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26
22
1
7
JAN 2 92 12:41
FROM USTR PUBLIC AFFAIRS
PAGE. 001
ASIA AND PACIFIC
OFFICE OF THE UNITED STATES TRADE REPRESENTATIVE
Executive Office of the President
Washington, D.C. 20506
Date: 12/31/91
No. Of Pages:
/
(Excluding cover page)
TO: NAME:
Co./AGENCY:
PHONE #:
FAX #:
456-6218
Michelle Nix
White House
456-7750
INSUANDA
FROM:
Sandra Kristoff, AUSTR
(202) 395-3430
Nancy Adams, DAUSTR
(202) 395-4755
Laura Kneale Anderson, South Asia and Pacific
(202) 395-6813
Peter Collins, South East Asia and India
(202) 395-6813
Terence Mulligan,Special Assistant, Asia and Pacific
(202) 395-6813
Tommie Johnson
(202) 395-3430
Diane Parker
(202) 395-6813
FAX#:
(202) 395-3512
CONTACT:
If There are any problems please call: (202) 395-3430, 4755, 6813
SUBJECT:
Asia Statistics
/
JAN 2 '92 12:41
FROM USTR PUBLIC AFFAIRS
PAGE 002
TO:
Michelle Nix
FROM:
Laura Anderson
Following are the relevant statistics on our trade with Asia
that you requested:
Bilateral U.S. trade with Singapore
(merchandise exports plus imports)
1990:
$17.8 billion
1980:
4.9 billion
1978:
2.6 billion
U.S. merchandise exports in 1990
Singapore:
$8.0 billion
Italy:
8.0 billion
Spain:
5.2 billion
Switzerland:
4.9 billion
Israel:
3.2 billion
Greece:
$765 million
Indonesia:
$1.9 billion
Eastern Europe:
1.1 billion
(not including USSR)
Bilateral U.S. trade in 1990
ASEAN:
$46.1 billion
Germany:
47.0 billion (approx.)
Bilateral trade with former FRG in 1990:
$46.8 billion
Bilateral trade with former GDR in 1989:
0.2 billion
12. 12. 91 10:08 PM *DEPT OF STATE EAP
P O 1
United States Department of State
Washington, D.C. 20520
UNCLASSIFIED
FAX COVER SHEET
TO:
Michelle Nix
FAX No.: 456-6218
TEL No.: 456-7750
FROM:
EAP/IMBS - Pepper Richhart
FAX No.: 647-7350
TEL No.: 647-3276
DATE:
12/12/91
TIME: 20:20
SUBJECT: Themes for "Singapore Lecture"
This Transmission Consists of a Cover Sheet plus 10 Page(s)
Notes:
Phyllis
UNCLASSIFIED
12. 12. 91
10:08 PM
*DEPT OF STATE EAP
P02
THEMES FOR SPEECH IN SINGAPORE (THE "SINGAPORE LECTURE")
Introduction
o
31 years ago this month, on a cold, snowy day in
Washington, newly elected American President John Kennedy
articulated America's commitment to our friends and allies
throughout the world. That we would stand with them in
their efforts to resist Communism, embrace freedom and
support efforts to develop economically and thus improve
the lives of their people.
o
It was a commitment that was to exact a heavy price, over
58,000 dead in Indochina and billions of dollars spent on
assistance and maintaining a military presence in the
region.
But it was a commitment that has been shared by Republican
and Democratic presidents alike.
It is appropriate that standing here now in a country which
represents one of the most remarkable economic success
stories in the world, we can look back and see that the
outcome we all worked and sacrificed for has indeed become
a reality.
o
It is with great pride that I say that history will record
that America did indeed keep its commitment to its friends
in SE Asia and that together we have built a region which
is at once free, at peace, and experiencing unprecedented
prosperity, part of the new world order which offers the
promise of enduring global stability.
o
To judge just how far we have come and to see what we have
accomplished, it is instructive to look back 25 years and
recall the situation in SE Asia at the time Singapore was
first charting its independent course.
In January 1967, the concern was about the rapid spread of
Communist ideology. Almost every country in SE Asia had or
was about to have an active Communist insurgency.
As the war in Vietnam raged, from Jakarta to Rangoon and
from Bangkok to Manila, the worry was about falling
dominoes. The nightmare vision was of a radical ideology
being imposed throughout the region.
It is important to keep in mind that while there was a
large U.S. military presence in the region in the mid 60's,
U.S. economic interaction with Southeast Asia was still
rather small.
On the eve of the Tet offensive, the U.S. had a higher
trade turnover with Latin America than with East Asia.
12. 12. 91
10:08 PM *DEPT OF STATE EAP
P03
as 2 -
o
Today, the situation is dramatically reversed. The
steadfastness of our military commitments and the stability
which they promoted, gave the countries of the region time
to grow economically and deal effectively with the
political challenge. Having collapsed in Europe and the
Soviet Union, Communism is no longer a viable threat, and
is acknowledged as a failed and bankrupt economic and
political philosophy.
o
Democracy, personal freedom and free market economies are
demonstrably the keys to real improvement in the quality of
people's lives.
o
And this has been accompanied by an explosion in trade
between the U.S. and Southeast Asia, particularly the six
ASEAN countries.
-
U.S. two way trade with Singapore grew from 2 billion
dollars to 20 billion dollars since the end of the
Vietnam War.
:
In the same period, trade with Thailand went from 700
million dollars to 9 billion dollars.
o
This has made the U.S. ASEAN's number one customer. We
take one fifth of all of ASEAN's exports, while ASEAN
imports from the U.S. have increased 1600 percent since
1975.
o
As a result, today U.S. two way trade with ASEAN stands at
over 46 billion dollars - just about equal to our commerce
with Germany - and exceeded by only three other U.S.
trading partners.
o
To put it in better perspective, in 1990 the U.S. exported:
-- More to Singapore than to Italy or Spain
-- More to Thailand than to India
- More to Malaysia than the Soviet Union
-- More to Indonesia than all the rest of Eastern Europe
put together.
o
But it is not just trade that has brought us closer
together.
0
Satellites and the expansion of telecommunication
technology mean that more messages and images are going
back and forth between our people than ever before.
12. 12. 91
10:08 PM
*DEPT OF STATE EAP
P04
- 3 -
--
In 1975 there were about 300,000 T.V. sets in
Indonesia, today there are 7 million (and it
seems at least that many more for sale in all of
Singapore shopping malls.)
--
Direct dial long distance phones and FAX machines
means someone in Manila, the Philippines can
place an order in Manila, Iowa in less than a
minute.
o
We understand each other because of the flow of people
between us.
:
In 1975 there were only slightly more than a
million Americans of Southeast Asian origin.
-
Today that figure has quadrupled to more than 4
million, including one senior member of my White
House staff Sichan Siv who survived the horrors
of the Khmer Rouge run Cambodia.
--
Based on this population of SE Asian origin, the
U.S. would rank as the fifth largest ASEAN
country.
:
There are more Lao in the U.S. than in Vientiane
--
There are more Filipinos in California than in
Cebu.
All of these developments - the flow of people,
telecommunications, jet aircraft, trade, investment,
security commitments, and common belief in economics
and freedom have created a web of interaction,
knitting us together as never before.
Our challenge is to use this structure to promote
continued peace, stability and increased economic
progress. And common efforts to deal with the
challenges we face in terms of the environment,
narcotics, human rights and other scientific and
technical areas such as public health.
o
There are two mechanisms which promote and enhance
this new reality:
-
The ASEAN-Post Ministerial Dialogue in which our
foreign ministers and those of ASEAN's other
dialogue partners meet to discuss issues and
coordinate approaches to dealing with problems;
12. 12. 91
10:08 PM
*DEPT OF STATE EAP
P05
- 4 -
1
And APEC, which offers the increasingly real
promise of cooperation on the full range of
economic issues across the entire Asian-Pacific
region.
o
Having invested so much in this region in terms of
American lives and national treasure and having
attained, together with you, so many of our policy
goals, the U.S. is not now going to turn its back on
South East Asia.
0
The U.S. is committed to meeting its obligations in SE
Asia and will continue to play this positive role by
maintaining our military presence.
|
Our new Access Agreement with Singapore
contributes importantly to this goal.
o
The U.S. is committed to a successful transition to a
freely elected government in Cambodia.
The U.S. is prepared to move forward in our
relationship with Vietnam, provided that progress
continues to be made in Cambodia and on our POW/MIA
issue.
-
The countries of Indochina have real promise for
economic growth if there can finally be an end to
violence and they join the rest of the region in
emphasizing development.
We are truly embarking on a new era - one in which the
last remnants of the Cold War are being put behind us
o
For America, our Vietnam syndrome is a thing of the
past.
Security/New World Order
o
My generation fought a world war - in Asia and the
Pacific, in Europe, in North Africa. Those of us who
experienced that war vowed that it would be the last
world war, that the forces of totalitarianism must be
resisted and their aggressive designs frustrated. As
visionaries, we founded the United Nations; as prudent
men and women, we also established a structure of
alliances to contain totalitarianism.
12. 12. 91 10:08 PM *DEPT OF STATE EAP
P06
- 5 -
o
In the largest sense, we have achieved our goals.
Despite -- and perhaps in some ways because of -- the
advent of weapons of mass destruction, the threat of
global war today is smaller than at any time since
1945; indeed, it has almost vanished. The specter of
world communism has disappeared; state-controlled
economies are discredited; the democratic tide is
higher than it has ever been, with elected governments
in many nations on all continents; the advantages of
the free-market system are evident worldwide.
o
For many years the United States, by its military
presence and its influence, has fostered stability in
several parts of the world. Nowhere have the benefits
of that stability been greater than here in East Asia,
where many nations have prospered to a degree beyond
anything that might have been imagined 20 years ago:
first Japan; then the dynamic Asian economies of
Singapore, Hong Kong, the Republic of Korea and
Taiwan; and now Malaysia and Thailand. Others such as
Indonesia are following rapidly. Economic growth in
East Asia today far outstrips growth anywhere else in
the world.
o
The alliance structure succeeded in containing
totalitarianism and preventing global conflict, but it
did not preclude smaller wars or other kinds of
regional or local conflict. We are still dealing with
some of those situations, but the end of superpower
rivalry has made the search for solutions more
productive. We have reached a stage at which we can
realistically discuss what I have called the New World
Order, under which nations will resolve their disputes
without resort to the use of force.
o
We have already seen a revitalized United Nations take
on the role its founders intended for it, most notably
in rolling back the invasion of a small state, Kuwait,
by a much larger one, Iraq. We have enjoyed good
cooperation from the Soviet Union in convening a
historic Middle East peace conference.
o
Here in Southeast Asia multilateral diplomacy has
achieved what we trust will be a notable and lasting
success: the case of Cambodia. I will not try to
trace here the history of that unhappy country -- a
history in which the United States itself is of course
involved. But I want to record my appreciation for
the solidarity of Singapore and four other ASEAN
members with Thailand, the nation immediately
threatened in the 1970s and 1980s by the potential
12.
12.
91
10:08 PM
*DEPT OF STATE EAP
P07
- 6 -
spillover of combat. More recently, another ASEAN
member, Indonesia, together with France, has led the
search for a settlement, in which the four other
Permanent Members of the Security Council have joined,
together with the United Nations, Australia, Japan and
other governments. That long search reached a
milestone ten weeks ago in Paris with the signing of
the settlement documents.
0
A settlement in Cambodia truly means the start of a
new era. For virtually the first time since World War
II, Southeast Asia is without serious conflict. For
the United States, that settlement makes possible a
process of healing in our relations with the states of
Indochina: representation in Cambodia for the first
time since 1975, accredited to the Supreme National
Council headed by Prince Norodom Sihanouk; a
restoration of our diplomatic relations with Laos --
never broken - to the pre-1975 level; and the start
of the process of normalization with Vietnam. Just
how far and how fast we move in that process with
Vietnam will depend on progress in resolving the cases
of our military personnel missing in action -- but the
trend in recent months has been decidedly positive.
For the people and the governments of Indochina, the
settlement in Cambodia holds great promise. The
embargos on trade and investment which many
governments imposed can now be lifted; travel and
communications can be opened up; the international
financial institutions will be able to lend freely for
worthwhile projects. Most important, perhaps,
Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia will be able to emerge from
their isolation and, if they choose, free themselves
of the policy constraints that have hindered their
development. In fact, Laos and Vietnam in recent
times have both shown a receptiveness to foreign
private investment. The United States looks forward
to this new era, as, I am sure, do the peoples of
Singapore and the other five ASEAN nations.
o
Clearly, then, the situation in East Asia has improved
in recent months, as has the world situation
generally. But we remain in a transitional phase; we
cannot wish away continuing threats to peace and
stability such as North Korea, and we cannot rule out
sudden threats to world peace and the rule of law such
as the one that arose in the Persian Gulf only sixteen
months ago.
12. 12. 91
10:08 PM *DEPT OF STATE EAP
P08
- 7 -
o
For those reasons, the United States will remain
engaged militarily in East Asia and the Pacific for
the foreseeable future. Here, as in Europe, we will
take advantage of reduced levels of threat and of
increases in the speed, range and lift capability of
our ships and aircraft to slim down our
forward-deployed forces and the number of our bases.
The character of our presence will change; we will
place more reliance on access to a larger number of
facilities owned and controlled by others. Our total
numbers may be reduced, but our presence in the region
could be more widespread and more frequent.
o
The agreement signed in Tokyo a year ago by then-Prime
Minister Lee Kwan Yew and Vice President Dan Quayle
exemplifies this new type of arrangement. Under its
terms, our ships and aircraft -- based elsewhere --
are making increased use of Singaporean military
facilities. They exercise jointly with Singapore's
forces as well as on their own. They are gaining
familiarity with the geography and the operating
conditions of this part of Asia. We are open to the
possibility of similar arrangements with other nations
of the region.
0
The eruption of Mount Pinatubo in the Philippines in
June settled the fate of Clark Air Base there. If we
are able to remain at Subic Bay, we shall do so, but
if not we shall continue to honor our treaty
commitments. We have already relocated headquarters,
troops and equipment to Guam. Meanwhile, United
States forces will remain in Japan and Korea. Our
treaty relationship with Australia, the country I
shall visit next, is stronger than it has ever been.
We hope the day will come when New Zealand allows us
to resume defense cooperation under the historic ANZUS
alliance.
o
In short, we will stay on the scene in East Asia. The
test of our security policy, or of any nation's, is
not the size or location of its forces; rather, it is
the ability to deal with any and all likely threats to
the peace, and to deal quickly and decisively with
unpredictable crises, and that is precisely how the
United States and its partners in the multinational
coalition -- acting through the United Nations --
dealt with the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait.
12. 12. 91 10:08 PM *DEPT OF STATE EAP
PO9
- 8 -
Economic Cooperation
o
Interdependence and cooperation are equally important
in the world economy. That lesson is fully understood
here in Singapore, where total trade is more than
three times the value of your gross domestic product.
If the prosperity that so much of East Asia already
enjoys is to continue and spread, we must have an open
global trading system. To reach that goal, we need a
framework for economic integration, and we must avoid
regional fragmentation.
Trade across the Pacific has expanded dramatically in
recent years, in step with dramatic economic growth in
many East Asian countries. Some ten years ago
America's trade with the Pacific surpassed our trade
across the Atlantic; today, it is nearly one-third
larger. The ASEAN countries, taken together,
constitute America's fifth-largest trading partner.
Singapore alone is a bigger export market for U.S.
goods than Italy, Spain or the USSR. Nations on the
eastern rim of the Pacific, from Mexico to Chile, are
eager to join in this booming trans-Pacific commerce.
I urge U.S. firms take advantage of these dynamic
markets and to redouble their efforts to export to and
invest in the ASEAN countries.
o
The Pacific Basin is a natural trading region, and it
is logical that the governments of the region concert
to promote that trade by eliminating barriers and
establishing common policies. An excellent forum for
doing so already exists: the Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation, or APEC, grouping. The concept had
occurred to a number of people in several countries,
but it was Prime Minister Bob Hawke of Australia who
developed the idea and convoked the first APEC
ministerial meeting in Canberra two years ago.
o
APEC has since met twice more, here in Singapore last
year and again last month in Seoul. Its original
group of twelve participants has grown substantially
with the simultaneous addition of China, Hong Kong and
Taiwan, and APEC can look forward to further growth in
the years ahead.
o
APEC is performing many useful functions, but none is
more important than mobilizing the support of all
fifteen participants for a successful conclusion of
the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations
to update and extend the system known as the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. The nations of APEC
are convinced that the GATT system must cover world
trade in agricultural products, as it has long covered
manufactured goods, and that it must be extended to
12. 12. 91
10:08 PM
*DEPT OF STATE EAP
P10
- 9 -
new realms such as intellectual property rights,
services, and investment.
o
The alternative is a likely failure of the global
trading system, a reversion to exclusionary trading
blocs, and, eventually, the constriction of world
trade. It is incumbent on all of us -- in North
America, in Asia, in Europe -- to overcome parochial
interests, abandon protectionist rules and tactics,
and expose our economies to the rigors of competition.
o
Even while we pursue reform of the global system in
the Uruguay Round, we can reduce and eliminate
barriers to trade with our immediate neighbors. That
is what the United States and Canada are doing right
now, and what we and Canada propose to do with Mexico,
thereby creating a North American Free Trade Area, or
NAFTA, which will have few internal barriers and will
be more accessible than at present to other world
traders such as Singapore.
--
There is concern in the region that NAFTA is an
exclusive trade bloc; this is not the case.
--
NAFTA is not a policy body but a free trade area,
simply eliminating trade barriers among its
members.
--
The East Asian initiative comparable to NAFTA is
the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). The ASEAN
Economic Ministers have set a goal of completing
the AFTA by 2005; we wholeheartedly support the
ASEAN FTA.
--
NAFTA is also consistent with the GATT and will
eliminate substantially all trade barriers among
its members, while creating no new trade
barriers. Free trade areas meeting these
conditions stimulate growth among members and,
overall, liberalize trade flows. This should
increase ASEAN exports to the U.S.
The Spread of Democracy
o
The most inspiring single event of the last few years
was the tearing down of the Berlin Wall. The Wall
symbolized the worst of totalitarianism, and its
destruction stands for the desire of people everywhere
to control their destinies and to be governed only by
their own consent.
12.
12.
91
10:08 PM *DEPT OF STATE EAP
P 1 1
- 10 -
o
To a gratifying degree, that is happening. The
democratic impulse is alive, whether fed by relative
prosperity, as seemed to be the case in China, or by
economic failure, as in the Soviet Union and Eastern
Europe. And in many places the impulse is
flourishing. In recent years elected governments have
come to office everywhere from the Philippines to
Poland and from Nicaragua to Mongolia.
o
There are basic human rights, universally recognized
though not universally observed, but there is no
copyright on democracy and no one form of government
or set of practices to which every nation must
adhere. The United States recognizes the legitimacy
of diversity.
0
What the United States cannot condone, however, is the
suppression of the popular will -- and that is what
has occurred in Burma, where the military leadership
permitted elections last year but, when the results
proved not to the military's liking, refused to allow
the winners to take their rightful seats and organize
a government. So long as this situation continues,
the people of Burma will remain victims, subject to
torture and intimidation and deprived of the chance to
share in the general prosperity and well-being which
so many of their neighbors already enjoy.
United States Department of State
Washington, D.C. 20520
BUREAU OF EAST ASIAN AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS
FAX COVER SHEET
SMN /TS
DATE:
December 6, 1991
This is a
TO:
White House - Attention: Ms. Carol Aarhus
Do not copy!
bootleg
FAX NUMBER: 456-6218
ADDRESSEE'S PHONE: 456-7750
Do not distribut
FROM: EAP/ IMBS - Richard W. Teare
FAX NUMBER: 202-647-7350
SENDER'S PHONE NUMBER: 202-647- 3276
NUMBER OF PAGES INCLUDING COVER SHEET: Name Ten
REMARKS:
As promised, I am forwarding two separate
on January 4
sets of suggested themes for the Singapore Lecture, which is
envisioned as a regional (Southeast Asia) foreign-policy
address and is the major speech of the Singapore stop.
Both documents were passed to the NSC Asia staff some
time ago, but we've had no reaction.
Others as available.
-ROVP
UNCLASSIFIED
ONLY
P 0 1
-- 31 years ago this month, on a cold, snowy day in
Washington, newly elected American President John Kennedy
articulated Americas commitment to our friends and allies
throughout the world. That we would stand with them in
their efforts to resist Communism, embrace freedom and
support efforts to develop economically and thus improve
the lives of their people.
-- It was a commitment that was to bear a heavy price,
over 58,000 dead in Indochina and billions of dollars
spent on assistance and maintaining a military presence in
the region.
-- But it was a commitment that has been shared by
Republican and Democratic presidents alike.
- It is appropriate that standing here now in a country
which represents one of the most remarkable economic
success stories in the world, we can look back and see
that the outcomè we all worked and sacrificed for has
indeed become a reality.
--- It is with great pride that I say that history will
record that America did indeed keep its commitment to its
friends in SE Asia and that together we have built a
region which is at once free, at peace, and experiencing
unprecedented prosperity, part of the new world order
which offers the promise of enduring global stability.
-- To judge just how far we have come and to see what we
have accomplished, it is instructive to look back 25 years
and recall the situation in SE Asia at the time Singapore
was first charting its independent course.
-- In January 1967, the concern was about the rapid spread
of Communist ideology. Almost every country in SE Asia
had or was about to have an active Communist insurgency.
-- As the war in Vietnam raged, from Jakarta to Rangoon
and from Bangkok to Manila, the worry was about falling
dominoes. The nightmare vision was of a radical ideology
being imposed throughout the region.
-- It is important to keep in mind that while there was a
large U.S. military presence in the region in the mid
60's, U.S. economic interaction with Southeast Asia was
still rather small.
-- On the eve of the Tet offensive, the U.S. had a higher
trade turnover with Latin America than with East Asia.
-- Today, the situation is dramatically reversed. The
steadfastness of our military commitments and the
In 1975 there were about 300,000 T.V. sets in
Indonesia, today there are 7 million (and it seems at
least that many more for sale in all of Singapore
shopping malls.)
Direct dial long distance phones and FAX machines
means someone in Manila, the Philippines can place an
order in Manila, Iowa in less than a minute.
-- We understand each other because of the flow of people
between us.
In 1975 there was only slightly more than a million
Americans of Southeast Asian origin.
Today that figure has quadrupled to over 4 million,
including one senior member of my White House staff
Sicwan Siv who survived the horrors of the Khmer Rouge
run Cambodia.
Based on this population of SE Asian origin, the U.S.
would rank as the fifth largest ASEAN country.
There are more Lao in the U.S. than in Vientiane
There are more Filipinos in California than in Cebu.
-- All of these developments - people telecommunications,
jet aircraft, trade, investment, security commitments, and
common belief in economics and freedom have created a web
of interaction, knitting us together as never before.
-- Our challenge is to use this structure to promote
continued peace, stability and increased economic
progress. And common efforts to deal with the challenges
we face in terms of the environment, narcotics, human
rights and other scientific and technical areas such as
public health.
-- There are two mechanisms which promote and enhance this
new reality:
The ASEAN-Post Ministerial Dialogue in which our
foreign ministers and those of ASEAN's other
dialogue partners meet to discuss issues and
coordinate approaches to dealing with problems;
and
APEC, which offers the increasingly real promise
of cooperation on the full range of economic
issues across the entire Asian-Pacific region.
-3- -
06:24
PM
OF
STATE
EAP
P03
stability which they promoted, gave the countries of the
region time to grow economically and deal effectively with
the political challenge. Having collapsed in Europe and
the Soviet Union, Communist is no longer a viable threat,
and is acknowledged as a failed and bankrupt economic and
political philosophy.
-- Democracy, personal freedom and free market economies
are demonstrably the keys to real improvement in the
quality of people's lives.
-- And this has been accompanied by an explosion in trade
between the U.S. and Southeast Asia, particularly the six
ASEAN countries.
U.S. two way trade with Singapore grew from 2
billion dollars to 20 billion dollars since the
end of the Vietnam War.
In the same period, Thailand went from 700
million dollars to 9 billion dollars.
-- This has made the U.S. ASEAN's number one customer. We
take one fifth of all of ASEAN's exports, while ASEAN
imports from the U.S. have increased 1600 percent since
1975.
-- As a result, today U.S. two way trade with ASEAN stands
at over 46 billion dollars - just about equal to our
commerce with Germany - and exceeded by only three other
U.S. trading partners.
-- To put it in better perspective, in 1990 the U.S.
exported:
More to Singapore than to Italy or Spain
More to Thailand than to India
More to Malaysia than the Soviet Union
More to Indonesia than all the rest of Eastern Europe
put together.
-- But it is not just trade that has brought us closer
together.
-- Satellites and the expansion of telecommunication
technology mean that more messages and images are going
back and forth between our people than ever before.
- 2
Having invested so much in this region in terms of
American lives and national treasure and having attained,
together with you, so many of our policy goals, the U.S.
is not now going to turn its back on South East Asia.
--- The U.S. is committed to meeting its obligations in SE
Asia and will continue to play the positive role by
maintaining our military presence, even with our three
year phase out from Subic Bay.
Our new Access Agreement with Singapore contributes
importantly to this goal.
-- The U.S. is committed to a successful transition to a
freely elected government in Cambodia. In that regard, I
am today announcing that the U.S. has lifted its trade
embargo and all other economic restrictions against
Cambodia. This should permit increased economic activity
which will help solidify and maintain the process.
-- The U.S. is prepared to move forward in our
relationship with Vietnam, provided that progress
continues to be made in Cambodia and on our POW/MIA issue.
The countries of Indochina have real promise for
economic growth if there can finally be an end to violence
and they join the rest of the region in emphasizing
development.
-- The U.S. is committed to working productively with our
friends in addressing global problems and so therefore I
am today announcing a new environmental initiative aimed
at enhancing our work together in preserving our planet
and natural resources.
-- We are truly embarking on a new era - one in which the
last remnants of the Cold War are being put behind us
-- For America, our Vietnam syndrome is a thing of the
past.
- 4 -
1
06:24 PM
POSSIBLE THEMES FOR SPEECH IN SINGAPORE
Security/New World Order
--- My generation fought a world war -- in Asia and the Pacific,
in Europe, in North Africa. Those of us who experienced that
war vowed that it would be the last world war, that the forces
of totalitarianism must be resisted and their aggressive
designs frustrated. As visionaries, we founded the United
Nations; as prudent men and women, we also established a
structure of alliances to contain totalitarianism.
- In the largest sense, we have achieved our goals. Despite
-- and perhaps in some ways because of -- the advent of weapons
of mass destruction, the threat of global war today is smaller
than at any time since 1945; indeed, it has almost vanished.
The specter of world communism has disappeared; state-
controlled economies are discredited; the democractic tide is
higher than it has ever been, with elected governments in many
nations on all continents; the advantages of the free-market
system are evident worldwide.
-- For many years the United States, by its military presence
and its influence, has fostered stability in several parts of
the world. Nowhere have the benefits of that stability been
greater than here in East Asia, where many nations have
prospered to a degree beyond anything that might have been
imagined 20 years ago: first Japan; then the Dynamic Asian
Economies of Singapore, Hong Kong, the Republic of Korea and
Taiwan; and now Malaysia and Thailand. Others such as
Indonesia are following rapidly. Economic growth in East Asia
today far outstrips growth anywhere else in the world.
-- The alliance structure succeeded in containing
totalitarianism and preventing global conflict, but it did not
preclude smaller wars or other kinds of regional or local
conflict. We are still dealing with some of those situations,
but the end of superpower rivalry has made the search for
solutionsd more productive. We have reached a stage at which
we can realistically discuss what I have called the New World
Order, under which nations will resolve their disputes without
resort to the use of force.
---- We have already seen the United Nations take on new vitality
and begin to exercise the role its founders intended for it,
most notably in rolling back the invasion of a small state,
Kuwait, by a much larger one, Iraq. We have enjoyed good
cooperation from the Soviet Union in convening a historic
Middle East peace conference.
-- Here in Southeast Asia multilateral diplomacy has achieved
what we trust will be a notable and lasting success: the case
of Cambodia. I will not try to trace here the history of that
-2-
unhappy country -- a history in which the United States itself
is of course involved. But I want to record my appreciation
for the solidarity of Singapore and four other ASEAN members
with Thailand, the nation immediately threatened in the 1970s
and 1980s by the potential spillover of combat. More recently,
another ASEAN member, Indonesia, together with France, has led
the search for a settlement, in which the four other Permanent
Members of the Security Council have joined, together with the
United Nations, Australia, Japan and other governments. That
long search reached a milestone six weeks ago in Paris with the
signing of the settlement documents.
-- A settlement in Cambodia truly means the start of a new
era. For virtually the first time since World War II,
Southeast Asia is without serious conflict. For the United
States, that settlement makes possible a process of healing in
our relations with the states of Indochina: representation in
Cambodia for the first time since 1975, accredited to the
Supreme National Council headed by Prince Norodom Sihanouk; a
restoration of our diplomatic relations with Laos -- never
broken -- to the pre-1975 level; and the start of the process
of normalization with Vietnam. Just how far and how fast we
move in that process with Vietnam will depend on progress in
resolving the cases of our military personnel missing in action
-- but the trend in recent months has been decidedly positive.
-- For the people and the governments of Indochina, the
settlement in Cambodia holds great promise. The embargos on
trade and investment which many governments imposed can now be
lifted; travel and communications can be opened up; the
international financial institutions will be able to lend
freely for worthwhile projects. Most important, perhaps,
Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia will be able to emerge from their
isolation and, if they chose, free themselves of the policy
constraints that have hindered their development. In fact,
Laos and Vietnam in recent times have both shown a
receptiveness to foreign private investment. The United States
looks forward to this new era, as, I am sure, do the peoples
of Singapore and the other five ASEAN nations.
-- Clearly, then, the situation in East Asia has improved in
recent months, as has the world situation generally. But we
remain in a transitional phase; we cannot wish away continuing
threats to peace and stability in such areas as the Korean
peninsula, and we cannot rule out sudden threats to world peace
and the rule of law such as the one that arose in the Persian
Gulf only sixteen months ago.
-- For those reasons, the United States will remain engaged
militarily in East Asia and the Pacific for the foreseeable
future. Here, as in Europe, we will take advantage of reduced
-3-
levels of threat and of increases in the speed, range and lift
capability of our ships and aircraft to slim down our
forward-deployed forces and the number of our bases. The
character of our presence will change; we will place more
reliance on access to a larger number of facilities owned and
controlled by others. Our total numbers may be reduced, but
our presence in the region could be more widespread and more
frequent.
-- The agreement signed in Tokyo a year ago by then-Prime
Minister Lee Kwan Yew and Vice President Dan Quayle exemplifies
this new type of arrangment. Under its terms, our ships and
aircraft -- based elsewhere -- are making increased use of
Singaporean military facilities. They exercise jointly with
Singapore's forces as well as on their own. They are gaining
familiarity with the geography and the operating conditions of
this part of Asia. We are open to the possibility of similar
arrangements with other nations of the region.
-- The eruption of Mount Pinatubo in the Philippines in June
settled the fate of Clark Air Base there. If we are able to
remain at Subic Bay, we shall do so, but if not we shall
continue to honor our treaty commitments. We have already
relocated headquarters, troops and equipment to Guam.
Meanwhile, United States forces will remain in Japan and
Korea. Our treaty relationship with Australia, the country I
shall visit next, is stronger than it has ever been. We hope
the day will come when New Zealand allows us to resume defense
cooperation under the historic ANZUS alliance.
-- In short, we will stay on the scene in East Asia. The test
of our security policy, or of any nation's, is not the size or
location of our forces; rather, it is the ability to deal with
any and all likely threats to the peace, and to deal quickly
and decisively with unpredictable crises, and that is precisely
how the United States and its partners in the multinational
coalition -- acting through the United Nations -- dealt with
the Iragi invasion of Kuwait.
Economic Cooperation
- Interdependence and cooperation are equally important in the
world economy. That lesson is fully understood here in
Singapore, where total trade is three (??) times the value of
your gross domestic product. If the prosperity that so much of
East Asia already enjoys is to continue and spread, we must
have an open global trading system. To reach that goal, we
need a framework for economic integration, and we must avoid
regional fragmentation.
-4-
-- Trade across the Pacific has expanded dramatically in recent
years, in step with dramatic economic growth in many East Asian
countries. Some ten years ago America's trade with the Pacific
surpassed our trade across the Atlantic; today, it is nearly
one-third larger. The ASEAN countries, taken together,
constitute America's fifth-largest trading partner. Singapore
alone is a bigger export market for U.S. goods than Italy,
Spain or the USSR. Nations on the eastern rim of the Pacific,
from Mexico to Chile, are eager to join in this booming
trans-Pacific commerce. I urge U.S. firms take advantage of
these dynamic markets and to redouble their efforts to export
to and invest in the ASEAN countries.
-- The Pacific Basin is a natural trading region, and it is
logical that the governments of the region concert to promote
that trade by eliminating barriers and establishing common
policies. An excellent forum for doing so already exists: the
Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, or APEC, grouping. The
concept had occurred to a number of people in several
countries, but it was Prime Minister Bob Hawke of Australia who
developed the idea and convoked the first APEC ministerial
meeting in Canberra two years ago.
Navember
in 1990
-- APEC has since met twice more, here in Singapore lest year
and again last in Seoul. Its original group of twelve
participants has grown substantially with the simultaneous
addition of China, Hong Kong and Taiwan, and APEC can look
forward to further growth in the years ahead.
-- APEC is performing many useful functions, but none is more
important than mobilizing the support of all fifteen
participants for a successful conclusion of the Uruguay Round
of multilateral trade negotiations to update and extend the
system known as the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.
The nations of APEC are convinced that the GATT system must
cover world trade in agricultural products, as it has long
covered manufactured goods, and that it must be extended to new
realms such as intellectual property rights, services, and
investment.
-- The alternative is a likely failure of the global trading
system, a reversion to exclusionary trading blocs, and,
eventually, the constriction of world trade. It is incumbent
on all of us -- in North America, in Asia, in Europe -- to
overcome parochial interests, abandon protectinist rules and
tactics, and expose our economies to the rigors of competition.
-- Even while we pursue reform of the global system in the
Uruguay Round, we can reduce and eliminate barriers to trade
with our immediate neighbors. That is what the United States
and Canada are doing right now, and what we and Canada propose
PO9
-5-
to do with Mexico, thereby creating a North American Free Trade
Area, or NAFTA, which will have few internal barriers and will
be more accessible than at present to other world traders such
as Singapore.
-- Thailand has proposed that ASEAN establish a free-trade area
of its own over the next fifteen years, and the other five
governments have agreed. Such action is the direct parallel of
what we in North America are doing in NAFTA, and the United
States applauds this decision by the ASEAN nations.
The Spread of Democracy
-- The most inspiring single event of the last few years was
the tearing down of the Berlin Wall. The Wall symbolized the
worst of totalitarianism, and its destruction stands for the
desire of people everywhere to control their destinies and to
be governed only by their own consent.
--- To a gratifying degree, that is happening. The democratic
impulse is alive, whether fed by relative proposerity, as
seemed to be the case in China, or by economic failure, as in
the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. And in many places the
impulse is flourishing. In recent years elected governments
have come to office everywhere from the Philippines to Poland
and from Nicaragua to Mongolia.
--- There are basic human rights, universally recognized though
not universally observed, but there is no copyright on
democracy and no one form of government or set of practices to
which every nation must adhere. The United States recognizes
the legitimacy of diversity.
-- What the United States cannot condone, however, is the
suppression of the popular will -- and that is what has
occurred in Burma, where the military leadership permitted
elections last year but, when the results proved not to the
military's liking, refused to allow the winners to take their
rightful seats and organize a government. So long as this
situation continues, the people of Burma will remain victims,
subject to torture and intimidation and deprived of the chance
to share in the general properity and well-being which so many
of their neighbors already enjoy.
(NEEDS CONCLUSION)
MORE
SOUTHEAST ASIA SPEECH IDEAS
31 years ago this month, on a cold, snowy day in
Washington, newly elected American President John Kennedy
articulated Americas commitment to our friends and allies
throughout the world. That we would stand with them in
their efforts to resist Communism, embrace freedom and
support efforts to develop economically and thus improve
the lives of their people.
-- It was a commitment that was to bear a heavy price,
over 58,000 dead in Indochina and billions of dollars
spent on assistance and maintaining a military presence in
the region.
-- But it was a commitment that has been shared by
Republican and Democratic presidents alike.
-- It is appropriate that standing here now in a country
which represents one of the most remarkable economic
success stories in the world, we can look back and see
that the outcome we all worked and sacrificed for has
indeed become a reality.
-- It is with great pride that I say that history will
record that America did indeed keep its commitment to its
friends in SE Asia and that together we have built a
region which is at once free, at peace, and experiencing
unprecedented prosperity, part of the new world order
which offers the promise of enduring global stability.
-- To judge just how far we have come and to see what we
have accomplished, it is instructive to look back 25 years
and recall the situation in SE Asia at the time Singapore
was first charting its independent course.
-- In January 1967, the concern was about the rapid spread
of Communist ideology. Almost every country in SE Asia
had or was about to have an active Communist insurgency.
-- As the war in Vietnam raged, from Jakarta to Rangoon
and from Bangkok to Manila, the worry was about falling
dominoes. The nightmare vision was of a radical ideology
being imposed throughout the region.
-- It is important to keep in mind that while there was a
large U.S. military presence in the region in the mid
60's, U.S. economic interaction with Southeast Asia was
still rather small.
On the eve of the Tet offensive, the U.S. had a higher
trade turnover with Latin America than with East Asia.
-- Today, the situation is dramatically reversed. The
steadfastness of our military commitments and the
stability which they promoted, gave the countries of the
region time to grow economically and deal effectively with
the political challenge. Having collapsed in Europe and
the Soviet Union, Communist is no longer a viable threat,
and is acknowledged as a failed and bankrupt economic and
political philosophy.
-- Democracy, personal freedom and free market economies
are demonstrably the keys to real improvement in the
quality of people's lives.
-- And this has been accompanied by an explosion in trade
between the U.S. and Southeast Asia, particularly the six
ASEAN countries.
U.S. two way trade with Singapore grew from 2
billion dollars to 20 billion dollars since the
end of the Vietnam War.
In the same period, Thailand went from 700
million dollars to 9 billion dollars.
-- This has made the U.S. ASEAN's number one customer. We
take one fifth of all of ASEAN's exports, while ASEAN
imports from the U.S. have increased 1600 percent since
1975.
As a result, today U.S. two way trade with ASEAN stands
at over 46 billion dollars - just about equal to our
commerce with Germany - and exceeded by only three other
U.S. trading partners.
To put it in better perspective, in 1990 the U.S.
exported:
More to Singapore than to Italy or Spain
More to Thailand than to India
More to Malaysia than the Soviet Union
More to Indonesia than all the rest of Eastern Europe
put together.
-- But it is not just trade that has brought us closer
together.
-- Satellites and the expansion of telecommunication
technology mean that more messages and images are going
back and forth between our people than ever before.
In 1975 there were about 300,000 T.V. sets in
Indonesia, today there are 7 million (and it seems at
least that many more for sale in all of Singapore
shopping malls.)
Direct dial long distance phones and FAX machines
means someone in Manila, the Philippines can place an
order in Manila, Iowa in less than a minute.
-- We understand each other because of the flow of people
between us.
In 1975 there was only slightly more than a million
Americans of Southeast Asian origin.
Today that figure has quadrupled to over 4 million,
including one senior member of my White House staff
Sicwan Siv who survived the horrors of the Khmer Rouge
run Cambodia.
Based on this population of SE Asian origin, the U.S.
would rank as the fifth largest ASEAN country.
There are more Lao in the U.S. than in Vientiane
There are more Filipinos in California than in Cebu.
-- All of these developments - people telecommunications;
jet aircraft, trade, investment, security commitments, and
common belief in economics and freedom have created a web
of interaction, knitting us together as never before.
-- Our challenge is to use this structure to promote
continued peace, stability and increased economic
progress. And common efforts to deal with the challenges
we face in terms of the environment, narcotics, human
rights and other scientific and technical areas such as
public health.
-- There are two mechanisms which promote and enhance this
new reality:
The ASEAN-Post Ministerial Dialogue in which our
foreign ministers and those of ASEAN's other
dialogue partners meet to discuss issues and
coordinate approaches to dealing with problems;
and
APEC, which offers the increasingly real promise
of cooperation on the full range of economic
issues across the entire Asian-Pacific region.
Having invested so much in this region in terms of
American lives and national treasure and having attained,
together with you, so many of our policy goals, the U.S.
is not now going to turn its back on South East Asia.
-- The U.S. is committed to meeting its obligations in SE
Asia and will continue to play the positive role by
maintaining our military presence, even with our three
year phase out from Subic Bay.
Our new Access Agreement with Singapore contributes
importantly to this goal.
-- The U.S. is committed to a successful transition to a
freely elected government in Cambodia. In that regard, I
am today announcing that the U.S. has lifted its trade
embargo and all other economic restrictions against
Cambodia. This should permit increased economic activity
which will help solidify and maintain the process.
-- The U.S. is prepared to move forward in our
relationship with Vietnam, provided that progress
continues to be made in Cambodia and on our POW/MIA issue.
The countries of Indochina have real promise for
economic growth if there can finally be an end to violence
and they join the rest of the region in emphasizing
development.
The U.S. is committed to working productively with our
friends in addressing global problems and so therefore I
am today announcing a new environmental initiative aimed
at enhancing our work together in preserving our planet
and natural resources.
-- We are truly embarking on a new era - one in which the
last remnants of the Cold War are being put behind us
For America, our Vietnam syndrome is a thing of the
past.
Konor
National Assembly-Speech themes (DRAFT)
Thank you -for providing me with this opportunity to speak
to you again. Since I last spoke here in February 1989 the
world has changed immensely. We have in fact entered a new
era in world history.
We are very pleased with the triumph of freedom and free
enterprise economics throughout most of the world, and with
the continued progress, economically and politically, of
the Republic of Korea. However, we remain saddened by the
persistent conflicts in many parts of the world, and by the
continued division of the Korean peninsula, a situation
that is anachronistic in the post-Cold War world.
O
As we have stated on numerous occasions, the United States
supports the peaceful unification of Korea on terms
agreeable to all Koreans. We believe that North/South
dialogue offers the best path toward eventual discussion o
unification and related issues. Consequently, we support
strongly the Prime Ministerial dialogue that has been in
progress for more than a year, and stand ready to
facilitate in any appropriate way.
Our support for the process of peace does not, however,
blind us to reality and to the threat from the North that
still remains. Therefore, our commitment to the security
of South Korea remains as strong as ever, and we will
continue to consult on matters that affect our mutual
interest. To further strengthen security in the region,
both of us should also consult and cooperate with our
friends the Japanese, who have the economic power to play a
vital role in promoting regional stability.
We continue to regard the unsafeguarded nuclear program of
North Korea as the greatest threat to security in region,
and call upon the leaders of that country to meet the
international obligations it accepted when it acceded to
the Non-Proliferation Treaty in 1985.
North Korea should know that neither the United States nor
the Republic of Korea poses a threat to its society or way
of government. However, we cannot ignore the situation as
North Korea builds nuclear weapons, and will use all
diplomatic means to assure that it meets its international
obligations under the International Atomic Energy Agency
(IAEA).
As we begin this new era in international relations,
U.S.-Republic of Korea relations are growing in many
areas. With the Cold War behind us, we are transforming
our relations from a security relationship to a
broader-based security, economic, and political partnership.
Of crucial importance in this transformation is your own
progress toward democracy, well illustrated by the enhanced
prestige and power of this body. The ROK's movement to a
democratic government, with the military clearly
subordinate to civilian government, has been crucial in
winning for you the respect of the international community
and the stability and credibility necessary for an
influential world role.
The challenge now is to continue down the road toward full
democratization. You have won the political contest with
the North and should consider amending your National
Security Law, which provides a propaganda advantage to the
North, to take account of your strength and confidence.
Further steps in democratic development might include
greater accountability for public officials and greater
transparency in both your political and economic systems.
Initiatives in these areas would be consistent with your
overall economic and political modernization, and would
further strengthen your position vis-a-vis the North.
The ROK's democratization is but one of the features that
distinguishes it from North Korea, but it is one of the
most important, and it is an achievement which should make
all Koreans proud.
Another of the ROK's greatest accomplishments has been
membership in the United Nations. Your entry in the United
Nations was long overdue, and your ultimately success is
due in large part to wise leadership and persistent
effort. However, South Korea's emergence as a full member
of international political and economic institutions,
carries with it added responsibilities.
Over the years, the Korean people have gained tremendously
from the open international trading system. Indeed open
markets for exports have been a major contributor to your
new prosperity. Korea has now become an economic power in
the region and the world.
Now it is time for the ROK to lend its support to the open
international trading system from which it has prospered by
actively supporting the Uruguay Round of negotiations,
opening its own domestic market to foreign products, and
liberalizing its financial system. Your support is vital
to assure that the international trade system remains open
and that countries like Korea can continue to prosper.
The U.S.-ROK friendship has now endured more than four
decades of dramatic world events. Yet in the beginning,
our close relationship was not one that either of us
sought, but rather one into which we were both thrust as a
result of World War II.
In those years the U.S. entered into its relations with
Korea with a keen sense of responsibility, and with
determination to preserve the benefits of freedom for the
Korean people. It demonstrated its commitment during the
Korean War, when more than 33,000 American soldiers and
thousands more Koreans, both military and civilian, died to
keep freedom alive.
Clearly, over the past forty years the American role in
Korea has not always been a easy one, and the political
environment in East Asia has frequently been one of
crisis. Consequently, in carrying out what we perceived to
be our responsibilities we have made mistakes.
Yet we entered the relationship with the Republic of Korea
with the highest ideals, and we have, I believe, pursued
the correct path in the long run. Therefore, we too are
enourmously proud when we see the great nation you have
built from the ruins of war.
Today, we again approach the future in the aftermath of a
war--a Cold War, and together we have the opportunity to
shape and influence a new era as much as we did nearly 50
years ago. We can also define for the next generation a
new relationship, a partnership that encompasses much more
than merely security cooperation.
Our new partnership should be political, economic, nad
cultural, as well as security. I urge the people of both
countries to look toward the future rather than the past,
and to seize the moment to build on our excellent
relations, to expand cooperation so we all benefit, and to
march into the future as friends and neighbors working
together to build a safer and more prosperous world
community.
Sensitive issues which the Embassy thinks should be addressed
explicitly:
1. Make clear our willingness to continue consulting with the
ROK on security issues.
2. Describe how we see the Japanese role in the region
complementing ours and that of the ROK.
3. Make it clear that transparency and accountability are
important to Korea's economic relations with the rest of
the world.
4. State clearly what the DPRK must do for improved relations
with the U.S.
5. Make it clear that the National Security Law plays into
Pyongyang's hands and can be counterproductive to the ROK's
North-South goals.
Remarks to American Chamber of Commerce
Themes could include:
-- Strong support for the work of the U.S Chamber of
Commerce, which has been vital to U.S. business
interests in the ROK.
-- Korean economic maturity and U.S./Korean
economic/trade interdependence have brought the two
nations to a new era of partnership.
-- Mutual interest in further development of open,
liberal international trade and financial regimes, in
particular, successful conclusion of UR.
-- Responsibility on both countries to ensure that their
domestic trade and financial markets are open and
liberal for the other; that domestic markets are
fully integrated into international trade and
financial regimes; and that their producers and
consumers understand the benefits of two-way open,
liberal markets.
At a science/education/technology event themes could include:
-- The long history of U.S. support for Korean science
and technology; nuclear energy is a good example.
-- Our admiration for the great strides Korea has made
in developing its technological base;
-- Recognition that scientific and technological
development can only flourish where the economic
value of the intellectual property associated with
discovery is protected for the benefit of the
discoverer.
-- Our willingness to continue and enhance cooperation
with Korea, symbolized by the U.S.-ROK Science and
Technology Agreement;
-- Our confidence that Korea will be able to make
significant contributions to world scientific
research and technological development.
-- Recognition that Korea can now assume rights and
responsibilities shared by other industrialized
countries in world scientific research and
technological development through;
a. Greater contributions to the world scientific
knowledge by increased basic research funding and
b. Cooperation with U.S. and other countries through
participation in basic megaprojects such as the
Superconducting Super Collider (SSC)
Themes/Phrases for Presidential Speeches
Camp Casey
Thirty years ago, in 1961, President John F. Kennedy spoke
within sight of the Berlin Wall and lamented the divisions
between people there at the front line of the Cold War.
As he spoke, the barrier a few miles from here, the DMZ, stood
as a parallel tragic division between peoples.
As we celebrate the end of the Cold War and the overcoming of
barriers between peoples throughout the world, it is tragic
that that barrier remains, the last remnant of the Cold War.
It also stands as a visible reminder of the ideological battles
which once divided the world, and now continue sadly to divide
the Korean people from one another.
For over forty years the United States has been proud to have
played a role in assuring that that barrier against renewed
aggression was strong and steadfast.
All Korean war veterans and the men and women who have
participated in this important and vigilant effort to protect
freedom should be proud of their contribution to Korea's
security.
Throughout that effort, the United States has consistently
looked forward to the day when that barrier would no longer be
necessary, when the very real threat of North Korean aggression
would be no more.
As I stand here today within sight of the Berlin Wall of Asia,
I renew that hope and that appeal, that someday soon there will
no longer be barriers between peoples striving for unification
and reconciliation.
The atmosphere for leaving behind the fears and hatreds of the
Cold War has never been better. The support of the
international community for a peaceful unification of the
Korean peninsula has never been stronger.
I can look forward to the day when it is no longer necessary
for U.S. troops to be stationed in Korea to defend against the
threat of North Korea, when that threat is relegated to the
history books, when North Korea becomes fully committed to
resolving its differences with our good friend and ally in the
South.
Until that time, I assure the North that our commitment to the
security of the South remains rock-solid and unwavering.
Nothing will ever change that commitment or the equal
commitment to have available the means to protect our ally, the
Republic of Korea against aggression.
But there remains a parallel commitment to move toward improved
relations with North Korea, as long as it remains an
independent state, and to cooperate in ways which can enhance
the security of this region and the welfare of its people. The
North knows what it will take to achieve that objective, and I
hope to see significatn movement in that direction in the near
future.
I know that the people of South Korea and North Korea both are
committed to unification, and I assure them that the people of
the United States are in full and complete support of that
objective.
Earlier today I endorsed President Roh's call for a
multilateral approach to resolving the security problems of
this region. The United States will do all in its power to
make this endeavor a success. We can do no less to enhance the
security of our Korean brothers, both South and North.
Thus I call on North Korea to come out from behind those
barriers, from the bastions of military strength, to present to
your countrymen the hand of peace and reconciliation.
I for my part offer my hand to North Korea across the divide.
Come, work with us for peace and security on the Korean
peninsula, in the Northeast Asia Region, and in the world.
Key Elements for the Presidential Speech in Japan
Historical Setting
Friendship between the two nations has deep roots.
Even before Commodore Perry sailed into Shimoda with his
black ships in 1853, a young man from Kyushu named John
Monjiro had found his way to Boston and begun the process
of cross-cultural communication. It is important to
remember that except for the dark period of the 1930s and
early forties, productive relations between the two
countries have been the norm.
-- It is in this context that the American people
approached the commemoration in Hawaii of the fiftieth
anniversary of Pearl Harbor. We see this event and the
war that followed as an aberration in the long positive
history of our relationship. As we pay tribute to those
who died in the conflict, we will take pride in the strong
US-Japan alliance relationship that both countries have
built since the end of the war which has made a major
contribution to the prosperity of both countries and is
the foundation of peace and stability in Asia today.
The enduring importance of cooperation
-- Rarely in history have two nations with such different
geographic and cultural roots formed such an enduring
relationship. This relationship is based on shared
interests and values and an appreciation of the mutual
strategic, economic, and political benefits both countries
derive from close cooperation.
-- The basis for cooperation is stronger today than it has
ever been.
- The US-Japan Security Treaty remains the cornerstone
of stability in East Asia, a region that still has a
range of unresolved conflicts. This treaty allows the
US to maintain forward deployed forces in East Asia
which serve American, regional, and we believe,
Japanese interests. Close cooperation between our
military forces and the two-way flow of defense
technology makes the most efficient use of our defense
resources and helps maintain a strong political link
between the two countries.
-- Our economies are increasingly interdependent;
Japan will sell about $90 billion worth of goods and
services to the US this year and the US will sell more
than $40 billion to Japan, making each country the
others' largest overseas trading partner; Japanese
investment in the US creates more than
jobs
and is an important source of technology and
management innovation for the American economy.
-- The US and Japan are the world's two largest donors
of foreign economic assistance and are destined to
play key roles in addressing regional and global
issues by virtue of their economic strength and
political interests. These roles can best be
performed by working together rather than
independently.
-- The human connections between us are growing.
There are more Americans working and studying in Japan
than ever before and there are more Japanese residing
in the US.
America as a Pacific player
-- The US has been a major player in the Pacific
throughout the twentieth century but it is only recently
that Americans have become aware that their country's
future orientation will be as much toward the Asia-Pacific
region as toward Europe. America's trade with Asia
exceeds our trade with Europe. Asian-Americans are the
most rapidly increasing ethnic group in America and are
becoming political active. And American security
continues to be vitally linked to the security and
stability of the Asia-pacific region.
America's View of Japan
-- For America, Japan is the center of Asia, and US
relations with Japan are the heart of our policy toward
the Asia-Pacific region.
-- As seen from Japan, there may be the impression that
most Americans see Japan in negative terms. Polls show
the "Japan challenge" ranking ahead of the "Soviet
challenge"; and various books and articles predict a
crisis in US-Japan relations.
-- These opinions are present in the US, but the vast
majority of Americans admire Japan's economic performance,
have warm feelings toward the Japanese people, and regard
Japan as an indispensable partner for the post-Cold War
era.
Let me say a word about the impact of the Gulf crisis
on American views of Japan. There was considerable
criticism in the US press and in the Congress of what was
seen by some as Japan's slow and reluctant support of the
coalition effort, but this negative impression has all but
disappeared. In fact there is now widespread appreciation
of Japan's extremely generous $13 billion contribution to
the effort, $10 billion of which went to the United
States, and to the strong political support of your
government. We know the Gulf crisis raised many
fundamental questions in Japan about your country's
appropriate role in such coalition efforts and that
reaching a consensus takes time. This is an issue for the
Japanese people and the Japanese political process to
decide, but we welcome efforts Japan has made to
participate more directly in peace keeping operations.
Managing US-Japan Relations for the Future
Global Partnership
-- We see a "global partnership" between Japan and the
United States in which the two countries will work in
close collaboration to bring their political,
technical, and economic resources to bear to address
regional and global issues.
-- Global Partnership will be an "equal partnership"
-- we will work together to define common objectives
and our respective approaches to these objectives.
-- Global Partnership will not be exclusive, nor will
it represent a US-Japan condominium. We will welcome
the participation of other like-minded countries and
international organizations.
Addressing Economic Issues
-- Global partnership can only succeed if we manage
the competitive aspects of our relationship, notably
in the economic area.
-- We have made great progress in the last few years
in addressing various sectoral problems and the
Structural Impediments Initiative (SII) talks have
broken new ground in addressing the sources of tension
in our trading relationship, but more needs to be
done. We welcome the agreement of your government to
reinvigorate efforts in these areas.
-- Nothing is more important to sustaining the free
trade system that the success of the Uruguay Round.
Japan and the United States benefit greatly from free
trade and we bear a special responsibility for the
successful conclusion of the round. We look to Japan
-- Fifty years ago we fought a tragic war. Today we are
each others' indispensable partners in trade, investment,
defense, and regional and global affairs.
-- The Cold War helped create this partnership, but
cooperation between the US and Japan does not depend on
the external pressure of the communist challenge. Rather
our alliance is based on fundamental shared interests in
virtually all fields, and the reasons for cooperation are
stronger today than ever before.
-- It is up to the leadership in both countries to ensure
that the competitive aspects in our relationship are
managed effectively so that this cooperation can go
forward. If we fail, we will have missed an historic
opportunity; if we succeed, our citizens, and the citizens
of the world can look forward to a more prosperous and
stable future. I welcome the commitment of Prime Minister
Miyazawa to this joint enterprise and I make the same
commitment.
to play a leadership role as we tackle the last
remaining, and the most difficult, issues, including
agricultural liberalization.
The US Domestic Agenda
-- We recognize that our bilateral trade imbalance
reflects far more than the impact of remaining market
barriers in Japan. Japan's products are competitive
around the world because Japan has saved and invested
at a rate double that of the US, focused on applied
research and development and new manufacturing
technologies, established the world's best quality
control systems, developed a highly educated labor and
managerial force, and taken a long term view to
developing markets abroad. There is much that America
should emulate in Japan's example. We are taking
steps to improve our competitiveness -- reducing our
budget deficit, improving education, and enhancing our
productivity.
-- The United States is going through a difficult
economic period, but we have tremendous fundamental
strengths to draw on. American basic research is
still the best in the world; our best universities are
the world's best; American technology in such advanced
fields as computers and biotechnology is at the
leading edge; and we have a diverse, energetic,
creative, and talented population.
-- But we need make more productive uses of these
basic strengths to prepare our economy and society for
the competitive challenge of the 21st century.
The Human Connection
-- For all of our interaction and interdependence, the
US and Japan need to know a great deal more about each
other. Much is already being done in this area.
There are more than 1000 young Americans teaching in
Japanese schools under the JET program, and thousands
of Japanese are studying in the US. We welcome the
Abe fund to support greater exchanges between the US
and Japan and we are committed to supporting this and
other initiatives. Thanks to these programs, by the
end of this century both Japan and the United States
will have a much larger group of people who have lived
in each other's country, speak each other's language,
and understand more fully the great importance of our
bilateral relationship.
Concluding Flourish
14.21 FRUIT
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IU
50245006*12024566218
P.02
OPEN DOORS
1990
1991
REPORT ON INTERNATIONAL EDUCATIONAL EXCHANGE
INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION
DEC-31-1991 14:23 FRUM
IU
50245006*12024566218
P.03
Foreign Student Enrollment by Country or Other Place of Origin, 1989/90-1990/91
ASIA
1989/90
1990/91
Extrapolated
Base
%
Extrapolated
%
Region/Locality
Count
Number
Distribution
Count
Change
EAST ASIA
China
33,390
35,482
9.7
39,600
18.6
Japan
29,840
32,807
9.0
36,610
22.7
Taiwan
30,980
30,047
8.2
33,530
8.3
X Korea, Republic of
21,710
20,934
5.7
23,350
7.8
Hong Kong
11,230
11,313
3.1
12.630
12.5
Macao
140 .
212
0.1
240
t
X Korea, Dem. People's Republic of
31
45
45.2
Mongolia
2
4
100.0
East Asia Total
127,320
130,844
35.8
146,020
14.7
SOUTH AND CENTRAL ASIA
India
26,240
25,858
7.1
28,860
10.0
Pakistan
7,070
6,922
1,9
7,730
9.3
Bangladesh
2,470
2,270
0.6
2,530
2.4
Sri Lanka
2,210
2,079
0.6
2,320
5.0
Nepal
610
600
0.2
670
9.8
Afghanistan
220
202
0.1
230
4.5
Bhutan
29
28
-3.4
Maldives
3
5
66.7
South and Central Asia Total
38,840
37,964
10.4
42,370
9.1
SOUTHEAST ASIA
Malaysia
14,110
12,192
3.3
13,610
-3.5
Indonesia
9,390
8,534
2.3
9,520
1,4
Thailand
6,630
6,355
1.7
7,090
6.9
Singapore
4,440
4,028
1.1
4,500
1.4
Philippines
4,540
3,829
1,0
4,270
-5.9
Vietnam
1,850
1,251
0.3
1,400
-24.3
Laos
460
417
0.1
470
2.2
Myanmar
340
367
0.1
410
20.6
Cambodia
145
144
-0.7
Brunei
15
18
20.0
Southeast Asia Total
41,950
37,135
10.2
41,440
-1.2
ASIA, GRAND TOTAL
208,110
205,943
56.4
229,830
10.4
This is the base number, which is too small to be extrapolated,
+Percentage change was not calculated from the 1989/90 base number to the 1990/91extrapolated count.
141
Services of Mead Data Central, Inc.
PAGE
2
2ND STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright 1991 The New York Times Company
The New York Times
December 27, 1991, Friday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section A; Page 12; Column 1; Foreign Desk
LENGTH: 868 words
HEADLINE: AFTER THE SOVIET UNION;
Russians Greet Raising of New Flag With Expressions of Pride and Relief
BYLINE: By JAMES F. CLARITY, Special to The New York Times
DATELINE: MOSCOW, Dec.26
BODY:
The 149 million people in this country woke up today living under the Russian
flag in a land called Russia for the first time in 74 years.
Some marked the transition as an event of national pride, some viewed it as a
reminder of an agonizing rebirth that was still under way, while others ignored
it in their daily struggle with food shortages and hunt for presentable New
Year's gifts.
While the hammer-and-sickle red flags disappeared overnight, the Cyrillic
equivalents of the initials U.S.S.R. were still visible everywhere, not yet
replaced by the Cyrillic letters representing the Commonwealth of Independent
States. These letters form the sounds for S, N and 6, leading some to call the
new Government "sneg," the Russian word for snow, with the implicit idea that it
too might melt by the spring.
The newspapers, which gained wide freedoms under Mikhail S. Gorbachev and his
policy of glasnost, were kind to him as he departed.
"He left his high position looking at us directly and frankly in the eyes,"
Izvestia said on the front page. "He did all he could."
Pravda said Mr. Gorbachev left "an indelible mark on the annals of our
society and the whole world."
Nezavisimaya Gazeta, the growing and popular daily whose name means
independent newspaper, said Mr. Gorbachev was "one of the key historic figures
of the 20th century and the most outstanding political leader that has ever
emerged on the territory of the former U.S.S.R."
As Mr. Gorbachev tried to "heal the nation," the newspaper said, "his choice
of cures was commendable -- glasnost, democratization and the like - but in the
end, even a small dose of these proved fatal to the patient."
On the evening news, an announcer declared: "The flag of Russia has been
raised over the Kremlin. Today, it's a new day, a new state. We meet it with
hope and God forbid that the sad errors of our history are repeated."
LEXIS' NEXIS'LEXIS'NEXIS
Services of Mead Data Central, Inc.
PAGE
3
The New York Times, December 27, 1991
The screen showed the flag that had been raised Wednesday night above the
Kremlin walls 33 minutes after Mr. Gorbachev resigned as President of the
Soviet Union, which expired with his departure.
The change of national symbols evoked complex and contradictory feelings.
"The flag is a symbol, and in this case, the symbol of changes," said Yevgeny
Rein, a poet. "A great era is finished, a period tightly connected with my life.
From this point of view, I feel nostalgic."
A Symbol of Fear
For Natalya Trauberg, a literary critic and translator, it provided a sense
of relief. "They lowered the flag," she said. "That's great. I had enough of it.
I'm very happy, because under the Soviet flag I always felt only fear."
Aleksandr N. Yakovlev, a confidant of Mr. Gorbachev who had helped him form
the restructuring plan known as perestroika, said: "I am firmly convinced that
Gorbachev wanted good for society and the people. I know this for sure. He
wielded absolute power but began giving it up voluntarily." He said Mr.
Gorbachev was "a man of compromise" and added that if he had lacked this quality
"intolerance would have reached an explosive force."
But Roy Medvedev, a Communist historian, saw things quite differently. He
said the passing of Mr. Gorbachev, who forced the party to yield its exclusive
grip on power, was not a loss to the nation. Even Stalin, Mr. Medvedev said,
"against whose ideology and practice I always struggled, took the country in an
apalling state in 1924 and left it as a superpower."
"I think no one needs to prove that the country that was the Soviet Union in
1985 when Mikhail Gorbachev came to power was incomparably better, given all its
deficiencies, than it is today."
A Glass of Vodka
At a reception with journalists today, Mr. Gorbachev raised a glass of
vodka, something that he was loath to do when as President he campaigned against
the consumption of hard spirits.
He said that he was not leaving public life, but that "for the next two weeks
I'm gone."
"But I'm not physically exhausted," Mr. Gorbachev said. "I just need to
recover." He declined to say exactly what he would be doing in the coming
months.
"Society is tired," he said. "It hates all politicians, and because of that,
it hates everything that has been achieved during perestroika, because people's
everyday life is so hard."
Such hardships, including widespread price increases beginning Jan. 2,
impelled a coal miner to write to the newspaper Trud to complain that "glasnost
and perestroika have impoverished everybody."
LEXIS' NEXIS'LEXIS NEXIS
Services of Mead Data Central, Inc.
PAGE
4
The New York Times, December 27, 1991
"I can't eat or wear glasnost," the miner said, adding that he would rather
have food than freedom. The paper rebuked him, saying even Roman slaves knew
freedom was priceless.
At dusk, on Red Square, only a handful of people watch the changing of the
guard at the Lenin Mausoleum. None seemed to take special interest in the new
white-blue-red striped flag waving just behind the red Kremlin wall. Across
the square, in the huge GUM department store, several hundred people, mostly
women, pushed and elbowed and shouted from time to time as someone tried to cut
in on those waiting in line to buy small cut-glass vases. Most counters
displayed drab, shoddy goods that were ignored, including brown plastic passport
covers stamped U.S.S.R.
GRAPHIC: Photo: Mikhail S. Gorbachev making a toast at his farewell party at the
Oktyabrskaya Hotel in Moscow yesterday. (Associated Press); Symbols of the
Soviet Union began disappearing around the world in the wake of Mikhail S.
Gorbachev's resignation. The hammer and sickle was removed from the side of a
cruise ship docked in Santa Cruz, the Canary Islands, and the new Russian
tricolor was raised atop the Kremlin. Agate for Symbol one on left (Reuters,
Agence France-Presse)
SUBJECT: FLAGS, EMBLEMS AND INSIGNIA; INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENTS; SUSPENSIONS,
DISMISSALS AND RESIGNATIONS; NEWS AND NEWS MEDIA
NAME: GORBACHEV, MIKHAIL S; CLARITY, JAMES F
GEOGRAPHIC: UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS (USSR)
LEXIS'NEXIS'LEXIS NEXIS
The Singapore Lecture is designed to provide the
opportunity for distinguished statesmen, scholars
and writers, and other similarly highly qualified
individuals specializing in banking, commerce, imer
national economics and finance, and philosophical
and world strategic affairs, to visit Singapore. The
presence of such eminent personalities will allow
Singaporeans, especially the younger executives
and decision makers in both the public and private
200 Singapore Lecture
sectors, 10 have the benefit of exposure to -
30 October 1981
through the Lecture, televised discussions, and
private consultations - leaders of thought and
American Foreign Policy:
knowledge in various fields, thereby enabling them
A Global Vmw
10 widen their experience and perspectives.
by HENRY KISSINGER
The Singapore Lecture Series is organized by the
Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. The Series
was inaugurated in 1980 with a founding endow.
mem from the Monetary Authority of Singapore
(MAS), which has since been augmented with a
generous donation from Mobil Oil Singapore.
Inaugural
Singapore Lecture
14 October 1980
The Invisible Hand in
Economics and Politics
by MILTON FRIEDMAN
6th Singapore Lecture
5 December 1985
10th Singapore Lecture
Deficits, Debts and
15 October 1989
Demographics. Three
Fundamentals
Trade Octiook:
Affecting Our Long-term
Glubalization or
Economic Future
Regionalization
bv PETER G. PETERSON
by BRIAN MULRONEY
9th Singapore Lecture
14 December 1988
Regionalism, Globalism
5th Singapore Lecture
and Spheres of Influence:
B November 1984
ASEAN and the
The Future of the
Challenge of Change
Western Allrance and
into the 21st Century
by MAHATHIR BIN
ITS Implications for ASAB
MOHAMAD
by JOSEPH LUNS
4th Singapore tecture
10 November 1983
8th Singapore lecture
The Soviet Union:
27 November 1987
Challenges and
11th Singapore Lecture
Responses as Seen
3 April 1991
The Challenge of Change
from the European
in the Asia-Pacific Region
Point of View
International Economic
by BOB HAWKE
by HELMUT SCHMIDT
Developments
by R.F.M. LUBBERS
7th Singapore Lecture
25 November 1988
3rd Singapore Lecture
2. December 1982
Trends " the
International Financial
Peace and East-West
Relations
System
IN RAYMOND BARRE
by GISCARD D'ESIAING
2022191970
EIB
Asia students 753 P01 1989-90 DEC 31 '91
15:05
OF EDUCA
U.S. Department of Education
Office of Educational
THE
Research and Improvement
UNITED STATES of AMERICA
Date: 12/31/91
To: Mrs. michale nix, The White House
From: W. Vance Gront, Education definition Bronch
Number of pages transmitted (Includes cover
sheet): 2
If you did not receive the complete transmission,
please call 219-1659
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DEC 31 '91 15:06
11.
THE CHRONICLE OF HIGHER EDUCATION November 28, 1990
Foreign Students
in U.S. Reach
Foreign Students
a Record 386,000
on U.S. Campuses
upo 1989-90
1-yaur
For the first time in the 40
Rise in number of Asians
1909.00
fuels a 5.6% increase
Asia
208.110
+8.7%
years in which the Institute
Latin America
48,090
+6.8%
has conducted surveys,
By ROBIN WILSON
Europe
46,040
+7.6%
More than 386,000 foreign students at-
business ranked ahead
Middle East
37,330
-7.1%
tended U.S. colleges and universities in
academic 1989-90-5.6 per cent more than
Africa
24,570 -7.0%
of engineering as the most
in the year before. The increase was the
North America
18,590 +11.1%
largest in seven years.
Oceania
4.010 +11.1%
popular field of study.
Those figures are being released this
INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL EDVC Africe
week by the Institute of International Edu-
most popular fields were mathe-
cation, which conducts an annual survey
matics and computer sciences.
cent fewer than during the previous
of foreign students at 2,891 U.S. institu-
About 55 per cent of all interna-
year. African students numbered
tions. The count- of 386.851 foreign stu-
tional students attending U.S. in-
24,570. also a 7-per-cent decline.
stitutions were enrolled in under-
dents was a record.
Ms. Zikopoulous said the drops
Marianthi Zikopoulous. the 1.1.E.'s re-
graduate programs.
were due primarily to the decline in
In addition to its report on for-
search director, said the increase in the
students from Iran and Nigeria. "It
eign students, the institute con-
number of Asian students traveling to the
is a plain and simple lack of mon-
ducted a new survey of foreign
United States had fueled the increase. Ac-
ey," she said. "The riches from oil
scholars working at U.S. college:
ademic 1989-90 marked the third consecu-
are no longer that great."
and universities. The 176 Ph.D
live year in which Asians made up more
granting institutions that respond
than half of all foreign students studying
Miami-Dade Enrolled 5,500
ed to the survey reported that they
here. The number from Asian countries
Ninety-six U.S. institutions en-
employed 46.479 foreign scholars
rose by about 9 per cent. to 208,110.
rolled more than 40 per cent of all
As with students. the largest pro
foreign students in the country. Mi-
portion of foreign scholars-47 per
China Leads the Way
ami-Dade Community College en-
cent-came from Asia.
The largest number of foreign students
rolled the largest number, with
About 72 per cent of the foreign
came from China. despite new regulations
5,500. followed by the University
scholars focused on research
of Southern California. and the
by the Chinese government that limit over-
while 13 per cent spent most o
University of Texas at Austin.
seas study. In all. 33.390 Chinese students
their time teaching and 15 per cer.
Foreigners made up 32 per cent
attended U.S. institutions last year, an in-
took part in some combination c
of the student population at the
crease of 15 per cent over 1988-89.
the two. Roughly 60 per cent wer
University of California at San
Since February of this year. China has
employed in the sciences.
Francisco, the largest proportion
been requiring students to work for five
Of the institutions surveyed
on U.S. campuses. They account-
years after college before they can attend
Harvard University reported th
ed for 24 per cent of the students at
graduate school in the United States. But
largest number of foreign scholars
the New Jersey Institute of Tech-
with 2.132. The University of Cal
Chinese students who have relatives here
nology and 22 per cent of the en-
fornia at Berkeley reported em.
need not fulfill the work requirement.
rollment at the Massachusetts In-
ploying 1.882 foreign scholars an
Taiwan sent the next largest number of
stitute of Technology.
Stanford University reporte
students to America. 30,960. followed by
For the first time in the 40 years
1,880.
Japan. with 29,840. The number of stu-
in which the institute has conduct-
Copies of the 200-page report
dents from Japan increased by 24 per cent
ed surveys of foreign students.
"Open Doors. 1989-90." are avait.
over the previous year. a bigger jump than
business ranked ahead of engineer-
able for $34.95 from I.I.E. Books
any other country's.
ing as the most popular field of
809 United Nations Plaza. New
Latin America and Europe also sent
study. After engineering. the next
York 10017-3580.
more students to the United States last
year. while the number from Middle East-
ern and African countries continued on a
decline that started in the early 1980's.
Last year 37.330 Middle Eastern students
enrolled at American institutions. 7 per
DEC 31 '91 13:44 FROM OASD-PA
Victnam Vets
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DEC 31 '91 13:45 FROM OASD-PA
PAGE 002
EFENSE
DEC 31 '91 13:45
FROM OASD-PA
PAGE 003
CONFLICTS & CASUALTIES
Service and Casualties
In Major Wars and Conflicts
(As of Sept. 30, 1990)
WOUNDS
NUMBER
BATTLE
OTHER
NOT
SERVING
DEATHS
DEATHS
MORTAL
Revolutionary Was
Army
4,044
6,004
1775-1783
Navy
342
114
Marines
49
was
Total
4,435
6,188
War of 1312
Anny
1,950
4,000
1812-1815
Navy
265
439
Marines
45
66
Total
286,730
2,250
4,505
Mexican War
Amy
1,721
11,550
4,102
1846/1943
Navy
3
Marines
-
11
47
Total
BECORE
1,733
11,550
4,152
Civil Wal (Union
Army
2,128,948
138,154
223,374
280,040
Inner and
Navy
2,112
2,411
1,710
18647
Marines
84,415
449
332
131
Total
2,213,383
140,414
224,057
281,881
Spaned servican
Army
280,564
369
2,061
1,594
War
Navy
22,875
TO
47
1898
Marines
3,321
X
21
Total
306,700
385
2,061
1,862
World not
Army
4,057,101
50,510
55,868
193,663
Articles 17
Navy
599,051
431
6,856
819
Nove 11.1918
Marines
78,839
2,461
390
9,520
Total
4,734,991
53,402
63,114
204,002
World War II
Army**
11,260,000
234,874
83,400
565,861
Dec. 1941-
Navy
4,183,466
36,950
25,664
37,778
Dec 11, 1945****
Marines
669,100
19,733
4,778
68,207
Total
16,112,566
291,557
113,342
671,346
Korean Conflict
Army
2,834,000
27,709
N.A.
77,596
lune 2 1950
Navy
1,177,000
-468
939
1,576
July 11 1953
Marines
424,000
4,267
1,361
23,744
Air Force
1,285,000
1,302
243
368
Total
5,720,000
33,746
103,284
Army
4,368,000
30,907
7,274
96,802
ALSO
Navy
1,842,000
1,631
SEX
4,178
1973
Marines
794,000
13,082
1754
51,392
Air Force
1,740,000
1,739
642
93
total
8,744,000
47,359
10,797
153,303
to the Confedente
A the number the
from 600,000.to
Report of the Provost Marshal General 7863 $866.7nd cated 133,821 Confederate deaths
524 battle and
basedupon incomplete returns in addition, an estimated 26,000 to 31,000 Confederate personnel died in Union
terminated
SEPTEMBER OCTOBER
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4TH STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1991 Globe Newspaper Company:
The Boston Globe
November 10, 1991, Sunday, City Edition
SECTION: METRO/REGION; Pg. 31
LENGTH: 1248 words
HEADLINE: A time to reflect;
Four Americans, four wars, four perspectives on Veterans Day
BYLINE: By David Arnold, Globe Staff
KEYWORD: WARFARE US HISTORY HOLIDAY
BODY:
Fifty years ago tomorrow, Charles Cosby of Everett was on maneuvers outside
Pearl Harbor aboard the USS Arizona. He was destined to become one of the few
hundred survivors aboard a vessel whose twisted hulk lives on as testament to
the consequence of ill-preparedness.
Forty years ago tomorrow, William Rogers of Methuen had recently helped
capture Hill 749 in Korea. A platoon sergeant, he had entered the fray with 67
comrades; three hours later, he was one of 12 men in the platoon still alive.
Twenty years ago tomorrow, Leslie Feldstein of Wellesley was a nurse in the
91st Evacuation Hospital at Chu Lai, south of Danang. She was working 12-hour
shifts, six days a week, anesthetizing civilians and soldiers, be they
Americans, North Vietnamese or South Vietnamese.
One year ago tomorrow, Jeffrey Mullin was on tank duty in Saudi Arabia,
having been called overseas before he could meet his first-born child. Sgt.
Mullin, a Weymouth native, never met little Karla Danielle. He never fought the
nation's "high-tech" war. He was one of 108 people who died just preparing for
it.
Tomorrow is Veterans Day. For Cosby, for Rogers, for Feldstein and for
Mullin's family, the day is less a holiday than a holy day from which the word
evolved. Tomorrow needles memories that have become easier to shoulder, but
never fade.
Veterans Day commemorates the 1918 armistice of World War I, marked, with
brief exception in the 1970s, on Nov. 11 each year. The holiday was created to
celebrate the end of a war that was to end all wars. Some 31 million Americans
have served and 520,100 Americans have died in subsequent wars.
"Veterans Day is not the world as it is but perhaps the world as it should
be," says Cosby, today a retired planner for General Electric.
"Veterans Day honors those who served. It honors the living, not the
governments that prolong war," adds Feldstein, 45, now a nurse at Milton
Hospital.
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(c) 1991, The Boston Globe, November 10, 1991
What follow are glimpses at four Veterans Days and four participants during
four wars.
November 11, 1941
The nation was still almost four weeks from the surprise attack on Pearl
Harbor. For Cosby, conflict seemed a distant affair.
The day was chilly and clear in Boston, the Evening Globe reported. The lead
editorial predicted the end might be near for a war now 801 days old in Europe.
The news overseas was encouraging. "Reds Holding Moscow" a headline blared; the
Germans were pinned down in the deteriorating Russian winter weather.
On this day President Roosevelt honored the dead of World War I at Arlington
National Cemetery. The Globe published a picture of Major Gen. George S. Patton
modeling the Army's new helmet "designed to protect like never before." In
Brookline, members of the local chapter of the National Council of Jewish Women
discussed whether "the Nazi's bark was worse than its bite."
Nine homeless men died in Fall River after drinking denatured alcohol. And in
Washington, government officials awaited the arrival of Japan's special envoy
Kurusu.
Cosby had spent the day on maneuvers aboard the dreadnought Arizona outside
Pearl Harbor. He had boarded the previous year at Bremerton, Wash.
The war he believed would never come smacked him in the face on Dec. 7.
A seaman first class, he was swabbing a deck. "It was about 7:55 a.m. when I
looked above and all I remember is thinking: I'm not going to finish this job.
Half of Honolulu was blowing up," he recalled.
Bombs started hitting the Arizona. There was smoke and fire everywhere, then
the call to abandon ship. He dove through water frosted with flames and swam,
often underwater, several hundred yards to shore. He found a rifle. He started
shooting at Japanese Zeros. He doubts he ever hit one.
Of 1,550 sailors stationed aboard the Arizona, Cosby was one of 289
survivors. He spends Veterans Day quietly thinking about those men.
November 11, 1951
The Korean war was less than half spent. It would eventually claim more than
54,000 lives and leave another 8,000 missing.
The big news in the Boston area was that Rocky Marciano of Brockton was home
after several successful New York bouts. "The Rock of Brockton had made the sock
more famous than the shoe," city fathers declared.
In Nahant, Veterans Day services involved a memorial to 14 sons killed in
World War II. Judy Garland had just suffered another nervous collapse in Scollay
Square, one John Finn of the Back Bay was robbed of $ 5, and a Globe editorial
predicted Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower would not run for president.
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(c) 1991, The Boston Globe, November 10, 1991
A ceasefire agreement in Korea appeared imminent after the establishment of a
buffer zone, and 34-year-old US Rep. John Kennedy, just returned from a tour of
Korea, declared: "The hills, the weather, they all go to make things pretty
nasty."
Rogers recalls being somewhere in central Korea 40 years ago, regrouping
after taking tremendous losses during the victorious battle for Hill 749.
Rogers had celebrated his 17th birthday at Parris Island boot camp. His tour
of duty was in the Pacific during World War II; his first stop was Iwo Jima.
Everything, however, paled in comparison to Korea - frozen limbs, modern warfare
and jets, and an unclear sense of where it was going.
"Veterans Day means I've lost an awful lot of good buddies," said Rogers, a
65-year-old retired stone mason.
November 11, 1971
The death toll in Vietnam was 55,000. The country was 14 months and 3,000
American deaths from the end of the war.
The most controversial film in the theaters was "Together." It put "the
poetry back in love" and showed "how beautiful physical love can be," Boston
critics said.
The Dow Jones average stood at 814, Elvis was playing the Boston Garden,
Black Panther Huey Newton was on trial in Oakland, Army officer David Storms
testified he knew of no civilian deaths at My Lai while serving under Lt.
William Calley, Martha Mitchell had not spoken to her husband in two weeks, and
Massachusetts automobile insurers were recommending an 18.5 percent drop in the
1972 rate.
President Richard Nixon was calling on Congress to boost war spending by $ 1
billion, and Leslie Feldstein was finishing a two-year tour in Vietnam as a
nurse-anesthesiologist.
No Hollywood production, no verbal description could match the realities of
serving as a nurse in an evacuation hospital, the first stop and triage center
for the wounded.
"Veterans Day is a very private day for me," said Feldstein, who recently
retired from a three-year seat on the National Board of Veterans For Peace,
which seeks to discourage war as a means of resolving conflicts.
November 11, 1990
Pope John Paul II publicly prayed for a cure to the AIDS virus and the New
England Patriots "come up empty again" after a loss to the Indianapolis Colts.
Iraq was offering new conditions to avert war. It would attend a proposed
Arab summit - but only if the Palestinian question was put on the agenda.
Democratic leaders in Congress were questioning President Bush's deployment
of an additional 200,000 troops to the gulf. And Army Sgt. Jeffrey Mullin, a
24-year-old native of Weymouth, was serving tank duty in Saudi Arabia.
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(c) 1991, The Boston Globe, November 10, 1991
Mullin was killed during a training accident in the desert on Jan. 14; two
days later, the 43-day war began. Of the 378 American dead, 230 would die
outside of combat.
For Mullin's survivors, Veterans Day remains a very private matter and the
spirit of armistice and the war to end all wars very distant indeed.
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9TH STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1991 The New York Times Company
The New York Times
October 24, 1991, Thursday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section A; Page 17; Column 1; Foreign Desk
LENGTH: 919 words
HEADLINE: U.S. Open to Talks on Ties to Vietnam
BYLINE: By STEVEN GREENHOUSE, Special to The New York Times
DATELINE: PARIS, Oct. 23
BODY:
Eighteen years after American troops withdrew from Vietnam in humiliation,
Secretary of State James A. Baker 3d said today that the United States was
prepared to begin talks with Hanoi next month to normalize relations.
Mr. Baker said progress in the talks would depend on Vietnam's willingness
to furnish information that Washington has long sought about 2,300 Americans who
were prisoners of war or are listed as missing in action.
With the Soviet Union cutting its aid to Hanoi, Vietnam's Communist
Government has been eager to restore diplomatic relations with the United States
to end an American trade embargo and get international aid to rebuild an economy
ravaged by war and mismanagement. Vietnam is also eager to end its
international isolation.
But the United States has refused to normalize relations as long as a
Vietnamese-backed Government in Cambodia resisted a negotiated settlement to its
civil war. After Vietnam invaded Cambodia in 1978 to oust the Khmer Rouge, the
United States supported a rebel movement that sought to topple the regime in
Phnom Penh.
Baker May Visit Vietnam
In Paris today, for the signing of a 19-nation peace treaty intended to end
two decades of civil war in Cambodia, Mr. Baker said he was taking into account
Hanoi's support for the settlement in agreeing to pursue normalized relations.
American officials have said it is possible that Mr. Baker will visit
Vietnam at the end of November as part of a previously scheduled trip.
"The scope and pace of these discussions of course will be governed by the
degree with which Vietnam continues to cooperate with the United States on the
very, very important issue of our prisoners of war and our missing in action,"
Mr. Baker said.
Re-establishing relations with Vietnam remains a sensitive issue for many
Americans who remember the wrenching war in which more than 58,000 Americans
died. Many Americans accuse Hanoi of continuing to conceal information about
Americans missing in Vietnam as a result of the war.
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(c) 1991 The New York Times, October 24, 1991
Timing for Normalization
In 1975, two years after American troops withdrew, the Communists captured
Saigon, now called Ho Chi Minh City, putting an end to America's efforts to keep
a non-Communist Government in what was then South Vietnam.
Mr. Baker said the normalization talks could begin "in the next month or so."
Showing how sensitive the subject is, Mr. Baker talked in gingerly terms, saying
Washington was "prepared to begin discussions with Vietnam concerning the
issues and modalities that would be involved in normalizing relations."
One American official said normalizing ties could take several years, but
Vietnamese officials said they hoped diplomatic relations could be established
much sooner.
After decades of battling the Japanese, French and Americans, Vietnam is
one of the world's poorest countries, with a per capita income of about $200 a
year. Vietnamese officials were irritated last week when the United States
blocked a French proposal calling for the International Monetary Fund to lend
money to Vietnam.
'Progress' Needed on M.I.A.'s
Washington's icy relations with Hanoi thawed a bit in July when Hanoi
allowed a M.I.A. liaison office to open in the Vietnamese capital. In addition,
there have been several joint American-Vietnamese searches for the missing
soldiers.
An American official said today that in meeting Vietnam's Foreign Minister,
Nguyen Manh Cam, Mr. Baker said "substantial progress" in the missing-in-action
issue was needed as a condition for normalizing ties.
Signaling the improvement of relations, Mr. Baker said today that he would
ease the trade embargo against Vietnam by allowing "U.S.-organized" travel to
Vietnam by individuals and groups like veterans, journalists, business
executives and tourists. Washington began the embargo against North Vietnam in
1964, and extended it to the whole country in 1975.
He also said he would lift the travel ban that prohibits Vietnamese diplomats
to the United Nations from traveling more than 25 miles from New York.
A Four-Step Process
Mr. Baker said the moves toward normalized relations would be a step-by-step
process. In April the State Department outlined a four-step process for
normalizing relations with Vietnam. The signing of a Cambodian peace agreement
was the initial step required to begin normalization talks. For the second step,
after a cease-fire was begun in Cambodia and the United Nations transitional
administration was established in Phnom Penh, Washington would partially lift
its trade embargo.
The department said the third phase would start after six months of United
Nations administration in Cambodia. In this phase, the trade embargo would be
lifted, and Hanoi and Washington would exchange diplomatic missions.
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(c) 1991 The New York Times, October 24, 1991
In the fourth phase, Washington would establish full diplomatic and economic
relations after elections in Cambodia, scheduled for early 1993, were held under
the supervision of the United Nations.
Mr. Baker also met today with China's Foreign Minister, Qian Qichen. An
American official said Mr. Baker had discussed weapons policy, human rights and
trade policy. The officials said Mr. Baker had voiced his concerns about China's
plans to sell missiles to Syria and about China's practice of selling goods made
by prison labor.
Mr. Baker told reporters that he was keeping open the option of visiting
China, a position that American officials say helped make the Cambodian peace
treaty possible.
GRAPHIC: Photo: Secretary of State James A. Baker 3d with Foreign Minister
Nguyen Manh Cam of Vietnam yesterday in Paris, where Mr. Baker announced a
willingness to begin talks with Hanoi to normalize relations. (Reuters)
SUBJECT: DIPLOMATIC RECOGNITION; UNITED STATES INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS;
US-INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS- VIETNAM; FOREIGN AID; VIETNAM WAR; UNITED STATES
ARMAMENT AND DEFENSE; PRISONERS OF WAR; MISSING IN ACTION ; DISCLOSURE OF
INF ORMATION; EMBARGOES; ECONOMIC CONDITIONS AND TRENDS; INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
NAME: GREENHOUSE, STEVEN; BAKER, JAMES A 3D (SEC)
GEOGRAPHIC: VIETNAM ; UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS
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3RD STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
The Associated Press
The materials in the AP file were compiled by The Associated Press. These
materials may not be republished without the express written consent of The
Associated Press.
December 28, 1991, Saturday, AM cycle
SECTION: Washington Dateline
LENGTH: 155 words
HEADLINE: Americans Warned Against Travel to Cambodia
DATELINE: WASHINGTON
KEYWORD: BRF--U.S.-Cambodia
BODY:
Americans should make only essential visits to Cambodia because of dangers
posed by anti-government rioting, the State Department advises.
The travel advisory issued Friday said that while foreigners apparently
aren't being targeted by demonstrators, "travelers may inadvertently get caught
up in a demonstration or riot."
"Moreover, the United States mission in Phnom Penh is not in a position to
accord normal consular protective services to U.S. citizens and would be able to
provide only limited emergency services," the advisory said.
The United States reopened its embassy in Phnom Penh last month. The
embassy was closed 16 years ago when the capital was taken over by the
communist Khmer Rouge faction.
In October, the Cambodian factions signed a U.N.-brokered peace treaty ending
a 13-year civil war. Last month's return of a hated Khmer Rouge leader to the
capital ignited rioting in which six people have died.
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1ST STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1991 Council on Foreign Relations, Inc.;
Foreign Affairs
1991, Winter
SECTION: Pg. 1
LENGTH: 6964 words
HEADLINE: AMERICA IN ASIA: EMERGING ARCHITECTURE FOR A PACIFIC COMMUNITY
BYLINE: James A. Baker, III; James A. Baker, III is Secretary of State.
BODY:
In Asia as in Europe we are in the midst of the first transformation of the
international system this century that is not the direct result of global
conflagration. This rare moment presents us with new possibilities for
reshaping international relationships in Asia to meet the challenges of the
post-Cold War world.
President Bush's trip to East Asia marks a point in time when disparate
historical lines are intersecting: the commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary
of the attack on Pearl Harbor; the end of the U.S.-Soviet confrontation; and the
prospect of laying to rest the Vietnam War era. The end of 1991 should see the
closing off of several tragic, defining episodes of the American experience in
Asia and open a new chapter of U.S. engagement in the region as we approach the
21st century.
I have presented elsewhere the administration's ideas about the new post-Cold
War architecture of the Euro-Atlantic community. n1 But America's destiny lies
no less across the Pacific than the Atlantic. We have fought three major wars
over the past half-century in the Asia-Pacific theater. U.S. economic
involvement and defense commitments in the region have been -- and remain --
defining realities. We also have large and growing interests in the human and
material development of the region, as well as in its security. Our success in
forging a new international system will require sustained engagement in this
diverse and dynamic part of the world, just as it does in Europe and the
Americas.
n1 See James A. Baker, III, "A New Europe, A New Atlanticism: Architecture
for a New Era," speech to the Berlin Press Club, Dec. 12, 1989; and "The
Euro-Atlantic Architecture: From West to East," speech to the Aspen Institute,
Berlin, Germany, June 18, 1991.
The global trends that are reshaping Europe and the Soviet Union have also
been at work in the Asia-Pacific region: the bankruptcy of communism as an
economic and political system; a movement toward democracy and market-oriented
economics; global economic integration of markets for trade, capital and
information; and the emerging recognition that transnational challenges in such
areas as narcotics, the environment and migration are important components of a
comprehensive approach to security. At the same time the dark countertrends
that President Bush pointed to in his September 1991 speech to the U.N. General
Assembly are also evident in Asia: the reemergence of ethnic rivalries,
nationalist aspirations and territorial or political disputes which were
suppressed during the Cold War years.
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(c) 1991 Foreign Affairs
II
These global factors for change are playing themselves out in Asia amid the
region's particular historical, cultural and political circumstances. In
contrast to central and eastern Europe and the U.S.S.R., where change has been
driven by the failure of a system of political economy, much of the ferment in
Asia is a product of the region's unique and dramatic economic success. Barely
twenty years ago East Asia was engulfed in war and great-power confrontation,
burdened with poverty and challenged by insurgent communist movements. Our
trade with the region in the early 1970s was less than that with Latin America.
But the subsequent two decades brought unrivaled progress. Throughout the
1980s East Asia led the world in the innovations of a new economic age. Japan
emerged as an economic superpower. New industrial economies of South Kora,
Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore achieved rapid high-technology growth. China
opened economically. And the Philippines, Korea and Taiwan each took strides
toward democracy. As a result the combined economies of East Asia are now
roughly equal in size to that of the United States.
International political developments have also contributed to a more positive
environment. These include the Sino-Soviet rapprochement, the opening of Soviet
relations with the Republic of Korea, the admission to the United Nations of
both Korean states, the birth of a democratic Mongolia and a political
resolution of the Cambodia conflict based on a U.N. settlement plan. The
latter, if realized, will bring a new era of peace to Indochina.
For all the region's progress, however, some legacies of the past could
impede a promising future. The heavily armed standoff on the Korean peninsula
is still one of the world's most dangerous flashpoints, a confrontation now
intensified by the ominous threat of nuclear proliferation. In Burma the
tyranny of a brutal military dictatorship endures, despite the clear expression
of popular will in the elections of 1990 for civilian democratic government.
China, along with the other residual communist regimes in Asia, continues to
resist democratic political reform. And despite President Gorbachey's historic
visit to Tokyo last April, the dispute over Japan's Northern Territories remains
an impediment to a major improvement in Soviet-Japanese relations.
These Asian realities -- the elements of a promising future and the difficult
remnants of times past -- now shape the challenges before us. The successes of
our policies and those of our friends in the region mean that many of our
partners have also become robust economic competitors. Allies such as Japan,
South Korea and Australia have become important political and economic players
in the emerging international system.
Given the challenges and opportunities we now face in Asia, a viable
architecture for a stable and prosperous Pacific community needs to be founded
on three pillars. First we need a framework for economic integration that will
support an open global trading system in order to sustain the region's economic
dynamism and avoid regional economic fragmentation. Second, we must foster the
trend toward democratization so as to deepen the shared values that will
reinforce a sense of community, enhance economic vitality and minimize prospects
for dictatorial adventures. Third, we need to define a renewed defense
structure for the Asia-Pacific theater that reflects the region's diverse
security concerns and mitigates intra-regional fears and suspicions -- a
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(c) 1991 Foreign Affairs
prerequisite for maintaining the stability required for continuing economic and
polítical progress.
III
In formulating American policy toward the Asia-Pacific region, we should
recognize our historical and continuing interests. Since 1784, when the
merchant ship Empress of China sailed for Canton from New York, the United
States has consistently pursued an open door approach to the Asia-Pacific
region. Our interest has resided in maintaining commercial access and
preventing the rise of any single hegemonic power or coalition hostile to the
United States and its allies and friends. In today's world a shred focus and
the development of an active partnership among the nations of the Pacific Rim
are essential to the success of the emerging global system.
The Asia-Pacific region is now America's largest trading partner. America's
trans-Pacific commerce is now more than $ 300 billion in annual two-way trade --
nearly one-third larger than that across the Atlantic. The United States
exports more to Thailand than to the Soviet Union, more to Indonesia than to
central and eastern Europe and more to Singapore than to Spain or Italy.
Moreover, U.S. firms have invested more than $ 61 billion in the region, with
over $ 95 billion of Asian investments in the United States.
Our closest bond to Asia is the growing number of Asian-Americans, some seven
million strong, who are America's fastest growing group of immigrants. There
are more Laotians today in the United States than in the Laotian capital of
Vientiane; more Filipinos in California than in Cebu. These people, along with
hundreds of thousands of other Asian-Americans -- Chinese, Japanese, Vietnamese,
Cambodians, Koreans, Thai and Samoans among them -- enrich our society,
strengthen our engagement with the region and give us a growing mutuality of
interests in an emerging Asia-pacific community.
What has fostered stability and secured economic dynamism in East Asia for
the past four decades is a loose network of bilateral alliances with the United
States at its core. Our military presence, our commitment, our reassurance has
constituted the balancing wheel of an informal, yet highly effective, security
structure that emerged after World War II and endured throughout the Cold War
years.
To visualize the architecture of U.S. engagement in the region, imagine a fan
spreadwide, with its base in North America and radiating west across the
Pacific. The central support is the U.S.-Japan alliance, the key connection for
the security structure and the new Pacific partnership we are seeking. To the
north, one spoke represents our alliance with the Republic of Korea. To the
south, others extend to our treaty allies -- the Association of Southeast Asian
(ASEAN) countries of the Philippines and Thailand. Further south a spoke
extends to Australia -- an important, staunch economic, political and security
partners. Connecting these spokes is the fabric of shared economic interests
now given form by the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) process. Within
this construct, new political and economic relationships offer additional
support for a system of cooperative action by groups of Pacific nations to
address both residual problems and emerging challenges.
This system has been successful precisely because its flexibility has
respected the vast geographic expanse, political and cultural diversity, as
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(c) 1991 Foreign Affairs
well as the geopolitical realities of East Asia and the Pacific. Unlike Europe
there has been no single threat commonly perceived throughout the region.
Instead, there is a multiplicity of security concerns that differ from country
to country and within the subregions of this vast area.
Today the overlay of U.S.-Soviet competition has been removed from Asia, so
the enduring diversity of regional interests and security concerns stand out
with even greater clarity. What was a secondary aspect of our Cold War-era
security presence is becoming the primary rationale for our defense engagement
in the region: to provide geopolitical balance, to be an honest broker, to
reassure against uncertainty.
Our forward-deployed military presence and bilateral defense ties to Japan,
South Korea, the allies within ASEAN and Australia are widely accepted as the
foundation of Asia's security structure. Yet in the post-Cold War world, the
enhanced capabilities of our allies and friends -- and new security challenges
---- require adjustments in our force structure, defense activities and in the
means of sustaining regional stability.
Asian security increasingly is derived from a flexible, ad hoc set of
political and defense interactions. Multilateral approaches to security are
slowly emerging. As we have seen in the Cambodian peace process, the combined
efforts of the ASEAN countries, Japan, Australia and the U.N. Security Council's
Permanent Five have tailor-made a conflict-resolution process. A semiofficial
forum on the contested islands of the South China Sea, hosted recently by
Indonesia, also reflects such an ad hoc, multilateral approach. Guaranteeing
stability on the Korean peninsula may increasingly assume a multilateral form --
a solution suited to the character of the problem. At this stage of a new era
we should be attentive to the possibilities for such multilateral action without
locking ourselves in to an overly structured approach. In the Asia-Pacific
community, form should follow function.
IV
While Asian security concerns have a diverse, decentralized character,
burgeoning intra- and trans-Pacific trade and investment provide areas of broad
common interest. Commerce offers the most natural approach to fostering greater
regional cohesion. This is why the United States and 11 other Pacific basin
economies came together two years ago to initiate the APEC process. We see APEC
as an important mechanism for sustaining market-oriented growth, for advancing
global and regional trade liberalization and for meeting the new challenges of
interdependence. The APEC agenda is expansive. It includes, for example,
assessment of regional needs in telecommunications, human resource development,
energy, trade and investment, marine resources and tourism, among others.
APEC is as much the hallmark of American engagement in the region as are U.S.
security ties. Indeed, one could raw a 21st-century Pacific analogy from a
nineteenth-century experience: the development of the American continent. AS
the pattern of expansion and influence in the American West was determined by
the location of telegraph lines and railroads, so the infrastructural links we
are building across the Pacific in areas such as telecommunications and
transportation will shape the economic and political character of the region and
our ties to it.
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With the anticipated addition to APEC's membership of China, Hong Kong and
Taiwan at November's third ministerial meeting in Seoul, APEC's potential as a
major trans-Pacific forum is becoming a reality. The efforts of APEC's ten
working groups are laying a solid foundation of economic cooperation on a broad
range of issues. n2 APEC is ready to emerge as a key forum that can forge the
greater sense of Asia-Pacific community needed to meet the challenges of the
post-Cold War world.
n2 APEC's ten working groups are: trade promotion, expansion of investment
and technology transfers, human resource development, regional energy
cooperation, marine resource conservation, telecommunications, transportation,
data, tourism and fisheries. In addition APEC has begun regional trade
liberalization discussions.
Let me also leave no doubt about what APEC is not: it is not a regional
economic bloc. To the contrary, it is a product of -- and catalyst for -
economic integration and trade liberalization. These developments will not cut
off the Asia-Pacific community from the rest of the globe. In fact, by
stressing the gains that have been made from open multilateral policies, and by
enhancing economic efficiency, APEC should help the Pacific region contribute to
a more open trading system. APEC's outlook is inclusive, not exclusive. APEC's
members include a number of the great trading nations and offer excellent
investment opportunities. The intent of the APEC participants is to overcome
barriers and inefficiencies within the region while working for a more open
global system.
Similarly, the emerging North American Free Trade Area will support both APEC
and the global, multilateral systems for trade and financial flows. Unlike a
customs union, NAFTA will not establish common barriers to those outside.
Rather it will lower barriers among its participants -- a governmental response
to the accelerating economic integration already taking place among neighbors.
Heightened integration and efficiency will increase the productivity of the
U.S., Mexican and Canadian economies. Growth will bring expanding markets for
Asia traders and investors, thus strengthening, not weakening, trans-Pacific
economic links. Indeed, I believe Mexico views the NAFTA as a vehicle for
better integrating its formerly autarkic economy into the global system; more
efficient patterns of trade and investment with the United States and Canada
will strengthen Mexico's ties with a competitive world economy, not weaken them.
This view is supported by Mexico's recent membership in the Pacific Economic
Cooperation Council (PECC) and its interest in participating in both APEC and
the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.
Of course the logic of regional integration is more widely applicable.
Indeed, Thailand's proposal for an ASEAN free trade area is a welcome initiative
that could strengthen ASEAN and, by stimulating ASEAN growth, also reinforce
U.S.-ASEAN economic relations.
The economic future of the United States depends on strong ties with all the
regions of the world. As a nation generating some 24 percent of the world's
GNP, we cannot operate effectively or efficiently through any other strategy.
This is why the United States has demonstrated an unwavering commitment to
advancing the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) through the Uruguay
Round. It is also why we are seeking to complement that effort through a
network of initiatives designed to reduce market barriers and support a more
open, competitive and growth-oriented system. The NAFTA, the Enterprise for
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the Americas Initiative, the U.S.-European Community declaration, our trade
enhancement initiative for the emerging central and east European democracies,
our agreements with ASEAN and APEC each reflect our customized attempts to reach
out to all major markets, not to exclude any of them.
Each initiative is tailored to meet special circumstances and to maintain
momentum for liberalization by pressing forward simultaneously on a large number
of fronts. Our logic is that gains from increasing trade and investment are not
calculated according to any zero-sum formula -- instead, greater competition
leads to efficiencies and growth that benefit the system as a whole. This is a
logic that will profit the dynamic economies of Asia, especially if they join
with us to reduce barriers that threaten political support for a liberalized
global trading system.
The natural partner of market-oriented economics is political pluralism. The
public accountability that is the hallmark of democratic political systems is
also the best check against tyranny and aggression. As the history of the past
two centuries demonstrates, democratic nations rarely engage in armed conflict
against each other. Not long ago some argued that democratic politics were
unsuited to Asian cultures and traditions. Yet the political developments of
the past decade in the Philippines, South Korea and Taiwan demonstrate that
economic growth naturally tends to promote democratization.
Perhaps most remarkably, the powerful appeal of the democratic ideal is
evident in Mongolia's rejection of its Leninist past and its turn to political
pluralism and economic reform. Once the oldest communist government in Asia,
Mongolia is the first Asian communist state to purposefully undertake the
challenge of a democratic transition.
In sharp contrast, the democratic ideal has been brutally thwarted in Burma.
The socialist military regime, by suppressing the results of its own 1990
election, has betrayed the people in their quest for representative government.
This denial of the expressed will of the Burmese people will leave Burma mired
in isolation and stagnation until the military leadership reverses its
repressive policies and transfers authority to the elected civilian leaders of
the country. The awarding of this year's Nobel Peace Prize to Aung San Suu Kyi
will give the Burmese people hope that the world is not ignoring their plight.
China, Vietnam and Laos have embarked on a course of market-oriented economic
reform while retaining a Leninist monopoly of political power. But economic
reform can be sustained only when it is accompanied by political reform. The
tragic violence at Tiananmen Square in 1989 was a reflection of the social and
political pressures generated by a decade of rapid economic expansion
unaccompanied by concurrent political transformation.
Democratic reform in China and Vietnam, as well as in North Korea, would have
a major impact on the character of international relations in Asia. As
generational change unfolds in all three of what might be called
"Confucian-Leninist" societies, the interplay between economic expansion and the
striving for political reform can only become more pronounced.
V
Our ability to help realize the economic and security architecture of the
Asia-Pacific community we envisage will rest in no small measure on the
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successful management of a number of critical relationships with our allies,
friends and regional groups. Our ties with Japan, South Korea, ASEAN and
Australia are the stabilizing and strengthening spokes in the fan.
U.S.-Japan Relations
The keystone of our engagement in East Asia and the Pacific is our
relationship with Japan. Nothing is more basic to the prosperity and security
of the region, and indeed to the effectiveness of the post-Cold War system, than
a harmonious and productive U.S.-Japan relationship.
But U.S.-Japan relations have changed profoundly over the past decade. Our
dealings have become more equal, and their form and substance must now be
adjusted to reflect this reality if we are to address the sources of tension. I
see four basic, interrelated elements as necessary to accomplish this
adjustment.
First, the foundation of our relationship -- the U.S.-Japan security alliance
-- must be strengthened. We have been pleased with our growing security
cooperation with Japan. Japan is continuing to progress toward fulfilling our
agreed-upon division of defense roles and missions. Japan's ability to secure
its air and sea lanes out to 1,000 miles from its shores, the growing
interoperability and joint training of our forces -- along with generous host
nation support, which will increase to 73 percent of the non-salary costs for
our forward-deployed forces -- are a major contribution to the stability of the
region. One area which requires greater cooperation, however, is the goal of a
more balanced two-way flow of defense-related technology, as codified by our
1983 Memorandum of Understanding.
Second, we must work to reduce the economic tensions in our increasingly
interdependent relationship. The $ 140 billion in annual two-way trade, the
investment and the burgeoning network of private sector linkages between the
world's two largest and most technologically advanced economies underscore the
importance of this aspect of our relations.
A solid, balanced economic foundation, with open markets on both sides, is
needed if we are to sustain and advance our partnership --- one now of truly
global dimensions. This requires greater market-opening efforts by Japan, a
more competitive U.S. economy and an intensification of the detailed economic
dialogue we have begun in the Structural Impediments Initiative. Removing the
impediments to external adjustment and building more balanced economic ties --
thus creating fair opportunities for traders and investors - are essential to
the new harmony we seek.
The SII talks could assume a particularly important role in this process of
economic adjustment. Two nations, recognizing the extensive interconnection of
their respective economies, have agreed to analyze and pursue microeconomic
adjustments in order to harmonize an economic relationship vital to each other
and to global economic growth. This makes the SII a microeconomic complement to
the Group of Seven leading industrialized nations (G-7), which is designed to
improve the coordination of macroeconomic policies among highly interdependent
economies.
For its part, the United States is enhancing its competitiveness, as is
evident in an 87 percent increase in its exports to Japan since 1987. This
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export expansion reflects, in part, Japan's removal of structural barriers to
market access for goods, services and investment. But many aspects of the
Japanese economy are still constructed by exclusionary business practices, to
the detriment of new players in the marketplace -- both foreign and Japanese --
and of the Japanese consumer. And at home we still have much work to do -- from
further reducing the cost of capital to American business to encouraging more
aggressive marketing of U.S. products abroad -- if we are to carry out our part
of the SII equation.
Third, we must fulfill the promise of the global partnership called for by
the president at the Palm Springs summit last year. AS democracies and
market-oriented economies that together generate nearly 40 percent of the
world's GNP, the United States and Japan have the potential to marshal unrivaled
resources in support of a better future --- if our foreign policies are
effectively coordinated. On issues from the Uruguay Round to reform in central
and eastern Europe, from preserving the environment to Third World debt relief,
we must engage together globally.
For the international system to work, leading powers must lead. This is the
lesson we learned from our own reluctance to play an active role in world
affairs in the period between the two world wars. This is why today we seek to
build a global partnership with Japan -- with Tokyo assuming a greater
leadership role in a system from which it deserves significant benefits. Our
broadly convergent interests have already led us to pursue similar policies on
many issues. We are committed to developing better consultative mechanisms in
order to give greater synergy to our foreign policies.
Finally, we must deepen our understanding of each other's culture. Japanese
youth must be introduced to more about American life and values. Fast-food,
rock and rap music and Hollywood style are one image we project in the modern
world, but America has much else to offer. Similarly, more Americans must gain
knowledge of, and appreciation for, Japan's rich history and traditions -- in
particular, they should learn the Japanese language. The recently created Abe
Fund offers one important opportunity to expand a host of exchanges and
interactions -- intellectual, scientific, cultural and people-to-people ---
needed to deepen our mutual appreciation and ability to work together.
U.S.-Korean Relations
Another pillar of our engagement in the Pacific is our alliance with the
Republic of Korea. South Korea's economic and political achievements rival
those of Japan. Economically the R.O.K. has converted itself from a poor
agricultural society devastated by the war into the world's thirteenth largest
economy. Its industry is now on the cutting edge of high-tech growth. Within a
generation South Korea's per-capita income has trebled. And its success in
building democratic institutions and the accomplishments of Nordpolitik in
forging new international relationships underscore the significance of our firm
support for the R.O.K. over the past four decades.
South Korea's dynamism helps us meet the challenge of transforming what has
been primarily a military alliance into a more equal political, defense and
economic partnership. This is the logic of the U.S. force restructuring now
under way, of Seoul's increased support of our defense presence there, of our
economic dialogue and enhanced political consultations.
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South Korea's success is all the more remarkable as it has been achieved in
the face of unrelenting military and political confrontation with North Korea.
Indeed the very real danger of nuclear proliferation on the Korean peninsula is
now the number one threat to stability in the Asia-Pacific community.
North Korea's repeated failure to meet its international obligations under
the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty -- requiring it to implement full-scope
International Atomic Energy Agency safeguards inspection of its nuclear
facilities -- has raised serious questions about its intentions. Widespread
suspicions about a nuclear weapons program cannot enhance North Korea's
security. President Bush's recent initiative in withdrawing worldwide U.S.
tactical nuclear weapons renders Pyongyang's preconditions for fulfilling its
NPT obligations more specious than ever.
Yet, as important as the NPT regime is, we have seen in the case of Iraq that
even IAEA safeguards cannot ensure that a maverick regime will not seek to
acquire a nuclear weapons capability. The only firm assurance against nuclear
proliferation in Korea is a credible agreement by both Seoul and Pyongyang to
abstain from the production or acquisition of any weapons-grade nuclear material
on the Korean peninsula.
The key to reducing tensions on the peninsula -- and ultimately to the
reunification of Korea -- is an active North-South dialogue. The Koreans
themselves must traverse the road to peace and reunification. President Roh Tae
Woo's initiatives to advance the free flow of trade, people and communications
between North and south are important steps in this direction. For real
progress to occur, a climate of trust and confidence must be established. The
recent admission of both Koreas to the United Nations and the ongoing prime
ministerial talks are hopeful signs that the last glacier of the Cold War in
Asia is at last beginning to melt. For our part, we are prepared to enhance our
dealings with Pyongyang as the Democratic People's Republic meets its
responsibilities as a global citizen.
There is potential for European-style confidence-building measures and,
ultimately, Conventional-Forces-in-Europe-type arms reduction on the Korean
peninsula. As in Europe, large and heavily armed ground forces confront each
other across a clearly demarcated demilitarized zone. Korea is a place in East
Asia where arms control initiatives seem particularly timely.
The process of reconciliation and, eventually, reunification on the Korean
peninsula need to be based on Korean initiatives; yet the four major powers ---
the United States, Soviet Union, China and Japan -- have important interests
that intersect there. As the North-South dialogue progresses, we will explore
the possibilities for a forum for the two Koreas and the four major powers in
Northeast Asia that will support the dialogue, help in the easing of tensions,
facilitate discussion of common security concerns and possibly guarantee
outcomes negotiated between the two Koreas.
U.S.-Southeast Asian Relations
Our relations wit the countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
are at the core of our engagement in this dynamic subregion. Over the last
fifteen years, we have built an impressive structure of economic, political and
security cooperation with our ASEAN colleagues. Indeed, just fifteen years ago
many feared that countries such as Thailand, Marlaysia and Indonesia would
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become "dominoes" in a communist assault on Southeast Asia. Today the talented,
industrious people and market-oriented economies of the ASEAN states are setting
global standards for development.
ASEAN today is America's fifth largest trading partner, rivaling U.S.
commerce with Germany; and America is ASEAN's largest export market. ASEAN has
a leader in launching the Uruguay Round of the GATT, and we look to ASEAN for
support in successfully completing the current negotiations. We have worked
hard to keep ASEAN at the core of our efforts at regional economic integration,
and we will continue to do SO.
In the political realm a decade of cooperative efforts with ASEAN has led to
the successful conclusion of a comprehensive agreement to end the conflict in
Cambodia. In the wake of the Paris Conference we look to the building ----- under
U.N. auspices -- of a just and durable peace in Cambodia. This should make
possible a new era in Southeast Asia, including the integration of Cambodia,
Vietnam and Laos into the mainstream of the region.
The culmination of the Cambodian peace process -- free and fair elections,
the installation of a legitimate government in Phnom Penh, along with
substantial resolution of our POW/MIA concerns -- will finally provide a durable
basis for the United States to normalize relations with Vietnam, Cambodia and
Laos.
Two of ASEAN's members, the Philippines and Thailand, are also bilateral
treaty allies. Today there is much uncertainty about the future of our military
presence in the Philippines. I want to emphasize two points in this regard: our
overriding concern is to sustain good relations with a democratic and
economically resurgent Philippines. And second, regardless of the future of our
military presence at Subic Bay, our security engagement in Southeast Asia will
remain undiminished, even if realized through other arrangements.
We are exploring ways to enhance defense cooperation with our friends
throughout the subregion in order to sustain an adequate security presence on a
more diversified basis. The base-access agreement reached earlier this year
with Singapore is a reflection of our commitment to sustaining a defense
capability in Southeast Asia -- as well as the region's widespread desire for an
active U.S. security presence.
.S.-Australian Relations
Australia is the southernmost spoke in the fan I described earlier, serving
as the southern anchor for our links across the Pacific. Moreover, Australia is
a bridge between Southeast Asia and the South Pacific island states. Canberra's
activism in both global and regional affairs -- from efforts to rid the world of
chemical weapons to elimination of agricultural subsidies via the Cairns group
in the GATT -- demonstrates its importance as an ally. In its contributions to
the Cambodian peace process, and in its role of honest broker and catalyst for
development in the South Pacific, Australia plays a vital part in regional
affairs.
In addition, Canberra has been an important bridge to New Zealand, as we have
sought to encourage policy changes in Wellington that will make possible a
reactivation of the ANZUS alliance. President Bush's nuclear disarmament
initiative has created a favorable context that we hope will elicit a positive
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response from New Zealand.
China
The tragic violence at Tiananmen Square in the summer of 1989 shattered the
bipartisan consensus in the United States -- carefully constructed over two
decades by five administrations -- for engagement with China. Rebuilding that
consensus is in our national interest, but it is proving to be a daunting task.
Looking back over more than 150 years of American contacts with China --
since the time of the first missionaries and traders -- our views of China have
oscillated between extremes of fascination and confrontation. Indeed the
influence of the missionary experience in China -- evident in the work of
novelists, scholars and diplomats -- has shaped our romantic perception of this
land and its people. We have admired China's exotic culture and its
hard-working and long-suffering people.
When the Chinese seemed to adopt our principles -- either religious or
secular --- we enthusiastically welcomed them into the fold. But when periodic
upheavals led to disappointment and frequently bloodshed, Americans felt the
anger of rejection -- of a conversion that failed.
Even in recent years, no foreign event seemed to capture the American
public's interest and excitement more than the effort in the 1980s to reform
China's Soviet-style economy and to open up the country to the modern world.
And then, overnight, our hopes for a new, democratic China turned to revulsion
at the sight of tanks crushing unarmed students. The subsequent advance of
political reform in the Soviet Union has made China's setback all the more
poignant.
We cannot forget those who were halted by a backlash of fear, but we will not
help the eventual success of their cause by again turning our backs on China.
The pendulum of U.S. relations with China must stop its sharp swings. China is
home for almost a quarter of mankind. We cannot simply wish away their
problems.
That is why President Bush has pursued a policy of engagement toward the
People's Republic. We can eventually solve our problems with China only if we
maintain the ability to make our case to the Chinese. Our agenda is open for
all, Chinese and American, to see. We want to protect human rights and advance
liberty. We want to counter the threat of nuclear and missile proliferation.
We want free and fair trade that benefits both countries and the region.
Our ideals and values must be an essential part of our engagement with China.
We will fight against political repression and religious persecution. Yet
political liberty is not easily or long separated from economic freedom. As
President Bush pointed out at Yale University in June, no nation has yet
discovered a way to import the world's goods and services while stopping foreign
ideas at the border. It is in our interest that the next generation in China be
engaged by the Information Age, not isolated from global trends shaping the
future.
That is why we believe it is important to maintain China's
most-favored-nation trading status. MFN has been a critical catalyst in the
growth of our bilateral ties and in the overall expansion of China's foreign
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trade during the 1980s to more than $ 100 billion annually. MFN has also
facilitated development of a large market-oriented sector -- in Guangdong
province it now exceeds the state sector. This engagement has led to the
integration of China's coastal provinces with Hong Kong, Taiwan and the global
economy.
Of course, if China is to become fully drawn into the world economic system
it must further deregulate its economy, adopt the transparency needed to enter
the GATT and protect foreign intellectual property rights. Resolving these
issues -- and additional ones on our bilateral economic agenda, such as market
access and the export of prison-labor products -- can only be pursued through a
policy of active engagement.
Finally, China's international role spans a growing range of global and
regional issues affecting our interests: from concerns about missile and nuclear
proliferation, to cooperation in the gulf crisis, to resolving regional
conflicts. This underscores the need for sustained engagement with China on
issues of common concern. Our recent experiences in working with Beijing on the
Cambodian peace process and in reducing tensions on the Korean peninsula suggest
that our engagement can produce results.
In sum we need to recognize that China is in a time of transition. An
anachronistic regime has alienated us by lashing out, by seeking to repress an
irrepressible spirit. A return to hostile confrontation will not help the
people of China nor serve our national interests. The only sensible course is
to move ahead with our agenda, secure improvements where possible and create the
context for managing the change that will come some day.
The U.S.S.R. in Asia
Any discussions of the future of the Asia-Pacific region would be incomplete
without mention of the Soviet Union and Russia, which have interests in Asia as
well as in Europe. Increasingly we see the Russian Republic taking a more
active role in the Asia-Pacific region. And despite the turmoil in the U.S.S.R,
MOSCOW has been playing an increasingly positive role in the region. Soviet
cooperation on Cambodia and in the Persian Gulf, as well as the normalization of
relations with South Korea, illustrate the potential for new forms of
cooperation on Asian issues between Washington and Moscow.
Yet Soviet forces in the Far East still remain large, and market reforms that
are the prerequisite for participation in the Asian economic miracle have yet to
be implemented in the Soviet Union. No nation that spends 20 percent or more of
its GNP on the military can expect to compete economically in the dynamic Asian
region.
We welcome the growing interest in forging new economic ties between Soviet
Asia and the nations of the Pacific Rim. The opening of Vladivostok, the
establishment of a free trade zone at Nakhodka and resolution of the Northern
Territories issue are important steps that can pave the way for greater
participation in the Asia-Pacific community. As Soviet market reforms take
shape, the potential for economic exchange with the market-oriented economies of
the Pacific Rim will undoubtedly grow. In this regard I am pleased to welcome
Soviet membership in the semi-official Pacific Economic Cooperation Council.
VI
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President Bush's trip to East Asia and the Pacific highlights our hopes for
the future of this promising region. Sustaining American engagement in East
Asia and the Pacific is vital to U.S. interests -- not just in the region, but
to the international system we are trying to forge. Our defense commitments
remain at the core of the Asia-Pacific security structure, but they will evolve
to reflect new circumstances and partnerships based on the enhanced capabilities
of our allies and friends. Supporting democratic trends and helping to shape a
framework for economic integration are key policy goals which will enhance the
sense of Asian-Pacific community.
Yet we cannot fully enter the future while still burdened by legacies of the
Cold War era, particularly the military confrontation on the Korean peninsula
and the dispute over the Northern Territories. Moving from the Korean armistice
to a stable peace and advancing Soviet-Japanese bilateral ties to make possible
a peace treaty would be major steps in transcending those legacies. Only when
true peace comes to Cambodia, when all the state of Indochina have normal
relations with the rest of the world, when Korea is unified on terms acceptable
to all Koreans and when the Northern Territories are returned to Japan can we
finally turn a new page in the history of the Asia-Pacific region.
For the next millennium to be one of the Pacific, a strong sense of community
must emerge based on shared prosperity and common values. The agenda and
architecture I have discussed here hold the promise of building that sense of
community. By accommodating Asia's diversity in security, uniting around shared
principles and interests, and forging the economic ties that bind the region,
our vision can be realized and a new trans-Pacific partnership achieved.
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2ND STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1990 Chicago Tribune Company;
Chicago Tribune
September 16, 1990, Sunday, FINAL EDITION
SECTION: HOME; Pg. 23; ZONE: NW
LENGTH: 570 words
HEADLINE: Blue and white
The broad range of china is as hot as ever
BYLINE: Country Living, a Hearst Magazine
BODY:
George Washington was one of its first customers in America, James McNeill
Whistler almost went broke buying it, and blue and white china remains a
collector's item today.
The range of china blues is great and includes rare hand-painted porcelain
vases dating to the Ming Dynasty, Dutch Delft tiles that surrounded Colonial
fireplaces, huge transfer-printed Staffordshire platters and even the willowware
that Grandma assembled at the 5-and-dime.
The first shipment of blue and white porcelain from China reached Europe by
about 1530 and has been coveted, collected and copied ever since. In Holland,
potters developed Delft, a tin-glazed earthenware decorated with cobalt
overglaze. English potters followed suit, marketing their own imitations.
Until late in the 18th Century, American colonists had to be satisfied with
the Chinese wares that Dutch and English merchants permitted to trickle into our
harbors.
On Feb. 22, 1784, the Empress of China, America's first merchant ship bound
for Canton, left New York loaded with furs, silver coins and ginseng. She
returned in May 1785 with a trade agreement and crates of blue and white
porcelain.
George Washington was among the first customers, buying 302 pieces of blue
and white tableware bordered in the Fitzhugh pattern. The cost: $150, not
inexpensive at the time.
The luxury china was an extravagance desired by royalty and celebrated by
artists. American-born painter Whistler portrayed the wares in his work and is
said to have bought enough of it to thrust himself to the brink of bankruptcy.
Luckily, Europe's potters developed blue and white pottery that would not
break the bank.
If the earthenware body of these imitation wares lacked the translucent
quality of porcelain, and their motifs were not quite as painstakingly rendered,
at least they provided more color than the crude earthenware, treenware or
pewter services to which Europe's country tables had once been limited.
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By 1756, potters at Bow and Worcester adopted the process of
transfer-printing designs onto tableware. It involved producing a design on an
engraved copper plate, transferring the image to paper, then fusing the
impression to the pottery's white surface.
Josiah Spode perfected the technique in the 1780s, adding a final transparent
glaze to protect the decoration. By the late 18th Century, Staffordshire
potteries including Enoch Wood, Caughly and Lowestoft, supported entire
departments devoted specially to the creation of blue transferware.
The sole holdout was Josiah Wedgwood. Wedgwood shipped creamware to be
transfer-printed with lovely scenes in other colors, but his company turned out
none of the blue and white transfers until after Josiah's death in 1795.
Faster and cheaper than painting by hand, transfer-printing revolutionized
Europe's ceramic industry. Using the technique to decorate stoneware, soft-paste
porcelain and finally bone china, English manufacturers made blue and white
"china" their own.
Staffordshire's potters designed millions of pieces of blue transferware
specially for the U.S. market, often appealing to the American pocketbook with
patriotic or nostalgic images.
Most antiques dealers agree that as exports continued, standards declined in
China as well as in Europe. For this reason Amanda Broomer of A.R. Broomer in
New York City focuses on Chinese export porcelains of the Kangxi period,
1662-1722.
TERMS: CHINA; PRODUCT; HISTORY; COST; SALE; DATE
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Copyright 1991 Gannett Company, Inc.
USA TODAY
December 30, 1991, Monday, FINAL EDITION
SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 4A
LENGTH: 337 words
HEADLINE: U.S. set to quit Philippines
BYLINE: Juan J. Walte
KEYWORD: SUBIC BAY NAVAL BASE: MILITARY BASE CLOSING: PHILIPPINES US RELATIONS
BODY:
The Stars and Stripes will be lowered for the last time over a Philippine
military base in one year and one day, when the United States makes a faster
than expected departure from Subic Bay Naval Base.
U.S. and Philippine officials say Dec. 31, 1992, will mark the end of
nearly a century of American military presence in the Philippines and possible
economic hardship for more than 30,000 Filipinos directly and indirectly
employed by the U.S. Navy.
'We're prepared to execute the one-year withdrawal and make that as orderly
a process as possible,' said Pentagon spokesman Navy Cmdr. Gregg Hartung.
But both the Pentagon and the State Department made clear that despite the
accelerated departure from the Philippines, the United States wants to remain
a Pacific and Indian oceans power.
''Our departure from the Philippines will not affect our overall interest
in and commitment to regional stability and security,' the State Department
said in a statement issued over the weekend.
The decision by the U.S. Navy to abandon its largest foreign base came
after Washington and Manila failed to agree on terms for a gradual withdrawal
over three years during which the United States was to pay $ 203 million
annually.
Subic Bay, 50 miles northwest of Manila, is one of two large bases used by
the United States since the Philippines became a U.S. possession after the
1898 Spanish-America War.
The other was Clark Air Base, north of Subic Bay. Clark was vacated by the
U.S. Air Force on Nov. 26, chased out not by politics but by the eruption of
nearby Mount Pinatubo volcano, which heavily damaged the base.
The Subic base encompasses about 60,000 acres. About 5,800 U.S. service
members are stationed there, along with 4,500 dependents.
Subic is the largest U.S. Navy training, supply and repair base in the
Pacific. But some of its operations have already been moved to places like Guam
and Japan. Shipyards in Singapore and Malaysia are regarded as likely naval
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4TH STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1991 American Broadcasting Companies, Inc.,
All rights reserved.
ABC NEWS
SHOW: WORLD NEWS TONIGHT WITH PETER JENNINGS
OCTOBER 23, 1991
LENGTH: 4175 words
BODY:
ANNOUNCER: From ABC, this is World News Tonight with Peter Jennings.
PETER JENNINGS: Good evening. We begin again tonight with the state of the
economy. A very influential survey from the Federal Reserve Board concludes
that it is at best anemic. Every six weeks the Federal Reserve issues its
so-called Beige Book. It's an overview of economic conditions around the
country which the nation's central bank uses as a guide to influence monetary
policy like raising and lowering interest rates, and so the Beige Book has
enormous political as well as economic impact. Our first report tonight is from
our economics editor Stephen Aug.
STEPHEN AUG: [STORE SCENE] The survey by the Federal Reserve Bank says retail
sales have shown little improvement, in some areas they are slowing down.
[FACTORY INT] Manufacturing growth is slowing down, demand for loans from both
businesses and consumers remain weak. [OFFICE INT] While economists have been
saying the recession is over, the Fed survey confirms what corporate executives
have been saying for months: business is still rotten.
ANDRE SIGLER / CHAMPION: We're in the paper and wood business, so it's
construction and advertising dollar and our business is terrible.
JAMES ROBINSON / AMERICAN EXPRESS: We've certainly seen a slowness on the
consumer side as reflected on the spending on their American Express card.
STEPHEN AUG: And consumers are voicing the same worries they've had for months.
WOMAN: We're not about to buy until some of these things turn around such as the
unemployment level.
WOMAN: I'm not even spending money on things that aren't a necessity right now
because you don't know, two years from now you may not have the job security you
have now.
STEPHEN AUG: CHA STORE INT] Many consumers simply don't have enough money to
spend. One reason is that over the past year taxes have gone up. Some
economists say to get the economy moving the nation needs a tax cut.
MICHAEL EVANS: Because this year the combination of federal, state and local tax
increases has amounted to about 30 billion dollars taken out of consumer
pocketbooks. You send every middle-class American family a check for 1,000
dollars, I'll guarantee you that will bring the recession to an end.
STEPHEN AUG: [SU] Next week government figures are expected to show the economy
began growing again during the summer, but in the streets and in the stores
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and in the boardrooms, people do not see much evidence of that. Stephen Aug,
ABC News, Washington.
PETER JENNINGS: Well in political terms, the Democrats clearly believe there is
political mileage to be made on the economy. They will keep the House of
Representatives in session all night tonight to make speeches accusing Mr. Bush
of failing to come to grips with the recession. The Democrats are closing ranks
behind some form of tax cut aimed primarily at the middle class. The
President's plans are still in the talking stage. Here's ABC's Brit Hume at the
White House.
BRIT HUME: [BUSH] At the White House today, the President was talking about
doing something for the economy.
PRESIDENT BUSH: I'm talking about jobs and I'm talking about inflation and
consumer prices.
BRIT HUME: He was talking though about long-term reforms to curb lawsuits which
he thinks are helping choke the economy, he was not talking about taxes or the
current recession. [FITZWATER] As spokesman Fitzwater acknowledged today, Mr.
Bush and his team haven't decided what if anything to do about those matters.
[DARMAN] Fitzwater, budget chief Darman and other top Bush advisers have been
talking for days about a bill to stimulate the economy, but so far they can't
agree on what should be in it or whether it's even worth trying. [BUSH-QUAYLE]
Mr. Bush would still love to get his cherished capital gains tax cut passed, but
with a month to go in the congressional session there's doubt it would ever come
to a vote and certainty Democrats would blast Mr. Bush for pushing it. [HOUSE
FLOOR] On Capitol Hill today, there was evidence that view is correct.
CONGRESSMAN RICHARD GEPHARDT: What concerns me today is not the promises he's
broken, it's the one he's trying to keep: his capital gains tax cut for the
rich.
BRIT HUME: [QUAYLE] As Vice President Quayle suggested by satellite to a group
of truckers today, the Administration may just wait and hope and cheer for the
economy to improve.
VICE PRESIDENT DAN QUAYLE: We know the economy has gone through some difficult
times, but we also know that next week we feel the statistics will show that the
recession has concluded. So let's get on with buying more automobiles,
purchasing more homes, more development, more loans, more economic activity and
more jobs.
BRIT HUME: [SU] Quayle denied the President's been neglecting the domestic
agenda, but if Mr. Bush does decide to back an antirecession bill he may not
announce it next week because he's leaving for Madrid and the start of the
Mideast peace talks and that's the first of three foreign trips in a 30 day
period. Brit Hume, ABC News, the White House.
PETER JENNINGS: On Wall Street today, the Dow Jones industrials gained just over
a point to close at 3,040 and the trading was heavy. When we come back, the new
debate on civil rights: the focus on sex as well as race; on the American Agenda
tonight, how Oregon tries to provide health care for all its citizens and
finally, Native Americans who are fed up with the tomahawk chop.
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[Commercial break]
PETER JENNINGS: We're going to go back to Washington again. It's become
apparent this evening that there is little hope for any new civil rights bill
this year, a bill designed to make it easier for minorities and women to prove
discrimination in the workplace and collect damages for it is in trouble.
President Bush had already vetoed one bill and threatened to veto another passed
by the House on the grounds that they would require racial quotas. Republicans
in the Senate have been meeting with the White House for several days, they've
been trying to work out a compromise the way
Hill
and
the
White
House
could
both live with, but they have failed. ABC's Cokie Roberts joins us tonight from
Capitol Hill. Cokie, what's gone wrong?
COKIE ROBERTS: [SPLIT SCREEN] Well the White House would say that they've
compromised enough on all kinds of technical matters in the bill, but the people
here on the Hill, including the Republicans who have been trying to get some
sort of compromise, say that the White House simply doesn't want a bill, that
the political operatives in the White House are much more eager to have the
issue of quotas to take into the election campaign rather than to have a civil
rights bill.
PETER JENNINGS: So in a phrase, politics not substance?
COKIE ROBERTS: [LAUGHTER] Well, that's hardly anything new.
PETER JENNINGS: Okay, what about the effect though of the Thomas hearings and
the so-called Anita Hill effect?
COKIE ROBERTS: Well there were people who hoped that that had been so unpleasant
here that you could get a civil rights bill quickly to sort of smooth everything
over, but that doesn't seem to be happening. Instead what is happening is much
more emphasis on the fact that this bill is for women as well as for minorities
and that it has provisions for sexual harassment in it. And there's a hope that
by emphasizing sex that even without the White House approval that the Senate
can get 67 votes to override a presidential veto, but that's going to be very
tough Peter.
PETER JENNINGS: Okay Cokie, thanks very much. Cokie Roberts on Capitol Hill. To
take that a little further, because one of the casualties for the civil rights
bill may be an effort to help those women who are the victims of sexual
harassment as Cokie says, the Senate was considering a provision in the bill
which would for the first time have allowed those women to collect monetary
damages for their humiliation. And as ABC's Kathleen Delaski reports tonight, a
lot of women believe it is something which is very much overdue.
PAT SWANSON: He would come in, oh several times a week and try to unhook my bra.
KATHLEEN DELASKI: Pat Swanson took her boss to court for sexual harassment.
PAT SWANSON: He would run up behind me in the hallway and try to grab me or
reach under my skirt.
KATHLEEN DELASKI: [DEALERSHIP EXT] But looking back, she says the lawsuit wasn't
worth it. She won her case at the car dealership where she used to work, but
was awarded only one dollar in damages. And when her boss appealed the case,
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the higher court took away even that dollar saying that federal law allows for
no damages for sex discrimination.
AMY WIND: Even if you win a discrimination case, any kind of discrimination case
rarely does the person who perpetrated the acts suffer. They just go along
their merry way.
KATHLEEN DELASKI: [PAT AT WORK] Since many states do not offer protection
against harassment, most cases are filed in federal court where a victim can
only win back pay and reinstatement.
PAT SWANSON: Well I feel the court system let me down, I feel the law let me
down.
KATHLEEN DELASKI: [GRAPHICS] Many in Congress agree that the system needs to be
changed. The civil rights act would give victims of sexual harassment the right
to sue employers for damages and the right to jury trials. Many lawyers say
juries would be more likely to award higher damages to victims than judges
would. CHILL AT HEARING] The bill supporters say the attention the Thomas
hearings brought to the issue of sexual harassment will work to their advantage.
PAT IRELAND / NOW VP: We're going to hold the senators' feet to the fire by
playing back to them the tapes of their own comments about how seriously they
take sexual harassment.
KATHLEEN DELASKI: [LS JUDICIARY COMMITTEE] But many senators who express concern
about the issue
SENATOR ALAN SIMPSON: [THOMAS HEARING] I believe sexual harassment is a terrible
thing
KATHLEEN DELASKI: are expected to vote against the bill. [SU] And now with
the compromise effort between Congress and the White House collapsing, it
appears that despite all the talk the laws on sexual harassment will not be
changed. Kathleen Delaski, ABC News, Capitol Hill.
PETER JENNINGS: Still in Washington, Clarence Thomas formally became a Court
justice today, Court justice on the Supreme Court that is, a rather unusual
private ceremony in the Chief Justice's conference room. It was supposed to
take place in public next week, but a spokesman says Justice Thomas asked to be
sworn in early so that he can get a head start on the heavy work load facing the
Court. Back in just a moment.
[Commercial break]
PETER JENNINGS: Two very significant developments for Southeast Asia tonight
which will remind Americans of the long US involvement there. A peace treaty
designed to end the civil war in Cambodia was signed today in Paris. And
partly because the United States thinks that Cambodia's neighbor Vietnam has
contributed to that agreement, Washington says the US will finally talk to
Vietnam about normalizing relations. We begin with the Vietnam connection.
Here's ABC's John McWethy.
JOHN MCWETHY: [LS MEETING] In Paris today, Secretary Baker announced the
first steps toward normalizing relations: lifting travel restrictions on
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Vietnamese diplomats at the UN and dropping a ban on US organized tours to
Vietnam. [BAKER] Further progress he says will depend on the Vietnamese.
SECRETARY JAMES BAKER: CAT MEETING] The pace and the scope of the normalization
process will be directly influenced by the degree of cooperation on the POW-MIA
and other humanitarian issues.
JOHN MCWETHY: [STREET SCENES] After decades of punishing Vietnam, the US is now
finding enough cooperation from Hanoi on Cambodia and the POW-MIA issue that
Washington is getting ready to ease up. That could lead to the end of a US
trade embargo that has crippled Vietnam with the US blocking Hanoi's efforts to
get international bank loans to rebuild the country. A factor influencing the
US is the growing irritation among America's allies in the region at how slowly
the Bush Administration has moved, another is pressure from American business.
FREDERICK BROWN: Our airline industry, communications, information and certainly
the oil sector can do business in Vietnam and over the next few years should be
able to make a profit.
JOHN MCWETHY: [SU] But perhaps most important, there now seems to be a
willingness by the Bush Administration to bury the bitter memories of a war that
caused so much suffering by both sides. John McWethy, ABC News, the State
Department.
PETER JENNINGS: Well as we mentioned, the Cambodian peace treaty was signed
today in Paris. [SIGNING CEREMONY] The plan is for the United Nations to help
run Cambodia until free elections can be held. [SIHANOUK] That's Prince
Sihanouk. After 12 years of civil war there are understandably a number of
fears: will the Khmer Rouge, who killed more than a million Cambodians when they
ran the country, play by the rules now? There is more than a hint of concern
among thousands and thousands of Cambodians who spent much of the last 15 years
huddled in refugee camps along Cambodia's border with Thailand. ABC's Mark
Litke is there.
MARK LITKE: [REFUGEES] For 350,000 Cambodian refugees, the peace treaty brings
both joy and anxiety.
DENNIS MCNAMARA / UN: People obviously want to go back, they want to return home
like everybody does, but they're very apprehensive about the security. The
country they're going to back to is devastated. The countryside in western
Cambodia is on its knees.
MARK LITKE: [CAMP SCENES] UN officials say it will take months to organize the
repatriation, the most complex they've ever undertaken. [INTERVIEW] Every
refugee family must be interviewed, allowed to choose which part of Cambodia
they'll return to. [KIDS] There's an entire generation here that has known only
life in the camps. [MAIMED MAN] They have to be taught how to raise crops and
special efforts are being made to teach children how to avoid land mines. [CU
MINEFIELD CHARTS] More than 35,000 Cambodians have been maimed by mines in the
last decade. [SOLDIERS/TANKI Then there are the four heavily armed Cambodian
armies operating in different areas. The UN has yet to come up with the money
or a peacekeeping force and the refugees fear that without adequate security the
brutal Khmer Rouge will reassert their power. [SU] Just two weeks ago it
appeared the Khmer Rouge were preparing to forcibly repatriate refugees from one
of the camps into an area of Cambodia under their control. An immediate
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international outcry halted the attempt but the camp, called site eight, is
still controlled by Khmer Rouge soldiers who want refugees to follow them home.
[SOLDIERS] The more people they control, the more clout they may have in
reshaping the country.
SUSAN WALKER / RELIEF WORKER: There have been Khmer Rouge military, some of them
armed in the camp, coming in the camp at night and intimidating people and
telling them they need to get ready to go back and go back soon.
MARK LITKE: [PEOPLE COOKING] The refugees not only fear the Khmer Rouge's
policies, they worry because the areas they control are the poorest in the
country with little food, water and medicine. Just across the border from
Thailand, ABC News found this Khmer Rouge village. [SOLDIERS] The soldiers
passing through were clearly well cared for, the civilians were not, including
these women who had just walked through the countryside for four days looking
for food. [WOMEN] Clearly the road back home for Cambodian refugees is going to
be long and dangerous. [CU BARE FEET ON MUDDY ROAD] Mark Litke, ABC News, on
the Thai-Cambodian border.
PETER JENNINGS: One last note from overseas, in Israel Prime Minister Shamir has
now decided that he will lead the Israeli delegation to the peace talks in
Madrid next week and he is bringing along a number of Israel's most prominent
opponents of giving up Arab land for Arab peace. In a moment, the American
Agenda.
[Commercial break]
PETER JENNINGS: On the American Agenda tonight, a radical new experiment in
providing health care. Last night we reported on the Agenda that the state of
Florida, because it is short of money, is removing thousands of poor people from
the Medicaid rolls. In other words, taking medical care away from those who
could least afford it. Tonight, the case of Oregon: same budget troubles as
Florida, but a completely different approach. Our Agenda reporter is Tim
Johnson.
DR. TIMOTHY JOHNSON: [DEBBIE ENTERING CLINIC] Debbie Holton has fallen through
the cracks in our health care system for the poor. She is not covered by
Medicaid.
DEBBIE HOLTON: [TO DOCTOR] Once it gets to about there, it hurts a lot.
DOCTOR: [EXAMINATION] I'm going to try to bring it up further.
DR. TIMOTHY JOHNSON: Holton has reinjured a shoulder that was operated on five
years ago, she needs to see an orthopedic surgeon.
DEBBIE HOLTON: [TO DOCTOR] I called to make an appointment and it was 100
dollars up front just to go and I didn't have insurance, so I just came back
here.
DR. TIMOTHY JOHNSON: She is now being treated at a clinic that will accept
patients without insurance. [INJECTION] They can only give her a shot for pain,
but if Oregon's radical plan to revolutionize its Medicaid system goes into
effect Holton will have health insurance which will allow her to see a
specialist.
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JEAN THORNE: What we will be able to bring to the poor in this state is an
assurance that they won't get cut out of the system, they'll have an assurance
that they will have a right to basic health care and they don't have that now.
DR. TIMOTHY JOHNSON: [EXAMINATION] In Oregon, 120,000 poor people have no health
insurance. [WAITING ROOM SCENE] Like the poor in every state they are cut out
of the Medicaid system by categories that exclude single women without children,
all men and children over the age of eight. Under Oregon's controversial new
plan, all of the poor will get basic health care, but to pay for it the state
will eliminate their access to some treatments. Here's how it works. [HEARING]
After 18 months of public hearings, Oregon drew up a list of 709 medical
conditions and treatments and ranked them in the order of their medical and
social importance. [LIST GRAPHICS] Preventive care and treatable
life-threatening conditions are given high priority, minor conditions and
incurable diseases are given lower priority. [AIDS PATIENT] For example: full
treatment of early AIDS infections is high on the list, but intensive care that
won't save lives is not; prenatal and obstetrics care gets high priority, but
many infertility treatments do not. [PRENATAL WARD] With these priorities set,
the state then figured out how much money it can spend on health care for the
poor each year, which meant drawing the line for the first year at option 587.
[CU LIST] The net result is that everyone who meets federal poverty guidelines
is eligible for any treatment up to that number, meaning that treatment for
heartburn at 587 would be covered, but this disease where surgery is not
essential at 588 would not be covered. [SU] So if this state has developed a
plan which they say will provide basic health care to over 100,000 of its
citizens who now get nothing, who could be against that? Some worry about the
treatments that would not be covered if the state's Medicaid budget should face
more cuts. [SURGERY] For example, a ten percent budget cut would move the line
of coverage from 587 to 475, eliminating such treatments as medication for the
most common arthritis in adults and treatment for hearing loss in young
children. And there is a persistent uneasiness about focusing on the poor and
not forcing hard choices on other health care consumers. IDOCTOR WITH BABY]
CONGRESSMAN HENRY WAXMAN: They're singling out the lowest income women and
children because if they get scrunched down and without care, I think they
realize that they're not a powerful enough group to scream loudly and get any
attention.
JEAN THORNE: We keep turning around and saying, what's your alternative? You
can criticize Oregon all you want, but what's your alternative? And we keep
getting hit with well, we don't have one, but if we let you do this we won't
come up with one.
DR. TIMOTHY JOHNSON: [HOSPITAL INT] In the absence of a national solution to
growing Medicaid costs, many states are responding to tight budgets by cutting
people off Medicaid rolls entirely. In Oregon, the experiment is clearly
focused on trying to provide at least some health care for everyone, especially
those who now have nothing. [DEBBIE] Dr. Timothy, Johnson, ABC News, Portland.
PETER JENNINGS: The Oregon plan still needs to be approved by the federal
government which has not yet made a decision. Our final report in a moment.
[Commercial break]
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PETER JENNINGS: Finally here this evening, the Braves. Some Native American
groups have been upset this year as they watch the World Series and see what
they regard as racial stereotypes, it has been the case before. Stanford
University and Dartmouth College for a couple, used to have teams nicknamed the
Indians. Not any more. Native Americans say it is now time for the pros, not
only the Braves, but the Washington Redskins, the Kansas City Chiefs and the
Cleveland Indians to do the same. But for obvious reason this week the focus is
on Atlanta. Here's ABC's Dick Schaap.
DICK SCHAAP: [AMERICAN INDIANS PROTESTING] They march to different drummers, the
small band of Native Americans who demonstrated their anger outside the stadium
last night and the thousands of Braves fans who demonstrated their delight, who
put on war paint and headdresses and swung tomahawks to celebrate the first
World Series game ever played in Atlanta. [FANS].
CLYDE BELLECOURT: So I challenge you to get rid of those tomahawks, to get rid
of that silly looking paint on your face, to get rid of those chicken feathers.
MAN: Nobody is making fun of you.
DICK SCHAAP: [FANS DRESSED AS INDIANS] The Indians say they are being made fun
of, are being stereotyped, portrayed as savages. They say it is demeaning and
racist to use a race of people as mascots. They've already had an impact.
[FONDA CHOPPING] A week ago Ted Turner who owns the team and his fiance Jane
Fonda, who used to champion Indian causes, were doing the tomahawk chop, a
ritual during Braves games. [TED-JANE AT GAME] But in response to the protest,
Ted and Jane have stopped chopping.
JIMMY CARTER: I'll be doing the tomahawk chop. You watch Wednesday night I'll
be doing the tomahawk chop.
DICK SCHAAP: Former President Jimmy Carter says the chop is a compliment to
Indians.
JIMMY CARTER: This is a you know, brave, courageous, successful team and I think
we can look upon our American Indians as brave, successful and attractive.
ANDREW YOUNG: I see it as a respect for Native American culture. It's sort of
like the fighting Irish, I mean it never hurt Notre Dame.
AARON TWO ELK: But you don't see people dressing up as priests and nuns and
every time they score a football a touchdown or a home run out there
sprinkling holy water on the drunks.
DICK SCHAAP: Not all Native Americans are offended.
MAN: Here in Cherokee, we're all rooting for the Braves.
DICK SCHAAP: [FACTORY SCENE] The Indians of Cherokee, North Carolina have a
vested interest, they make tomahawks. They're selling well in Atlanta to the
dismay of protesters.
MAN: There's always what we call "hang around the fort Indians".
DICK SCHAAP: Clearly most of the Braves fans are not trying to offend, they're
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trying to have fun. [CU LITTLE GIRL WITH WAR PAINT]
MAN: But it's not funny to us.
DICK SCHAAP: [CU PROTEST SIGNS] Just as clearly, some people are offended and
they feel they found a perfect time to spark a dialogue. Dick Schaap, ABC News,
Atlanta.
PETER JENNINGS: And that's our report on World News Tonight. I'm Peter
Jennings, good night.
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