me how pleased they are with the overseas
performance of their employees from Hawaii. They have the right human touch.
They are effective because they can adapt to different cultural conditions.
Since the days of King Kalakaua, Hawaii has sought a role in bringing people
and nations together for increased understanding and cooperation. Hawaii can
fulfill this role in international business by taking advantage of its
geographical location and multicultural character to train and educate
international business people to enhance America's success in the " Pacific
Century.
=
GRAPHIC: Photo 1, Honolulu's expanse and changing skyline is nowhere more
noticeable than at night. Photo 2, Kent Keith; Photo 3, Traditional sports add
to Hawaii's appeal. Photo 4, Airports such as Kahului Airport on Maui help make
Hawaii the leading U.S. gateway to Asia. Graph, NUMBER OF BUSINESS
ESTABLISHMENTS IN HAWAII, Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census County Business
Patterns
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WIT 261
0 mochiu: "The absurdity of un-
"To make out a heron to be a crow.") This witty saying describes an
an ox-butchering knife to split a
unreasonable person's method of arguing just to make a point.
musket to kill a butterfly.
Saru no suiren: "To do something that is unnatural." (Lit., "The
allerpt
writ
with a big wife." (Lit., "A flealike
swimming of a monkey.") Since the monkey lives in trees it is not
asir
ed that the female flea was much
fit for him to swim.
Seiten no hekireki: "A sudden surprise." (Lit., "A thunderclap
ads
hness of unnecessary effort." (Lit.,
from the blue sky.") This is a direct translation of the English "A
g curtain.") Small shops such as
bolt from the blue."
shops which front the street often
Sendō ōku shite fune yama ni noboru: "Too many sailors drive
ns hanging before the entrance,
the boat up the mountain." English parallel: Too many cooks spoil
with no effort as he enters. Ob-
the broth.
he used much muscular effort in
Shirami no kawa wo yari de sogu yo: "Unnecessary effort for a
small result." (Lit., "Like slicing off the skin of a louse with a spear.")
ith a shop curtain." This figure
English parallel: To kill a fly with a long spear.
hich a man has to work with or
Sora no mitsu no rōka: furō-ka, terō-ka, kumorō-ka: "In the sky
there are three halls: ("rōka")-Will it rain? ("furõ-ka?") Will it
ng that is unavailing." (Lit., "To
clear up? ("tero-ka?") Will it become cloudy? ("kumorō-ka?") The
parallel: Water on a duck's back.
word "roka" means "a hall," but in the above saying it is used as a
is "To gain without work." (Lit.,
pun by forming the ending of three verbs dealing with the weather.
This expression is used when a
Much of Japanese wit consists of a play on words with the same
ie unexpectedly and with no spe-
sound but different meanings.
e money with a wet finger.
Suppon to o-tsuki sama hodo chigau: "As different as can be."
ashi: "It lacks perfection." (Lit.,
(Lit., "As different as the snapping turtle from the moon.") English
sleeve-tie.") Since a perfect thing
parallel: As different as chalk from cheese.
: best we can get. This expression
Suzume no namida: "A very small quantity." (Lit., "A spar-
fe. English parallel: Too much
row's tears.") See "Ka no namida," "A mosquito's tears," p. 257.
Taka no atta suzume no yo: "Like a sparrow meeting a hawk."
ter or curry favor with a person."
This describes a man or an animal meeting and becoming overawed
on's beard.") I have seen geisha
by an enemy of much greater strength.
ly and wealthy man with whom
Taizan meidō-shite nezumi ippiki: "Much fuss with small re-
sults." (Lit., "A great mountain rumbles and brings forth only one
(Lit., "A dragon's head and a
mouse!") English parallel: Much ado about nothing.
lied to a grand beginning and a
Tana kara botamochi: "An unexpected piece of good luck." (Lit.,
up like a rocket and come down
"A bean-jam rice cake from the shelf!") English parallel: A windfall.
Teki naki ni ya wo hanatsu: "A warlike operation with no ob-
"To argue unreasonably." (Lit.,
jective." (Lit., "To let fly an arrow where there is no enemy.")
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15TH STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) The Bureau of National Affairs, Inc., 1991
BNA INTERNATIONAL TRADE DAILY
Oct. 21, 1991
LENGTH: 894 words
Export Controls
HOUSE FOREIGN AFFAIRS APPROVES BILL EASING
CURBS ON EXPORTS TO U.S.S.R., OTHER NATIONS
WASHINGTON (BNA) -- The House Foreign Affairs Committee Oct. 17 approved
a two-year reauthorization for U.S. export controls, including amendments to
ease restrictions on sales of telecommunications equipment to the Soviet
Union and to remove Poland, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia from the list of
proscribed countries for industrial exports.
The extension of the Export Administration Act through March 1, 1993
includes an amendment providing for tighter multilateral restrictions on
exports of nuclear-weapons-related equipment and technology and stiff
sanctions against companies or countries facilitating the spread of such
weapons.
The bill (HR 3489), introduced by Rep. Sam Gejdenson (D-Conn), is similar
to legislation (HR 4653) approved by Congress last year but vetoed by
President Bush in November. It was amended and approved by the House Foreign
Affairs Subcommittee on International Economic Policy and Trade Oct. 1. A
similar bill (S 320) was adopted by the Senate earlier this year.
U.S. officials, speaking at a committee meeting called to approve HR 3489,
said that the administration continues to oppose several elements of the
bill, including the nuclear-weapons-related provision.
Other amendments adopted by the committee include those introduced by
Reps. Wayne Owens (D-Utah) allowing the president to extend similar
export-control treatment to the Soviet republic of Armenia as offered under
the bill to the newly independent Baltic states; John Miller (R-Wash)
establishing a set of human rights guidelines for U.S. businesses operating
in China; Toby Roth (R-Wis) making U.S. pre-licensing changes in computer
specifications under the bill subject to approval by the 17-nation
Coordinating Committee on Multilateral Export Controls (COCOM); and Edward F.
Feighan (D-Ohio) increasing the maximum civil penalty for violating the
provisions of the bill from $100,000 to $250,000.
Approved earlier, at a brief meeting of the committee Oct. 10, was an en
bloc amendment offered by Gejdenson which, among other things, would lift
U.S. controls on exports to Poland, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia of so-called
dual-use industrial items but not of nuclear- and munitions-related equipment
and technology. Dual-use items can be used for either civilian or military
purposes.
The Gejdenson amendment would also eliminate a provision of the original
bill which would have required the State Department to review license
requests for exports of chemical and biological agents. The amendment,
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moreover, would oblige the administration to propose to COCOM excluding
missile-related equipment and technology from coverage under the license-free
zone now being established for COCOM member countries.
Nuclear Amendment
Rep. Howard Wolpe (D-Mich), who introduced the nuclear-related amendment
to the bill, said that the experience of Iraq has demonstrated that tougher
U.S. export controls will not, in themselves, be sufficient to solve the
problem of nuclear proliferation.
At the committee hearing, Wolpe said that a "glaring loophole" in U.S.
nuclear proliferation law conditions exports of nuclear fuel or reactors on
strict international safeguards and a formal nuclear cooperation agreement
but allows exports of nuclear components and transfers of nuclear technology
the same requirements.
"That's a loophole big enough to drive a nuclear weapons through," Wolpe
said, adding that the amendment he sponsored would close the loophole and
promote a more effective multilateral proliferation control regime.
However, Gardner Peck, deputy assistant secretary of state for legislative
affairs, told the committee that the administration opposes the amendment on
the grounds that it would hinder U.S. cooperation with other supplier
countries, including the Soviet Union. He said that the administration also
objects to the amendment because it would unilaterally impose new
requirements--beyond U.S. law or non-proliferation policy--on all countries.
Concerning exports of telecommunications equipment, Gejdenson said that he
was attempting to address concerns raised by the administration by limiting
the application of his amendment to the Soviet Union as well as the level of
technology to that already cleared for export to China. The original bill
would have lifted controls on telecommuncations exports to the Soviet Union
to the same level as that granted to Poland, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia.
The act governing U.S. export controls--the Export Administration
Act--expired last September, but restrictions on U.S. exports have been
maintained under the International Economic Powers Act since then (7 ITR
1500, 10/3/90).
An amendment introduced by Rep. Mel Levine (D-Calif), which would have
urged President Bush to ban all exports to Syria, was withdrawn after Rep.
Lee H. Hamilton (D-Ind) raised objections to the "timing" of the measure
given sensitive diplomatic discussions now under way, he said, over Syrian
participation in a Middle East peace conference and the hostage situation.
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AUG-10-91 MON 14:41 POSITIVE-INK
W
4. Promotion of Asian political leadership
There are nearly 8 million Asian Facific islanders in the U.S.
Yet, we have only one Japanese senator and one Hawaii Senator and fou
Japanese Congress members. There is not even one Chinese in the Congr
You all must work very hard to put up more elected members in the Co
You are doing rather well with the appointed officers. Since
have become the President, I have more than one hundred Asians to top
position in my administration. I have appointed Asian Under Secretary
Transportation, Ambassador to Nepal, Chairman of Commission on Future
Trade, Person to myScience Advisory Council, members to key boards an
Commission. I am happy to announce that (so & so )has been appointed
.) next year is the 500 years anniversary of Christop
Columbus discovery of America. In order to commemorate the historical
occasion, Congress has established the Christopher Columbus Quincenta
Jublee Compission. I am happy tdannounce that I have the intention to
nominate or appoint $0 and so to be a member of the Columbus Commissio
to join with other planning the celebration ofthis historical event.
5. Family Values as n anti-crime weapon
Asian Pacific islanders works very hard. They are loyal American cit
They honor their tradition and uphold their heritage. They put special
emphasis on family value. The recent celebration of his ninetyOs birth
by Generak Chang Hsueh-liang with his family of fourgenerations in Ca
is a vivid exemple of Chinese family value. The respect of elders and
honoring of parents are the cardinal social principal of the Asian cu
which commands the chilfen or younger persons to behavor well. We An
have much to learn from this Asian tradtion.
AUG-10-91 MON 14:40 POSITIVE-INK
P.02
suggested points for President's speach
at the Asian American Event
1. Extention of MFN and Human Rights in China
China ought to be given another year of extention of MFN without
conditions. Any conditions will be rejected by China and will hurt
China's pride. Rejectionof an extention will hurt Americans business
in China, the 300 American companies in Hongkong that are counting on
doing business with China. It will hurt the billion trade with
China by American companies and will hurt TaiwanOs economy that
rely upon China's law materials, cheap labors, and needs of investments.
However, China is still showing very poorly in human rights area.
I have noted the rehabilitation of three high officials who wereinvolved
in the civil rights movement on June 4th and released a number of
student leaders who demanded democracy. yet, there are still many
student leaders such as Wang Dan and aboutseveral hudred peaceful
demonstrators on June 4th still in the prison. The world issconcernd
about these people.
2. Treatment of Asian Immigrants
There are three problems in this area. Although Congress has increase
the number of Asians being allowed into the U.S. annually by one-thi
the U. S. embassies and American consulate abroad, particularly in
China, Taiwan and Hongkong are very reluctant togrant visas. Even
reluctant to grant student visas to bona fida students coming to the
the United States. Chinese civil rights watchers reported that there
are about 50,000 Chinese who have relatives who petitioned thier cor.
tothe United States. I will give order to our foreign mission abroad
instructing them not inconveniencing relatives and siplings of Ameri
citizens and other bona fida students who are seeking visas to the L
The same thing will go with the tourists, businessmEn AND Investors.
Secondly, upon arring at U.S. Port of entry, our immigration inspect
often given them a hard time in questioning them. This fact GIves t!
a feeling of unwelcome. Thirdly, the investigation of permanent resid
who are waiting for a citizenship hearing takes too long a time and
felt being intimidated. I will instruct the Immigration director to
move casesfast.
3. Promotion of Asian political leadership
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LEVEL 1 - - 3 OF 61 STORIES
The Xinhua General Overseas News Service
The materials in the Xinhua file were compiled by The Xinhua News Agency. These
materials may not be republished without the express written consent of The
Xinhua News Agency.
JUNE 5, 1991, WEDNESDAY
LENGTH: 265 words
HEADLINE: shanghai branch of citibank starts business
DATELINE: shanghai, june 5; ITEM NO: 0605193
BODY:
the u.s.-owned citibank opened its shanghai branch today, which is the first
U.S. bank branch set up in the city so far. richard S. braddock, general
director of citibank, said in his speech at the opening ceremony that china is
rapidly improving its economy, which is clearly represented in many fields
ranging from increased merchandise trade to the growth of the gross national
product. he said that even more encouraging is president bush's intention to
extend the most favored nation ( mfn) status to china, recognizing mfn as
The Xinhua General Overseas News Service, JUNE 5, 1991
the cornerstone of relations between our two countries. he expressed his
appreciation for china's reform and opening policies, saying that citibank
values its relationship with china very much and looks forward to expanding its
role in facilitating china's economic development. citibank owns the most fixed
assets of all U.S. banks. in 1990 the value of its fixed assets amounted to
216.986 billion U.S. dollars. the bank has set up branches or agencies in more
than 90 countries. to date, the bank has set up two branches and two agencies
in china, namely the branches in shenzhen and shanghai and the agencies in
beijing and xiamen. in 1987, citibank helped raise money for shanghai's key
construction projects on behalf of the shanghai branch of people's construction
bank of china. the new branch will deal in foreign currency business, including
foreign currency deposits, investments, remittances, export and import accounts,
securities exchanges and other related services. shanghai and eastern china will
comprise its major business area.
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LEVEL 1 - 1 OF 130 STORIES
Copyright (c) 1991 News World Communications Inc.;
The Washington Times
June 6, 1991, Thursday, Final Edition
SECTION: Part G; COMMENTARY; Pg. G4
LENGTH: 826 words
HEADLINE: Numbers getting better for GOP
BYLINE: Donald Lambro; THE WASHINGTON TIMES
BODY:
The economic and political roads to 1992 are quickly merging into a
high-speed, super highway for President Bush and his party.
Indeed, seven months before another presidential campaign year begins, the
economic recovery numbers appear to be slowly destroying the Democrats' case
against the administration with a vengeance.
(c) 1991 The Washington Times, June 6, 1991
Among the key statistics: Personal income and new-home sales increased for
the third straight month in April, suggesting renewed confidence in the economy
and pointing to future increases in durable goods if home sales continue to rise
- as I think they will.
But the best news out of the Commerce Department was a 0.6 percent rise in
the government's leading economic indicators for April - the third straight
increase and the strongest evidence yet that the economic recovery is on its
way.
The department also reported that factory orders rose 1.8 percent in April,
the first time that has happened in six months.
These and other bullish economic indicators have begun to steel the
president's political resolve to attack the Democrats on several strategic
issues and, in the process, score some important points for his party.
Notably, he has begun to go after the Democrats with new aggressiveness on
the Democratic civil rights "quota bill," attacking them for practicing the
"politics of division."
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(c) 1991 The Washington Times, June 6, 1991
"It invites people to litigate, not cooperate," Mr. Bush said in a toughly
worded West Point commencement address. "And this is no way in our country to
promote harmony. And so, let us cast off now the politics of division. Let's
build a society in which people respect each other, work with - not against -
each other.'
Armed with internal GOP polling data showing strong voter disapproval toward
racial hiring quotas, Mr. Bush's quota speech not only represented the early
opening shot of his presidential campaign, it was a preview of his political
strategy: Define the Democrats as the party of quotas and the GOP as the party
of opportunity.
"Some talk not of opportunity, but of redistributing rights," the president
said. He was identifying his party with economic growth and opportunity while
defining the Democrats as the party that seeks to open racial wounds with an
orgy of litigation that will not create a single job or launch a new enterprise.
Although the formal opening of the president's campaign is still many months
away, he has in fact begun the early stages of his de facto campaign against the
Democratic Congress.
(c) 1991 The Washington Times, June 6, 1991
In fact, Mr. Bush appears to be following the advice of several veteran GOP
strategists who are urging him to mount an early and prolonged re-election
campaign to convert his party's growing membership and his high public-approval
ratings into GOP gains in Congress.
Veteran campaign adviser Ed Rollins thinks the president should make the
big-spending, Democratic-controlled Congress the target of a lengthy re-election
drive seeking "a mandate for change in 1992."
In a detailed campaign analysis for the Roper Center for Public Opinion
Research, Mr. Rollins says "coming out of the Rose Garden early poses no real
risk" for Mr. Bush or his party.
"The only risk to the GOP comes from a delayed entry into the political
arena. If voters, including base Republicans, decide that 1992 is a foregone
conclusion, many will stay home," he warns.
But, Mr. Rollins adds, "given the likely depressed state of straight-ticket
Democratic voting, there's a real possibility a strong president-inspired
Republican turnout would pull in victories for House and Senate candidates next
year who would get only 45-49 percent of the vote in an off-year."
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(c) 1991 The Washington Times, June 6, 1991
GOP strategist and pollster Richard Wirthlin also thinks the pro-GOP
political climate of the '90s provides Mr. Bush with a golden opportunity to
convert a landslide re-election into significant gains in both houses of
Congress.
When Mr. Wirthlin was plotting strategy for Ronald Reagan's 1980 election,
his polling showed that a hefty 51 percent of Americans identified themselves as
Democrats and only 28 percent as Republicans.
However, a poll in January showed that the GOP had moved to a 3 percent
advantage over the Democrats in party identification, while a survey in April
showed the parties were virtually even at 43 percent each. Mr. Wirthlin's
polls also showed more than half of all Americans surveyed (57 percent)
considered themselves politically conservative, while only 34 percent labeled
themselves liberal on most issues.
The GOP's sharply increased numbers not only give Mr. Bush a strong
political buffer in 1992 that he did not have in 1988, it gives his party much
larger forces that can make the difference in key congressional races.
Donald Lambro, chief political correspondent of The Washington Times, is a
nationally syndicated columnist.
LEVEL 1 - 8 OF 484 STORIES
Copyright (c) 1991 The Washington Post
May 29, 1991, Wednesday, Final Edition
SECTION: EDITORIAL; PAGE A19
LENGTH: 720 words
HEADLINE: Quotas: The Smoking Gun
SERIES: Occasional
BYLINE: Charles Fried
BODY:
The Kennedy-Hawkins bill (the Civil Rights Act of 1990 and now of 1991) is
supposed to restore the law regarding employer practices that have the
unintended effect of disadvantaging minorities to the state in which it was
before a 1989 Supreme Court decision. It is these "restorative" provisions that
have been criticized as creating powerful pressures on employers to engage in
racially preferential hiring -- in the president's words, it is a "quota bill." =
The bill's fans have responded every time that there is no evidence that
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(c) 1991 The Washington Post, May 29, 1991
employers before 1989 engaged in quota hiring, and 50 the president's misgivings
are dismissed with dark hints that the president is playing racial politics.
The widespread use, particularly by large employers, of "race-normed"
employment tests is as good evidence as any objective person should want. Rep.
Henry Hyde (R-I11.) has proposed legislation to restrict the use of race-normed
tests. Out of that debate has come the kind of smoking gun evidence that should,
but will not, take this "no evidence" argument off the air for good.
In a race-normed test, the score assigned to an individual is not the raw
score reflecting the number of right answers but a percentile score -- a score
of 89 means that the candidate did as well as the top 11 out of every 100 test
takers. When a test is race-normed, the percentile score is assigned not
according to the raw scores of all test takers but rather according to the
scores of those in the same racial group (black, Hispanic, and white or Asian).
The employer often does not even know what the raw scores of each candidate are.
This means that a large employer accepting all qualified candidates above a
determined race-normed score must as a matter of mathematical necessity hire in
strict proportion to the race of the persons taking the test --- that is, quota
hiring.
(c) 1991 The Washington Post, May 29, 1991
Now it will be said that no employer hires only according to performance on
an objective employment test. Probably not. The chances are that employers
seeking to avoid legal liability will give some preference (recognizing
"subjective factors") to minority applicants with the same score. Can you
imagine an employer so foolish as to prefer a non-minority candidate with a
lower score? But the point is that any such preference is an additional
preference, since the "same" score is not really the same score at all but a
race-normed score that masks the actual achievement on the test.
A lawyer for the NAACP Legal Defense Fund has defended race-norming as "a
necessary tool" that "corrects for the bias that's in the test." This reasoning
is circular. The bias, apparently, is nothing other than that undoctored test
scores do not yield racially proportional results. But a conception of "bias"
that takes as its premise that everything must be distributed strictly according
to race is exactly the quota mentality that many see lurking behind the
soothing euphemisms used to support Kennedy-Hawkins and race-norming both. That
race-norming has nothing to do with some kind of cultural bias in the content of
the test is amply demonstrated by the grouping of Asians with whites -- not
because of a similarity of cultural background but because Asians do as well or
better than whites on the test. Thus do we penalize achievement and ability in
the name of equality.
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(c) 1991 The Washington Post, May 29, 1991
It may be that employers and universities and broadcasters are sometimes
justified in giving preferences along racial lines. That is a different question
from whether the law -- directly or indirectly, but unmistakably as in
Kennedy-Hawkins -- should compel them to do SO. It is sad and ironic that the
Democratic leadership, in its eagerness to be seen as triumphing over a
reluctant president, has rejected the administration's recent conciliatory
compromise bill, and at the last minute has added to Kennedy-Hawkins a provision
purporting to prohibit quota hiring. If this is meant to have teeth in it and to
prohibit all racial and gender preferences, it will deny the private sector a
form of discretion it has enjoyed for two generations. The only beneficiaries of
this double bind will be the trial lawyers, the one group in society no one
believes deserves affirmative action.
The writer, a professor at Harvard Law School, was solicitor general in the
Reagan administration.
TYPE: OPINION EDITORIAL
SUBJECT: EMPLOYMENT DISCRIMINATION
LEVEL 1 - 14 OF 484 STORIES
Copyright (c) 1991 The Washington Post
May 26, 1991, Sunday, Final Edition
SECTION: FIRST SECTION; PAGE A15
LENGTH: 666 words
HEADLINE: Berkeley Admissions Guarantee: Some Minorities Gained, Asians Were
Limited
SERIES: BERKELEY, Part 1 of 2
BYLINE: Kenneth J. Cooper, Washington Post Staff Writer
DATELINE: BERKELEY, Calif.
BODY:
The number of students trying to get into the University of California in the
1980s increased at the same time the school was recruiting more minority
students.
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(c) 1991 The Washington Post, May 26, 1991
One result was that racial-ethnic tensions among students deepened. Another
was that admission to Berkeley became a scarce prize.
In 1980, then-Chancellor Ira M. Heyman ordered the recruitment of more black,
Mexican-American and American Indian students to comply with legislative
directives that University of California campuses reflect the population of high
school graduates.
To achieve that goal, California residents from those three racial-ethnic
groups were effectively guaranteed admission if they met a state requirement of
graduating in the top eighth of their high school class.
But Asian leaders, beginning in 1984, noticed a decline in Asian students
accepted to Berkeley and accused the school of imposing enrollment ceilings on
them. Berkeley officials denied there were any restrictive quotas.
The Asian criticisms continued as applications to Berkeley rose and the
percentage of students accepted fell. In 1986, the number of applicants
unexpectedly jumped 70 percent, from 11,900 to 20,300.
It was in that year that Berkeley, with its longstanding reputation for
academic excellence, for the first time accepted fewer than half of the
(c) 1991 The Washington Post, May 26, 1991
One result was that racial-ethnic tensions among students deepened. Another
was that admission to Berkeley became a scarce prize.
In 1980, then-Chancellor Ira M. Heyman ordered the recruitment of more black,
Mexican-American and American Indian students to comply with legislative
directives that University of California campuses reflect the population of high
school graduates.
To achieve that goal, California residents from those three racial-ethnic
groups were effectively guaranteed admission if they met a state requirement of
graduating in the top eighth of their high school class.
But Asian leaders, beginning in 1984, noticed a decline in Asian students
accepted to Berkeley and accused the school of imposing enrollment ceilings on
them. Berkeley officials denied there were any restrictive quotas.
The Asian criticisms continued as applications to Berkeley rose and the
percentage of students accepted fell. In 1986, the number of applicants
unexpectedly jumped 70 percent, from 11,900 to 20,300.
It was in that year that Berkeley, with its longstanding reputation for
academic excellence, for the first time accepted fewer than half of the
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(c) 1991 The Washington Post, May 26, 1991
students who applied.
In 1989, the controversy over Asian admissions crested. After legislative
hearings on the issue, Heyman apologized for "insensitivity" and acknowledged
that "the admissions process indisputably had a disproportionate impact on
Asians." He accepted faculty recommendations on revising admissions policies,
and Asian leaders made peace with the school.
In retrospect, administrators have described the guaranteed-entrance
admission policies for some minorities as a major mistake.
Admissions director Patrick Hayashi said many Asian applicants were referred
to other University of California campuses beginning in 1984 because officials
faced a choice of squeezing out Asians or breaking the guarantee for black,
Mexican-American and American Indian students.
New faculty recommendations, implemented for the class entering Berkeley this
fall, terminated the guarantee, added economic disadvantage as an admissions
factor and increased the percentage of students accepted on the basis of grades
and test scores alone. Preliminary indications are that Asians will increase in
the 1991 freshman class as a result of the changes.
(c) 1991 The Washington Post, May 26, 1991
But racial considerations continue to benefit blacks, Mexican-Americans and
Native Americans.
"We tried a whole series of models of admissions using a whole lot of factors
other than race," said Roderic Park, Heyman's vice chancellor from 1980 to 1990.
"Without including race we could not get either black or Chicano students above
2 percent of the freshman class. Race has to be a factor."
Heyman cited practical reasons for ensuring what administrators call racial
parity, or what critics have called racial discrimination.
"If you think of a state that in 10 years is going to be half 'other than
white,' you'd better train some [nonwhite] leaders," Heyman said. "Otherwise,
you're going to have chaos."
Questions about the fairness of the racial preferences linger. Some critics
have argued that many black and Hispanic students, who average lower scores on
the Scholastic Aptitude Test than whites and Asians, belong at less demanding
state colleges, and that their insufficient preparation accounts for their
higher dropout rates.
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(c) 1991 The Washington Post, May 26, 1991
Officials noted that white students benefit from special considerations, too
-- for being athletes, disabled, talented in music or art, rural residents or
older students returning to college. Admissions officials said 24 percent of
white freshmen were admitted under special considerations last year.
And the controversy continues. The Office for Civil Rights is investigating a
1989 complaint from an Asian computer specialist that whites are
underrepresented at Berkeley.
TYPE: NATIONAL NEWS, SERIES
SUBJECT: COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES; ENROLLMENT AND ADMISSION; STUDENTS; ASIAN
AMERICANS; HISPANIC AMERICANS; BLACKS
ORGANIZATION: UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
NAMED-PERSONS: PATRICK HAYASHI
ENHANCEMENT: SIDEBAR
LEVEL 1 - 15 OF 484 STORIES
Copyright (c) 1991 The Washington Post
May 23, 1991, Thursday, Final Edition
SECTION: EDITORIAL; PAGE A23
LENGTH: 845 words
HEADLINE: Liberalism's Apartheid of 'Compassion'
SERIES: Occasional
BYLINE: George F. Will
BODY:
"Within group score conversion" is a euphemism for "race-norming," which is a
euphemism for a form of "affirmative action," which is today's euphemism for
reverse discrimination, adopted when "compensatory opportunity" proved to be a
jawbreaker.
But perhaps before you have mastered the obfuscating language of compassion's
guilty conscience, race-norming may be dead. It may be killed by the
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(c) 1991 The Washington Post, May 23, 1991
democratic device of asking those who favor it -- mostly Democrats -- to
actually vote for it.
Rep. Henry Hyde (R-I11.) recently tried to attach to this year's so-called
"civil rights bill" (a euphemism for a quota-promoting and lawyer-enriching
bill) an amendment outlawing race-norming. Democrats rejected it in committee on
a 21-13 party-line vote.
Under race-norming, scores achieved by job applicants on certain tests are
segregated by racial groups. Individuals' scores are reported not in relation to
all those taking the test, but only in relation to others in the individuals'
racial groups.
Each year state employment agencies evaluate prospective job applicants for
private employers using the General Aptitude Test Battery (GATB). For example,
in a recent year scores for whites, Hispanics and blacks in the 50th percentiles
of their groups were 305, 295 and 276 respectively. Such scores were reported as
identical.
A black with 305 points was at the 84th percentile among blacks. That score
was reported as substantially superior to a white applicant's 305.
(c) 1991 The Washington Post, May 23, 1991
Employers getting test scores are not told the applicants' races. Hence the
employers do not know that black and Hispanic applicants have inflated scores.
At least 33 states and an unknown number of employers practice race-norming.
Defenders of race-norming say the policy is justified because the tests are
flawed. But if 50, the answer is to change the tests, not cook the results. The
real reason for race-norming is that any test is apt to produce uncomfortable
"statistical disparities" by racial groups until the schools that many blacks
attend, and the home environments from which many blacks go to school, and the
neighborhoods through which they walk to school, are better.
Race-norming does not have many, if any, explicit defenders in Congress. We
are ostensibly a nation of laws, but no lawmaker has ever voted for
race-norming. It was concocted in the dying days of the Carter administration,
enlarged by Reagan's Labor Department and belatedly questioned by his Justice
Department. The Bush administration is brooding about this obvious violation of
equal protection of the law.
Some of those who voted against Hyde's amendment said, archly, that Congress
should not interfere with a "regulatory" matter. Trust today's liberals to fight
to keep their agenda out of harm's (democracy's) way.
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(c) 1991 The Washington Post, May 23, 1991
This year's "civil rights" bill is designed to force employers to choose
between preemptively adopting quotas or risking punishing litigation that
requires them to prove themselves innocent of "unintentional" discrimination.
Such "discrimination" can occur by the use of an employment test that produces
statistically "wrong" results.
Even if the bill's final version explicitly bars quotas, no prudent person
will be reassured. Hubert Humphrey, the prime mover of the 1964 Civil Rights
Act, denied that quotas or other preferred treatments of any group were required
by that law. But "race-conscious" policies soon were required.
= Quotas" ? Heaven forfend. Only "goals" and "timetables" for removing
"statistical disparities" and "underrepresentation."
Any employment practice that has a "disparate impact" on certain
government-certified victim-groups (not, for example, Asian Americans, whose
GATB scores are segregated with whites' scores) can make an employer vulnerable
to costly litigation. Hence many employers like race-norming, which helps them
fill de facto quotas.
The phrase "race-conscious remedy" is today's preferred euphemism for
policies like race-norming. Such "remedies" so obviously poison society, it is
(c) 1991 The Washington Post, May 23, 1991
reasonable to suspect that the poisoning is an aim of some members of the "civil
rights" lobby. Increasingly that lobby exists to administer a racial spoils
system. Hence that lobby has a stake in the competitive cultivation of group
grievances.
The stain of officially sponsored racism is spreading everywhere. In a story
on the self-segregation of students on campuses -- separate dorms, dining halls,
clubs -- the New York Times reports: "Minority students say they are made to
feel like they do not belong on campuses where affirmative action casts doubt on
their qualifications." A black student at Stanford explains her preference for a
predominantly black dorm: "I didn't want a whole layer of challenges about
whether I deserved to be here. I figured that if I lived in a black environment
it wouldn't come up." A black student at Berkeley complains, "I feel like I have
AFFIRMATIVE ACTION stamped on my forehead."
This sad disfigurement of the academic experience is, like race-norming,
another aspect of liberalism's apartheid of "compassion."
TYPE: OPINION EDITORIAL
SUBJECT: AFFIRMATIVE ACTION; EMPLOYMENT DISCRIMINATION
LEXIS'NEXIS LEXIS'NEXIS
Services of Mead Data Central, Inc.
PAGE 14
(c) 1991 Newsday, May 12, 1991
the landmark immigration reforms of 1965, the United States had a white majority
of 85 percent and a black minority of 12 percent. The 1965 Immigration Act was
expected to enhance America's cosmopolitan mix of minorities, not to submerge
the existing majority culture. Yet, at current rates of over a million
immigrants per year - more than 90 percent of whom are Latin American and Asian
- whites of European ancestry will be a minority in this country by the year
2050; in immigration-intensive states like New York and California, whites will
become a minority in 20 years.
More than any other factor, it is this emerging multiracialism -
notwithstanding the spirit, hard work and economic contributions of many recent
immigrants - that is paving the way to multiculturalism. The cultural identity
of white Americans is changing, almost unconsciously; as the country's racial
paradigm-shift makes our predominantly European heritage seem increasingly
anachronistic in relation to our present, radically changed population, that
heritage is delegitimized as a source of national identity and ideals.
"Diversity" - with all its radicalizing potentialities in terms of group-think
and derogation of the West - becomes the only way Americans can describe
themselves, and the only way they can sanction their institutions.
At the same time, as the new groups continue to increase in numbers and
power, they start to experience themselves as a culturally distinct rising
(c) 1991 Newsday, May 12, 1991
force. That attitude, combined with the anxiety of assimilating into a
mainstream culture which they feel does not fit them, and which itself is
dwindling in numbers and legitimacy, creates a dangerous impetus toward ethnic
chauvinism. In the words of Gabriel Garcia Marquez: "The great power of Latin
America is its culture. We don't spend a dime trying to penetrate culturally,
yet we're changing the United States
We're changing the language, the
food, the music, the way of being. We're changing you into a Latin country." A
black studies professor tells Time magazine: "People of color have always been a
majority in the world, and are now becoming a majority in America. The issue
becomes, How do we begin to share power?"
It is not just the chauvinists who speak this way; even among ethnic
spokesmen and writers of a nonradical bent, it is simply taken for granted that
our changing demographics are leading to cultural revolution. William Wong
writes in the Oakland Tribune: "If we are to get to the pluralistic society,
everyone will have to give something up, including the guardians of
European-rooted cultures, to form a whole new society." Novelist Bharati
Mukherjee tells Bill Moyers: "What I like to think, Bill, is that you and I are
both now without rules because of the large influx of non-Europeans in the '70s
and '80s, and more to come in the '90s We have to invent new American
mythologies. Letting go of the old notions of what America was shouldn't be seen
as a loss." Far from opposing these ideas, the white establishment supports
LEXIS'NEXIS'LEXIS NEXIS
Services of Mead Data Central, Inc.
PAGE 15
(c) 1991 Newsday, May 12, 1991
them; at the prospect of demographic change being translated into a shift of
political power, cultural elites such as college presidents capitulate in
advance to the new cultural agenda.
To recognize that the fate of a culture has something to do with numbers -
and therefore power - is not to endorse the leftist idea that Western culture is
a mere system of "hegemony." As Americans we believe in our cultural heritage,
not just because it is "ours," but because it is good. But our ability to
preserve and transmit that common heritage depends on the continued existence of
a majority population that believes in it. As people with widely different -
even incompatible - cultural identities become a majority, the dominant culture
inevitably changes or is replaced; when, for example, the majority of children
in a school are Hispanic and Asian, it becomes less evident why they should go
on learning about the "Eurocentric" stories, traditions and heroes that formed
the American character in previous generations. The curriculum is radically
revised, and with it, America's soul.
Yet even while ethnic spokesmen and educators speak of racial change leading
ineluctably to cultural change, the conservative critics of multiculturalism
continue to ignore the demographic dimension of the problem. As historian and
Yale College dean Donald Kagan said in a speech to his students: "Happily,
student bodies have grown vastly more diverse. Less happily, students are
(c) 1991 Newsday, May 12, 1991
seeing themselves increasingly as parts of groups, distinct from other groups."
It does not occur to Kagan that the group-think he regrets may actually be the
result of the explosive racial diversification that he applauds. Conservative
intellectuals seem to believe that over the next century scores of millions of
Hispanics, Asians, Moslems and Africans can melt into the American character as
easily as did the European immigrant groups in the early 20th century. But this
historical analogy - repeated constantly in immigration debates - is fatally
flawed.
First, the great southern and eastern European influx took place at a time
when American society believed in its heritage and demanded cultural and
linguistic assimilation as the price of admission; today, the United States has
lost much of its unifying ethos and has largely abandoned the assimilationist
ideology. Second, in the early 20th Century there were mediating institutions -
schools, churches, community organizations, the military - that did the actual
work of assimilation; those institutions have now lost their cultural authority,
leaving both older and newer Americans adrift in the sea of a debased and
meaningless pop culture. Third, the European immigrant groups, while ethnically
distinct from the older Anglo-Americans, still shared with them an overall
similarity of European heritage, a key factor in assimilation and cultural
continuity; by contrast, the great majority of today's immigrants are Asian
and Latin American. Finally and most importantly, the earlier immigration wave
LEXIS'NEXIS'LEXIS NEXIS
Services of Mead Data Central, Inc.
PAGE 16
(c) 1991 Newsday, May 12, 1991
was cut back by Congress in 1921, leaving the majority culture intact. While the
restrictive national quotas passed in the 1920s are considered discriminatory
today, there is no question that the resulting drop in immigration helped reduce
ethnic tensions and greatly eased the assimilation of European-Americans through
the mid-20th century. By contrast, there is no end in sight to the current,
Third-World influx - which has assumed the character, not of a wave, but of a
permanent, if peaceful, invasion.
The results of these differences are plain to see. The turn-of-the-century
immigration, while it changed America in some sigificant ways, did not lead to a
redefinition of the United States as a "multicultural" country; or to the
devaluation of the American and Western heritage; or to the massive spead and
official use of foreign languages; or to the frightening ignorance and anomie of
young Americans deprived of their civilizational inheritance in the name of
"diversity"; or to the expectation that America must give up its very identity
to form a whole new society.
On the cutting edge of these changes is the University of California at
Berkeley. Our first major university with a multiracial, white-minority student
body, Berkeley has become a tense no-man's-land of mutually exclusive cultural
turfs, where Western civilization is being reduced to something called
European-American ethnic studies, and where white students anxiously watch
(c) 1991 Newsday, May 12, 1991
their every word to avoid "politically incorrect" speech.
What Berkeley is today, America will be tomorrow. Group rights and quotas, an
endless battle over culture and race, and a growing bureaucratic power to
mediate the conflict - this is the new, unfree America being born of
uncontrolled immigration.
GRAPHIC: Photo-Lawrence Auster. Illustration by Bob Newman-Statue of Liberty
holding a stop sign.
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DATE: 6/10/91
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AUG-10-91 MON 14:39 POSITIVE-INK
NATIONAL CENTER FOR EDUCATION STATISTICS
The STATE of
Mathematics
Achievement
NAEP's 1990 Assessment of the Nation
and the Trial Assessment of the States
Ina V.S. Mullis
John A. Dossey
Eugene H. Owen Gary W. Phillips
THE NATION'S
REPORT
CARD
Report No: 21-ST-04
June 1991
Prepared by Educational Testing Service under Contract with the National Center for Education Statistics
Office of Educational Research and Improvement
U.S. Department of Education
THE NATIONAL EDUCATION GOALS
In 1990, the President and the governors adopted six ambitious education goals
to be met by the year 2000. Two explicitly mention mathematics education:
American students will leave grades four, eight, and twelve having
demonstrated competency in challenging subject matter including
English, mathematics, science, history, and geography; and every
school in America will ensure that all students learn to use their minds
well, so they may be prepared for responsible citizenship, further
learning, and productive employment in our modern economy.
U.S. students will be first in the world in science and mathematics
achievement.
The remaining four goals address improving children's readiness for school
learning, increasing the high-school graduation rate, adult literacy, and freeing
the schools from drugs and violence.
THE 1990 NAEP MATHEMATICS ASSESSMENT
For more than 20 years, the National Assessment of Educational Progress
(NAEP) has been monitoring the educational achievement of American students
and changes in that achievement across time. However, as part of the 1990
mathematics assessment of fourth, eighth, and twelfth graders, a new dimension
was added to NAEP whereby states (including the District of Columbia) and
territories could, on a voluntary basis, participate in the mathematics
assessment of eighth graders. The assessment was designed to provide state-
level data comparable to results for the nation and other participating states and
territories. The Trial State Assessment Program provides information about
mathematics achievement as well as programs and practices in mathematics
instruction.
PAGE 3
TABLE 2.1 Average Proficiency and Percentage of Students at or Above Four Anchor Levels on the
NAEP Mathematics Scale by Race/Ethnicity
Percentage of Students at or Above
Percent of
Average
Students
Proficiency
Level
Level
Level
Level
200
250
300
350
Grade 4
White
70 (0.1)
223 (0.7)
81 (1.2)
14 (0.9)
0 (0.0)
0 (0.0)
Black
15 (0.1)
194 (1.3)
41 (2.1)
1 (0.4)
0 (0.0)
0 (0.0)
Hispanic
11 (0.1)
201 (1.4)
52 (2.5)
3 (0.8)
0 (0.0)
0 (0.0)
Asian/Pacific Islander
2 (0.3)
228 (2.8)
85 (3.3)
23 (4.6)
0 (0.0)
0 (0.0)
American Indian
2 (0.3)
211 (2.5)
66 (5.1)
3 (2.1)
0 (0.0)
0 (0.0)
Grade 8
White
71 (0.2)
272 (1.2)
99 (0.3)
77 (1.2)
18 (1.4)
0 (0.1)
Black
15 (0.1)
241 (1.6)
92 (1.6)
36 (2.5)
3 (0.8)
0 (0.0)
Hispanic
10 (0.1)
248 (1.6)
95 (1.1)
47 (3.2)
4 (1.2)
0 (0.0)
Asian/Pacific Islander
3 (0.4)
285 (4.1)
99 (1.1)
86 (3.1)
32 (4.9)
2 (2.1)
American Indian !
1 (0.4)
248 (3.4)
97 (5.0)
47 (8.5)
4 (1.9)
0 (0.0)
Grade 12
White
74 (0.4)
301 (1.2)
100 (0.0)
95 (0.6)
52 (1.6)
6 (0.6)
Black
14 (0.3)
270 (1.3)
100 (0.0)
74 (2.0)
16 (1.6)
0 (0.3)
Hispanic
8 (0.3)
278 (2.4)
100 (0.6)
79 (2.9)
25 (3.4)
1 (0.5)
Asian/Pacific Islander
3 (0.2)
315 (4.0)
100 (0.0)
97 (1.6)
70 (3.5)
13 (4.0)
American Indian !
1 (0.3)
290 (5.4)
99 (2.3)
92 (4.7)
39 (9.0)
0 (0.0)
The standard errors of the estimated percentages and proficiencies appear in parentheses. It can be said with 95 percent certainty that for
each population of interest, the value for the whole population is within plus or minus two standard errors of the estimate for the sample.
When the proportion of students is either 0 percent or 100 percent, the standard error is inestimable. However, percentages less than 0.5
percent are rounded to 0 percent, and some White eighth graders (0.2 percent) and some Black twelfth graders (0.2 percent) reached
Level 350. !Interpret with caution-the nature of the sample does not allow accurate determination of the variability of the results for
this subgroup.
Although the sample sizes for Asian/Pacific Islander and American Indian
students are quite small (as indicated by the small percentages of students in
those classifications), for the overall mathematics performance data, results are
provided for all five racial/ethnic groups analyzed separately by NAEP: White,
Black, Hispanic, Asian/Pacific Islander, and American Indian. 29
An examination of the results for all three grades reveals a relatively
consistent pattern. Asian/Pacific Islander students exhibited the highest level of
performance, followed by White, American Indian, Hispanic, and Black
students, in descending order. This pattern tends to hold for both average
proficiency (with the exception of little difference between Asian/Pacific
Islander and White students at grade 4 and between American Indian and
Definitions of the various NAEP population subgroup classifications can be found in Appendix C.
PAGE 83
Hispanic students at grade 8) and for the percentages of students performing at
or above the anchor levels across the scale.
An interesting phenomenon, however, emerges at the highest anchor levels
achieved at each grade. Much larger percentages of Asian/Pacific Islander
students than White students reached the highest levels. In turn, comparatively
more White students than American Indian, Hispanic, or Black students
reached these levels. Within each grade, there were also vast differences
between the highest and lowest average performance by racial/ethnic group.
These discrepancies were also reflected in the percentages of students attaining
various anchor levels. For example, 86 percent of the Asian/Pacific Islander
eighth graders performed at or above Level 250, compared to 36 percent of the
Black eighth graders. Similarly, 70 percent of the Asian/Pacific Islander
twelfth graders performed at Level 300, compared to 16 percent of the Black
twelfth graders.
PERFORMANCE BY GENDER
TABLE 2.2 presents the mathematics proficiency results by gender for the
nation as a whole, and TABLE 2.3 presents results by gender for White, Black,
and Hispanic students. The performance patterns by gender for White, Black,
and Hispanic students generally match the gender results for the nation as a
whole. At grades 4 and 8, there was essentially no difference in performance
between males and females. However, a minor but persistent advantage for
males can be detected at the anchor levels. This advantage increased at grade
12, particularly at the higher end of the scale. This finding is consistent with
other research studies showing larger gender differences favoring males when
above-average performance is considered.³ Additionally, the developing
gender gap during high school was particularly pronounced for Black and
³Gilah C. Leder, "Gender Differences in Mathematics: An Overview" in Mathematics and Gender, Elizabeth
Fennema and Gilah C. Leder, editors (New York, NY: Teachers College Press, 1990).
PAGE 84
MINORITY BUSH APPTS
13:05 MONDAY, MAY 6, 1991
SXPAG
TABLE OF PTYPE BY RACE
PTYPE
RACE
FREQUENCY
PERCENT
ROW PCT
Native
COL PCT
<W
ASCAN
BLACK
HISP
I Am.
white
TOTAL
PA
Full &
o
28
74
47
18
826
993
0.00
0.45
1.19
0.76
0.29
13.29
15.98
Part-time Part. time
0.00
2.82
7.45
4.73
1.81
83.18
0.00
26.67
19.73
19.58
42.86
15.16
PAS
o
29
84
45
4
1040
1202
Full Part-time d
0.00
0.47
1.35
0.72
0.06
16.74
19.35
0.00
2.41
6.99
3.74
0.33
86.52
0.00
27.62
22.40
18.75
9.52
19.08
SES
o
12
54
43
8
961
1078
0.00
0.19
0.87
0.69
0.13
15.47
17.35
0.00
1.11
5.01
3.99
0.74
89.15
0.00
11.43
14.40
17.92
19.05
17.63
SKC
1
36
163
105
12
2625
2940
0.02
0.58
2.62
1.69
0.19
42.22
47.32
0.03
1.22
5.54
3.57
0.41
89.22
100.00
34.29
43.47
43.75
28.57
48.13
TOTAL
1
105
375
240
42
5450
6213
0.02
1.69
6.04
3.86
0.68
87.72
100.00
FREQUENCY MISSING = 121
OCT-28-1991 17:59 FROM ITA/EAP/PRCHK
TO
9-456-6218
P.01
FAX MESSAGE
THE OFFICE OF CHINA AND HONG KONG
Be
INTERNATIONAL TRADE ADMINISTRATION
S
COMMUNICE
Room 2317
U.S. Department of Commerce
,
Washington, D.C. 20230
-
PAGES: 7
DATE: 10/27/91
FAX #: (202) 377-1576
FAX #: 456-6218
FROM: Bob Chu
TO:
Michelle Nix
SUBJECT/COMMENT:
Please find attached some statistics East Asian countries as
well as a DRAFT Fact Sheet that was just revised.
U. S. TRADE WITH KEY EAST ASIAN AND PACIFIC (EAP) COUNTRIES
(in millions of dollars)
1989, 1990, Jan-Aug 1990, Jan-Aug 1991
P.02
U.S. EXPORTS (F.A.S.) (1)
U.S. IMPORTS (C.V.)
Jan-Aug
Jan-Aug
Jan-Aug
Jan-Aug
COUNTRY
1989
1990
1990
1991
1989
1990
1990
1991
9-456-6218
Brunei
63.0
142.7
122.5
63.0
74.6
95.7
71.7
20.9
Indonesia
1,246.7
1,896.7
1,201.1
1,249.4
3,528.7
3,343.1
2,269.0
1,964.4
Malaysia
2,870.4
3,424.7
2,198.3
2,701.0
4,744.1
5,272.3
3,445.1
3,700.3
Philippines
2,201.9
2,471.6
1,654.6
1,472.6
3,068.0
3,382.6
2,269.7
2,256.6
Singapore
7,344.5
8,019.1
5,207.2
6,058.5
9,002.9
9,839.5
6,358.3
6,288.9
Thailand
2,288.1
2,991.5
1,982.5
2,553.1
4,379.5
5,293.8
3,379.1
3,847.7
ASEAN
16,014.6
18,946.3
12,366.2
14,097.6
24,797.8
27,227.0
17,792.9
18,078.8
Australia
8,331.0
8,534.7
5,763.5
5,305.4
3,872.9
4,432.7
2,934.2
2,728.7
TO
Burma
4.7
20.1
9.6
21.5
17.1
22.7
17.0
16.6
China
5,755.4
4,807.3
3,287.7
4,043.1
11,989.9
15,223.9
9,659.1
11,250.9
25.4
Fiji
22.4
24.9
13.0
11.4
16.3
34.0
16.4
Hong Kong
6,291.3
6,840.4
4,620.4
5,309.8
9,722.2
9,488.0
6,305.0
5,742.6
Japan
44,493.8
48,584.6
31,595.4
32,317.7
93,552.5
89,655.2
58,089.4
59,058.1
Korea, South
13,458.6
14,398.7
9,498.2
10,272.7
19,736.5
18,493.2
12,419.5
11,132.8
Laos
0.3
0.8
0.4
0.8
0.8
0.4
0.2
1.5
Macao
10.8
7.6
4.7
6.5
653.8
735.7
503.2
322.6
New Zealand
1,117.2
1,133.3
628.1
688.0
1,208.5
1,199.4
870.6
878.0
Papua New Guinea
121.5
54.1
27.2
54.4
29.2
21.9
17.5
25.4
Taiwan
11,334.6
11,482.4
7,686.6
8,690.7
24,312.7
22,666.7
15,159.5
14,683.1
Other Asia/Pacif
249.9
224.8
134.5
200.8
123.8
78.8
52.2
37.9
OCT-28-1991 18:00 FROM ITA/EAP/PRCHK
EAP TOTAL
107,206.1
115,060.0
75,635.5
81,020.4
190,034.0
189,279.6
123,836.7
123,982.4
WORLD TOTAL
363,811.5
394,044.9
260,681.6
277,331.2
473,210.8
495,042.0
324,418.3
317,256.9
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census
Compiled by Gary Bouck, Office of the Pacific Basin
(1) Includes special category commodities, if any.
U.S. TRADE BALANCE
9-456-6218 P.03
1989, 1990, Jan-Aug 1990, Jan-Aug 1991
(in millions of dollars)
Jan-Aug
Jan-Aug
COUNTRY
1989
1990
1990
1991
Brunei
(11.6)
47.0
50.8
42.1
Indonesia
(2,282.0)
(1,446.4)
(1,067.9)
(715.0)
Malaysia
(1,873.7)
(1,847.6)
(1,246.8)
(999.3)
Philippines
(866.1)
(911.0)
(615.1)
(784.0)
Singapore
(1,658.4)
(1,820.4)
(1,151.1)
(230.4)
Thailand
(2,091.4)
(2,302.3)
(1,396.6)
(1,294.6)
TO
ASEAN
(8,783.2)
(8,280.7)
(5,426.7)
(3,981.2)
Australia
4,458.1
4,102.0
2,829.3
2,576.7
Burma
(12.4)
(2.6)
(7.4)
4.9
China
(6,234.5)
(10,416.6)
(6,371.4)
(7,207.8)
Fiji
6.1
9.1
(3.4)
(14.0)
Hong Kong
(3,430.9)
(2,647.6)
(1,684.6)
(432.8)
Japan
(49,058.7)
(41,070.6)
(26,494.0)
(26,740.4)
Korea, South
(6,277.9)
(4,094.5)
(2,921.3)
(860.1)
Laos
(0.5)
0.4
0.2
(0.7)
Macao
(643.0)
(728.1)
(498.5)
(316.1)
OCT-28-1991 18:00 FROM ITA/EAP/PRCHK
New Zealand
(91.3)
(66.1)
(242.5)
(190.0)
Papua New Guinea
92.3
32.2
9.7
29.0
Taiwan
(12,978.1)
(11,184.3)
(7,472.9)
(5,992.4)
Other Asia/Pacif
126.1
127.8
82.3
162.9
EAP TOTAL
(82,827.9)
(74,219.6)
(48,201.2)
(42,962.0)
WORLD TOTAL
(109,399.3)
(100,997.1)
(63,736.7)
(39,925.7)
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People's Republic of China
FACT SHEET
Office Director: Christine Lucyk
Desk Officer: Robert Chu/ Laura McCall
1.
PROFILE
A. Population: 1.143 billion
B.
Religions: N/A
C. Government: Communist
D. Language: Mandarin Chinese
E. Next Election Scheduled for: N/A
2.
ECONOMY
1988
1989
1990
A. GNP ($ B)
373.3
418.6
364.0
B. GNP Growth Rate (% constant)
11.2
3.5
5.0
C. GNP Per Capita (current $)
340.7
376.8
318.5
D. Government Spending as % of GNP
N/A
N/A
N/A
E. Inflation (%) (retail price)
18.5
17.5
2.1
F. Unemployment (%)
2.0
2.6
3.5
G. Gold & FX Reserves ($ B)
17.6
17.0
28.0
H. Average Exchange Rate (yuan/$)
3.7
3.7
4.7
I. Foreign Debt ($ B)
38.0
44.0
50.0
J. Debt Service Ratio
8.0
9.8
11.3
K. U.S. Economic Assistance
-
-
-
L. Wage Rate (% change)
8.6
-3.5
-
M. Productivity Rate (% change)
7.9
1.3
I
N. Labor Force
N/A
N/A
N/A
3.
TRADE
1988
1989
1990
A.
Total Exports (F.O.B., $ Mil)
47,540.0
52,480.0
62,060.0
B.
U.S. Imports
8,510.9
11,988.5
15,223.9
C.
Total Imports (C.I.F., $ Mil)
55,250.0
59,100.0
53,350.0
D.
U.S. Exports
5,021.4
5,807.4
4,807.3
E.
Principle U.S. Exports: (F.A.S., $ U.S., Millions)
Commodity
1988
1989
1990
Commercial Aircraft & Parts
334.6
536.2
749.1
Fertilizers
200.7
487.4
543.9
Synthetic Resins, Rubber,
& Plastics
598.8
218.6
165.8
Professional, Scientific,
& Control Instruments
246.0
270.7
226.8
Wood and Cork
448.1
181.3
179.9
Organic Chemicals
283.8
289.3
289.3
Cereals
697.8 1,126.5
512.4
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F. Principal U.S. Imports: (Customs, $ U.S., Millions)
Commodity
1988
1989
1990
Luggage and Handbags
524.2
683.0
873.9
Textiles
1,781.9
2,657.2
3,197.1
Toys, Games,
1,063.0
1,725.4
2,138.7
& Sports Equipment
Crude Petroleum
427.7
504.1
660.9
Iron and Steel
169.6
226.2
246.5
Footwear
341.7
721.0
1,477.4
Fish
294.1
297.1
396.2
G. Foreign Market Share of China's Imports (%) :
1.
Hong Kong
21.7
21.2
26.7
2. Japan
20.0
17.8
14.2
3. U.S.
12.0
13.3
12.3
H.
Curr Acct Surplus/Deficit ($ B)
-3.8
-4.3
11.0
I. Trade Balances with Leading Trading Partners ($ B) :
1.
Hong Kong
6.3
9.1
12.4
2. U.S.
3.5
6.2
10.9
3. Japan
-3.1
2.2
1.4
J. Import Policy:
1. Tariff & Taxes: Vary Greatly; Avg. 30-60%
2. Licensing: Mandatory Import Certificates.
K. U.S. Exports Prospects:
1. Aircraft & Parts
2. Agricultural Chemicals
3. Industrial Chemicals
4. Yarns
4.
INVESTMENT
A. Foreign Ownership Restriction: Must be approved by MOFERT or
provincial authorities.
B. Total U.S. Investment: $4.4 Billion
C. U.S. Share of Foreign Investment: 11.2% of cumulative
investment.
D. Principle Foreign Investors: Hong Kong, U.S., Japan
5.
COMMERCIAL INFORMATION
A. Top Three U.S. Investors: N/A
B. Minister Counselor for Commercial Affairs: Timothy Stratford
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China's Economy
China's economy regained momentum in 1990. Spurred by a second
year of record harvests, increased industrial output, and
booming exports, the Gross National Product grew by 5%.
Inflation was 2.1%. Foreign exchange reserves soared to record
levels. With the main goals of the government's three-year
austerity program achieved, the focus has now shifted to
restructuring of the economy. The 8th Five Year Plan (1991-95)
emphasizes development of agriculture, basic industry,
transportation, and telecommunications. The program envisions
an economic system which combines planning and regulation by
market forces. The plan provides renewed scope for economic
reform, including price adjustments.
The challenges are tremendous. Two thirds of state-owned
enterprises are facing financial difficulties. The budget
deficit is expanding. Little progress has been made toward
strengthening the central government's macroeconomic control.
Moreover, the potential exists for renewed double-digit
inflation, a recurrence of the cycle of economic over-heating
and recession which has plagued China during the reform period.
Resort to the administrative measures which China has used
previously may well avoid rapid inflation in the short term--but
such steps would undermine attempts to improve economic
efficiency through difficult, but necessary structural
adjustment.
6. GENERAL
A. Major Bilateral Issues:
Chinese Tariff and Non-Tariff Barriers - High customs tariffs,
arbitrary applications of customs regulations, extensive import
and export licensing systems, import substitution requirements,
strict currency controls and primitive and expensive business
facilities constitute significant barriers to U.S. business in
China. On October 10, USTR self-initiated a formal
investigation under Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 into
selected, highly significant Chinese market barriers as they
affect U.S. export interests.
Export Controls - Since June 1989, license applications for
export of dual-use technology to China have been carefully
screened to identify exports of crime-control equipment or sales
to military and police endusers. Applications which meet these
criteria have been denied or held without action.
Licenses for items on the Munitions Control List have been
suspended. The implementation of a distribution license
procedure for China has been indefinitely postponed. There are
also several restrictions on the export of satellite technology
to China. However, recent COCOM reforms will benefit China
indirectly by lifting 50 percent of the curbs on technology
exports from electronics to propulsion systems once the core
list is adopted in September.
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As a result of concerns regarding ballistic missile
proliferation and the threat to national security, on June 16,
1991, the White House announced that the U.S. will limit the
licensing of high speed computers to China, decline to approve
any further export licenses to Chinese entities of U.S.
satellite technology and satellite components at this time, and
impose sanctions on the two firms engaged in missile
proliferation activities.
Textiles - Growth of textile imports from China has been
substantial in recent years. On December 19, 1987, the U.S. and
China concluded a new four-year bilateral textile and apparel
agreement. The agreement limits the annual growth rate of
Chinese textile exports to the U.S. to 3.3 percent. The
agreement has been extended without change through 1993 as we
await the results of the Uruguay Round. The U.S. Customs
Service investigated cases of textile products manufactured in
China entering the U.S. under false country of origin
declarations. As a result of these investigations, the U.S. has
charged China's quotas for over one million dozen this year.
U.S. Customs continues to investigate transshipments which may
result in additional charges to China's quotas.
Concessionary Credits - The Chinese have received aid-type
concessionary credits from Japan and European countries for
capital goods imports, and they seek similar credit terms from
the United States.
Investment Climate - China's investment climate, while improving
somewhat over the past several years, recently has been buffeted
by political turmoil, adverse macroeconomic trends and measures
taken by the government to recentralize economic management.
Credit controls that severely limit the availability of foreign
and domestic funds have hit foreign investors hard. Many of
them are experiencing serious cash flow problems and have had to
revise or delay expansion or new investment plans. Shortages of
power and raw materials have caused production delays and have
contributed to inflationary trends. Other problems concern the
imposition of arbitrary regulations, and the increase in cases
of contract noncompliance on the part of Chinese firms.
GATT - In July 1986, China formally applied to "resume" its
contracting party status. Since then, we have held a round of
bilateral and multilateral consultations on the substantive
obligations which we want to see addressed in the accession
negotiations. China submitted its memorandum of foreign trade
in February 1987. A GATT Working Party has held several rounds
of consultations with the Chinese - the latest in September
1990. Further progress in the accession process has been
stalled by the lack of forward movement on China's economic
reforms.
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Intellectual Property - Serious deficiencies in Intellectual
Rights (IPR) laws and enforcement practices prompted China's
designation as a "priority foreign country" under the Special
301 provision of the 1988 Omnibus Trade Act. Pursuant to this
designation, a six month investigation has been initiated. If
the problem has not been resolved at the end of this period,
trade sanctions may be considered. Problems with China's IPR
protections include the lack of protection for foreign works,
the requirement to publish first in China to receive protection,
inadequate software protection, and no protection for
pharmaceutical and chemical products.
China's National People's Congress passed a copyright law in
September 1990 which will go into effect June 1, 1991. The
protection provided by the law falls short of internationally
accepted standards for copyright protection. As currently
formulated, the law is not compatible with the Berne or
Universal Copyright conventions. Foreign works are not
protected under the law and the protection of computer software
is unclear as the implementing regulations of the computer
software protection were recently released.
Maritime Trade - In July, the Federal Maritime Commission (FMC)
initiated a formal investigation, pursuant to the Foreign
Shipping Practices Act (FSPA) of 1988, regarding allegations of
unfair shipping conditions in the ocean trade between the United
States and China. Under the FSPA, once the order of
investigation is published in the Federal Register, the
Commission has 120 days to reach a decision. Among the issues
to be examined by the Commission are those restrictions which
preclude lawfully filed tariffs, conducting intermodal
operations such as feeder vessel services between the PRC and
Hong Kong, and other "doing business" restrictions which may
adversely affect U.S. carriers.
The FMC determination is expected to be announced November 22,
1991. If the Commission decides that a violation of the FSPA's
standards exists, it has the authority to impose sanctions on
PRC flag carriers servicing U.S. ports, or fees up to $1,000,000
per voyage.
Trade Imbalance - U.S. figures show a growing surplus for China,
which reached 10.4 billion dollars in 1990. Trade figures for
the first eight months of 1991 are as follows:
(January - August)
1990
1991
A. U.S. Exports (F.A.S., $ Mil)
3,287.7
4,043.1
B. U.S. Imports (Customs, $ Mil)
9,659.1
11,250.9
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14
3RD STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1991 The Washington Post
October 27, 1991, Sunday, Final Edition
SECTION: FIRST SECTION; PAGE A20
LENGTH: 1704 words
HEADLINE: Opinion Builds for Smaller U.S. Role Abroad;
;
Attention Shifting to Domestic Problems as Epoch Begun at Pearl Harbor Draws to
a Close
SERIES: Occasional
BYLINE: Don Oberdorfer, Washington Post Staff Writer
BODY:
In the growing national debate about the extent of future U.S. involvement
overseas following the demise of Soviet communism, a consensus appears to be
developing in the traditional foreign policy establishment for a reduced U.S.
role.
Among foreign policy experts, historians and political leaders interviewed in
recent days, the predominant view is that the United States can afford to assume
a less ambitious role abroad because the Soviet Union likely will no longer be a
leading player on the international stage -- as either a foe or a partner -- and
the chances of nuclear war or serious hostilities between major powers have
diminished.
Although the danger of civil and inter-ethnic violence is expected to
increase, contributing to a more turbulent global scene, these specialists agree
that U.S. domestic problems are increasing substantially and warrant greater
attention.
There is also a strong sense among those both inside and outside the Bush
administration that, whatever the United States does, the world has reached the
end of an epoch.
According to several experts, the collapse of Soviet political and economic
power marks not just the end of the Cold War but the climax of a longer era that
began with the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941 and brought a reluctant
United States into a leading international role -- first to fight Japan and
Germany, then to contain the Soviet Union.
With the Soviet empire dissolving and Kremlin officials seeking friendlier
relations with the West, President Bush expressed as recently as last fall the
hope that Americans and Soviets could cooperate in establishing a "new world
order." But given the disintegration of the Soviet Union, its viability as a
partner in charting a new course for the world is in question, leaving the
United States as the only real superpower.
Former secretary of state Henry A. Kissinger, one of the nation's leading
internationalists, is among those who contend that the United States should be
less engaged abroad in the future than it was during the Cold War. "We've
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gotten into the habit of thinking that anything that is broken in the world,
we've got to fix," Kissinger said.
He suggested that the United States needs to establish more rigorous
priorities. "It has to define those things it must do, those things it would
like to do and those things it will overextend itself" by doing, he said, noting
that no national consensus or even strongly held opinions on these categories of
priorities yet exist.
Retired Adm. William J. Crowe, former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff,
said only partly in jest that the Soviets "did a dirty trick" by eliminating
themselves as a threat to the United States and "really screwed us up" in terms
of strategic beliefs and planning.
"We keep looking overseas when our biggest long-term threats are at home,"
Crowe observed, echoing the remarks of many nonmilitary experts. The most
serious problems facing the country, according to Crowe, include deficiencies in
education, declining economic competitiveness, eroding infrastructure, the drug
epidemic and a threatened environment.
Crowe emphasized, as did several others, that any U.S. shift away from
overseas involvement should be one of emphasis or degree rather than a sudden
reversal to pre-World War II isolationism.
"I don't believe you can get out of the foreign policy business, = Crowe
said. "I think you have to do both [domestic and foreign]. But I really believe
with all my heart that if you want to be as activist in foreign policy as we
have been in the past, and as the president seems to want to be right now, the
first thing you have to worry about is the fiscal strength of the country. We
cannot be as activist as we have been in the past unless we improve our fiscal
base."
What these and other foreign policy specialists appear to have in mind is a
more selective U.S. role in world affairs. The United States would continue to
deal with conflicts abroad but would do so less automatically than in the past
and in roles less dominant and less costly.
In the interest of finding a new principle to guide U.S. foreign policy and
replace the old notion of Soviet containment, Rep. Lee H. Hamilton (D-Ind.), a
senior member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, has been meeting for about
a year with foreign policy experts from outside the government in off-the-record
sessions.
While convinced of the need for a continued leading U.S. role in world
affairs, Hamilton has been unable to find a principle, a cause or a unifying
theme that carries the logic and political appeal that containment of communism
did. Hamilton said that in the process of his inquiry, he has been struck by the
ambiguous views of his constituents, especially younger ones.
"On the one hand they are very proud of the fact that we are a superpower,
and maybe the only superpower, but on the other hand they are not sure they want
to pay for it," Hamilton said. The key question, he concluded, is "whether the
American people will continue to support a strong international role when they
have enormous needs at home to be met and when you no longer have the kind of
appealing and unifying principle of containment, which led you to look at the
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(c) 1991 The Washington Post, October 27, 1991
world as a moral crusade."
Although most Americans are not old enough to remember a time before
extensive U.S. engagement in the world, the definition of national security
until 1940 was limited mainly to the protection of domestic tranquillity, U.S.
borders and neighboring areas in the Western Hemisphere, according to Prof.
Ernest May of Harvard, author of a forthcoming study titled "National Interest
in American History."
Not until World War II did the accepted view of U.S. security interests
expand by giant steps -- first to encompass Britain, then most of Europe, then
East Asia. As the United States led the Western alliance during the Cold War,
these interests extended to parts of Africa, the Middle East and South Asia --
wherever Soviet challenges were seen.
Twice before in this century -- after World War 1, when President Woodrow
Wilson sought unsuccessfully to continue U.S. engagement abroad through
participation in the League of Nations, and after World War II, when the United
States quickly demobilized and began debating its role in the world --- Americans
have felt a powerful impulse to retreat to the traditional limited view of their
international interests.
Now, May said, as a new national debate on the issue begins, it seems
unlikely that the United States, after decades as a dominant world leader, will
quickly give up an expansive view of its role.
Among the factors suggesting that the United States would have difficulty
retreating from world affairs are two international trends.
One is the development of a global economy. While the United States still has
the single biggest internal market in the world, it is increasingly dependent on
flows of foreign capital, energy, raw materials and manufactured goods. Fully 20
percent of U.S. manufactured goods and 30 percent of farm products are now sold
abroad. Attempts to disengage the United States from foreign involvement could
undermine relations with major trading partners and thus damage the U.S.
economy, experts say.
A second important trend involves the growing gap between rich and poor. On
the one hand, there are those with the education, skills and drive to
participate in and benefit from the wealth-producing activities of the Third
Industrial Revolution, as the current high-tech age is sometimes called. On the
other hand, there are whole nations -- and groups within even the advanced
countries that have been excluded from the economic growth and are sinking
further into poverty.
Between 1980 and 1990, living conditions improved substantially in most
developed countries and spectacularly -- more than 20 percent -- in many of the
newly industrializing countries of Asia, Latin America and North Africa,
according to data compiled by Prof. Richard Estes of the University of
Pennsylvania, an adviser to the United Nations. But 33 of the poorest countries,
especially those in Africa and the Middle East, lost ground in the decade,
according to Estes's statistics.
"A tremendous widening of the gap between the poorest and richest countries
is notable," Estes said.
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This gap is a source of conflict and political turbulence in the world, and
such instability further complicates any decision to reduce U.S. involvement
abroad. If world power can be shared more evenly among the richer nations,
however, the United States may find itself freer to assume a lower profile.
"I think what we are coming to is a world of about seven to 10 major
countries which, when they agree, will run the world," said William Hyland,
editor of Foreign Affairs. Hyland identified the charmed circle as the Group of
Seven major industrialized democracies -- the United States, Germany, Japan,
Britain, France, Italy and Canada -- along with China and the Soviet Union and
possibly one or two others.
"You have the feeling that the G-7 will turn into an economic directorate,"
Hyland said.
Hyland and several other foreign policy experts predicted that NATO, despite
its current efforts to expand its mission, will decline in importance and
perhaps wither away in the post-Soviet world. Nor is there much confidence in
the continued prowess of the Permanent Five members of the U.N. Security
Council, which include the Soviet Union and China but not the economic
megastates of Germany and Japan. Amending the U.N. charter to add permanent
Security Council members would be difficult.
While permanent alliances such as NATO are likely to become less important,
temporary coalitions aligned on particular issues, such as the diverse one
assembled for the Persian Gulf War, will be more important.
With relations less structured and more ambivalent, "the world of 'good guys
and bad guys' will give way to a world of 'gray guys,' = Prof. Samuel P.
Huntington of Harvard wrote this year in a publication of the International
Institute of Strategic Studies. "Relations among the major powers may converge
toward a mean mixing of elements of cooperation and competition."
TYPE: NATIONAL NEWS
SUBJECT: INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS; COMMUNISM; U.S.S.R.; TIME AND HISTORY
ORGANIZATION: COLD WAR
NAMED-PERSONS: SAMUEL P. HUNTINGTON; RICHARD ESTES; HENRY A. KISSINGER; WILLIAM
J. CROWE; LEE H. HAMILTON; ERNEST MAY
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9
13TH STORY of Level 2 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1991 The New York Times Company
The New York Times
February 24, 1991, Sunday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section 1; Part 1; Page 22; Column 3; National Desk
LENGTH: 1624 words
HEADLINE: Asians Spread Across a Land, and Help Change It
BYLINE: By FOX BUTTERFIELD, Special to The New York Times
DATELINE: BAYOU LA BATRE, Ala.
BODY:
In Birmingham, where eating out long meant barbecue, there are now 60 Chinese
restaurants. In Huntsville, Korean managers at the Korean-owned Gold Star
television factory give orders to their American workers. And here in Bayou La
Batre, at the tip of Mobile Bay, a third of the old Cajun fishing village's
2,600 inhabitants are now Vietnamese or Cambodian.
In a state that a quarter-century ago was a symbol of racism, these new
settlers are part of a wave of immigrants that has increased the
Asian-American share of Alabama's population by 124 percent in the past
decade, according to figures recently made public by the Census Bureau.
And they reflect one of the most dramatic findings of the 1990 Census --- the
explosion of Asian and Pacific Islanders around the United States. Although
Asian-Americans were once largely confined to a few states, like California
and Hawaii, and clustered in urban centers like the Chinatowns of New York and
San Francisco, they have now spread to virtually every part of the nation.
So far, the Census Bureau has released ethnic statistics for about half the
states. But Frederick W. Hollmann, a demographer with the Census Bureau, has
estimated that around the country the Asian population increased by 79.5 percent
in the 1980's, rising to 6.88 million from 3.83 million. That is seven times
faster than the general population and "makes them far and away the most rapidly
growing" ethnic group in the country, Mr. Hollmann said.
Some Figures Are Startling
In some of states, the growth of the Asian-American population is stunning:
New Jersey, up 162 percent to 272,521; Texas, up 165.5 percent to 319,459, and
Rhode Island, up 245 percent to 18,325.
The 124 percent increase in Alabama means there are now about 22,000
Asian-Americans in this state, whose overall population increased by 3.6
percent in a decade. The Asian-American population in Mississippi went up
almost 76 percent, to about 13,000, while the overall state population increased
2.1 percent. Louisiana's Asian-American population went up almost 73 percent,
to just over 41,000, while the overall population went up only three-tenths of 1
percent.
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The figures for California, home to about one-third of all Asian-Americans,
have not yet been released. But in 1988, state researchers estimated that Asians
had reached 9.3 percent of the state's population, surpassing the black
population of 7.5 percent.
Over all, the growth of the Asian-American population has been so large and
widespread that "Asians are just becoming part of the landscape," said Stanley
Karnow, the Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist and author who is writing a book
about Asians in America. "Where in the past they were odd and exotic, now they
are accepted."
And in many ways, they are changing the landscape. On Feb. 15, firecrackers
pierced the morning in Bayou La Batre as Tu Phuc and other immigrants celebrated
Tet, the Vietnamese lunar New Year festival. Until recently, most people here
associated Tet with the 1968 Communist offensive that changed the course of the
Vietnam War.
Mr. Tu, a refugee from Saigon, settled here in 1985 as Vietnamese, Cambodians
and Laotians flocked to the warm climate and jobs in the shrimp and crab
business that were being abandoned by white and black workers who left for
higher-paying jobs in Mobile.
Mr. Tu, an ethnic Chinese who fled Vietnam on a small fishing boat in 1977,
now runs the grocery store, which sells sacks of rice from Thailand, chili sauce
and cassette tapes of Vietnamese music stars. He also owns a pool hall
frequented by Vietnamese, and some fishing boats, trailers and apartments.
"It is just like in Saigon; the Chinese ran the stores there, and they run
the stores for Vietnamese here," Mr. Tu said, speaking in Chinese. He sends his
three children to a Roman Catholic school 40 minutes away. "I am a Chinese and
want them to get the best education," he said.
The heavy influx of immigrants has sharply altered the composition of the
Asian population in the United States. Until 1970, two-thirds of all
Asian-Americans were of Japanese or Chinese descent, and most were members of
families that had been here since the late 19th or early 20th century. Most also
lived in urban concentrations, like the Chinatowns in New York and San Franciso.
Is a Term a Myth?
The flow of immigrants has changed the ethnic balance radically. Whereas in
1970, Japanese formed the largest group, in 1980 Chinese surpassed them, and in
1990 Filipinos jumped over them, according to a report by Leon F. Bouvier for
the Center for Migration Studies in New York. Mr. Bouvier estimated that in 1990
there were 1.4 million Filipinos, 1.26 million Chinese, 859,000 Vietnamese,
814,000 Koreans, 804,000 Japanese, 684,000 Asian-Indians and 706,000 others,
including Cambodians, Laotians and Pacific Islanders.
Given this diversity of national origins -- and perhaps an even greater
diversity in social classes among the immigrants between peasants and nuclear
physicists -- some Asian-American leaders say it is misleading to use the term
=
Asian-American" at all.
= Asian-American is a myth," said K. W. Lee, editor of The Korea Times in
Los Angeles. "You have Chinese who have lived here for 100 years, Koreans who
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have just arrived, and poor Cambodian and Laotian refugees who are living lives
of quiet desperation."
From 1985 to 1989, Asian immigration figures ranged from 268,000 to 281,0001
annually, said Michael Hoefer, chief of demographic statistics for the
Immigration and Naturalization Service. The Philippines, with an average of
50,000 immigrants a year in the latter half of the decade, was the leadig source
of Asian and Pacific Island immigrants.
Turning Point in 1965
The combined annual figures for China, Taiwan and Hong Kong from 1985 to
1989 averaged more than 40,000, while the number of immigrants from South Korea
averaged 35,000 a year, Mr. Hoefer said.
The key to this surge was a 1965 change in the immigration law by President
Lyndon B. Johnson that removed restrictions on Asians that had been in place
since early in the century.
As a result, the number of Asian-Americans jumped from 891,000 in 1960 to
1.4 million in 1970, and then to 3.8 million in 1980, according to the Census
Bureau. Demographers say it may be close to 7 million for 1990.
Another change in the immigration law last year, giving greater preference to
applicants with certain skills, is expected to further increase the flow of
Asians, many of whom are nurses, doctors, engineers and scientists, Mr. Hoefer
said.
The new Asian immigrants have tended to cluster in towns or cities where a
friend or relative first settled, following patterns of earlier waves of Irish,
Italian, Polish and Jewish immigrants from Europe.
Drawn by Countrymen
In Rhode Island, much of the growth of the Asian population began with two
Cambodian students who found themselves unable to return to their homeland after
it fell to the Khmer Rouge in 1975. They then offered to sponsor Cambodian
refugee families, who in turn sponsored other families, said Sophai Moeuy, a
former sergeant in the Cambodian army who fled to a refugee camp in Thailand in
1978.
"When my time came to leave the camp, I did not know where I was supposed to
go," said Mr. Moeuy, who is now a postal worker in Providence. "But when I went
to my interview, I told them I had a friend named Pally Nak who had lived in the
camp before who was now in the United States. I showed them a piece of paper
with his address in the United States, and they took me here. I didn't now if it
was cold or snow or hot here. I didn't know anything. But here I am."
Starting a Community
In the pine woods of Alabama between Bayou La Batre and Mobile, a group of
Cambodian families have bought 200 acres of land, started their own crab
processing plant, moved in some trailers and erected a makeshift Buddhist
LEXIS NEXIS'LEXIS'NEXIS
Services of Mead Data Central, Inc.
PAGE 12
(c) 1991 The New York Times, February 24, 1991
temple.
The Cambodians, like many of the Vietnamese, were originally brought to the
area by the Mobile office of Catholic Social Services, which helps them with
English classes and job counseling. The Cambodians also renamed the dusty road
where the temple sits, calling it South Angkor Street, after the medieval
capital of Cambodia.
In Birmingham, many Chinese and Koreans and some Japanese have come as
students or scholars to the University of Alabama at Birmingham and its large
medical center. Yoshimi Saito, a gentle, graying 52-year-old professor of
mathematics arrived in 1983 from Kyoto, at first somewhat skeptical. "I had
never heard of a Southern mathematician, he said in the living room of his
comfortable ranch-style house in the hilly suburb of Homewood.
But Mr. Saito expresses satisfaction with his move now. He says he has felt
no racial prejudice. He is a member of a Southern Baptist church. And his
daughter, Yoriko, did so well in high school that the school sent her to the
University of Alabama for her science classes starting in her sophomore year.
When she graduated, she finished third nationally in the Westinghouse Science
Talent Search. She is now part of a special joint graduate program at the
Harvard Medical School and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
At the Great Wall restaurant in Birmingham, Candice Diong and Jet Wee Ong are
the managers, as well as being husband and wife. They are both Chinese from
Malaysia who met after they came to Alabama to college.
"Birmingham sure has changed since I came here in 1984," Mr. Ong said. "There
were only a half dozen Chinese restaurants here then; now there are 60. It used
to be quite difficult to explain to people what an egg roll is. Now they're just
like french fries."
GRAPHIC: Photos: "Birmingham sure has changed since I came here in 1984," said
Jet Wee Ong, who manages the Great Wall restaurant in Birmingham, Ala., with his
wife, Candice Diong. "There were only a half dozen Chinese restaurants here
then; now there are 60 (Mike Clemmer for The New York Times); Tu Phuc, a refugee
from Saigon who settled in Bayou La Batre, Ala., sells rice from Thailand and
cassette tapes of Vietnamese pop music stars at his grocery store. (Dave Hamby
for The New York Times)
Graph: "A Growing Asian Population," tracks population in 1980 and projected
1990 population, by country of origin (Source: Census Bureau)
SUBJECT: POPULATION; ASIAN-AMERICANS; CENSUS; LAW AND LEGISLATION; IMMIGRATION
AND EMIGRATION
NAME: BUTTERFIELD, FOX; JOHNSON, LYNDON BAINES (1908-73)
GEOGRAPHIC: UNITED STATES
LEXIS'NEXIS'LEXIS'NEXIS
OCT-28-91 MON 6:01
P.01
THE
ASIA
SOCIETY
Fax: (212) 517-8315
725 Park Avenue, New York, NY 10021
Phone: (212) 288-6400
91 OCT 28 P5: 06
FAX TRANSMISSION
Fax: 202-456-6218
Date: 10/28/91
To:
Michelle Nix
From: Any She Idon
The Asia Society
Total # of pages:
4
If you do not receive the total # of pages as noted, please contact the sender. Thank you.
OCT-28-91
MON
6:01
P.02
THE
ASIA
SOCIETY
725 PARK AVENUE. NEW YORK, NY 10021-5088
THE ASIA SOCIETY
The Asia Society is dedicated to increasing American understanding of
the culture, history and contemporary affairs of Asia and to fostering
communication between Asians and Americans.
A national nonprofit, nonpartisan educational organization, the Society
provides a forum for building awareness of the more than thirty
countries broadly defined as the Asia-Pacific region the area from
Japan to Iran, and from Soviet Asia to New Zealand, Australia, and the
Pacific Islands.
Through art exhibitions and performances, seminars and conferences,
publications and assistance to the media, and materials and programs
for students and teachers, The Asia Society presents the uniqueness and
diversity of Asia to the America people.
Founded in 1956 by John D. Rockefeller 3rd, the Society reaches
audiences around the United States through its headquarters in New
York and regional offices in Houston, Los Angeles and Washington,
D.C. Asians from all walks of life also participate in the Society's work
through the new Hong Kong Center, an International Council and
programs in Asia.
The Asia Society is supported by contributions from foundations,
corporations, and individuals who believe in the mandate of the Society:
to build bridges of understanding between Americans and Asians.
The Asia Society has approximately
6,000 members.
224953
ASIA
UR
CABLE
ADDRESS:
ASIATIOUSE
NEWYORK
OCT-28-91 MON 6:02
P.03
STATEMENT
Report of the Chairman
and the President
The need to educate
of Hong Kong; Hugh M.
Americans about their
Morgan, managing director
neighbors across the Pacific
of Western Mining Corpo-
was the principal motive
ration Ltd. (Australia); and
behind the founding of The
Amnuay Viravan, executive
Asia Society in 1956. years
chairman of the Bangkok
before the phrase "Pacific
Bank Ltd.
Community" became pop-
In addition. the member-
ular. From the outset we
ship of our International
Robin Moyer
enlisted the cooperation of
Council was doubled to in-
prominent Asians in our
clude 150 prominent figures
efforts to bring Asians and
from around the Asian-
While facing uncertainties
Pictured in Hong Kong at
Americans together in a
Pacific region. These
about its change in status
the opening of the new
community of mutual
leaders in business, cultural
to Chinese sovereignty in
Center were John C.
interest.
affairs, the professions and
1997, Hong Kong continues
Whitehead, Chairman of
The extraordinary
government service provide
to play a central role in
the Board of Trustees of
changes in Asia in recent
invaluable assistance for So-
Asian commerce and offers
The Asia Society, and
years have only made the
ciety programs both in Asia
the Society an unsurpassed
Robert B. Oxnam,
need for trans-Pacific
and in the United States.
window on political and
President.
partnership more appar-
The opening of our Hong
cultural developments
ent. With this in mind, the
Kong Center, the Society's
throughout the region.
Board of Trustees has
fourth regional center and
Collaboration with Asian
adopted a five-year Strate-
the first in Asia, was a ma-
sponsors helped make the
gic Plan that calls for even
jor achievement that would
corporate conference in Bali
stronger Asian participation
not have been possible
last March the largest of
at all stages and levels of
without the advice and as-
its kind ever held in the
Society activities.
sistance of eminent repre-
region. The conference,
In taking significant steps
sentatives of the Hong
which dealt with the future
toward this goal last year,
Kong community, espc-
of ASEAN (Association of
we acted to involve more of
cially those who served on
Southeast Asian Nations),
our Asian colleagues in the
the Society's International
was jointly sponsored by
governance and guidance of
Council. Sir Quo-Wei Lee
the Society and The Centre
the Society; to expand the
is the first chairman of the
for Strategic and Interna-
Society's presence in Asia;
Center and Burton Levin,
tional Studies in Jakarta,
to build working relation-
former U.S. Ambassador to
with the cooperation of
ships with a broad spec-
Myanmar (Burma) and for-
Fortune and support from
trum of Asian institutions;
mer U.S. Consul General in
American and Asian firms.
and to organize a number
Hong Kong, is the first di-
More than a thousand dele-
of major events in Asia and
rector. Programming at the
gates and two hundred
the Pacific region.
Center got off to a strong
members of the regional
In 1990-91 Asian repre-
start with a lecture series of
and international press
sentation on the Board of
interest not only to resi-
heard 38 distinguished
Trustees was increased with
dents of Hong Kong but to
speakers including three
the involvement of such
anyone trying to under-
heads of state: President
distinguished leaders as
stand fast-moving devel-
Socharto of Indonesia,
Joseph E. Hotung, 1 long
opments in East Asia.
Prime Minister Mahathir
Kong financier and art pa-
Standing-room-only audi-
Mohamad of Malaysia and
tron; Koretsugu Kodama,
ences heard cycwitness re-
Prime Minister Goh Chok
managing director of the
ports on China's economic
Tong of Singapore.
Bank of Tokyo. Ltd.; Sir
reforms and human-rights
Quo-Wci Lee. chairman of
policies from Nicholas
the Hang Seng Bank. Ltd.
Lardy of the University of
Washington and Gareth
OCT-28-91
MON
6:03
P.04
Following up the success
with the Society to launch
community leaders inter-
For example, the Southern
of this meeting, the next
Court Arts of Indonesia, an
ested in the preservation of
California Center has dc-
corporate conference-
exhibition of 150 works
art objects and folk cultures
veloped strong ties with
scheduled for May 1992
representing 12 centuries of
throughout Asia.
Asian American commu-
in Taipei-will be co-
creativity by the peoples of
The 19th annual Wil-
nitics and Asian-owned
sponsored by Taipei's Insti-
the Indonesian archipelago.
liamsburg Conference,
businesses in the Los An-
tute for National Political
The exhibition, which
dedicated to fostering ex-
geles area; the Houston
Research and The Asian
was curated by Dr. Helen
changes of opinion among
Center has worked closely
Wall Street Journal.
Ibbitson Jessup with Drs.
decision makers from the
with several Asian Consul-
The Society's Korean
Bambang Sumadio as CO-
entire Pacific region, con-
ates General and with local
Peninsula Project benefited
curator in Indonesia,
vened in Sydney, Australia,
businesses that maintain
from an extensive collab-
opened in Jakarta prior to
a setting that symbolized
tics with Asia; and as al-
orative network that paved
its American debut at The
the key roles played in the
ways, the Washington Cen-
the way for a 13-member
Asia Society.
region by Australia and
ter has been instrumental in
American study mission to
In a project that broke
neighboring New Zealand.
opening lines of commu-
visit Beijing, Pyongyang,
new ground in international
The conference was hosted
nication with Asian gov-
Scoul, Tokyo and Moscow.
sponsorship of the arts, the
by the Australian Institute
crnment officials and with
In each capital, research and
Society and Yayasan Seni
of International Affairs.
American officials who deal
policy institutes worked
Berdaftar, a Malaysian
While expanding our
regularly with Asia.
with the Society to set the
foundation, presented an
contacts with senior people
The Asia Society has
agenda for the mission,
evening of theater based on
in Asian research institutes,
thrived over the years by
which explored prospects
that country's traditional
universities, museums, the
drawing on the imagination
for unification of North and
performing and martial
arts, business and govern-
and energy of large num-
South Korea. The study
arts, some of which are in
ment, we are also con-
bers of dedicated volunteers
mission was chaired by
danger of disappearing.
cerned with reaching out to
in this country. Now large
Robert A. Scalapino, Rob-
Manuel Alum, an Ameri-
rising young leaders. A
numbers of Asians who
son Research Professor
can choreographer with ex-
conference on environmen-
share our vision of a peace-
Emeritus at the University
tensive experience in Asian
tal advocacy brought grass-
ful and prosperous Pacific
of California at Berkcley
dance, was asked to go
roots activists from seven
Community are generously
and a longtime trustee of
to Malaysia to work with
Asian countries to New
offering their time, money
The Asia Society.
the finest traditional per-
York in April to discuss
and talents. This expanded
Close cooperation with
formers. The resulting pro-
goals and tactics with
partnership of concerned
Asian institutions was a
duction, Made in Malaysia/
American environmental
individuals from different
hallmark of our major cul-
A Shamanic Journey, drew
groups. Preparations are
backgrounds working to-
tural presentations during
enthusiastic audiences and
under way for similar con-
ward a common good is
the year. The National Mu-
laudatory reviews during its
ferences to deal with citizen
both a confirmation of past
scum of Indonesia worked
run at The Asia Society.
action on women's issues
success and an auspicious
Three major collabora-
and urban problems. The
omen for the future.
tions are now in the plan-
Society's commitment to
ning stages: An exchange
closer collaboration with
of art works between
Asian individuals and insti-
Tokyo's Idemitsu Museum
tutions extends to our three
you
C.
and the Society's Rock-
regional program centers.
efeller Collection of Asian
Art; an exhibition of art
John C. Whitehead
Chairman
treasures from 18th-century
Korea organized with The
National Museum of Korea;
and an international confer-
ence in Bangkok that will
bring together scholars,
government officials and
Robert B. Oxnam
President
2
*8678*
ENCYCLOPEDIA OF ASSOCIATIONS, 26th Edition - 1992
Page 974
*8678*
THE ASIA SOCIETY (Asian) (TAS)
725 Park Ave.
Phone: (212) 288-6400
principles in daily living. Activities include weekly lectures and study groups, a
New York, NY 10021
Dr. Robert B. Oxnam, Pres.
summer seminar on Oriental philosophy, and a student essay contest. Oper-
ates bookstore. Committees: Universal Religion.
Founded: 1956. Members: 5600. Staff: 90. Budget: $9,000,000. Re-
gional Groups: 3. Seeks to increase American understanding of Asia and "its
Publications: Ashram Bulletin, quarterly.
Special Cultural Events, quarterly.
growing importance to U.S. and world relations." Serves as consultant on
Also sponsors and publishes books and monographs.
curriculum development and multimedia materials; offers services to educa-
tors to develop new ways of teaching about on Asian peoples and cultures;
8684* EAST-WEST CULTURAL CENTER (Asian) (EWCC)
Sri Aurobindo Center
offers special programs and services to the public, the media, and business
12329 Marshall St.
and professional audiences. Operates The Asia Society Galleries for exhibi-
Phone: (213) 390-9083
Culver City, CA 90230
tions of Asian art; houses the Mr. and Mrs. John D. Rockefeller III Collection
Robert R. Dane, Sec.-Treas.
of Asian Art. Conducts national program on Asian films and performing arts.
Founded: 1953. Staff: 4. Budget: Less than $25,000. Nonmembership.
Telecommunications Services: Fax, (212)517-8315. Divisions: Cultural
Artists, philosophers, scientists, musicians, dancers, and teachers of other
Progams; Education and Contemporary Affairs. Absorbed: (1990) China
spiritual movements and religions. Seeks to relate and integrate the cultural
Council (founded 1975). Convention/Meeting: none.
and spiritual values of the East (primarily India) with those of Western civi-
lization. Conducts lectures; holds performances. Sponsors study groups based
Publications: Annual Report.
Archives of Asian Art, annual.
Asia
on the teachings of Sri Aurobindo, an Indian mystic. Offers classes in Hindi,
Newsletter, quarterly. Contains chapter news and calendar of events. Price:
Punjabi, Sanskrit, and Yoga. Maintains 2000 volume library which covers
Included in membership dues. Circulation: 8000. Advertising: not accepted.
Eastern religion, philosophy, history, literature, language, and culture. Sponsors
China Briefing, annual.
India Briefing, annual.
Korea
Briefing,
annual.
the work at Auroville, the City of Human Unity being built in Pondicherry, and
Also publishes performing arts monographs, books, educational guides and
Tamil Nadu, India.
videotapes, brochures, study reports, media briefings, and catalogues of TAS
exhibitions.
Publications: First Lessons in Sanskrit Grammar and Reading and The Lan-
guage of the Gods.
*8679* ASIAN BENEVOLENT CORPS (ABC)
*8685* NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF ASIAN-AMERICAN
2423 Pennsylvania Ave. NW, No. 100
Phone: (202) 331-0129
PROFESSIONALS (NAAAP)
Washington, DC 20037
Dr. Dwan Tai, Bd.Chm.
PO Box 772
Phone: (212) 533-9335
Founded: 1963. Members: 3000. Organized for artistic, cultural, education-
New York, NY 10002
John Chang, Pres.
al, and commuity service activities.
Founded: 1982. Members: 600. Regional Groups: 3. Works to enhance
Publications: Asian Voice, periodic.
cultural and educational awareness of the Asian community in the U.S. Pro-
vides resources and assistance to the Asian community. Develops social and
*8680* ASIAN CULTURAL COUNCIL (ACC)
professional networking programs. Formerly: National Association of Young
Asian Professionals.
280 Madison Ave.
Phone: (212) 684-5450
New York, NY 10016
Richard S. Lanier, Dir.
Publications: Current Asian, semiannual. Includes member news and up-
Founded: 1980. Promotes mutual understanding and respect between U.S.
dates. Price: Free to members. Advertising: accepted.
and Asian countries through cultural exchange in the visual and performing
Convention/Meeting: annual.
arts. Believes that direct contact between Americans and Asians is essential in
gaining a true and lasting appreciation of each other's traditions, values, and
*8686
BET NAHRAIN (Assyrian) (BN)
beliefs. Provides fellowship awards to artists, scholars, students, and special-
PO Box 4116
Phone: (209) 522-3229
ists in the visual and performing arts and to arts organizations and educational
Modesto, CA 95352
Dr. Sargon Dadesho, Executor
institutions involved in cultural exchange between the U.S. and Asian coun-
Founded: 1974. Members: 5000. Individuals united internationally to per-
tries. Telecommunications Services: Telex, 4995359 ACCNY. Supersedes:
petuate the heritage of the Assyrian people through radio, television, printed
Asian Cultural Program of the JDR 3rd Fund (founded 1963). Convention/
material, and athletic and cultural programs. Conducts seminars and classes in
Meeting: none.
ancient Assyrian language. Sponsors Assyrian broadcasting radio station and
Publications: Brochure.
television network. Committees: Athletic; Educational; Khamatit Bet Nahrain
(women's auxiliary); Mass Media; Radio and TV.
8681
ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF CENTRAL ASIAN
Publications: Journal, monthly.
RESEARCH (AACAR)
Convention/Meeting: monthly.
Univ. of Massachusetts
Herter Hall
Phone: (413) 545-1330
*8687*
AMERICA AUSTRALIA INTERACTION ASSOCIATION
Amherst, MA 01003
Audrey L. Altstadt, Ph.D., Treas.
(Australian) (AAIA)
Founded: 1988. Scholars and institutions interested in the study of central
7873 Heritage Dr., No. 123
Phone: (703) 750-1234
Asia. Works to bring together scholars, students, and others interested in
Annandale, VA 22003
Joseph Farkas, Exec.Dir.
collecting, analyzing, and disseminating information and research results on
Founded: 1989. Staff: 2. North American and Australian businesses, orga-
the history, literature, language, anthropology, sociology, and archaeology of
nizations, and individuals seeking to strengthen the economic, social, and cul-
the region. Seeks to improve knowledge and understanding of central Asia
tural contacts between their countries. Conducts educational programs in-
among scholars in related fields and serves as a clearinghouse and bridge be-
cluding: youth/professional internships, lectures, and symposia. Holds social
tween other regional study groups, such as those interested in the Middle
functions including embassy receptions, art promotions, sports outings, fes-
East, east and south Asia, and Russia and the USSR.
tivals, themed formal dinners, and commemorative functions. Provides liaison
Publications: AACAR Bulletin, 2-4/year. Price: $25/year. ISSN: 0898-
programs and international visitors' welcome services. Sponsors research and
6827. Circulation: 1500. Advertising: accepted. Alternate Formats: online
charitable projects; bestows awards; maintains speakers' bureau, library, and
AACAR Monograph Series, periodic.
placement and immigration guidance service. Compiles statistics. Plans to es-
Also publishes Alpamysh: Central
tablish the National Australian American Chamber of Commerce. Computer-
Asian Identity Under Russian Rule (book).
ized Services: Mailing lists. Telecommunications Services: Fax, (301)229-
Convention/Meeting: Plans to hold meetings.
4381. Committees: America Australia Business Council; Social and Cultural
Membership Communications.
*8682
CONFERENCE ON ASIAN HISTORY (CAH)
Publications: Australian-American Migration In Brief: A Bilateral Guide Price:
c/o Prof. George M. Wilson
Free to members; $3 to nonmembers.
Interchange, quarterly. Newsletter.
Indiana Univ.
Price: Included in membership dues. Advertising: accepted.
Also publishes
East Asian Studies Center
Phone: (812) 855-3765
brochures.
Bloomington, IN 47405
Prof. George M. Wilson, Chm.
Founded: 1953. Members: 100. Asian historians at North American
Convention/Meeting: annual, (with exhibits). Also sponsors the Annual Na-
universities and colleges. Dedicated to the exchange of information on Asia.
tional Australian Wine Exposition - 1991, November, Washington, DC.
Sponsors luncheon and panel discussions on Asian history during American
*8688*
AUSTRIAN CULTURAL INSTITUTE (ACI)
Historical Association (see separate entry) meeting.
Cultural Affairs Sect.
Convention/Meeting: annual conference - always Dec. 28-30.
Austrian Consulate Gen.
11 E. 52nd St.
Phone: (212) 759-5165
*8683 CULTURAL INTEGRATION FELLOWSHIP (Asian) (CIF)
New York, NY 10022
Dr. Wolfgang Waldner, Dir.
360 Cumberland
Phone: (415) 626-2442
Founded: 1962. Staff: 8. Nonmembership. Austrian government agency in
San Francisco, CA 94114
Mrs. Bina Chaudhuri, Pres.
charge of cultural and scientific relations between America and Austria.
Founded: 1951. Members: 300. Staff: 10. Individuals interested in the
Maintains 10,000 volume reference library on Austrian history, art, and lit-
concepts of universal religion, cultural harmony, and creative self-fulfillment.
erature. Telecommunications Services: Fax, (212)319-9636; telex,
Promotes intercultural understanding between Asia and America; emphasizes
177142. Formerly: (1989) Austrian Institute.
the "spiritual oneness of the human race"; applies fundamental spiritual
Publications: Austrian Cultural Institute-Calendar of Events, 10/year.
October 30, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR SPEECHWRITERS
RESEARCHERS
FROM:
JENNIFER GROSSMAN
SUBJECT:
ASIA PRE-ADVANCE RESEARCH
JAPAN
SCHEDULE
FRIDAY:
--arrival ceremony with Emperor (open press, troop
review), then courtesy call on Emperor at Imperial
Palace
meeting with Prime Minister Miyazawa at Akasaka
Palace
Imperial Banquet, Imperial Palace, after dinner toast
SATURDAY:
-tennis and breakfast with the Emperor
visit Mita Senior High School (visit geography lab,
then nationally televised 5 min. remarks followed by
Q&A with students from around the world).
-major speech at Japanese Diet, lower house. 15-20
minutes, focusing on the responsibilities of
interdependence, and maybe Japan's role in NWO.
brief remarks at Kodak R&D plant in Yokohama. First,
lunch with U.S. business leaders, Visit Kodak
Laboratory, then address to U.S. business leaders and
Kodak staff.
--one on one meeting with PM, then expanded bilaterals,
then joint press statement
welcoming reception at Hotel New Otani with brief
remarks to 2000 -- a kind of welcoming committee of
business leaders, politicoes, etc. Tone should be real
upbeat.
Dinner with PM at PM's residence, after dinner toast
SUNDAY:
private breakfast
Emperor makes goodbye call to POTUS
attend church (maybe)
Embassy greetings
AF1 to Kyoto, accompanied by PM
walking tour of Imperial Palace
lunch with PM at Omiya Palace, (Secretary Alexander
may simultaneously lunch with Stanford students and
JET, Japan English Teaching Program, teachers).
Walking tour of Omiya gardens. Brief remarks to
American and Japanese students.
--may visit Nijo Castle
JAPAN
POLICY THEMES
Torkel Patterson of the NSC has advised me that while the
main focus of the President's trip here will obviously be on
trade issues, there will be a strong effort to tie in American
domestic concerns wherever possible. The context: the global
neighborhood; interdependence in communication/technology
revolutionized, politically post-modern (Pinkerton) new world
order.
Two challenges. One: selling a responsible trade policy
toward Japan back home, when the protectionist/isolationist
harangues from the right and left offer such politically
hysterical appeal. Two: eliciting concessions and continued
progress from the Japanese at a time when tolerance for continued
American Japan-bashing is reaching its limits.
A couple of notes on first challenge. Japanese buy more per
capita from America than Americans buy per capita from Japan (the
"trade deficit" as commonly heralded fails to account for
population ration, i.e. far greater U.S. pop than Japan pop).
The Japanese buy more from the United States than they buy from
the U.K., France, and Italy combined.
When addressing trade issues with the Japanese we might
stress "the opportunities and responsibilities of
interdependence." We want to challenge Japan to have the most
open market by the year 2000. (Incidentally, in technical terms,
tariff barriers for instance, Japan's market is more open than
ours. Impenetrability more often comes from hidden barriers --
like regulation size paper or car manufacturing standards -- and
on Japanese consumer preferences for the familiar.) Anecdote:
Japan used to exclude American baseball bats because they didn't
carry the right seal, a seal only available to Japanese firms.
Encouraging continued Japanese progress on rectifying
environmental abuses: While industrializing, Japan was one of
the worst environmental offenders internationally. Since then,
they have made great strides in cleaning up their act. For
instance, all their taxicabs run on natural gas. While the
Japanese are generally willing to move forward on environmental
issues, intransigence stems from anxiety over "keeping your rice
bowl filled, i.e. concern over loss of jobs in professions with
incidental abuse (e.g. fishermen, tortoise shell craftsmen). The
Japanese usually ask for "transition time" to retrain, relocate
those put out of work by conservation measures, while we want
change "now."
TOKYO SITES
1)
Imperial Palace: I was unable to go on this walk-through
but here's what I gather from other sources. The imperial
banquet will be held in a room called Homei-Den Hall. From
postcards, it looks kind of like a hotel ballroom, with some
kind of abstract Japanese painting of clouds on the wall.
This, apparently, is the way much of the palace looks. The
palace is actually only about 20 years old. The initial
greeting will take place in the Asahi-no-ma, or "Room of the
Rising Sun."
We had bombed the original Imperial Palace in World War
II; it was rebuilt in '69. The palace surrounds a huge
courtyard. The overriding characteristic of the place is a
vast emptiness -- large rectangular rooms with little or no
furniture, walls with sliding panels. The dining room table
will be a big U-shaped deal.
2)
Mita Senior High School: President will tour a couple of
classrooms, go to larger room with Mita students where he
will deliver brief remarks nationally televised. Then he
will field questions from students around the country via a
satellite hook-up. FYI: There's a concern that Japanese
students, generally not encouraged to participate or ask
questions in class, will be so awed by presidential presence
that they 11 simply clam up. Perhaps there's some way
(joke? comparison to American students?) that we can
sensitively circumvent such a scenario.
School itself not much different looking from American
high schools. 1,100 students. Was founded as a public
girls' school in 1923. Became coed in 1950, renamed Tokyo
Public Mita Senior High School. In 1977, Mita opened a
class for students returning from abroad. On a couple of
bulletin boards I saw improvised scrawled student demands
manifestos, requesting more interesting classes, more
understanding teachers, etc. These were the work of such
returning students, who are generally more outspoken and
participatory than their colleagues.
While part of our purpose is to show admiration for
Japanese academic excellence, it's ironic that the Japanese
themselves are quite critical of their own system. They in
turn look to our institutions for inspiration. The Japanese
criticize their schools for their emphasis on rote
memorization, aversion to innovation, and lack of
encouragement for independent, critical analysis by their
students. Recently they even passed legislation to stop
Saturday schooling.
I suggest we deal with this by stressing a theme of "we
have so much to learn from each other," rather than, "we
have so much to learn from you. Moreover, we can touch on
several non-school factors that account for Japanese
academic excellence -- strong family support, recognition of
the link between learning and success, early engendered work
ethic, etc.
3)
Japanese Diet, lower house: parliamentary amphitheater
style hall with large balcony. Rich wood detailing and
carving. POTUS to address reps from podium. 500 Diet
members. See pictures. In the entrance hall/lobby, there
are four pedestals in each corner. Three support statues of
great Japanese statesmen/historical figures, the fourth is
left empty as a symbol of hope, i.e. looking forward to the
great statesmen to come.
4)
Kodak, Yokahama: POTUS will see several gee-whiz high tech
developments in progress, like a super high definition TV.
Brief remarks to Kodak staff. Kudos; America can compete;
appreciation for their hard work and investment; POTUS is
taking steps to improve America's competitiveness.
5)
Prime Minister's residence: unable to go on walkthrough.
CONTACTS: --Blair Hall of AmEmbTokyo, (03) 3224-5336
--Hiroshi Furusana, MOFA 3581-3802
KYOTO SITES
1)
Kyoto Imperial Palace (FYI, I don't think there are any
remarks) : Originally built as the Emperor's second palace,
Kyoto Imperial Palace was used as the Imperial Palace from
1331-1867 after the original main palace burnt down. The
Imperial Throne and the August Seat of the Empress, still
used for coronations, are located here. Each rests on a
platform, and is covered with an octagonal canopy, decorated
with a large phoenix and eight small phoenixes.
The last "Ceremony of the Enthronement of His Majesty
the Emperor at the Seiden" took place in the Imperial Palace
on November 12, 1990
2)
Omiya Palace: remarks to students should focus on building
bridges between our two countries through education, facing
the future together. See proverbs.
Some of the students are with the Stanford Japan
Center, established by Stanford University, "for the purpose
of educating future generations of Americans about Japan.
The Center also will provide an institutional link between
American and Japanese research in science, technology, and
social science with the aim of opening up crucial channels
of information and by embarking on new cooperative
initiatives in research between the two nations.'
2)
Nijo Castle (again, no remarks) : The castle was originally
built in 1603 to be the official Kyoto residence of the
first Tokugawa Shogun Ieyasu, and it was completed in 1626
by the third Shogun Iemitsu. The lavishly decorated castle
stands as a symbol of the power of the Tokugawa military
government. It contains the famous "Nightingale Corridor,"
whose floors are designed to creak with birdlike noises when
tread upon, thus foreboding an enemy approach.
JAPANESE COLOR:
1)
Finding humor is difficult. Most people I've spoken to say
that the Japanese aren't big on jokes, humor. Moreover,
they will not know to laugh if POTUS tells a joke.
2)
The "Japan Series" (similar to our 'world series') in
baseball has just started. This years favorites are the
Hiroshima Carp and the Seibu Lions.
3)
Sumo wrestling is Japan's national sport. Recently an
exhibition tournament was held in London. Two very popular
wrestlers are a pair of American brothers from Hawaii --
Konishiki, who's the biggest Sumo wrestler (600 lbs), and
Ake Bono, who's the tallest. Who knows, maybe we could make
a joke about "gross national products" to an American
audience -- large American exports.
4)
American movies, rock, and rap music are very popular.
Disneyland opened in Japan 6 years ago; Japanese love Mickey
Mouse.
5)
Karaoke is a popular Japanese social activity. Literally
meaning "empty orchestra," karaoke bars play music without
lyrics so that the patrons can star on vocals. Maybe
there's a joke about Barbara wanting to go Karaoke.
6)
Women control the finances in Japanese families -- when to
buy the car, when to invest, etc. The husband often asks
his wife for money for his expenses; this allowance is
called "Kozu Kai." Maybe POTUS can say, "I wanted to buy
some souvenirs, but Barbara cut my kozu kai.'
7)
of all their qualities, Japanese are proudest of their
perseverance, endurance, called "gamman." They rate harmony
as highest on their scale of social values.
8)
Relevant to Omiya in Kyoto: a handbook called A Look into
Japan tells us "The Japanese garden is designed to be a
faithful representation of nature and to impart a sense of
simple, unspoiled beauty."
9)
December 23 is the Emperor's birthday.
10) The speechwriting god (Curt, sit down) : Benten, one of the
seven deities of good fortune, is the goddess of eloquence,
music and wisdom.
11) "Banzai," literally meaning 'ten thousand years, is the
Japanese equivalent of 'three cheers.' It's usually
expressed at the high point or end of a celebration.
12) Japanese proverbs:
"The past is not to be blamed." (Ki-o wa togamezu) English
parallel would be: "let bygones be bygones."
"The lantern-bearer should go ahead." (Chochin-mochi wa saki
ni tate) Meaning, he who bears the light, whether material,
intellectual, or spiritual, should lead the way.
"A treasure decaying in one's hands." (Takara no mochi-
kusare) Meaning, those with talent or money should but them
to good use, or else they will rot away.
"To the upper hand there is an upper hand. (Uwate ni wa
uwate ari). In other words, everyone has to answer to
someone. Maybe there's a first lady joke in here.
"Seven falls and eight rises." (Nana-korobi-ya-oki)
Perseverance will win in the end.
"There are no national frontiers to learning." (Gakumon ni
kokkyo nashi) i.e. scholarship knows no boundaries.
"To study penmanship at eighty." (Hachiju no te-narai)
Meaning, it's never too late to learn. Could apply to
lifelong learning, or joke on POTUS computer lessons.
"Books are preserved minds." (Shomotsu wa hozon-sareta
kokoro nari) Reminiscent of Highet quote, 'Books aren't
lifeless lumps of paper, but minds alive on a shelf.'
KOREA
POLICY THEMES
Korea wants to have its cake and eat it too. On one hand,
it wants to have a close relationship with U.S., play the big
league with the big boys. On the other hand, it claims the
fragility of a developing economy to justify protectionist
policies. We think they're strong enough to forgo such a
handicap, with ultimately hampers true growth on both sides.
(Note: GB visited Korea after he went to Hirohito's funeral)
Politics: Korea only recently became democratized. We want
to encourage democracy, praise them for ongoing efforts and
progress in that direction.
(War) Heads up: North Korea is developing a nuclear weapon.
There are fears of his becoming the region's Saddam Hussein.
This issue requires some delicacy because a) we support
reunification and b) South Koreans regard their northern
neighbors as brethren. Kim Il Sung, the 82 year old "Great
Leader" of North Korea, will pass the reigns to his son, Kim Jung
Il, widely regarded as less than competent. Fears of a military
coup against the latter complicate the situation.