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Food Marketing Public Affairs Event 3/24/92 [OA 7570]
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Food Marketing Public Affairs Event 3/24/92 [OA 7570]
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Records of the White House Office of Speechwriting (George H. W. Bush Administration)
Speech Backup Chronological Files
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Originally Processed With FOIA(s):
FOIA Number:
S
S
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
Library Staff.
Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting, White House Office of
Series:
Speech File Backup Files
Subseries:
Chron File, 1989-1993
OA/ID Number:
13804
Folder ID Number:
13804-015
Folder Title:
Food Marketing Public Affairs Event 3/24/92 [OA 7570]
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26
22
4
1
GROCERS' PUBLIC AFFAIRS ASSEMBLY
HYATT REGENCY CAPITOL HILL
TUESDAY, MARCH 24, 1992
11:00 A.M.
80% strow pall
THANK YOU, BOYD. 1 I WANT TO SALUTE YOUR LEADERS:
BILL EACHO, RICH NIEMANN, AND T.C. GOODWIN. I ALSO PAY
MY RESPECTS TO A LONG-TIME FRIEND, FORMER AGRICULTURE
SECRETARY JACK BLOCK.
((WHEN I WAS AT A GROCERS' CONVENTION IN FLORIDA
RECENTLY, THE PRESS WONDERED WHY I WAS SO IMPRESSED
WITH A NEW CHECK-OUT SCANNER I WAS SHOWN. I'LL TELL
YOU WHY. IT WAS SO SOPHISTICATED, WHEN I RAN MY HAND
X
ACROSS IT, IT ACCURATELY PREDICTED THE FLORIDA RESULTS
FOR SUPER TUESDAY.))
very Slow &
measured
- 2 -
I'M HERE TODAY TO ASK YOU TO HELP ME CHANGE THIS
COUNTRY -- TO MAKE IT STRONGER AND BETTER. WE'VE
CHANGED THE WORLD -- WE'VE WON A GREAT VICTORY FOR
WORLD PEACE AND FREEDOM. AND AS PRESIDENT I WILL STAY
FULLY ENGAGED WITH THE WORLD. WE'VE WON THE COLD WAR
AND NOW WE MUST NOT PULL BACK. NOW LET'S PUT TO WORK
THE LEADERSHIP WE USED TO CHANGE THE WORLD TO CHANGE
AMERICA. LET ME TELL YOU WHAT THAT MEANS: WE'LL LEAVE
A LEGACY OF PRODUCTIVE JOBS FOR OUR CITIZENS, WITH
STRONG FAMILIES -- SECURE IN A MORE PEACEFUL WORLD.
I HAVE A STRATEGY TO RENEW AMERICA AND KEEP OUR
COUNTRY STRONG IN THE NEXT CENTURY. I PROPOSED A PLAN
TO STIMULATE THE ECONOMY WITHOUT RAISING TAXES -- AND
WITHOUT INCREASING THE FEDERAL DEFICIT ACTION TO
STRENGTHEN REAL ESTATE. ACTION TO HELP YOUNG FAMILIES
BUY THAT FIRST HOME -- NOW. 11 I ASKED FOR ACTION TO
CREATE GOOD JOBS. ONE OF THOSE ACTION ITEMS WAS TO CUT
THE TAX ON CAPITAL GAINS. 11
All
- 3 -
BUT THE MAJORITY IN CONGRESS COULD NOT BREAK THEIR
TAX-AND-SPEND HABITS. 11 I ASKED FOR ACTION TO
STIMULATE THIS ECONOMY -- NOT STIFLE IT. 11 I ASKED
FOR A JOBS BILL -- AND THEY PASSED A BILL TO INCREASE
INCOME TAXES BY 90 BILLION DOLLARS. 11
THEY TURNED THEIR BACKS ON FIRST-TIME HOMEBUYERS BY
FAILING TO ENACT A $5,000 TAX CREDIT. THEY WATERED
DOWN MY INVESTMENT TAX ALLOWANCE AND OTHER REFORMS TO
HELP BUSINESSES MODERNIZE AND COMPETE.
THEY
TINKERED WITH THE CAPITAL GAINS TAX, BUT IF THEIR PLAN
WERE ADOPTED THAT TAX WOULD STILL BE AMONG THE HIGHEST
IN THE DEVELOPED WORLD.
10% o% lap 6r.
YES,, I WAS DISAPPOINTED IN THE CONGRESS, BUT
FRANKLY NOT SURPRISED. so LAST FRIDAY, I VETOED THEIR
TAX INCREASE. ,117 THEN, I ANNOUNCED ACTIONS I WOULD
TAKE ON MY OWN TO CUT THE FAT OUT OF GOVERNMENT, TO CUT
THE RED TAPE THAT CHOKES OUR COMPETITIVE SPIRIT, AND TO
GET THIS COUNTRY UP TO SPEED FOR THE LONG HAUL. 11
- 4 -
YOU AND I HAVE BUSINESS EXPERIENCE: WE KNOW WHAT
THE TAX INCREASE WOULD REALLY DO. ABOUT 80 PERCENT OF
THE REVENUE INCREASE RESULTING FROM THE HIGHER RATES
WOULD COME FROM SMALL BUSINESSES. MORE THAN A MILLION
SMALL BUSINESSES WOULD BE AFFECTED -- MANY OF THEM
CRIPPLED -- BY THE DEMOCRATS' TAX INCREASE. THOUSANDS
OF FAMILY-RUN GROCERY AND CONVENIENCE STORES ARE IN
THIS CATEGORY. SMALL FAMILY FARMS ALSO COULD FACE
FINANCIAL RUIN FROM SUCH A TAX HIKE.
THE BILL I'VE JUST VETOED TRIED TO RAISE THE
MARGINAL RATE FOR SMALL FAMILY BUSINESSES AND FARMS BY
ABOUT 18 PERCENT.
JUST THINK ABOUT THE IMPACT OF THIS ON YOUR OWN
BUSINESSES. THE GROCERY BUSINESS -- WHOLESALE AND
RETAIL -- IS FIERCELY COMPETITIVE. YOU OPERATE ON THE
THINNEST OF PROFIT MARGINS -- FOR WHOLESALERS IT'S
OFTEN LESS THAN A PENNY ON THE DOLLAR.
being nice
today
<<
- 5 -
IF YOU HAD TO FACE A BIG INCREASE IN THE BRACKET
WHERE YOU PAY MOST OF YOUR TAXES, HOW WOULD YOU COPE?
YOU'D FEEL PRESSURE TO CUT BACK ON THE QUALITY OF YOUR
SERVICE. COMPETITION WOULD PRESS YOU TO HOLD OUT AS
LONG AS POSSIBLE BEFORE PASSING COSTS ALONG TO YOUR
CUSTOMERS so YOU MIGHT HAVE TO ELIMINATE JOBS.
EVENTUALLY EVERYONE IN THE BUSINESS WOULD HAVE TO PASS
THE COSTS ALONG -- AND THAT WOULD FUEL INFLATION.
THOSE ARE SIMPLE FACTS OF LIFE FOR PEOPLE TRYING TO
MAKE A LIVING. EVEN AS MILLIONS OF AMERICAN FAMILIES
WERE HUDDLING OVER THEIR KITCHEN TABLES TO WORK ON
THEIR TAX RETURNS, THE LIBERAL CONGRESS TRIED TO RAISE
THEIR TAXES BY $100 BILLION.
- 6 -
LAST FRIDAY I VETOED THEIR MASSIVE TAX INCREASE.
AND I SENT CONGRESS MY FIRST LINE-ITEM RESCISSIONS --
CUTTING $3.6 BILLION IN WASTEFUL SPENDING A THESE WILL
SERVE NOTICE TO CONGRESS THAT THE DAYS OF WASTEFUL
SPENDING ARE OVER. AND IT IS A STEP SYMBOLIC OF THE
POWER THAT 43 GOVERNORS HAVE -- THE LINE-ITEM VETO.
INCIDENTALLY, AT THEIR RECENT NATIONAL MEETING, THE
NATION'S GOVERNORS WENT ON RECORD EUNANIMOUSLY] CALLING
FOR LINE-ITEM VETO AUTHORITY FOR THE PRESIDENT.
AA
- 7 -
I'M ALSO FIGHTING FOR ECONOMIC GROWTH THROUGH
ACTIONS THAT DON'T NEED TO BE PASSED BY THIS CONGRESS.
TAKE A LOOK AT GOVERNMENT REGULATION. DAY BY DAY, RULE
BY RULE, AND INDUSTRY BY INDUSTRY, WE'RE WINNING
BATTLES AGAINST OVER-REGULATION. WE'RE WINNING
VICTORIES FOR COMMON SENSE AND FREEDOM. JUST LAST
THURSDAY, FOR EXAMPLE, MY ADMINISTRATION ANNOUNCED
REFORMS ON NUTRITION LABELING FOR MEAT AND POULTRY.
OUR REFORMS WILL KEEP OUR FOOD SUPPLY EVERY BIT AS
SAFE, BUT WE WILL REDUCE THE BURDEN AND EXPENSE OF
REGULATION ON AMERICAN CONSUMERS - AND ON OUR HARD-
WORKING FOOD PRODUCERS AND GROCERS. III IF CONGRESS
SENDS ME ANY NEW LEGISLATION THAT WOULD OVER-REGULATE
OUR ECONOMY, I'LL VETO IT AS SOON AS IT REACHES MY
DESK.
ATD
- 8 -
NOW IF WE AMERICANS ARE GOING TO HONE OUR SKILLS
AND REALLY COMPETE IN THE COMING YEARS, WE'VE GOT A LOT
MORE TO DO. I WANT US TO KEEP OUR SIGHTS ON THE NEXT
AMERICAN CENTURY. WHEN I THINK OF AMERICA IN THE YEAR
2000, I THINK OF THE FIVE STRATEGIC CONCERNS MENTIONED
IN MY ADDRESS TO THE NATION LAST FRIDAY.
- 9 -
FIRST, WE MUST CHANGE AND RENEW OUR SCHOOLS. WE
MUST BECOME A NATION OF STUDENTS EDUCATING OURSELVES
THROUGHOUT OUR LIFETIMES IN THE BEST SYSTEM OF SCHOOLS,
COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES IN THE WORLD. THIS WILL TAKE
REVOLUTIONARY CHANGES. MOST OF OUR STATES AND HUNDREDS
OF LOCAL COMMUNITIES ARE COMMITTED TO CHANGE. THEY
HAVE JOINED ME ALREADY IN A CRUSADE WE CALL AMERICA
2000. BUSINESS AS USUAL WILL NOT HELP US REACH OUR
NATIONAL EDUCATION GOALS. WE NEED TO GET BEHIND WORLD
CLASS STANDARDS, NEW CURRICULUM FRAMEWORKS, BREAK-THE-
MOLD SCHOOLS, VOLUNTARY NATIONAL TESTING. AND A
CENTERPIECE OF OUR PLAN IS THE BELIEF THAT SCHOOLS WILL
DO THEIR BEST WHEN PARENTS ENJOY REAL FREEDOM AND REAL
RESPONSIBILITY TO CHOOSE THEIR CHILDREN'S SCHOOLS --
PUBLIC, PRIVATE AND RELIGIOUS
SCHOOL CHOICE FOR
PARENTS IS AN IDEA WHOSE TIME HAS COME. 11
- 10 -
SECOND, WE NEED TO MAKE OUR EXCELLENT HEALTH
CARE MORE AFFORDABLE AND MORE AVAILABLE TO AMERICANS.
WE'VE GOT THE HIGHEST QUALITY HEALTH CARE IN THE WORLD
-- BUT EVERYONE SHOULD HAVE ACCESS TO IT. 11 WE ALL
KNOW THE PROBLEMS: TOO MANY PEOPLE DON'T HAVE HEALTH
INSURANCE -- AND HEALTH CARE COSTS ARE GOING THROUGH
THE ROOF. WE ALSO KNOW THAT THE ANSWER DOESN'T LIE IN
COSTLY AND COERCIVE PLANS LIKE THE SCHEME TO MAKE
EMPLOYERS "PLAY OR PAY." AND THE ANSWER CERTAINLY
ISN'T SOCIALIZED MEDICINE. 11 NATIONALIZED HEALTH
CARE WOULD BE A NATIONAL DISASTER: A THE WAY I'VE
PROPOSED WE HELP OUR SOCIETY DEAL WITH THIS IS BASED ON
MARKETS AND CHOICE. JUST AS IN EDUCATION, VOUCHERS ARE
A KEY PART OF MY STRATEGY FOR GIVING AMERICANS A FAIRER
AND MORE AFFORDABLE HEALTH CARE SYSTEM. OUR ANSWER IS
TO CHANGE OUR HEALTH CARE SYSTEM FOR THE BETTER -- NOT
RUIN IT. 11
- 11 -
and Arrow agen in going the
THIRD, WE NEED FUNDAMENTAL LEGAL REFORM -- TO STOP like
THE EPIDEMIC OF LAWSUITS THINGS ARE SO OUT OF HAND this
THAT SOME PARENTS REFUSE TO COACH LITTLE LEAGUE FOR
one
FEAR OF LIABILITY SUITS. SOME DOCTORS WON'T DELIVER
BABIES ANYMORE BECAUSE OF MALPRACTICE SUITS. 11 WELL,
JUST IMAGINE WHAT WE COULD ACHIEVE IF WE SPENT AS MUCH
TIME HELPING EACH OTHER AS WE DO SUING EACH OTHER. "*"
AND THE COSTS OF LIABILITY AND LITIGATION ON SMALL
BUSINESS ARE ABSOLUTELY HORRENDOUS. YOU KNOW, IN 1989
THERE WERE 18 MILLION LAWSUITS FILED IN AMERICA.
EIGHTEEN MILLION! THAT'S WHY I'VE AGAIN ASKED CONGRESS
TO PASS MY CIVIL JUSTICE REFORM BILL -- WHICH WILL HELP
PEOPLE RESOLVE PROBLEMS THROUGH MEANS OTHER THAN A
COURTROOM. IT WILL HELP PUT A STOP TO FRIVOLOUS
LAWSUITS AND REDUCE THE DRAG ON OUR ECONOMY CAUSED BY
EXCESSIVE LITIGATION. "A
- 12 -
FOURTH, WE MUST REFORM GOVERNMENT IN LINE WITH
ONE OF AMERICA'S MOST IMPORTANT FOUNDING PRINCIPLES:
STRICT LIMITS ON THE SIZE AND POWER OF GOVERNMENT.
WITH A FEDERAL GOVERNMENT THAT GOBBLES UP A QUARTER OF
GNP, WE CAN'T REALLY SAY WE ARE AS FREE AS WE SHOULD
BE. ONE QUARTER OF ALL WE PRODUCE AS A NATION -- AS A
PEOPLE -- GOES TO PAY FOR THE CENTRAL GOVERNMENT. THAT
IS JUST NOT RIGHT. RIGHT NOW, THE SYSTEM IS NOT
ACCOUNTABLE, EFFECTIVE, EFFICIENT, OR EVEN
COMPASSIONATE. WE NEED GOVERNMENT THAT KNOWS ITS
LIMITS -- BUT MORE IMPORTANT, WE NEED A GOVERNMENT THAT
WORKS. 11
- 13 -
WE MUST FIX A CONGRESSIONAL SYSTEM GONE OUT OF
CONTROL. CONGRESS, AS AN INSTITUTION CONTROLLED BY ONE
PARTY -- THE DEMOCRATS -- FOR ALMOST 40 YEARS --
DESPERATELY NEEDS REFORM. I'LL HAVE MORE TO SAY ABOUT
REFORMING CONGRESS AT A LATER DATE. BUT WE CAN START
BY COMPELLING CONGRESS TO BE GOVERNED BY THE LAWS THEY
IMPOSE ON PEOPLE LIKE YOU CIVIL RIGHTS LAWS, WAGE AND
HOUR LAWS, FAIR LABOR STANDARDS. 11 WE MUST TOTALLY
ELIMINATE THE SPECIAL INTEREST PACS THAT GIVE UNFAIR
ADVANTAGES TO INCUMBENTS IN CONGRESS. 11 AND SAY YES
TO THE PEOPLE'S CALL FOR TERM LIMITS ON CONGRESS.
YY MY
TERM IS LIMITED -- I BELIEVE THEIRS SHOULD BE, TOO.
FIFTH, WE MUST WORK TO EXPAND OUR MARKETS. OF ALL
THE LEGACIES I WANT TO HELP CREATE AS YOUR PRESIDENT,
FEW COULD BE MORE IMPORTANT THAN OPEN AND FAIR TRADE
OPPORTUNITIES FOR OUR MANUFACTURERS AND SERVICE
INDUSTRIES -- AND FOR OUR FARMERS AND FOOD INDUSTRIES.
- 14 -
FOOD AND AGRICULTURE TRADE IS THE CRITICAL PROBLEM
OF WORLD TRADE. THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY SPENDS MORE
THAN 10 TIMES AS MUCH AS WE DO ON AGRICULTURE EXPORT
SUBSIDIES. THIS CANNOT AND MUST NOT GO ON. I MADE
THAT POINT IN A VERY VIGOROUS WAY TO CHANCELLOR KOHL OF
GERMANY WHEN HE VISITED CAMP DAVID LAST WEEKEND. HIS
LEADERSHIP WILL BE VITAL IF WE ARE TO BREAK THE
DEADLOCK IN GATT. I KNOW HE WANTS TO SEE A SUCCESSFUL
CONCLUSION TO THE URUGUAY ROUND. LET ME ASSURE YOU:
WE'LL BE WORKING AS HARD AS POSSIBLE THE NEXT FEW WEEKS
TO MAKE A BREAKTHROUGH IN GATT -- BUT AS WE SEE IT, IF
THERE'S NO FAIR DEAL FOR AGRICULTURE, THERE CANNOT BE A
GOOD GATT AGREEMENT.
&
- 15 -
I'M ALSO WORKING TO OPEN UP THE EXCITING MARKET
OPPORTUNITIES IN MEXICO. WITH NEARLY 100 MILLION
PEOPLE NEXT DOOR, MEXICO IS ALREADY ONE OF OUR BEST
CUSTOMERS, AND THEY'LL BUY A LOT MORE AMERICAN GOODS AS
SOON AS THESE NEGOTIATIONS ARE CONCLUDED. IT IS ONE OF
OUR FASTEST GROWING MARKETS ANYWHERE IN THE WORLD. THE
BOTTOM LINE IS: A GOOD AGREEMENT WITH MEXICO MEANS
MORE U.S. JOBS. A
LAST YEAR OUR EXPORTS AROUND THE WORLD REACHED
RECORD LEVELS, SO THE MORE TRADE BARRIERS WE CAN KNOCK
DOWN THE BETTER. ON A LEVEL PLAYING FIELD, I KNOW
AMERICANS CAN OUT-PRODUCE AND OUT-PERFORM ANYONE,
ANYTIME, ANYWHERE. 11 **
ON EACH OF THESE CHALLENGES, THERE ARE TWO ROADS
TO TAKE: ONE IS REFORM, THE OTHER PROTECTS THE STATUS
QUO.
- 16 -
YOU AND I ARE GATHERED ON CAPITOL HILL TODAY
BECAUSE WE SHARE A COMMON PURPOSE. WE'RE HERE IN THE
NEIGHBORHOOD OF A CONGRESS THAT FAILS TO HEED CALLS FOR
REFORM, THAT so FAR HAS FAILED TO PASS A SIMPLE BUT
EFFECTIVE PLAN TO HELP CREATE JOBS AND BUILD
CONFIDENCE. WE'RE NOT SIMPLY GOING TO COMPLAIN ABOUT
THE CONGRESS. WE'RE GOING TO TRY TO CHANGE IT. 11
THERE ARE HUNDREDS OF YOU HERE HOMETOWN BUSINESS
LEADERS WHO ARE THE BACKBONE OF YOUR COMMUNITIES. JUST
AFTER THIS SPEECH, I UNDERSTAND THAT ALL OF YOU ARE
HEADED UP THE HILL TO VISIT YOUR SENATORS AND
REPRESENTATIVES. I HOPE YOU'LL PASS ALONG MY WARMEST
THANKS TO THOSE WHO SUPPORTED OUR ECONOMIC GROWTH PLAN.
- 17 -
THIS WILL BE MY FINAL CAMPAIGN -- AND I PLAN TO
FIGHT AS NEVER BEFORE. I HAVE HAD THE PRIVILEGE OF
BEING YOUR PRESIDENT AT THE GREAT TURNING POINT WHEN
FREEDOM PREVAILED OVER IMPERIAL COMMUNISM, WHEN THE
BERLIN WALL CAME DOWN, WHEN IRAQ'S AGGRESSION WAS
DEFEATED, AND WHEN DEMOCRACY REALLY GOT ON THE MOVE IN
OUR HEMISPHERE. WE ARE HELPING SOLIDIFY A LEGACY OF
PEACE. BUT I WON'T REST UNTIL I HELP THIS COUNTRY WIN
ANOTHER LEGACY. WORKING TOGETHER, WE'VE CHANGED THE
WORLD -- NOW WE CAN CHANGE AMERICA. THANK YOU, AND GOD
BLESS THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
#
#
#
neat looking stage + backshop
large attentive dudience
video befored Dereat Ston - Thanking
Lee breenwood
parade -
March 24, 1992
MEMORANDUM FOR DAVID DEMAREST
DAN McGROARTY
SPEECHWRITERS
RESEARCHERS
FROM:
BOB SIMON Rd
SUBJECT:
GROCERS' ASSEMBLY SPEECH
This event had all the makings of a great event. It was on
Capitol Hill just after the March 20 deadline. There was a
beautiful stage and backdrop. It was a largely GOP audience.
They played a video of the President just before he came on with
Lee Greenwood singing "God Bless the USA."
Yet somehow, what could have been a great event just wasn't. The
video, while a good idea, was shlocked together, and featured
exclusively Desert Storm footage of GB in Saudi, and the D.C.
victory parade. I noticed on Henson's copy of the speech he had
drawn a big X through the one opening joke that the President had
left in. (The President did no opening jokes, and needed one.)
The speech, after 8 drafts, had been watered down to the point
where there were few applause lines and absolutely no news. The
President's delivery was even more slow and deliberate than usual
(on teleprompter). I believe people listened attentively to the
5-part long-term growth section, and looked interested, but did
not appear especially moved.
The audience applauded 16 times. Eight times, the applause was
perfunctory (and actually started by their leader on the stage,
Boyd George ((no jokes please, the guy's heard 'em all week. )))
Lines that got genuine applause were:
"I vetoed their tax increase."
"Give me the line item veto."
Will veto over-regulation
Choice in schools -- public, private and religious
helping each other rather than suing each other.
2
"Third, [and I know you're going to like this one] we need
fundamental legal reform -- to stop the epidemic of
Lawsuits." (long, vigorous applause) [adlibbed bracketed]
"
compelling Congress to be governed by the law they
impose on people like you.
Term limits on Congress
Overall, I think the speech went over very well to the people in
the room. (They announced that in a straw poll of the audience,
80% supported the President's reelection.)
However, as an attempt to communicate the President's message to
the country, it was a non-event.
One footnote: the language in the speech about being for change
and against the status quo Congress and special interests is good
and should be put to use in the future. Example: "The system is
not accountable, effective, efficient, or even compassionate."
"There are two roads to take: one is reform, the other protects
the status quo."
(Duggan/Simon)
March 23, 1992
Draft Eight
Assembly
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS:
GROCERS' PUBLIC AFFAIRS ASSEMBLY
HYATT REGENCY CAPITOL HILL
TUESDAY, MARCH 24, 1992
11:00 a.m.
[Acknowledgments]
((It's a pleasure to be with so many of the people who bring
broccoli to the grocery shelves of America.) )
((When I was at a grocers' convention in Florida recently,
the press wondered why I was so impressed with a new check-out
scanner I was shown. I'll tell you why. It was so
sophisticated, when I ran my hand across it, it predicted the
number of electoral votes I'd get in November.)
((Seriously, though, those new scanners can actually read
the signature on a check. Something tells me you'll soon be
seeing them in every store on Capitol Hill.) )
I'm here today to ask you to help me change this country --
to make it stronger and better. We've changed the world -- we've
won a great victory for world peace and freedom. Just as we'll
stay engaged with the world, now we must change America. Let me
tell you what that means: We'll leave a legacy of productive
jobs for our citizens, with strong families -- secure in a more
peaceful world.
I have a strategy to renew America and keep our country
strong in the next century. I proposed a plan to stimulate the
economy without raising taxes -- and without increasing the
federal deficit. Action to strenghten real estate. Action to
2
help young families buy that first home -- now. 11 I asked for
action to create good jobs. One of those action items was to cut
the tax on capital gains. 11
But the majority in Congress could not break their tax-and-
spend habits. 11 I asked for action to stimulate this economy -
- not stifle it. 11 I asked for a jobs bill -- and they passed a
bill to increase income taxes by 90 billion dollars. 11
They turned their backs on first-time homebuyers by failing
to enact a $5,000 tax credit. They watered down my investment
tax allowance and other reforms to help businesses modernize and
compete. They tinkered with the capital gains tax, but if their
plan were adopted that tax would still be among the highest in
the developed world.
Yes, I was disappointed in the Congress, but frankly not
surprised. So last Friday, I vetoed their tax increase. III
Then, I announced actions I would take on my own to cut the fat
out of government, to cut the red tape that chokes our
competitive spirit, and to get this country up to speed for the
long haul. 11
You and I have business experience: We know what the tax
increase would really do. About 80 percent of the revenue
increase resulting from the higher rates would come from small
businesses. More than a million small businesses would be
affected -- many of them crippled -- by the Democrats' tax
increase. Thousands of family-run grocery and convenience stores
are in this category. Small family farms also could face
3
financial ruin from such a tax hike.
The bill I've just vetoed tried to raise the marginal rate
for small family businesses and farms by about 18 percent.
Just think about the impact of this on your own businesses.
The grocery business -- wholesale and retail -- is fiercely
competitive. You operate on the thinnest of profit margins --
for wholesalers it's often less than a penny on the dollar.
If you had to face a big increase in the bracket where you
pay most of your taxes, how would you cope? You'd feel pressure
to cut back on the quality of your service. Competition would
press you to hold out as long as possible before passing costs
along to your customers -- so you might have to eliminate jobs.
Eventually everyone in the business would have to pass the costs
along -- and that would fuel inflation.
Those are simple facts of life for people trying to make a
living. Even as millions of American families were huddling over
their kitchen tables to work on their tax returns, the liberal
Congress tried to raise their taxes by $90 billion.
Last Friday I vetoed their massive tax increase. And I sent
Congress my first line-item rescissions -- cutting $3.6 billion
in wasteful spending. These will serve notice to Congress that
the days of wasteful spending are over. And it is a step
symbolic of the power that 43 governors have -- the line-item
veto.
I'm also fighting for economic growth through actions that
don't need to be passed by this Congress. Take a look at
4
government regulation. Day by day, rule by rule, and industry by
industry, we're winning battles against over-regulation. We're
winning victories for common sense and freedom. Just last
Thursday, for example, my Administration announced reforms on
nutrition labeling for meat and poultry. Our reforms will keep
our food supply every bit as safe, but we will reduce the burden
and expense of regulation on American consumers -- and on our
hard-working food producers and grocers. III If Congress sends
me any new legislation that would over-regulate our economy, I'll
veto it as soon as it reaches my desk. Now if we Americans are
going to hone our skills and really compete in the coming years,
we've got a lot more to do. I want us to keep our sights on the
next American Century. When I think of America in the year 2000,
I think of the five strategic concerns mentioned in my address to
the nation last Friday.
First, we must change and renew our schools. We must become
a nation of students educating ourselves throughout our lifetimes
in the best system of schools, colleges and universities in the
world. This will take revolutionary changes. Most of our states
and hundreds of local communities are committed to change. They
have joined me already in a crusade we call America 2000.
Business as usual will not help us reach our national education
goals. We need to get behind world class standards, new
curriculum frameworks, break-the-mold schools, voluntary national
testing. And a centerpiece of our plan is the belief that
schools will do their best when parents enjoy real freedom and
5
real responsibility to choose their children's schools -- public,
private and religious. School choice for parents is an idea
whose time has come. 11
Second, we need to make our excellent health care more
affordable and more available to Americans. We've got the highest
quality health care in the world -- but everyone should have
access to it. 11 We all know the problems: Too many people
don't have health insurance -- and health care costs are going
through the roof. We also know that the answer doesn't lie in
costly and coercive plans like the scheme to make employers "play
or pay. And the answer certainly isn't socialized medicine. 11
Nationalized health care would be a national disaster. The
way I've proposed we help our society deal with this is based on
markets and choice. Just as in education, vouchers are a key
part of my strategy for giving Americans a fairer and more
affordable health care system. Our answer is to change our
health care system for the better -- not ruin it.
11
Third, we need fundamental legal reform -- to stop the
epidemic of lawsuits. 11 Things are so out of hand that some
parents refuse to coach Little League for fear of liability
suits. Some doctors won't deliver babies anymore because of
malpractice suits. 11 Well, just imagine what we could achieve if
we spent as much time helping each other as we do suing each
other. 11 And the costs of liability and litigation on small
business are absolutely horrendous. You know, there were 18
million lawsuits filed in America last year. Eighteen million!
6
That's why I've asked Congress to pass my civil justice reform
bill -- which will help people resolve problems through means
other than a courtroom. It will help put a stop to frivolous
lawsuits and reduce the drag on our economy caused by excessive
litigation.
Fourth, we must reform government in line with one of
America's most important founding principles: strict limits on
the size and power of government. With a federal government that
gobbles up a quarter of GNP, we can't really say we are as free
as we should be. One quarter of all we produce as a nation -- as
a people -- goes to pay for the central government. That is just
not right. Right now, the system is not accountable, effective,
efficient, or even compassionate. We need government that knows
its limits -- but more important, we need a government that
works. 11 We must fix a congressional system gone out of control.
Congress, as an institution controlled by one party -- the
Democrats -- for almost 40 years -- desperately needs reform.
I'll have more to say about reforming Congress at a later date.
But we can start by applying to Congress all the laws they impose
on people like you: Civil rights laws, wage and hour laws, fair
labor standards. 11 We must eliminate the special interest PACs
that give unfair advantages to incumbents in Congress. 11 And
say yes to the people's call for term limits on Congress. My
term is limited -- I believe theirs should be, too. 11
Fifth, we must work to expand our markets. of all the
legacies I want to help create as your President, few could be
7
more important than open and fair trade opportunities for our
manufacturers and service industries -- and for our farmers and
food industries.
Food and agriculture trade is the critical problem of world
trade. The European Community spends more than 10 times as we do
on agriculture export subsidies. This cannot and must not go on.
I made that point in a very vigorous way to Chancellor Kohl of
Germany when he visited Camp David last weekend. His leadership
will be vital if we are to break the deadlock in GATT. Let me
assure you: We'll be working as hard as possible the next few
weeks to make a breakthrough in GATT -- but as we see it, if
there's no fair deal for agriculture, there cannot be a good GATT
agreement.
I'm also working to open up the exciting market
opportunities in Mexico. With nearly 100 million people next
door, Mexico is already one of our best customers, and they'll
buy a lot more American goods as soon as these negotiations are
concluded. It is one of our fastest growing markets anywhere in
the world.
Last year our exports around the world reached record
levels, so the more trade barriers we can knock down the better.
On a level playing field, I know Americans can out-produce and
out-perform anyone, anytime, anywhere. 11
On each of these challenges, there are two roads to take:
One is reform, the other protects the status quo.
You and I are gathered on Capitol Hill today because we
8
share a common purpose. We're here in the neighborhood of a
Congress that fails to heed calls for reform, that fails to pass
a simple plan to help create jobs and build confidence. We're
not simply going to complain about the Congress. If we can
change the world, we can change the Congress. 11 Whoever can't
help get this country moving -- can get out of the way. 11
There are hundreds of you here -- hometown business leaders
who are the backbone of your communities. Just after this
speech, I understand that all of you are headed up the Hill to
visit your Senators and Representatives. I hope you'll pass
along my warmest thanks to those who supported our economic
growth plan. But for those who are part of the crowd that's
trying to stifle the economy while squeezing more taxes out of
working Americans, I'd like you to send them this message:
Goodbye.
This will be my final campaign -- and I plan to fight as
never before. I never dreamed I'd have the privilege of being
your President at the great turning point when freedom prevailed
over imperial Communism. But I won't rest until I help this
country win another legacy. Working together, we've changed the
world -- now we can change America. Thank you, and God bless the
United States of America.
#
#
#
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
March 20, 1992
TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
I am returning herewith without my approval H.R. 4210, the
"Tax Fairness and Economic Growth Acceleration Act of 1992."
In my State of the Union Message, I proposed a responsible,
balanced economic growth program. I challenged the Congress to
pass incentives for growth by March 20. The Congress failed to
meet that challenge. The Congress' response, H.R. 4210, is a
formula for economic stagnation, not economic expansion.
My Administration's economic growth program would create
jobs, generate long-term economic growth, and promote health,
education, savings, and home ownership. My plan would encourage
investment and enhance real estate values -- without tax
increases.
Tax increases would undermine the emerging recovery and act
as a barrier to long-term growth. I call on the Congress to
pass the seven commonsense measures that I asked for by this
date, without tax increases, and to join me in pursuing a
long-term agenda for growth.
I am disappointed that after 52 days the Congress has
produced partisan, flawed legislation. Rather than work in
a constructive manner to strengthen the economy and to create
jobs, congressional leaders chose the path of partisanship.
H.R. 4210 would jeopardize the recovery. It would not create
jobs. It would not create incentives for long-term investment
and growth, it does not contain a tax credit for first-time
homebuyers, and it contains wholly inappropriate special
interest provisions.
H.R. 4210 would increase taxes by more than $100 billion.
More than two-thirds of all taxpayers facing tax increases as a
result of this bill would be owners of small businesses and
entrepreneurs. Small businesses are the primary source of new
job creation.
H.R. 4210 would raise income tax rates substantially for
some individuals, in some cases increasing marginal rates by
more than 30 percent.
This is the wrong time to raise taxes, to increase the
deficit, or to send a message of fiscal irresponsibility to
financial markets.
I am therefore returning H.R. 4210, and I ask the Congress
again to pass my economic growth program, without raising taxes.
GEORGE BUSH
THE WHITE HOUSE,
March 20, 1992.
###
(Duggan/Simon)
March 23, 1992
Draft Six
Assembly
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS:
GROCERS' PUBLIC AFFAIRS ASSEMBLY
HYATT REGENCY CAPITOL HILL
TUESDAY, MARCH 24, 1992
11:00 a.m.
[Acknowledgments]
((It's a pleasure to be with so many of the people who bring
broccoli to the grocery shelves of America.))
((When I was at a grocers' convention in Florida recently,
the press wondered why I was so impressed with a new check-out
scanner I was shown. I'll tell you why. It was so
sophisticated, when I ran my hand across it, it predicted the
number of electoral votes I'd get in November.))
(Seriously, though, those new scanners can actually read
the signature on a check. Something tells me you'll soon be
seeing them in every store on Capitol Hill.))
I'm here today to ask you to help me change this country --
to make it stronger and better. We've changed the world -- we've
won a great victory for world peace and freedom. Just as we'll
must
stay engaged with the world, now it's a top priority that we make
things better here at home. Let me tell you what that means:
It's a legacy of productive jobs for our citizens, with strong
families -- secure in a more peaceful world.
I have a strategy to renew America and keep our country
strong in the next century. I proposed a plan to stimulate the
economy without raising taxes -- and without increasing the
federal deficit. Action to strenghten real estate. Action to
2
help young families buy that first home -- now. 11 I asked for
action to create good jobs. One of those action items was to cut
the tax on capital gains. 11
But the majority in Congress could not break their tax-and-
spend habits. 11 I asked for action to stimulate this economy -
- not stifle it. 11 I asked for a jobs bill -- and they passed a
bill to increase income taxes by 90 billion dollars. 11 They
turned their backs on first-time homebuyers by failing to enact a
$5,000 tax credit. They rejected the investment tax allowance
and other reforms to help businesses modernize and compete.
They voted to keep our capital gains tax among the highest in the
developed world.
Yes, I was disappointed in the Congress, but frankly not
surprised. So last Friday, I vetoed their tax increase. III
Then, I announded actions I would take on my own to cut the fat
out of government and to cut the red tape that chokes our
competitive spirit. 11
You and I have business experience: We understand the cost
of over-regulation. We know what the tax increase would really
do. About two-thirds of the taxpayers who would be subject to
Claire 566-8773 Buchan
the higher rates are owners of small businesses. More than a
million small businesses would be affected -- many of them
crippled -- by the Democrats' tax increase. Thousands of family-
run grocery and convenience stores are in this category. Small
family farms also could face financial ruin from such a tax hike.
The bill I've just vetoed tried to raise the marginal rate
3
for small family businesses and farms by more than 25 percent.
Just think about the impact of this on your own businesses.
The grocery business -- wholesale and retail -- is fiercely
competitive. You operate on the thinnest of profit margins --
for wholesalers it's often less than a penny on the dollar.
If you had to face more than a 25 percent increase in the
bracket where you pay most of your taxes, how would you cope?
You'd feel pressure to cut back on the quality of your service.
Competition would press you to hold out as long as possible
before passing costs along to your customers -- so you might have
to eliminate jobs. Eventually everyone in the business would
have to pass the costs along -- and that would fuel inflation.
Those are simple facts of life for people trying to make a
living in business.
So last Friday I vetoed their massive tax increase. And I
directed the Secretary of Labor to implement promptly the Supreme
Court's Beck decision. It is just not right to force a worker to
have money taken out of his paycheck to finance the campaigns of
politicians he opposes. And my Administration is going to uphold
these fundamental rights for American workers.
Also last Friday, I sent Congress my first line-item
recissions. This will hold Congress to account as I seek to cut
$4 billion in wasteful spending. And it will bring us a step
closer to the power that 43 governors have -- the line-item veto.
I'm also fighting for economic growth through actions that
don't need to be passed by this Congress. Take a look at
4
government regulation. Day by day, rule by rule, and industry by
industry, we're winning battles for common sense against over-
see
regulation. Just last Thursday, for example, my Administration
fact WH sheet
announced reforms on nutrition labelling for meat and poultry.
Our reforms will keep our food supply every bit as safe, but we
will reduce the burden and expense of regulation on American
consumers -- and on our hard-working food producers and grocers.
III If Congress sends me any new legislation that would over-
regulate our economy, I'll veto it as soon as it reaches my desk.
Now if we Americans are going to hone our skills and really
compete in the coming years, we've got a lot more to do. I want
us to keep our sights on the next American Century. My strategy
focuses on five key concerns:
First, we must change and renew our schools. When I think
of America in the year 2000, I think of a nation of students
educating ourselves throughout our lifetimes in the best system
of schools, colleges and universities in the world. This will
take revolutionary changes. Most of our states and hundreds of
local communities have joined me already in a commitment we call
America 2000. Business as usual will not help us reach our
national education goals. We need to get behind world class
standards, new curriculum frameworks, break-the-mold schools,
voluntary national testing. And a centerpiece of our plan is the
belief that schools will do their best when parents enjoy real
freedom and real responsibility to choose their children's
schools. School choice for parents is an idea whose time has
5
come. 11
Second, we need to make our excellent health care more
affordable and more available to Americans. 11 We all know the
problems: Too many people don't have health insurance -- and
health care costs are going through the roof. We also know that
the answer doesn't lie in costly and coercive plans like the
scheme to make employers "play or pay." And the answer certainly
isn't socialized medicine. 11 Nationalized health care would be
a national disaster. 11 The way I've proposed we help our
society deal with this is based on markets and choice. Our
answer is to change our health care system for the better -- not
ruin it. Just as in education, vouchers are a key part of my
vision of giving Americans a fairer and more affordable health
care system. 11
Third, we need to stop the epidemic of lawsuits. 11 Things
are so out of hand that parents refuse to coach Little League for
fear of liability suits. Some doctors won't deliver babies
anymore because of malpractice suits. 11 Well, just imagine what
we could achieve if we spent as much time helping each other as
competitiveness
we do suing each other. 11 And the costs of liability and
Council
litigation on small business are absolutely horrendous. You
Civil
know, there were 18 million lawsuits filed in America last year.
Justice Reform
Eighteen million! That's why I've asked Congress to pass my
report
civil justice reform bill -- which will help people resolve
problems without needless lawsuits. 11
Fourth, we must reform government in line with one of
6
America's most important founding principles: strict limits on
GOP
S.7 trillion
the size and power of government. With a federal government that
Budget
now gobbles up a quarter of GNP, we can't really say we are as
FY in
1.4 trillion
free as we should be. We must fix a congressional system gone
out of control. Let's apply to Congress all the laws they impose
on people like you: Civil rights laws, the minimum wage, fair
labor standards, and so forth. 11 And let's eliminate the
special interest PACs that give unfair advantages to incumbents
in Congress. And say yes to the people's call for term limits
on Congress. My term is limited -- theirs should be, too. 11
Fifth, we must work to expand our markets. I want to open
up the exciting market opportunities in Mexico as soon as
possible. As we work for the North American Free Trade
Agreement, I'm also making progress advancing my vision of open
trade and rising investment throughout the entire Western
Hemisphere. [placeholder for insert from Clayton Yeutter on Kohl
meeting and GATT] With open markets and a level playing field, I
know Americans can out-produce and out-perform anyone, anytime,
anywhere. 11
On each of these challenges, there are two roads to take:
One is reform, the other protects the status quo.
You and I are gathered on Capitol Hill today because we
share a common purpose. We're here in the neighborhood of a
Congress that fails to heed calls for reform, that fails to pass
a simple plan to help create jobs and build confidence. We're
not simply going to complain about the Congress -- we're going to
7
change the Congress. 11 Whoever can't help get this country
moving -- can get out of the way. 11
There are hundreds of you here -- hometown business leaders
who are the backbone of your communities. Just after this
speech, I understand that all of you are headed up the Hill to
visit your Senators and Representatives. I hope you'll pass
along my warmest thanks to those who supported our economic
growth plan. But for any of those members of Congress who happen
to be part of the crowd that's trying to stifle the economy while
squeezing more taxes out of working Americans, I'd like you to
send them this message: Goodbye.
This will be my final campaign -- and I plan to fight as
never before. I never dreamed I'd have the privilege of being
your President at the great turning point when freedom prevailed
over imperial Communism. But I won't rest until I help this
country win another legacy.
You can help me. You can help lead this country to new
heights of freedom and prosperity. Thank you, and God bless the
United States of America.
#
#
#
Introduction
Litigation and the
for the U.S. economy. A recent
article in Forbes estimates that in-
American Economy
dividuals, businesses and govern-
ments spend more than $80 billion
merica has become a
a year on direct litigation costs and
higher insurance premiums, and a
A
litigious society. In 1989
nearly 18 million new
total of up to $300 billion indirectly,
civil cases were filed in
including the cost of efforts to avoid
the state and federal
liability.
courts. This amounts to
Unrestrained litigation neces-
one lawsuit for every ten
sarily exacts a terrible toll on the
U.S. econo-
adults. In the
federal courts
my. Accord-
alone, the
Businesses and governments
ing to a re-
number of
cent report
spend more than
lawsuits filed
by a Pro-
each year has
$80 billion a year on direct
fessor of
almost
litigation costs
Finance at
the Univer-
tripled in the
sity of Texas,
last thirty
it is esti-
years - from
approximately 90,000 in 1960 to
mated that the average lawyer
more than 250,000 in 1990.
takes $1 million a year from the
This dramatic growth in litiga-
country's output of goods and
services. These baleful effects are
tion carries with it very high costs
Total Federal District Court Filings
300,00
251,113
250,00
197,710
200,00
150,00
127,280
100,00
89,112
50,000
0
1960
1970
1980
1990
SOURCE: Federal Courts Study Committee - Working Papers and Subcommittee Reports; July 1990, Vol. 2;
1990 filings; 1990 Federal Court Management Statistics
1
A Report from the
President's Council on Competitiveness
Agenda for
Civil Justice Reform
in America
ACIA OF PLURIBUS THE UNUM STATES UNITED
August 1991
TREASURY NEWS
DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY
THE
1789
Department of the Treasury
Washington, D.C.
Telephone 566-2041
PREPARED FOR DELIVERY
Contact: Desiree Tucker-Sorini
EMBARGOED UNTIL 1:00 p.m.
202-566-8191
March 12, 1992
Democrat party
why is it
Secretary Nicholas F. Brady
the Deno crats
Remarks to the
love employer
National Press Club
March 12, 1992
but Late
employers ?
Thank you Alan [Adams]. It's a pleasure to be here at the
National Press Club again.
Today I want to take a few minutes to discuss a question
that is on many Americans' minds. People have become uncertain
about their economic future. They see a rapid pace of change,
both here and abroad, and they ask themselves "Where do we
stand?"
The conventional wisdom has an answer to that question, an
answer rooted in doubt and discouragement: America, we are told,
is going downhill. Our economy -- SO says the conventional
wisdom -- is weak: our goods uncompetitive, our managers
inefficient, our workers idle and ill-educated. Germany and
Japan are said to be the powerhouses of today and the leaders of
tomorrow; the pundits claim that the American Century is drawing
to a close.
This view has now been repeated so often and so
insistently -- in our newspapers and journals of opinion, in our
colleges and universities, in our board rooms and our hearing
rooms, and even on Geraldo -- that it has become the opening
statement in the debate, no longer to be questioned. These
pessimists would judge prescriptions by whether they make us
comfortable in our decline, and whether they have a better
solution of how to slice an even smaller economic pie.
This bleak appraisal of America's prospects -- like much
conventional wisdom -- is seductive, but it's wrong. It reflects
a determination to see calamity rather than opportunity. Let us
set aside pessimism, and turn to common sense observations about
where we stand, and where we go from here.
First, we must lay to rest the myth that America is somehow
on its way to becoming an economic backwater. If the pessimists
think that the U.S. economy is weak and will soon be overtaken by
NB-1711
2
economies such as Germany or Japan, they are wrong. The U.S.
economy remains the world's preeminent economic power. Total
U.S. output is twice the size of Japan's and four times as big as
Germany's. With only one-twentieth of the world's population, we
produce one-fourth of the world's output.
If the pessimists think any country has a higher standard of
living, they are wrong. U.S. GDP per capita, adjusted for
purchasing power, is 25% higher than that of Japan and one third
higher than Germany's.
If the pessimists think that U.S. manufacturing of high
technology products is no longer competitive in world markets,
they are wrong. This nation is the world's leading exporter of
aircraft and aerospace equipment, computers, microelectronics and
scientific and precision equipment. When the Economic Planning
Agency of the Japanese government in 1991 evaluated 110 critical
technology categories, it determined that American companies
dominate 43 of them, Japanese firms 33 and the rest of the world
the remaining 34.
If the pessimists think that Japanese or German workers are
more productive than American workers, they are wrong. Output
per employee in the United States is over 25 percent greater than
in Japan or Germany.
If pessimists think the U.S. is losing ground to Germany and
Japan in world markets, they are wrong. Since 1986, U.S.
merchandise exports have grown 20% faster than Germany's and 70%
faster than Japan's.
America remains the land of opportunity -- a place where
American men and women can fulfill their unparalleled capacity
for innovation and enterprise.
Yet, if all that's so -- and it is -- why do so many
Americans lack confidence about the future, our own and our
children's?
To some extent, the conventional wisdom simply feeds on
itself. So long as we are told at every turn that the future is
uncertain, the more uncertain about our future we become.
But there is more to it than this. Although the American
economy as a whole remains internationally preeminent, it is no
longer free from competitive pressure from abroad. Twenty years
ago, for example, General Motors viewed its only serious
competitors as Ford and Chrysler. Today, it competes with Honda,
Volvo, Toyota, and Volkswagen, to name only a few.
3
This vigorous international competition is new, confusing
and threatening for many Americans. Some would respond by
retreat, by circling the wagons, by attempting to close our
borders. But this is a sure route to economic decline -- to a
lower standard of living for the American people. Instead we
must face head on the reality that we now live in a challenging
global economic environment.
As an economy modernizes -- faces new competition and
enjoys new technological innovations -- the best uses of its
resources naturally change. As old companies trim down, new
companies open their doors and create new jobs. The entire
history of our nation has been a continuing series of such
developments. We have not only endured, but thrived -- and
thrived in large part because of our openness to change.
The changes I am talking about are not always painless.
But the technical innovations and world trade that have led to
these pressures are producing jobs within our economy. Our
merchandise exports have increased by $190 billion over the last
5 years, and every billion dollars in increased exports by U.S.
companies supports almost 20,000 new jobs. For every 2 1/2
percent growth in GDP, we create almost 2 million new jobs per
year.
But the energy that drives the country will only prosper
when economic decisions are made by the people in the market
place, not in the Congress. We must never forget where good
ideas and good products come from. The Salk vaccine was not
discovered on Capitol Hill. The airplane was not invented on
Pennsylvania Avenue. The energy that drives our country comes
from American workers and American businesses, not from
Washington D.C.
There is a role for government, but frankly, the American
people now are wondering whether it will be a constructive or
destructive one.
It is the government's job to help -- not to hinder --
economic progress. The responsibility of those of us in
government is to put in place policies that create a climate for
economic growth. Only sustained economic growth can improve the
incomes of wage-earning men and women.
To keep America growing and the American economy strong, the
government needs to live within its means and to provide
incentives for hard-working Americans to save and invest -- to
build a better future.
4
When the government fails to control its spending -- to take
as little as it can from the people, to husband the resources it
does take, and to control deficits -- it drains dollars that
could be used in the private sector, and hinders economic growth.
When the government needlessly overregulates businesses and
empowers its civil courts to award unlimited damages to consumers
for accidents that no amount of care or diligence by the
manufacturer could have avoided, it hinders economic growth.
When the government refuses to reform a legal system that
makes 80 percent of all obstetricians defendants in malpractice
lawsuits, it needlessly drives up the costs of health care and
hinders economic growth.
The President recognizes such problems and has proposed
initiatives that, for the longer term, will increase our
investments in both physical and human capital, reduce
unnecessary regulatory burdens on industry, and relieve the long-
term pressure on the economy created by the excessive federal
deficit.
The President's plan includes:
Education reform to bring the skills of our future
workers up to a standard of excellence;
Reform of our legal system so that Americans can spend
less time litigating and more time innovating;
Health care reform to provide broader access to the
best quality health care in the world;
Welfare reform to break the cycle of dependency;
Increased funding for Head Start and strengthened job
training;
A trade policy that opens markets to American goods and
services;
Reform of our archaic banking laws to enable banks to
be internationally competitive and financially healthy;
Reform of our pension guarantee laws to protect the
American people against future losses;
Spending cuts, including complete elimination of 246
programs and over 4,000 projects;
And record federal support for research and development
to keep our nation on the cutting edge of new
technologies.
5
We simply can not allow our nation's economy to have its
strength sapped by overregulation, a debilitating legal system
and Congressional indifference to the priority of economic
growth.
I believe that the American people's uncertainty about the
long term -- about both our ability to compete and the
government's capacity to enact laws that aid this ability -- has
contributed to the short term difficulties of our economy. If
these uncertainties about our future can be dispelled, and
balance and common sense prevail, we could all be optimistic
about our future.
The false start we experienced last year makes us all humble
about predicting just when the economy will pick up speed.
But here's how economic rebounds happen; actually, what I
think is already happening. The people making investment
decisions, the people making hiring decisions, those buying goods
or purchasing services are seeing a number of positive signs that
the economy has started to grow again. When we recognize that
these are not isolated incidents, but a pattern pointing in a
definite direction, the confidence that has been lost during this
recent period of uncertainty will be restored.
And there are encouraging signs. Last week's increase in
the leading economic indicators is one. New manufacturing orders
increased in February. Sales of new domestic cars are improving.
Inflation is at the lowest level since the early '60's. And
today's retail sales increases are very strong.
Corporate profits are beginning to rebound, and as they do,
corporate investment -- which is crucial to greater productivity
and jobs -- will increase. According to the most recent
Department of Commerce survey, corporate managers are planning
to increase spending by 6 percent this year.
Housing -- historically a critical industry in lifting the
nation out of recession -- is also demonstrating new strength.
Home sales and housing starts are both up.
The economy, we feel, is returning to a pattern of growth.
But despite these positive signs, this is no time for
complacency. Last year we thought we saw an economic upturn, and
instead, the economy remained sluggish. Job creation -- our most
critical concern -- remains uneven. And last month's increase in
the unemployment rate was disappointing, even though there was
some good news: 164,000 nonfarm jobs were added to the economy in
February.
6
Of course, an essential element for this recovery is the
conduct of monetary policy. To the American consumer, the
signals given by the Federal Reserve about interest rates and its
expectations for the future are far more critical than the
technicians' latest readings. One only has to remember back to
last December to appreciate the positive effect on all Americans
of that month's sharp reduction in the discount rate. If growth
of the money supply were to stagnate in the spring of '92 as it
did in the spring and summer of '91, the recovery would be
threatened and an opportunity lost.
The two points I have made today -- ending our uncertainty
and beginning a real economic recovery-- have everything to do
with what is going on right now on Capitol Hill.
President Bush has put forward a responsible economic
package that will accelerate economic recovery in the short term,
free the economy to realize its potential in the long term, and
increase the competitiveness of American goods and services in
the world economy.
The President's plan recognizes that the elements of a
recovery are in place, but that positive, concrete steps are
needed. We don't need the long bomb, we just need good block and
tackle football.
Accordingly, the President's plan is directed at the
specific needs and aspirations of the American people: It will
assist families to buy a house, to save for the future, to
finance education, to purchase health insurance, and to plan for
retirement. And these initiatives will provide stimulus in both
the short and long term.
The President has proposed seven specific short-term growth
initiatives, which embody fundamental principles that have
received wide agreement. I want to mention three of the seven
examples.
1)
Adopting a $5,000 tax credit to help more Americans buy
their first home;
2)
Creating an investment tax allowance that will inject
billions into the economy by encouraging more
businesses to invest;
3)
Reducing the tax on capital gains, to encourage capital
formation and create jobs.
7
(The other four critical elements of the President's short-
term package are passive loss relief for full-time real estate
developers, penalty-free IRA withdrawals for first-time home
buyers, enhanced corporate alternative minimum tax depreciation,
and facilitated real estate investments by pension funds.)
These provisions will encourage construction and productive
investment, ease the obstacles that have grown to home ownership
for young families, and stimulate the risk takers. And yes, even
the Democrats have agreed that these principles are the right
ones -- they have finally endorsed a capital gains tax reduction.
But rather than attempting to work with the President to
accelerate economic growth and create jobs, the Democrats have
devised a partisan plan that raises taxes -- a plan that they
know the President will not sign.
The current political battle in Washington is nothing less
than a fundamental clash of values -- a clash of values that in
recent years has contributed to the sluggish growth of our
nation's economy and threatens economic recovery.
The Democrats in Congress believe that politicians in
Washington, not free markets, should allocate the nation's
resources. They believe that guiding the redistribution of
limited economic output is far more important than encouraging
economic growth and expanding opportunities for all Americans.
And they believe that they should determine the size of
government and then tax the American people to fund their plans;
that the government should simply take whatever it wants.
Republicans believe that we must eliminate waste and
efficiently manage what we have -- not ask for more. Republicans
believe that the government should live with budget discipline,
just as an American family does, that government should reduce
its spending to fit the tax revenues it currently receives.
When it comes to paying for their new initiatives, of
course, the Democrats in Congress refuse to look to spending
cuts. In both the House and the Senate they have reached the
conclusion that the government -- rather than the American people
-- should spend the defense savings.
And what the Democrats are trying to label a tax increase on
the wealthy is nothing less than an attack on the most effective
job creating enterprises in the United States -- this nation's
small businesses. The Democrats' tax increase hits right at the
heart of small farms and business proprietorships and
partnerships. About two-thirds of the taxpayers who would be
subject to higher tax rates are owners of small businesses -- the
kinds of businesses that create jobs in this country. It is not
hard to figure out who will be hurt -- more than a million of
8
this nation's small businesses -- working Americans. The plan of
the Democratic majority is a job killer, not a job creator.
When I talk about tax increases and its effect on jobs and
business, I'm not talking abstract theory. I've been there. I'm
from New Jersey. We ran the experiment for you, and here's what
it showed: higher tax rates were followed by businesses leaving
the state and sharp economic decline. And when the people saw
the results of the Democrats' tax-raising handiwork, they reacted
at the polls. In November of 1991, Republicans won control of
both houses in the New Jersey legislature for the first time in
20 years. And not just majorities -- veto-proof majorities in
each house to make sure it didn't happen again.
I ask you, why should we run this experiment again at the
national level?
But it is not too late. If the Democrats would forsake the
politics of division and embrace the cause of growth, the
President's proposals could be enacted immediately -- paid for by
spending cuts and reforms, not tax rate increases. And the
President would sign this bill immediately. More than that, its
enactment would demonstrate that Congress can act in a way that
benefits the American people.
If the collapse of communism and the disintegration of the
Soviet Union this past year have taught us anything at all, it is
that government policies that concentrate on managing how limited
resources are distributed among the people are a poor substitute
for concentrating on creating economic growth.
We are indeed on the brink of a new world -- one that begins
with the end of the Cold war -- an economic stimulus that none of
us can now calculate, but which will be, over time, of enormous
proportions.
The critical task for all of us in government is to work
together to strengthen our economy -- for that is what the
American people want and deserve.
Thank you.
###
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
March 19, 1992
FACT SHEET ON AGRICULTURE REFORMS
As part of the President's 90-day regulatory relief
initiative, Secretary of Agriculture Edward Madigan today
announced several actions to reduce the burden of regulation on
American farmers, consumers and businesses. These actions will
reduce regulatory compliance costs and enhance USDA's ability to
serve the public.
1. Reducing Regulatory Compliance Costs. The Department is
taking the following steps to reduce regulatory compliance costs
while still protecting consumers and taxpayers.
Nutrition Labelling. In November, USDA's Food Safety and
Inspection Service (FSIS) proposed certain nutrition
labelling requirements for meat and poultry products. To
reduce costs to consumers and the economy, FSIS will make
three changes to its November proposal:
-- provide an exemption for small businesses, as FDA has,
so that the regulation does not make meat and poultry
labels too expensive for hundreds of food producing
firms;
-- extend the implementation period for another year to
give firms needed flexibility to comply with the new
regulations, reducing their costs by an estimated $210
million; and
-- allow the use of databases for nutrient labelling
information when appropriate, thereby reducing expected
implementation costs by about $650 million.
Prior Label Approval. Currently, labels on meat and poultry
products must be approved by FSIS prior to being used. FSIS
receives 170,000 applications for prior approval each year.
FSIS will publish a request for public comments on options
for reforming or eliminating the prior label approval
process. This will not only reduce costs, but will also
allow new products to reach consumers more quickly.
Nutrition labels will continue to meet same high level of
accuracy as under the current system.
Official Commercial Inspection Service. Grain inspection by
the Federal Grain Inspection Service (FGIS) is voluntary for
domestic markets, but is not always convenient or cost-
effective. FGIS will create a new Official Commercial
Inspection Service which will use FGIS authorized inspectors
and equipment to provide domestic inspection services in a
more flexible manner and at a reduced cost to the
applicants.
2.
Enhancing Service to the Public. Good programs and
regulations serve the needs of the public rather than
bureaucratic needs. USDA is accelerating two program reforms
that will enhance its ability to serve the public.
Electronic Benefits Transfer. USDA's Food and Nutrition
Service (FNS) is testing the use of on-line electronic
systems to distribute food stamp benefits through the use of
special "debit cards." The new system will be more secure
and easier for retail grocers and food stamp recipients to
use.
Employment and Training. To improve interagency
cooperation, the FNS will conduct demonstration projects to
increase the coordination between its Food Stamp Employment
and Training program and the JOBS program administered by
the Department of Health and Human Services. This
coordination will be designed to more efficiently and
effectively assist food stamp recipients in becoming self-
reliant.
WIC Breastfeeding Program. To remove any government
disincentives to breastfeeding, the FNS will propose a new
program that allows women who breastfeed their infants the
option of receiving additional dietary supplements instead
of infant formula. The new package would augment the foods
now provided to breastfeeding mothers in order to meet their
unique nutritional needs.
Guaranteed Rural Housing Loans to Moderate Income People.
Although FmHa provides loan guarantees to persons with low
or moderate income for rural housing, the loan guarantees
have not been attractive to lenders and the secondary loan
market because they contain unique conditions. FmHa will
seek to make its loan conditions more like those used in the
mortgage loan industry to better meet the needs of
borrowers, lenders, and the secondary loan market.
FmHA Single Family Housing Program. The Farmers Home
Administration (FmHA) currently specifies very detailed
requirements for homes on which it makes direct loans to low
and very low income families. FmHA is initiating a
rulemaking proceeding to relax the detailed design
specifications to enable potential homeowners to choose
housing designs which best fit their needs.
Farmer Loan Eligibility Requirements. To obtain credit
under FmHA farm credit programs, farmers must demonstrate
that their expected income is sufficient to cover expected
loan payments. Because expected income is calculated on the
basis of a five-year average, farmers who suffer crop losses
because of natural disasters now have difficulty obtaining
loans because the disaster years depress their average
income. To avoid this problem, FmHA will allow farmers to
exclude up to two years when calculating their five-year
average for loan eligibility.
Holding Time for Foreclosed Farms. FmHA holds in inventory
more than 3,000 foreclosed farm properties. Current
regulations require FmHA to hold the farms at least three
years before they can be sold to the general public. FmHA
will change the regulation to allow the public sale of
foreclosed property after one year, returning the idle land
to productive use and generating $89 million in annual gross
farm income.
Assistance to Beginning Farmers. FmHA will also create a
program designed to assist beginning farmers and ranchers in
obtaining suitable farm land held in FmHA inventory.
(Duggan/Simon)
March 20, 1992
Draft Four
Assembly
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS:
GROCERS' PUBLIC AFFAIRS ASSEMBLY
HYATT REGENCY CAPITOL HILL
TUESDAY, MARCH 24, 1992
11:00 a.m.
[Acknowledgments]
((It's a pleasure to be with so many of the people who bring
broccoli to the grocery shelves of America.))
((When I was at a grocers' convention in Florida recently,
the press wondered why I was so impressed with a new check-out
scanner I was shown. I'll tell you why. It was so
sophisticated, when I ran my hand across it, it predicted the
number of electoral votes I'd get in November.))
( (Seriously, though, those new scanners can actually read
the signature on a check. Something tells me you'll soon be
seeing them in every store on Capitol Hill.))
I'm here today to ask you to do something for our country.
This year's national elections are historic -- they are the first
since the end of the Cold War. We've changed the world -- we've
won a great victory for world peace and freedom. We'll stay
engaged with the world, but now it's a top priority that we set
some things right here at home.
Let's begin with the United States Congress. 11 This year,
let's show that the people are sovereign. Let's not just
complain about Congress -- let's transform it. 11 Let's replace
the liberal ruling class with common-sense people who share our
values. 11
2
The Old Guard that rules Congress has fallen out of touch
and out of control. Congress is the number one obstacle to
moving this country forward. And it's time to change its
leadership.
Think of how the Democratic majority in Congress responded
when I asked them to do what's right for our economy:
They turned their back on first-time homebuyers by failing
to enact a $5,000 tax credit.
They rejected the investment tax allowance and other reforms
that could help businesses modernize with new equipment. They
turned down my plan to allow $10 billion more in cash flow for
companies that create many of the jobs in this country.
They voted to keep our capital gains tax among the highest
in the developed world. For purely partisan reasons, they
refused to pass my proposal to cut those steep taxes on
investment and job creation.
My State of the Union proposals offered those and other
incentives for growth without raising taxes -- and without
increasing the federal deficit. And I gave Congress fair
warning: If it sent me a bill raising taxes, I'd send it back
with my veto. And that's exactly what I did last Friday. 11
I asked for action to stimulate this economy -- not stifle
it. 11 I members of Congress to asked them to break their tax-
and-spend habits -- but they couldn't do it. 11 I asked for a
jobs bill -- and they passed a bill to increase income taxes by
90 billion dollars.
3
They broke their trust with the American people -- and I
kept my promise: I vetoed their tax increase. 11
The Democrats' attempts to explain their actions prove how
far removed they are from the real people who make this country
work. Here are the exact words of the House Democrat who
sponsored the tax increase: "The richest 1 percent of all
Americans will pay more. We will have returned to the time-
honored tradition of taxing people on their ability to pay. "
They want us to think no one really would suffer from such a
massive tax increase. They want us to think all their targets
are so "rich" they would never feel the pinch.
Anyone who believes that is dangerously out of touch. 11
You and I have business experience: We know what the tax
increase would really do. About two-thirds of the taxpayers who
would be subject to the higher rates are owners of small
businesses. More than a million small businesses would be
affected -- many of them crippled -- by the Democrats' tax
increase. Thousands of family-run grocery and convenience stores
are in this category. Small family farms also could face
financial ruin from such a tax hike.
The bill I've just vetoed tried to raise the marginal rate
for small family businesses and farms by a full 25 percent.
Just think about the impact of this on your own businesses.
The grocery business -- wholesale and retail -- is fiercely
competitive. You operate on the thinnest of profit margins --
for wholesalers it's often less than a penny on the dollar.
4
If you had to face a 25 percent increase in the bracket
where you pay most of your taxes, how would you cope? You'd feel
pressure to cut back on the quality of your service -- that costs
money, after all. You'd feel competitive pressure to hold out as
long as possible before passing costs along to your customers --
so you would be pressed to eliminate jobs. Eventually everyone
in the business would have to pass the costs along -- and that
would fuel inflation. The tax-hungry Democrats' triple play
would give us poorer service, fewer jobs, and more inflation.
Those are the simple facts of life for people trying to make
a living in business. But the arrogant politicians who call the
shots in Congress just don't get it. And this President has run
out of patience.
Last Friday I sent Congress my first line-item recissions.
This action will hold Congress to account as I seek to cut $4
billion in wasteful spending. And it will bring us a step closer
to the power that 43 governors have -- the line-item veto. 11
I'm also fighting for economic growth through actions that
don't need to be passed by this Congress. That's in the area of
regulation. Day by day and rule by rule, we're winning battles
for common sense against over-regulation. [Add details of
particular interest to grocers and convenience stores.]
But if we're to hone our skills and really compete in the
coming years, we've got a lot more to do. I want us to keep our
sights on the next American Century.
First, we must work to expand our markets. I want to open
5
up markets in Mexico, throughout Latin America, and around the
world. 11
Second, we must create a new generation of world-class
quality schools -- energized by competition and freedom for
parents to choose what schools are best for their kids. 11
Third, we need to make our excellent health care more
affordable and more available to Americans -- and the answer lies
in markets, not in socialized medicine. 11
Fourth, we need to stop the epidemic of lawsuits. 11
Imagine what we could achieve if we spent as much time helping
each other as we do suing each other. 11
And fifth, we must tackle each of these challenges without
swelling the bureaucracy -- and without raising taxes. 11 If
there is one central conviction that separates you and me from
the liberals in Congress, it is this: We believe government is
too big -- and it spends too much. III
On every one of these challenges, there are two opposing
camps. One is fighting for reform, the other is defending the
status quo. I know I can count on you to fight with me for
reform. And we'll tell the people in Congress: Help get this
country moving -- or get out of the way. 11
This year must be a watershed. Our most powerful weapon to
win victories for our future is the ballot box. It's time for
the American people to show the Congress and the bureaucracy who
is really the boss. 11
I'll wage a vigorous campaign for the vision and the values
6
we share. I'll work to earn the people's vote for a second term.
And I'll work just as hard to transform the United States
Congress. People are filled with righteous anger at the
arrogance and the abuses of the Old Guard in Congress. And it's
high time you and I had a Congress that shared our belief in
meaning and purpose of this great country. 11
This year we can change Congress. We can elect new people
to restore integrity and common sense to Capitol Hill.
In my second term I want to serve four vigorous years. I
want to move this country forward -- with members of Congress who
truly represent the American people's values and aspirations.
And we must fix a congressional system that has fallen out of
control. We need to apply to members of Congress all the laws
they impose on everyone else. 11 We need to reform the campaign
funding system that gives unfair advantages to incumbents in
Congress: That means eliminate the special interest political
action committees -- the PACs. 11 And we must heed the rising
public clamor for change. If term limits are right for the
presidency, it's time for term limits for Congress. 111
Again and again, I've tried to send the message to this
Congress to get back in touch with the people. But the liberal
majority will not listen.
There are hundreds of you here -- hometown business leaders
who are the backbone of your communities. When you speak, your
representatives listen -- or at least they go through the motions
of listening. Some of you live in states or districts
7
represented by incorrigibly anti-business liberals.
Just after this speech, I understand that all of you are
headed up the Hill to visit your Senators and Representatives.
I'm asking you to send the anti-business liberals a message.
Just tell them one word: Goodbye. Tell them they've had
their last chance -- and now they're serving their last days in
Congress.
This will be my final campaign -- and I planning to fight as
never before. I never dreamed I'd have the privilege of being
your President at the great turning point when freedom prevailed
over imperial Communism. But I won't rest until I help this
country win another legacy. I will fight to elect a Congress
that's worthy of the good people of this country.
You can help me. You can help elect a new Congress to work
with us -- not against us. You can help lead this country to new
heights of freedom and prosperity.
Thank you, and God bless the United States of America.
#
#
#
(Duggan/Simon)
March 20, 1992
Draft Three
Assembly
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS:
GROCERS' PUBLIC AFFAIRS ASSEMBLY
HYATT REGENCY CAPITOL HILL
TUESDAY, MARCH 24, 1992
11:00 a.m.
[Acknowledgments]
((It's a pleasure to be with so many of the people who bring
broccoli to the grocery shelves of America.)
((When I was at a grocers' convention in Florida recently,
the press wondered why I was so impressed with a new check-out
scanner I was shown. I'll tell you why. It was so
sophisticated, when I ran my hand across it, it predicted the
number of electoral votes I'd get in November.) )
( (Seriously, though, those new scanners can actually read
the signature on a check. Something tells me you'll soon be
seeing them in every store on Capitol Hill.))
I'm here today to ask you to do something for our country.
This year's national elections are historic -- they are the first
since the end of the Cold War. We've changed the world -- we've
won a great victory for world peace and freedom. We'll stay
engaged with the world, but now it's a top priority that we set
some things right here at home.
Let's begin with the United States Congress. 11 This year,
let's show that the people are sovereign. Let's not just
complain about Congress -- let's transform it. 11 Let's replace
the liberal ruling class with common-sense people who share our
values. 11
2
The Old Guard that rules Congress has fallen out of touch
and out of control. Liberal rule in Congress is the number one
obstacle to moving this country forward. 11
Think of how the liberal majority in Congress responded when
I asked them to do what's right for our economy:
They spurned my plan to give first-time homebuyers a $5,000
tax credit. They opposed my other proposals help real estate
lead us to a strong recovery.
They rejected my investment tax allowance and other reforms
I proposed to help businesses modernize with new equipment. They
turned down my plan to allow $10 billion more in cash flow for
companies that create many of the jobs in this country.
They voted to keep our capital gains tax among the highest
in the developed world. For purely partisan reasons, they
refused to pass my proposal to cut those steep taxes on
investment and job creation.
My State of the Union proposals offered those and other
incentives for growth without raising taxes -- and without
increasing the federal deficit. And I gave Congress fair
warning: If it sent me a bill raising taxes, I'd send it back
with my veto. 11
But the Old Guard in Congress gave a performance worthy of
an old riverboat melodrama. They proclaimed their affection for
people they call "the forgotten middle class" -- and they spilled
enough crocodile tears to float a small navy. 11
I asked for action to nourish this economy -- and the
3
Democrats gave us moonshine. 11 I asked them to break their tax-
and-spend habits -- but they had to scratch their itch for higher
taxes. I asked for a jobs bill -- and they passed a bill to
increase income taxes by 90 billion dollars. 11
They broke their trust with the American people -- and I
kept my promise: I vetoed their tax increase. 11
The Democrats' attempts to explain their actions prove how
far removed they are from the real people who make this country
work. Here are the exact words of the House Democrat who
sponsored the tax increase: "The richest 1 percent of all
Americans will pay more. We will have returned to the time-
honored tradition of taxing people on their ability to pay. II
They want us to think no one really would suffer from such a
massive tax increase. They want us to think all their targets
are so "rich" they would never feel the pinch.
Anyone who believes that is dangerously out of touch. 11
You and I have business experience: We know what the tax
increase would really do. About two-thirds of the taxpayers who
would be subject to the higher rates are owners of small
businesses. More than a million small businesses would be
affected -- many of them crippled -- by the Democrats' tax
increase. Thousands of family-run grocery and convenience stores
are in this category. Small family farms also could face
financial ruin from such a tax hike.
The bill I've just vetoed tried to raise the marginal rate
for small family businesses and farms by a full 25 percent.
4
Just think about the impact of this on your own businesses.
The grocery business -- wholesale and retail -- is fiercely
competitive. You operate on the thinnest of profit margins --
for wholesalers it's often less than a penny on the dollar.
If you had to face a 25 percent increase in the bracket
where you pay most of your taxes, how would you cope? You'd feel
pressure to cut back on the quality of your service -- that costs
money, after all. You'd feel competitive pressure to hold out as
long as possible before passing costs along to your customers --
so you would be pressed to eliminate jobs. Eventually everyone
in the business would have to pass the costs along -- and that
would fuel inflation. The tax-hungry Democrats' triple play
would give us poorer service, fewer jobs, and more inflation.
Those are the simple facts of life for people trying to make
a living in business. But the arrogant politicians who call the
shots in Congress just don't get it. And this President has run
out of patience.
Last Friday I sent Congress my first line-item recissions.
This action will hold Congress to account as I seek to cut $4
billion in wasteful spending. And it will bring us a step closer
to the power that 43 governors have -- the line-item veto. 11
I'm also fighting for economic growth through actions that
don't need to be passed by this Congress. That's in the area of
regulation. Day by day and rule by rule, we're winning battles
for common sense against over-regulation. [Add details of
particular interest to grocers and convenience stores.]
5
And I want us to keep our sights on the next American
Century. We must work to expand our markets. I want to open up
markets in Mexico, and Canada, and around the world. 11 We must
create a new generation of world-class quality schools --
energized by competition and freedom for parents to choose what
schools are best for their kids. 11 We need to make our
excellent health care more affordable and more available to
Americans -- and the answer lies in markets, not in socialized
medicine. 11
We need to stop the epidemic of lawsuits. 11 Imagine what
we could achieve if we spent as much time helping each other as
we do suing each other. 11 And we must tackle each of these
challenges without swelling the bureaucracy -- and without
raising taxes. 11 If there is one central conviction that
separates you and me from the liberals in Congress, it is this:
We believe government is too big -- and it spends too much. 111
On every one of these challenges, there are two opposing
camps. One is fighting for reform, the other is defending the
status quo. I know I can count on you to fight with me for
reform. And we'll tell the people in Congress: Help get this
country moving -- or get out of the way. 11
This year must be a watershed. Our most powerful weapon to
win victories for our future is the ballot box. It's time for
the American people to show the Congress and the bureaucracy who
is really the boss.
I'll wage a vigorous campaign for the vision and the values
6
we share. I'll work to earn the people's vote for a second term.
And I'll work just as hard to transform the United States
Congress. People are filled with righteous anger at the
arrogance and the abuses of the old Guard in Congress. And it's
high time you and I had a Congress that shared our belief in
meaning and purpose of this great country. 11
This year we can change Congress. We can elect new people
to restore integrity and common sense to Capitol Hill.
In my second term I want to serve four vigorous years. I
want to move this country forward -- with members of Congress who
truly represent the American people's values and aspirations.
And we must fix a congressional system that has fallen out of
control. We need to apply to members of Congress all the laws
they impose on everyone else. 11 We need to reform the campaign
funding system that gives unfair advantages to incumbents in
Congress: That means eliminate the special interest political
action committees -- the PACs. \\ And we must heed the rising
public clamor for accountability -- we must put term limits on
senators and congressmen. 11 If term limits are right for the
presidency, they'll be good for the accountability of the
Congress.
Again and again, I've tried to send the message to this
Congress to get back in touch with the people. But the liberal
majority will not listen.
There are hundreds of you here -- hometown business leaders
who are the backbone of your communities. When you speak, your
7
representatives listen -- or at least they go through the motions
of listening. Some of you live in states or districts
represented by incorrigibly anti-business liberals.
Just after this speech, I understand that all of you are
headed up the Hill to visit your Senators and Representatives.
I'm asking you to send the anti-business liberals a message.
Just tell them one word: Goodbye. Tell them they've had
their last chance -- and now they're serving their last days in
Congress.
This will be my final campaign -- and I planning to fight as
never before. I never dreamed I'd have the privilege of being
your President at the great turning point when freedom prevailed
over imperial Communism. But I won't rest until I help this
country win another legacy. I will fight to elect a Congress
that's worthy of the good people of this country.
You can help me. You can help elect a new Congress to work
with us -- not against us. You can help lead this country to new
heights of freedom and prosperity.
Thank you, and God bless the United States of America.
#
#
#
(Duggan/Simon)
March 25, 1992
Draft Two
Assembly
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS:
GROCERS' PUBLIC AFFAIRS ASSEMBLY
HYATT REGENCY ON CAPITOL HILL
TUESDAY, MARCH 24, 1992
[time] 11:00 A.M.
Thank you, Boyd [George, chair of NAWGA] [Other
acknowledgments]
((It's a pleasure to be with so many of the people who bring
broccoli to the grocery shelves of America.)
((When I was at a grocers' convention in Florida recently,
the press wondered why I was so impressed with a new check-out
scanner I was shown. I'll tell you why. It was so
sophisticated, when I ran my hand across it, it predicted the
number of electoral votes I'd get in November.)
those new
((Seriously, though, the scanner that fascinated me so was
can
The
^
on a check.
one that actually reads signatures -- it helps protect retailers
against people who write bad checks. I'm not kidding. Here on
something tells me you'll be seeing them soon in every
Capitol Hill, there should be a land-office business for devices
like that. ))
grocery store on Capitol Hill.
In my State of the Union Address, I asked Congress to pass a
common-sense package to get our economy moving. I asked them to
S2 day
meet an 8-week deadline. That was a reasonable time-frame for
and do something righ + for the
putting aside partisan politics before we get too close to the
American people.
national election.
My plan would give first-time homebuyers a $5,000 tax
credit. My plan would eliminate needless drags on the real
estate economy: For instance, it would restore full
2
deductibility of losses for real estate developers. These real
estate proposals are sensible and fair -- and they're based on an
understanding of how our economy works. For the fact is, every
time in recent memory that we've rallied ourselves out of a
recession, the real estate business has led the way. Economists
say my tax credit and IRA proposals alone would create 700,000
new jobs this year alone for carpenters, plumbers, landscapers,
and others.
I proposed a new investment tax allowance to lower the cost
of capital for businesses purchasing new equipment. I asked for
changes in the alternative minimum tax so that we no longer
penalize capital intensive companies. That's technical language,
but you and I and anyone else who's experienced in the real world
of business know what it means: It means allowing more cash flow
-- $10 billion more cash this year -- for businesses that create
many of the jobs in this country. It means spurring capital
intensive industries like our airlines, our car manufacturers,
our chemical companies -- to modernize and meet the challenge of
world competition.
I asked Congress to cut the high tax on job creation and
investment -- the capital gains tax. This is the way to unlock
old investment and get funds flowing into new and existing small
businesses -- where so many of the new jobs are being created.
My package offered these and other incentives for growth
without raising taxes -- and without increasing the federal
deficit. And I gave Congress fair warning: If it sent me a bill
a
promise
raising taxes, I'd veto send it it, back with veto. could taken to tank.
and 3 that was a promise they the
That was eight weeks ago. Since then, the Old Guard in the cash
I guess they misunderstood. my One congresoman tried to
my promise
Congress have given a performance worthy of an old-time riverboat at the
House
melodrama. They've proclaimed their affection for people they
bank.
call "the forgotten middle class" -- and they've shed enough
crocodile tears to float a small navy.
They've strutted their hour on the stage -- and to no one's
surprise, they've produced a tax bill. Their bill provides none
-- not one - of the pro-growth incentives I've just described
from my package. Their bill breaks the curbs on shifting
discretionary funds among accounts -- one of the few restraints
we now have on Congress's appetite for spending. Worst of all,
their bill attempts to raise the American people's income taxes
by $90 billion.
I asked for a jobs bill -- and the Democrats passed a tax
increase bill. That's an insult to American workers and
taxpayers. In exchange for a permanent income tax increase of
$90 billion, they've offered a piddling temporary tax cut for
people in some income brackets -- 25 cents per person per day for
a family of four. They crow that they're the saviors of the
"forgotten middle class" -- but the only ones who benefit from
this travesty are the tired old ruling class of the Congress.
This bill was designed to be a life-support system for the
careers of the machine politicians who run the Democratic caucus
in Congress.
I asked Congress for action to nourish this economy for
4
recovery and long-term growth. But the Old Guard in Congress
followed the only recipe they seem to know. They've given us
full-strength economic moonshine.
I've vetoed their tax increase bill. It's an outrage. It
would destroy jobs and derail the recovery. Any economist will
tell you the last thing this economy needs is a tax increase.
The Democrats' attempts to explain the effects of their tax
increase prove how far out of touch they are from the real people
who make this country work. Here are the exact words of the
House Democrat who sponsored the tax increase: "The richest 1
percent of all Americans will pay more. We will have returned to
the time-honored tradition of taxing people on their ability to
pay." They want you to think no one really will suffer from this
massive tax increase --- because the targets are presumably so
"rich" they will never feel the pinch.
Anyone who believes that is dangerously out of touch. You
and I have business experience. We know what the tax increase
would really do. About two-thirds of the taxpayers who would be
subject to the higher rates are owners of small businesses. More
than a million small businesses would be affected -- many of them
crippled -- by the Democrats' tax increase. Small farmers could
face financial ruin if the Democrats had their way with this tax
increase.
Millions of jobs now depend on small firms that are taxed at
the individual rate. One of the technical terms for these is
"Subchapter S Corporations." Thousands of firms in your
5
industries -- thousands of family-run grocery and convenience
stores -- are in this category. They're sparkplugs of economic
growth in towns and cities all across this country. Their
payrolls support millions of working Americans whom no one would
confuse with the idle rich. But in the sloppy arrogance of the
Democrats' tax bill, these little firms would feel the brunt of
the big tax increase on so-called "rich people."
As a rule, these firms pay taxes at the top marginal rate
for individuals. And the Democrats' tax bill would raise those
rates by a full 25 percent.
Just think about the impact that would have on your own
businesses. The grocery business -- wholesale and retail -- is
fiercely competitive. You operate on the thinnest of profit
margins -- for wholesalers it's often less than a penny on the
dollar. If you had to face a 25 percent increase in the bracket
where you pay most of your taxes, how would you cope? You'd feel
pressure to cut back on the quality of your service -- that costs
money, after all. You'd feel competitive pressure to hold out as
long as possible before passing costs along to your customers --
so you would be pressed to eliminate jobs. Eventually everyone
in the business would have to pass the costs along -- and that
would fuel inflation. The tax-hungry Democrats' triple play
would give us poorer service, fewer jobs, and more inflation.
Those are the simple facts of life for people trying to make
a living in business. But the arrogant politicians who call the
shots in Congress just don't get it.
6
The deadline period that just expired was the liberal
leadership's last chance to show it could put partisanship aside
and work in good faith to help our people. They failed -- and
this President has completely run out of patience.
They can keep job-creating legislation tied up for the rest
of the year, but in the longer run, we can and we will win.
I'm already fighting for economic growth through actions
that don't need to be passed by this Congress. That's in the
regulatory arena. With my State of the Union Address, I
instituted a 90-day freeze on new and existing regulations that
could effect the economy. As much as possible, we'll speed up
rules that promote job creation and growth, and we'll stop rules
that impede growth. We're close to the 60-day mark now, and day
by day and rule by rule, we're winning battles for common sense
against over-regulation. [Add details of particular interest to
grocers and convenience stores.]
Most important, we will win new victories for a sound
economy this year at the ballot box. It's time for the American
people to take matters into their own hands. I will wage a
vigorous campaign this election year for the vision and the
values we share. I'll work to earn Americans' votes for a second
term. And I'll work just as hard to transform the United States
Congress. All across the country, people are filled with
righteous anger at the arrogance and the abuses of the Old Guard
in Congress. It's high time you and I had a Congress that shared
our aims for where to lead this country.
7
This is our moment of opportunity. Because of the people's
anger at scandal after scandal on Capitol Hill, maybe as many as
a hundred members of Congress will decide not to face the voters
again. This year we can change Congress. We can elect new
people to restore integrity and common sense to Capitol Hill.
In my second term I want to serve four vigorous years,
moving this country forward -- with a Congress that truly
represents the American people's values and aspirations.
Again and again, I've tried to send the message to this
Congress to get back in touch with the people. But the liberals
who make up the majority will not listen.
There are hundreds of you here -- hometown business leaders
who are the backbone of your communities. When you speak, your
representatives listen -- or at least they go through the motions
of listening. Some of you live in states or districts
represented by incorrigibly anti-business liberals.
Just after this speech, I understand that all of you are
headed up the Hill to visit your Senators and Representatives.
I'm asking you to send the anti-business liberals a message. No
-- it's not to ask them to reconsider their vote against my
economic growth plan. They're fundamentally at odds with what
you and I believe, so why should we play charades?
I'd just like you to tell them one word: Goodbye. Tell
them they've had their last chance -- and now they're serving
Good
their last days in Congress.
I'm taking off the gloves. This will be my final campaign -
be God I'ms on 8 to Sign to leave this
country a Congress now
- and I will fight to make it the most productive. You can help 7
me. You can help elect a new Congress to work with us -- not the
against us. You can help lead this country to new heights of anne
freedom and prosperity.
people.
Thank you, and God bless the United States of America.
N
#
#
#
(Duggan/Simon)
March 24, 1992
Draft One
Assembly
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS:
GROCERS' PUBLIC AFFAIRS ASSEMBLY
HYATT REGENCY ON CAPITOL HILL
TUESDAY, MARCH 24, 1992
[time] 11:00 am
Thank you, Boyd [George, chair of NAWGA] [Other
acknowledgments]
((It's a pleasure to be with so many of the people who bring
broccoli to the grocery shelves of America.) )
((When I was at a grocers' convention in Florida recently,
the press wondered why I was so impressed with a new check-out
scanner I was shown. I'll tell you why. It was so
sophisticated, when I ran my hand across it, it predicted the
number of electoral votes I'd get in November.)
Those new
( (Seriously, though, I I am told there are scanners that help
can actually
read the signature on a check. 11 Something tells
protect retailers against people who try to kite checks. Here on
me even you 'Il be seeing them soon in every grocery
Capitol Hill, there should be a land-office business for devices
store on Capitol Hill.
like that.)
In my State of the Union Address, I asked Congress to pass a
common-sense package to get our economy moving. I asked them to
meet an 8-week deadline. That was a reasonable time-frame for
bipartisan action before we get too close to the national
election.
My plan would give first-time homebuyers a $5,000 tax
credit and would allow penalty-free withdrawals from IRAs for
down payments on a first home. My plan would eliminate needless
drags on the real estate economy: For instance, it would restore
2
full deductibility of losses for real estate developers. These
real estate proposals are sensible and fair -- and they're based
on an understanding of how our economy works. For the fact is,
every time in recent memory that we've rallied ourselves out of a
recession, the real estate business has led the way. Housing
economists say my tax credit and IRA proposals alone would create
700,000 new jobs for carpenters, plumbers, landscapers,
architects and others.
I proposed a new investment tax allowance to lower the cost
of capital for businesses purchasing new equipment. I asked for
changes in the alternative minimum tax so that we no longer
penalize capital intensive companies. That's technical language,
but you and I and anyone else who's experienced in the real world
of business know what it means: It means giving American
industries a fair chance to modernize -- to stay competitive. It
means allowing more cash flow for businesses that create many of
the jobs in this country.
I asked Congress to cut the punishingly high tax on job
creation and investment -- the capital gains tax. This is the
way to unlock old investment and get funds flowing into new and
existing small businesses -- where so many of the new jobs are
being created.
My package offered these and other incentives for growth
without raising taxes -- and without increasing the federal
deficit. And I warned the Congress that if it sent me a bill
raising taxes, I'd send it back with my veto.
3
That was eight weeks ago. Since then, the Old Guard in the
Congress have given a performance worthy of the old-time
riverboat melodramas. They've proclaimed their affection for
people they call "the forgotten middle class" -- and they've shed
enough crocodile tears to float a small navy.
They've strutted their hour on the stage -- and produced a
tax bill. Their bill provides none -- not one -- of the pro-
growth incentives I've just described from my package. Their
bill breaks the curbs on shifting discretionary funds among
accounts -- one of the few restraints we now have on Congress's
appetite for spending. Worst of all, their bill attempts to
raise the American people's income taxes by $100 billion.
They've dealt American workers and taxpayers an insult. In
exchange for a permanent income tax increase of $100 billion,
they've offered a piddling temporary tax cut for people in some
income brackets -- 25 cents per person per day for a family of
four. They crow that they're the saviors of the "forgotten
middle class" -- but the only ones who benefit from this travesty
are the tired old ruling class of the Congress. This bill was
designed to be a life-support system for the careers of the Old
Guard machine politicians who run the Democratic caucus in the
Congress.
I asked Congress for action to nourish this economy for
recovery and long-term growth. But the Old Guard in Congress
followed the only recipe they seem to know. Once again, they've
given us full-strength economic moonshine.
4
I've vetoed their tax increase bill. It's an outrage. It
would destroy jobs and derail the recovery. Any economist will
tell you the last thing this economy needs is a huge tax
increase.
The Democrats' attempts to explain the effects of their tax
increase prove how far out of touch they are from the real people
who make this country work. Here are the exact words of the
House Democrat who sponsored the tax increase: "The richest 1
percent of all American will pay more. We will have returned to
the time-honored tradition of taxing people on their ability to
pay. " They want you to think no one really will suffer from this
massive tax increase -- because the targets are presumably so
"rich" they will never feel the pinch.
Anyone who believes that is dangerously out of touch. You
and I have business experience. We know how the tax increase
would really work. First of all, many, many American businesses
would be crippled by this tax. Tens of millions of jobs now
depend on small firms that are taxed at the individual rate. One
of the technical terms for these is "Subchapter S Corporations."
Thousands of firms in your industries -- the grocery and
convenience-store businesses --- are in this category. As a rule,
these firms pay taxes at the top marginal rate for individuals.
Now, the Democrats' tax bill would increase top rates on
their target taxpayers from 28 percent to 35 percent. Again,
proof of the Democrats' sloppy understanding of our economy is
that many of their so-called "rich people" are actually small
5
businesses whose payrolls support millions of people whom no one
would call wealthy.
(Duggan/Simon)
March 24, 1992
Draft One
Assembly
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS:
GROCERS' PUBLIC AFFAIRS ASSEMBLY
HYATT REGENCY
TUESDAY, MARCH 24, 1992
[time]
Thank you, Boyd [George, chair of NAWGA] [Other
acknowledgments]
((It's a pleasure to be with so many of the people who bring
broccoli to the grocery shelves of America.))
((When I was at a grocers' convention in Florida recently,
the press wondered why I was so impressed with a new check-out
scanner I was shown. I'll tell you why. It was so
sophisticated, when I ran my hand across it, it predicted the
number of electoral votes I'd get in November.))
((Seriously, though, the scanner that fascinated me so was
one that actually reads signatures -- it helps protect retailers
against people who write bad checks. I'm not kidding. Here on
Capitol Hill, there should be a land-office business for devices
like that.) )
In my State of the Union Address, I asked Congress to pass a
common-sense package to get our economy moving. I asked them to
meet an 8-week deadline. That was a reasonable time-frame for
putting aside partisan politics before we get too close to the
national election.
My plan would give first-time homebuyers a $5,000 tax
credit and would allow penalty-free withdrawals from IRAs for
down payments on a first home. My plan would eliminate needless
2
drags on the real estate economy: For instance, it would restore
full deductibility of losses for real estate developers. These
real estate proposals are sensible and fair -- and they're based
on an understanding of how our economy works. For the fact is,
every time in recent memory that we've rallied ourselves out of a
recession, the real estate business has led the way. Economists
say my tax credit and IRA proposals alone would create 700,000
new jobs for carpenters, plumbers, landscapers, and others.
I proposed a new investment tax allowance to lower the cost
of capital for businesses purchasing new equipment. I asked for
changes in the alternative minimum tax so that we no longer
penalize capital intensive companies. That's technical language,
but you and I and anyone else who's experienced in the real world
of business know what it means: It means giving American
industries a fair chance to modernize -- to stay competitive. It
means allowing more cash flow for businesses that create many of
the jobs in this country.
I asked Congress to cut the high tax on job creation and
investment -- the capital gains tax. This is the way to unlock
old investment and get funds flowing into new and existing small
businesses -- where so many of the new jobs are being created.
My package offered these and other incentives for growth
without raising taxes -- and without increasing the federal
deficit. And I warned the Congress that if it sent me a bill
raising taxes, I'd send it back with my veto.
3
That was eight weeks ago. Since then, the Old Guard in the
Congress have given a performance worthy of an old-time riverboat
melodrama. They've proclaimed their affection for people they
call "the forgotten middle class" -- and they've shed enough
crocodile tears to float a small navy.
They've strutted their hour on the stage -- and produced a
tax bill. Their bill provides none -- not one -- of the pro-
growth incentives I've just described from my package. Their
bill breaks the curbs on shifting discretionary funds among
accounts -- one of the few restraints we now have on Congress's
appetite for spending. Worst of all, their bill attempts to
raise the American people's income taxes by $100 billion.
They've dealt American workers and taxpayers an insult. In
exchange for a permanent income tax increase of $100 billion,
they've offered a piddling temporary tax cut for people in some
income brackets -- 25 cents per person per day for a family of
four. They crow that they're the saviors of the "forgotten
middle class" -- but the only ones who benefit from this travesty
are the tired old ruling class of the Congress. This bill was
designed to be a life-support system for the careers of the
machine politicians who run the Democratic caucus in Congress.
I asked Congress for action to nourish this economy for
recovery and long-term growth. But the Old Guard in Congress
followed the only recipe they seem to know. They've given us
full-strength economic moonshine.
4
I've vetoed their tax increase bill. It's an outrage. It
would destroy jobs and derail the recovery. Any economist will
tell you the last thing this economy needs is a tax increase.
The Democrats' attempts to explain the effects of their tax
increase prove how far out of touch they are from the real people
who make this country work. Here are the exact words of the
House Democrat who sponsored the tax increase: "The richest 1
percent of all Americans will pay more. We will have returned to
the time-honored tradition of taxing people on their ability to
pay. They want you to think no one really will suffer from this
massive tax increase -- because the targets are presumably so
"rich" they will never feel the pinch.
Anyone who believes that is dangerously out of touch. You
and I have business experience. We know what the tax increase
would really do. Thousands of American businesses would be
crippled by this tax. Millions of jobs now depend on small firms
that are taxed at the individual rate. One of the technical
terms for these is "Subchapter S Corporations." Thousands of
firms in your industries -- the grocery and convenience-store
businesses -- are in this category. They're sparkplugs of
economic growth in towns and cities all across this country.
Their payrolls support millions of working Americans whom no one
would confuse with the idle rich. But in the sloppy arrogance of
the Democrats' tax bill, these little firms would feel the brunt
of the big tax increase on so-called "rich people."
5
As a rule, these firms pay taxes at the top marginal rate
for individuals. And the Democrats' tax bill would raise those
rates by 25 percent -- that is, from 28 to 35 cents on the
dollar.
Just think about the impact that would have on your own
businesses. The grocery business -- wholesale and retail -- is
fiercely competitive. You operate on the thinnest of profit
margins. If you had to face a 25 percent increase in the bracket
where you pay most of your taxes, how would you cope? You'd feel
pressure to cut back on the quality of your service -- that costs
money, after all. You'd feel competitive pressure to hold out as
long as possible before passing costs along to your customers --
so you would be pressed to eliminate jobs. Eventually everyone
in the business would have to pass the costs along, and that
would fuel inflation.
Those are the simple facts of life when you're in business.
But the arrogant politicians who call the shots in Congress just
don't get it.
The deadline period that just expired was the liberal
leadership's last chance to show it could put partisanship aside
and work in good faith to help our people. They failed -- and
this President has completely run out of patience.
They can keep job-creating legislation tied up for the rest
of the year, but in the longer run, we can and we will win.
I'm already fighting for economic growth through actions
that don't need to be passed by this Congress. That's the
6
regulatory arena. With my State of the Union Address, I
instituted a 90-day freeze on new and existing regulations that
could effect the economy. As much as possible, we'll speed up
rules that promote job creation and growth, and we'll stop rules
that impede growth. Day by day and rule by rule, we're winning
battles for common sense against over-regulation. [Add details of
particular interest to grocers and convenience stores.]
Most important, we will win new victories for a sound
economy this year at the ballot box. It's time for the American
people to take matters into their own hands. I will wage a
vigorous campaign this election year for the vision and the
values we share. I'll work to earn Americans' votes for a second
term. And I'll work just as hard to transform the United States
Congress. It's high time you and I had a Congress that shared
our aims for where to lead this country. All across the country,
people are filled with righteous anger at the arrogance and the
abuses of the Old Guard in Congress.
This is our moment of opportunity. Because of
redistricting, and because of the people's anger at scandal after
scandal on Capitol Hill, maybe as many as a hundred members of
Congress will decide not to face the voters again. This year we
can change Congress. We can elect new people to restore
integrity and common sense to Capitol Hill.
In my second term I want to serve four vigorous years,
moving this country forward -- with a Congress that truly
represents the American people's values and aspirations.
7
Again and again, I've tried to send the message to this
Congress to get back in touch with the people. But the liberals
who make up the majority will not listen.
There are hundreds of you here -- hometown business leaders
who are the backbone of your communities. When you speak, your
representatives listen -- or at least they go through the motions
of listening. Some of you live in states or districts
represented by incorrigibly anti-business liberals.
Just after this speech, I understand that all of you are
headed up the Hill to visit your Senators and Representatives.
I'm asking you to send the anti-business liberals a message. No
-- it's not to ask them to reconsider their vote against my
economic growth plan. They're fundamentally at odds with what
you and I believe, so why should we play charades?
I'd just like you to tell them one word: Goodbye. Tell
them they've had their last chance -- and now they're serving
their last days in Congress.
I'm taking off the gloves. This will be my final campaign -
- and I will fight to make it the most productive. You can help
me. You can help elect a new Congress to work with us -- not
against us. You can help lead this country to new heights of
freedom and prosperity.
Thank you, and God bless the United States of America.
#
#
#
Mar
Chase's Annual Events
1992
SUMMIT TO OMAK KINETIC EUPHORIA RELAY
the District of Columbia and devastated everything for 100
(STOKER). Mar 22. Summit, WA. To promote fitness through
miles in all directions. Info from: Sunny 105, 2743 Perimeter
muscle-powered sport. Fundraiser for Nordic ski trail system in
Pkwy, Augusta, GA 30909. Phone: (404) 855-4000.
Okanogan County. Five events as team or solo: Alpine Ski, 1.5
miles; Nordic Ski, 14 miles; Run, 6.2 miles; Bicycle, 20 miles;
NEW ZEALAND: OTAGO AND SOUTHLAND PROVIN-
Canoe/Kayak, 10 miles. Annually, the first Sunday in Spring.
CIAL ANNIVERSARY. Mar 23. In addition to the statutory
Info from: Susan Peter/Wendy Schmidt, PO Box 50, Okanogan,
public holidays of New Zealand, there is in each provincial
WA 98840. Phone: (509) 422-4294.
district a holiday for the provincial anniversary. This is ob.
served in Otago and Southland on Mar 23.
TAIWAN: BIRTHDAY OF KUAN YIN, GODDESS OF
MERCY. Mar 22. Nineteenth day of Second Moon of the lunar
PAKISTAN: REPUBLIC DAY. Mar 23. National holiday. On
this day in 1940 the All-India-Muslim league adopted resolution
calendar, celebrated at Taipei's Lungshan (Dragon Mountain)
calling for a Muslim homeland. On the same day in 1956 Pakis-
and other temples.
tan declared itself a republic.
BIRTHDAYS TODAY
RALLY FOR DECENCY: ANNIVERSARY. Mar 23. Anita
Bryant, Jackie Gleason and Kate Smith rallied with 30,000
George Benson, 49, singer, guitarist, born at Pittsburgh, PA, Mar
others in Miami on this day in 1969 in reaction to Jim Morrison's
22, 1943.
arrest for indecent exposure.
Bob Costas (Robert Quinlan), 40, sportscaster, TV host,
born at Queens, NY, Mar 22, 1952.
UNITED NATIONS: WORLD METEOROLOGICAL DAY.
Orrin Grant Hatch, 58, US Senator (R, Utah), born at Pitts-
Mar 23. An international day observed by meteorological ser-
burgh, PA, Mar 22, 1934.
vices throughout the world and by the organizations of the UN
Werner Klemperer, 72, actor, born at Cologne, Germany, Mar
system. "Natural Disaster Reduction: How Meteorological and
22, 1920.
Hydrological Services can help." Info from: United Nations,
Andrew Lloyd Webber, 44, composer, born at London, En-
Dept of Public Info, New York, NY 10017.
gland, Mar 22, 1948.
BIRTHDAYS TODAY
Karl Malden (Mladen Sekulovich), 78, actor, born at Gary,
IN, Mar 22, 1914.
Roger Bannister, 63, former track athlete, physician, born at
Marcel Marceau, 69, actor, pantomimist, born at Strasbourg,
Harrow, England, Mar 23, 1929.
France, Mar 22, 1923.
Teresa Ganzel, 35, actress, born at Toledo, OH, Mar 23, 1957.
Pat (Marion Gordon) Robertson, 62, TV evangelist, born at
Chaka Khan (Yuette Marie Stevens), 39, singer, born at
Lexington, VA, Mar 22, 1930.
Chicago, IL, Mar 23, 1953.
William Shatner, 61, actor, born at Montreal, Quebec, Canada,
Akiro Kurosawa, 82, director, born at Tokyo, Japan, Mar 23,
Mar 22, 1931.
1910.
Stephen Sondheim, 62, composer, born at New York, NY, Mar
Moses Malone, 38, former basketball player, born at Petersburg,
22, 1930.
VA, Mar 23, 1954.
Bill Wendell, 68, announcer, host, born at New York, NY, Mar
22, 1924.
MARCH 24 - TUESDAY
MARCH 23 - MONDAY
84th Day - Remaining, 282
83rd Day - Remaining, 283
EXXON VALDEZ OIL SPILL. Mar 24. On Mar 24, 1989, the
BATTLE OF KERNSTOWN: ANNIVERSARY. Mar 23. As
tanker Exxon Valdez ran aground in Prince William Sound. The
General George McClellan began the Peninsular campaign to
resultant oil spill leaked 11 million gallons of oil into one of
nature's richest habitats.
move on the Confederate capital of Richmond, VA, Confeder-
ate General Stonewall Jackson engaged a larger force of Union
HOLLAND: TULIP SHOW. Mar 24-May 24. Vogelenzang.
troops at Kernstown in the northern Shenandoah Valley of
Gardens and glass houses filled with spring flowers. Info from:
Virginia on Mar 23, 1862. Although he ultimately was forced to
Netherlands Board of Tourism, 355 Lexington Ave, 21st Fl, New
retreat, the Battle of Kernstown provided a diversion central to
York, NY 10017. Phone: (212) 370-7367.
the South's military strategy. Fearing an attack on Washington,
HOUDINI, HARRY: BIRTH ANNIVERSARY. Mar 24. Magi-
DC, Northern troops were kept around Washington as part of
cian and escape artist. Born at Budapest, Hungary, on Mar 24,
its defense, leaving fewer troops available for the Peninsular
1874. Died at Detroit, MI, on Oct 31, 1926. Lecturer, athlete,
campaign.
author, expert on history of magic, exposer of fraudulent medi-
COLFAX, SCHUYLER: BIRTH ANNIVERSARY. Mar 23.
ums and motion picture actor. Was best known for his ability to
Seventeenth vice president of the US (1869-1873). Born Mar
escape from locked restraints (handcuffs, straitjackets, coffins,
23, 1823, at New York, NY. Died Jan 13, 1885, at Mankato, MN.
boxes and milk cans). Anniversary of his death (Halloween) has
LIBERTY DAY. Mar 23. Anniversary of Patrick Henry's speech
been occasion for meetings of magicians and attempts at com-
for arming the Virginia militia-at St. Johns Church, Richmond,
munication by mediums.
VA, on Mar 23, 1775. "I know not what course others may take,
MACY'S ANNUAL FLOWER SHOW. Mar 24-Apr 6. New
but as for me, give me liberty or give me death."
York, NY. Info from: Liz Holland, Macy's Annual Flower Show,
NEAR MISS DAY. Mar 23. Recalls the day in 1989 when a moun-
151 W 34th St, New York, NY 10001. Phone: (212) 560-4060.
tain-sized asteroid passed within 500,000 miles of Earth, a very
MELLON, ANDREW W.: BIRTH ANNIVERSARY. Mar 24.
close call according to NASA. Impact would have equalled
American financier, industrialist, government official (Secretary
strength of 40,000 hydrogen bombs, created a crater the size of
of the Treasury), art and book collector, born Mar 24, 1855.
Died Aug 27, 1937.
MORRIS, WILLIAM: BIRTH ANNIVERSARY. Mar 24. En-
S
M
T
W
T
F
S
glish poet and artist. Born Mar 24, 1834. Died at Hammersmith,
March
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
London, England, Oct 3, 1896.
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
1992
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
NATIONAL ORGANIZE YOUR HOME-OFFICE DAY. Mar
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
24. To set aside one day each year for the home-office profes-
29 30 31
sional to organize his or her office. Annually, the fourth Tues-
day in March. Info from: Lisa Kanarek, Organizational Consul-
94
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
March 24, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE PUBLIC AFFAIRS ASSEMBLY OF THE
THE NATIONAL-AMERICAN WHOLESALE GROCERS ASSOCIATION
2555
Hyatt Regency Hotel
Washington, DC
11:04 A.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Boyd, thank you very much for the good
news -- (laughter) -- and for the introduction. (Laughter.) And let
me just say I am very pleased to be here. And I want to salute your
leaders. First, Boyd, who did the honors here; Bill Eacho, who's
with me; Richard Niemann; and T.C. Goodwin. And also, before I get
going here, I want to single out a former Cabinet member,
agricultural Secretary Jack Block, who's doing an outstanding job for
the common interest so well represented here today.
And I am here to follow up on what I said Friday, but
mainly to ask you to help me change this country, to make it stronger
and maker it better. And as Boyd so generously said, we have changed
the world. We've won a great victory for world peace and freedom.
And as President, believe me, I will stay fully engaged with the
world. We have won the Cold War. And I salute previous Presidents
for their role in keeping our defenses strong; my predecessor, Ronald
Reagan, for his foresight in doing what he could to bring about the
collapse of international communism.
But now is no time to pull back from engagement in
international affairs. So now let's put to work the same leadership
that we used to change the world to change America. And let me tell
you what that means: We'll leave a legacy of productive jobs for our
citizens, with strong families -- secure in a more peaceful world.
And I have a strategy to renew America and to keep our
country strong in the next century. I have proposed a plan to
stimulate the economy without raising taxes and without increasing
the federal deficit. (Applause.) Action to strengthen real estate.
Action to help young families buy that first home -- now. Get it
done now. And I asked for action to create good jobs. One of those
actions was to cut the tax on capital gains. It's not a break for
the rich, it is a job-creation incentive. (Applause.)
But the majority in Congress simply couldn't break their
tax-and-spend habits. And I asked for action to stimulate this
economy -- not stifle it. And I asked for a jobs bill. And they
passed a bill to increase income taxes by $100 billion. And they
turned their backs on that first-time homebuyer by failing to enact
this $5,000 tax credit. They watered down the investment tax
allowance that we had, an allowance that would have sped up
depreciation and encouraged people to buy new capital equipment,
given them incentives to do that. They stifled other reforms to help
businesses modernize and compete. And then they tinkered with the
capital gains tax. But if their plan were adopted, that tax would
still be among the highest in the developed world.
You people know this, but a lot of Americans don't:
Japan and Germany tax capital gains at zero and at one percent. They
don't even have -- in essence don't have taxes on capital gains in
one country and tax it at one percent in another. And we're to
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compete with all that in this highly competitive world.
And, yes, I was disappointed in the Congress. But,
frankly, I was not surprised. And so last Friday, that tax bill came
down and I vetoed the tax increase. And that veto is going to be
sustained. (Applause.) But not just to carp, then I announced
actions that I would take on my own to do what I could to get the fat
out of government, to cut the red tape that chokes our competitive
spirit, and to get this country up to speed for the long haul.
You and I have business experience. We know what the
tax increase would really do. About 80 percent of the revenue
increase resulting from the higher rates, would come from, you
guessed it, small businesses. More than a million small businesses
would be affected -- many of them crippled -- by that Democratic
leadership tax increase. Thousands of family-run grocery and
convenience stores are in this category. Small family farms also
could face financial ruin from such a tax increase.
The bill I've just vetoed tried to raise the marginal
rate for small family businesses and farms by about 18 percent. Now,
just think about the impact of this on your own businesses. The
grocery business -- wholesale and retail -- is fiercely competitive.
I know you're being nice to the guy next to you here today --
(laughter) -- but when you go home, why, we'll understand if you go
at each other. And why is it so competitive? You operate on the
thinnest of profit margins -- for wholesalers it's often less than a
penny on the dollar.
And if you had to face a big increase in the bracket
where you pay most of your taxes, how would you cope? You'd feel
pressure to cut back on the quality of your service. Competition
would press you to hold out as long as possible before passing costs
along to your customers -- so you might have to eliminate jobs.
Eventually everyone in the business would have to pass the costs
along -- and that would fuel inflation.
Those are simple facts of life for people trying to make
a living. But even as millions of American families were huddling
over their kitchen tables to work on their tax returns, the liberal
Congress tried to raise their taxes by $100 billion.
Last Friday, as I say, I vetoed their massive tax
increase. And I sent Congress my first line-item rescissions --
cutting $3.6 billion in unneeded wasteful spending. (Applause.)
These rescissions will serve notice to Congress that the days of
wasteful spending are over. And it is a step symbolic of the power
that 43 governors have -- the line-item veto. Incidentally, at their
recent National Meeting, the nation's governors, Democrat and
Republican, went on record calling for line-item veto authority for
the President -- and I need that authority. (Applause.)
Last Friday, as I say, I vetoed their massive tax
increase. And I sent Congress my first line-item rescissions --
cutting $3.6 billion in unneeded, wasteful spending. (Applause.)
Now these rescissions will serve notice to Congress that the days of
wasteful spending are over. And it is a step symbolic of the power
that 43 governors have -- the line-item veto. Incidentally, at their
recent national meeting, the nation's governors, Democrat and
Republican, went on record calling for line-item veto authority for
the President. And I need that authority. (Applause.)
I'm also fighting for economic growth through actions
that don't need to be passed by the Congress. Some things I need
Congress to do, other things we can do without. Take a look at
government regulation. Day by day, rule by rule, and industry by
industry, we are winning battles against overregulation. We're
winning victories for common sense and freedom.
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Just last Thursday, for example, our administration
announced reforms on nutrition labeling for meat and poultry. Our
reforms will keep our food supply every bit as safe --and I have
responsibility for that but we will reduce the burden and expense
of regulation on American consumers, and on our hard-working food
producers and grocers. If Congress sends me any legislation that
would overregulate our economy, I'm going to veto it as soon as it
reaches my desk. (Applause.)
Now, if we Americans are going to hone our skills and
really compete in the years ahead, we've got a lot more to do. And I
want to have us keep our sights on the next American century. And
when I think of America in the year 2000, I think of five strategic
concerns mentioned in my address to the nation last Friday.
First, we must change and renew our schools. We must
become a nation of students educating ourselves throughout our
lifetimes in the best system of schools, colleges and universities in
the entire world. And this is going to take revolutionary change.
Most of our states and hundreds of local communities are committed to
change. They have joined me already in a crusade that we call
America 2000 -- an exciting program to revolutionize education.
Business as usual is not going to help us reach our
national education goals. We need to get behind world-class
standards, new curriculum frameworks, break-the-mold schools,
voluntary national testing. And a centerpiece of our plan is the
belief that schools will do their best when parents enjoy real
freedom and real responsibility to choose their children's
schools public, private and religious. (Applause.) School choice
for parents is an idea whose time has come.
Second, we need to make our excellent health care system
more affordable and more available to Americans. We've got the
highest quality health care in the entire world but everyone
should have access to it. And we all know the problems: Too many
people don't have health insurance, and health care costs are going
right through the roof. And we also know that the answer doesn't lie
in costly and coercive plans like the scheme to make employers "play
or pay." And the answer certainly isn't these nationalized -- these
socialized medicine plans. Nationalized health care would be a
national disaster. (Applause.)
The way I propose that we help our society deal with
this is based on markets and choice. Just as in education, vouchers
are a key part of my strategy for giving Americans a fairer and more
affordable health care system. And our answer is to change our
health care system for the better, not ruin it. And we're going to
keep fighting for this sensible plan.
Third and I know you're going to agree with this one
-- we need fundamental legal reform to stop the epidemic of lawsuits.
(Applause.) You all know the litany. You hear it in your
communities. You hear it in your businesses. Things are so out of
hand that some parents refuse to coach Little League for fear of
liability lawsuits. Some doctors won't deliver babies anymore
because of malpractice suits. Well, just imagine what we could
achieve if we spent as much time helping each other as we do suing
each other. (Applause.)
And the costs of litigation and liability on small
business are absolutely staggering -- horrendous. You know, in 1989
there were 18 million lawsuits filed in America. Eighteen million.
And that's why I've again asked Congress to pass my civil justice
reform bill which will help people resolve problems through means
other than the courtroom. And it will help put a stop to frivolous
lawsuits and reduce the drag on our economy caused by excessive
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litigation. (Applause.) And I need your help. I need you help with
the Congress to pass this sensible approach. (Applause.)
And fourth, we must reform government in line with one
of America's most important founding principles: strict limits on
the size and power of government. With a federal government that
gobbles up a quarter of GNP, we can't really say we're as free as we
should be. One quarter of all we produce as a nation -- as a people
-- goes to pay for the central government. Now, that's just not
right. And right now, the system is not accountable, effective,
efficient, or even compassionate. And we need government that knows
its limits -- but more important, we need a government that works.
We have got to fix a congressional system that's gone
out of control. Congress, as an institution controlled by one party
-- the Democrats for most of the past four decades desperately
needs reform. And I'm going to have more to say, constructively,
about reforming Congress in not so many days from now, at a later
date.
But we can start by compelling Congress to be governed
by the laws that they impose on people like you. (Applause.) Such
as civil rights law; wage and hour laws; fair labor standards. We
must totally eliminate the special interest PACs that give unfair
advantage to incumbents in Congress and say yes to the people's call
for term limits on Congress. (Applause.) My term is limited -- the
President's term is limited -- And I believe theirs should be now if
we want true reform.
Fifth, we must work to expand our markets. of all the
legacies that I want to help create as your President, few could be
more important than open and fair trade opportunities for our
manufacturers and our service industries -- and also for our farmers
and our food industries.
Food and agriculture trade is the critical problem of
world trade. The European Community spends more than 10 times -- 10
times as much as we do -- on agricultural export subsidies. This
cannot and must not go on. And I made that point in a very vigorous
way to a very receptive Chancellor Kohl of Germany when he visited
Camp David last weekend.
His leadership will be vital if we are to break the
deadlock in GATT and concluding the Uruguay Round successfully. And
I know from my talks that he wants to see a successful conclusion to
the Uruguay Round. So let me assure you, we'll be working as hard as
possible the next few weeks to make a breakthrough in GATT. But as
we see it, if there's no fair deal for agriculture, there simply
cannot be a good GATT agreement. Agriculture is the key to getting
this worked out. (Applause.)
And I'm also working to open up the exciting market
opportunities in Mexico. With nearly 100 million people next door,
Mexico is already one of our best customers. And they'll buy a lot
more American goods as soon as these negotiations are concluded. It
is one of our fastest growing markets anywhere in the world. And the
bottom line is: A good agreement with Mexico means more U.S. jobs.
(Applause.)
Last year, our exports around the world reached record
levels, so the more trade barriers we can knock down the better. On
a level playing field, I am absolutely convinced that Americans can
outproduce, outperform anyone, anytime, anywhere. I have that kind
of confidence in the American worker. (Applause.)
On each of these challenges, there are two roads to
take: One is reform, the other protects the status quo. You and I
are gathered on Capitol Hill today because we share a common purpose.
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We're here in the neighborhood of a Congress that fails to heed calls
for reform, that so far has failed to pass a simple but effective
plan to help create jobs and build confidence. We're not simply
going to complain about the Congress, we're going to try to change
it.
And there are hundreds of you here -- hometown business
leaders -- who are the backbone of your community. And just after
this speech, I understand that all of you are headed up the Hill to
visit your senators and representatives. I hope you'll pass along my
warmest thanks to those who have stood with us and urge all members
of Congress to support our long-term economic growth package.
The five points I mentioned here today -- it is just
that important. This will be, for me, my final campaign. And I plan
to fight as never before. I have had the privilege of being your
President at the great turning point when freedom prevailed over
imperial communism; when the Berlin Wall came down; when Iraq's
aggression was defeated; ancient enemies talking peace in the Middle
East; when democracy really got on the move in this, our own
hemisphere. We are helping solidify a legacy of peace.
But I cannot rest and you cannot rest until we help this
country win another legacy: productive jobs for our citizens with
strong families secure in a more peaceful world. Working together,
we changed the world. And now we can change America.
Thank you all very, very much. And may God bless you in
your important work. (Applause.)
END
11:26 A.M. EST