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26
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4
3
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
DATE: Mar. 30, 1992
TO: Dan McGroarty
FROM: CLAYTON YEUTTER
Counsellor to the President for
Domestic Policy
Dan, Roger Porter is gone this week,
so here are Charlie Kolb's editorial
suggestions on the Philly speech. Use
or reject as you see fit.
I did want to draw your attention to
Charlie's proposed p. 12 insert. I asked
him to draft those comments, particularly
because of the Justice/FTC agreement on
merger guidelines that Justice hopes to
announce tomorrow (just ahead of meetings
of the American Bar Ass'n later this week).
Though antitrust guidelines are pretty
esoteric (maybe too esoteric) for this
speech, the agreement does indicate that
we've been able to make government work
better on this side of town. This is about
the only time that Justice and the FTC
have reached agreement C on anything!
Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
03/27/92
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: NOON 03/30
02 MAR 30 02 P Monday, 10
SUBJECT: PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AT OLD HOUSE CHAMBER, PHILADELPHIA, PA-4/1
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
HORNER
SKINNER
MCBRIDE
SCOWCROFT
MOORE
DARMAN
PETERSMEYER
BRADY
PORTER
BROMLEY
ROGICH
CALIO
ROLLINS
DEMAREST
SMITH
FITZWATER
YEUTTER
GRAY
FINDLAY
KAUFMAN
HOLIDAY
BOSKIN
McGROARTY
REMARKS:
Please provide any comments directly to Dan McGroarty no later
than Noon on Monday, 03/30, with a copy to this office. Thanks.
RESPONSE:
3/30/92
Clarton-
Consuments noted m The
Prident's aform spect.
That
Chack
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
n: Chis
Ext. 2702
John
Demarest/Aarhus
Draft #1
2 MAR 27 P8: 39
Reform
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS AT OLD HOUSE CHAMBER
PHILADELPHIA, PA.
APRIL 1, 1992
Thank you for that kind introduction. [ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS]
Today, I would rather be in Philadelphia. Old Congress Hall is
home to great ideas and great debate. In this very room, pivotal
and profound discussions occurred -- setting in motion a grand
experiment in man's ability to chart his own future.
dating with
our
9 The vision of the Founding Fathers may still be hard for us
had a clear issem of America's future :
\
to fully comprehend. But if you really think about it, their
goals were not much different than ours they wanted their new
country to prosper -- and they knew intuitively that the road to
prosperity was freedom. They believed in the fundamentals -- in
the inherent strength of faith and family -- and they were
determined to preserve them. They wanted the citizens of our
young nation to live in peace -- safe and secure from threats at
home and abroad. It took a revolution to achieve their vision -
- and it is our duty to preserve it. although are two hundred years old,
our townshers' soals lemovi
When British General Cornwallis surrendered at Yorktown in today as
angoals an
wher.
1781, he had his band play "The World Turned Upside Down", as his
troops marched before Washington's Continental Army. It was a
profoundly simple realization that an old world order had was coming
to a close and a new order was beginning.
Now more than two hundred years later, we are again in the
midst of great change. Democracy and freedom once again have
2
turned the world upside down. America once again stando stood at the
held fait to
forefront of a great movement. We stood firm for our principles
through some very difficult times. We changed the world, and we now
of freedom and democracy And
stand upon a new threshold Now, as you have heard me say, if we
could change the world, we can change America.
Many have called the 20th century the American Century. In
a world more driven by economic competition than ever before, we
must meet five great challenges today now, if we are to ensure that the
next century is also the American Century.
First, our people must be educated, literate -- motivated to
make learning a lifelong pursuit. We must reform our education
to ensure greater achievement
system -- literally revolutionize it -- top to bottom. Second,
our people must have a sense of well being about their health and
the health of their children and families. We must guarantee
them access to the finest health care system in the world, and we must
reform our existing health care system to
make that care more affordable.
Next, our civil justice system must do what it was designed
to do: dispense justice for all. Eighteen million lawsuits a
year are choking us -- costing individuals and businesses
billions of dollars -- and putting a tremendous drag on our
civility as well as our economy.
And in the next century, economic competition, as well as
economic opportunity will come from beyond our borders. That
demands we open more foreign markets for American goods and
services to sustain and create American jobs.
3
Finally, we must address the issue that I am here to discuss
cip our
at length today -- reform of our government. During the last
decade, one institution after another has been challenged --
look
the
forced to take a hard look within itself, make needed
then restructure
sothatit
improvements, and/ast to make the institution/live up to its
principles. That process is called reform.
this reform
In the private sector, or more specifically, in a business
it might be called the crusade for quality. Whether it's the
quality of a product, or the quality of a service, it's not often
flashy -perhaps it's a return to old values and standards like
"built to last a lifetime", "the customer's always right", or
"service with a smile". At other times it means measuring
performance, because that is the way to improve performance. In
many ways, competition has been the driving force to improve
quality and performance, and not surprisingly, it has worked.
Today, American products are quantifiably better than they were
only a few years ago.
But
It 7's 16 not just the private sector that has felt the positive
pinch of healthy competition. For examp the military In the
face of budget cuts has had to cut the fat, and get leaner and work
smarter. Desert Storm proved it could be done. Just about every
other institution -- state and local government, unions, trade
associations, charitable groups -- any organization that serves a
public -- have been influenced by this drive for excellence.
Yet, the federal government has resisted reform and
protected the status quo -- even in the face of an unambiguous
Sametimes government losss sight of an osvious fact: they sorem-
ment exists to save the people, not via vasa. What's the
reaction when you hear the line, I'm from the federal government
and I'm here to help zm." why do may puyle faid that statement
fremy? I sugget the 4 explanation is a suple me: that You often
need for change. The change that swept the rest of America has
stopped cold at the Capital Beltway. The rise of an entrenched
status quo-oriented Washington establishment, can be laid
squarely at the doorstep of the United States Congress.
Everyone knows that government is too big and spends too
much. And there's something else everyone knows: too often the
government spends the money of its customer, the American
taxpayer, the wrong way -- inefficiently, ineffectively, without
accountability, and frankly, without compassion. As I've
mission is to sam people.
mentioned, we've got some very tough problems ahead, and
government needs to play a role in solving those problems. But,
right now government, particularly the Congress, is simply not up
"programs". while ovalooking the fact that 18's true
government is too busy creating are tending to
so
to the job. Let me tell you why that is the case, and how we
must change things.
Political scientist Morris Fiorina paints a disturbing but
familiar picture of how Washington really behaves. He says that
the growth of big government has changed the role of Congress
from policymaking to pork-barreling -- changed the typical Congressional
Fiorina
office to a Campaign and Constituent office. He argues that this
enserer
sets in motion a self-perpetuating cycle of congressional support
for unnecessary spending and bigger bureaucracies which in turn
become even more lethargic and unresponsive.
Then, the members and their increasingly powerful staffs
better word ?
become ombudsmen between the constituent and the bureaucracy --
expediting benefits and procuring more pork -- and thus ensuring
re-election and a continuation of the status quo. the cycle is wided
vicions.
5
Prophetically, the Founding Fathers warned us about this.
Madison, in Federalist Paper #52, argued that permanent
majorities are dangerously undemocratic. He would be appalled to
hear that 98% of Congressmen who seek re-election are in fact re-
elected. That one party -- the Democrats -- have controlled the
Congress 58 out of the last 62 years. That not one Republican
member of the House -- some with more than 30 years of service -
- has ever been in the majority, and all but five Democrats have
never been in the minority.
One-party rule is a big part of the problem, but this is not
an attack on divided government. We have had divided government
before in our history, sometimes during periods of great crisis.
Each time we have pulled together as a nation, and met whatever
challenge threatened our security or national well-being.
Miasma
The larger issue is the systemic problem -- the sticky web
of 284 Congressional Committees, 34,000 Capitol Hill employees
and staff, 2 billion dollars of taxpayer financing, overlaid with
a 117 million dollar re-election war chest in special-interest
campaign contributions, and millions more in special-interest
influence.
This is not a system that can promote reform and change.
Rather, it aggressively protects the status quo. Talk to
retiring members, many of them good people like Senator Warren
Rudman of New Hampshire, and you will hear the frustration. When
asked about the continuing spectre of huge budget deficits, he
issued this indictment of the system, "the fact is that we are
6
unable institutionally to do what has to be done. We are not
just watching the fiddler fiddle while Rome burns, we are
watching the entire orchestra."
Let me give you one small example of the misplaced
priorities on Capitol Hill -- an example that continually comes
across my desk for action. Three times a week the White House
receives a proclamation passed by a joint resolution of Congress.
It might be to designate a particular day: "National Tap Dance
Day", (true story or a month, "National Digestive Disease
check the
Awareness Month". Hundreds of these come to the White House for
freen
needses to
Presidential action each year. In fact, nearly one third of all
se
sure, if
the legislation that reaches my desk is like this.
asked
Now, while there's nothing wrong with Congress passing a
but
proclamation heralding "National Crime Victims Week" there is
something/wrong terrisly when Congress can't pass a comprehensive crime
bill that actually makes people safer in their homes and
communities. "National Asparagus Month" may be good constituent
relations, but the problems in American agriculture have to do
with our national vitality, not our national vegetable.
For every one of these bills, there are legions of staff
churning out the public relations campaigns to accompany them --
both on Capitol Hill, and in the executive branch. There are
constituents contacted, newsletters written, paper -- reams of
paper -- produced. Is this a big ticket item in the federal
budget? Probably not. But it is more evidence of a Congress
that chooses to spend time and effort on the easy constituent
7
relations and routine chores rather than on the difficult, often
controversial issues that determine the future of our country.
These actions undermine the people's confidence in their
government the same way as outrageous pork-barrel spending does.
[[Just as I sent to Congress ten days ago my anti-pork line-item
rescissions, I am telling Congress today that from this day
forward, the Executive Branch will not spend taxpayer dollars to
fund publicity campaigns for special interests -- so don't send
me any more of these pork-barrel proclamations. ]]
The American people are a compassionate people -- willing to
foot the bill to help make this country better. But there is a
mismatch between their willingness to help and their skepticism
about government. They just don't trust government to use their
hard-earned tax dollars wisely. In dollar terms, one quarter of
everything we produce, build, or grow as a nation is devoured by
the central government. There is no bigger appetite on earth.
When taxpayer money goes for special-interest publicity
campaigns and pork-barrel projects, people get angry. They
demand change. Maybe it's small potatoes to the Congress, but
the public knows P.R. when it sees it. For each letter a member
receives, 12,000 go out -- free. That adds up to real money --
taxpayer money, and I think we must put a stop to it.
Today our government is a trillion and a half dollar
business that too often forgets that the taxpayer is customer,
shareholder, and board member all rolled into one. The American public
leurns what The Congress has get to fizure nx: the Md problem B not takes,
it's spending.
8
Because government forgets the customer, it issues
counterproductive regulations -- ones that increase the cost of
doing business, but worse, ones that don't really solve the
problem they were designed to solve.
Because the government forgets the shareholder, it shelters
perpetual programs that have outlived their function, but not
their funding. Because the government forgets who is really the
boss -- the American taxpayer -- it has become insulated,
unresponsive and resists reform. It is almost impossible to
adequately reward success, much less punish failure. This is no
slight to the four million hardworking people in the bureaucracy
itself. Talk to them and many will say the same thing -- they
are frustrated as well. But the system, which may have been good
for its time, now must change, and it won't be easy.
That's because this kind of government doesn't just happen.
Congress creates these giant centralized bureaucracies, lays down
the mandates, funds the programs. Then, it is the Congress that
protects them, harasses them, investigates them, micro-manages
them. With a Congressional subcommittee Chairman as godparent,
they become stepchildren of the Congress.
A few examples will help drive home the point. Some thirty
different Congressional committees, and 77 subcommittees claim
some degree of oversight responsibility for the Department of
Defense. Seventy-four committees and subcommittees compete to
exercise jurisdiction over the War on Drugs.
9
Think of the time and resources spent by the Executive
Branch to fulfill Congressional demands for testimony. Think of
the thousands of required reports that must be researched,
written and delivered to Capitol Hill. Sixty reports from HUD.
Six hundred from the Defense Department -- and on through all the
Cabinet Departments.
Congress has legitimate oversight responsibilities of
course. And I know that the federal government cannot be run
just like IBM or the local convenience store, but we can improve
its performance. We must improve its performance. So it's not
just the Congress, it's the sprawling federal bureaucracy that
needs reform as well. But let me be clear, it is impossible to
have executive branch reform without reforming the Congress.
I have proposed reforms in the past and I am proposing
additional steps today: in sum they represent how to return my
a comse for
confidence and clarity to the mission of America's government.
(and consumer overtation,
First, universal application of the laws of the land.
Federalist paper #57 asserts that elected officials, "can make no
law which will not have in full operation on themselves and their
friends, as well as on the great mass of society." In other
words, Congress must govern itself by the laws it imposes on the
public. Across the board. No more exceptions. Like civil
rights laws. Age discrimination laws. The Americans with
Disabilities Act and the Freedom of Information Act.
Congress should also submit to the laws it imposes on the
Executive Branch -- like the Privacy Act, or Title VI of the
10
Ethics in Government Act of 1978, the independent counsel law.
[[ To those ends, today I am sending to Congress [name of
Administration bill] which will force Congress to be covered by
the same laws everyone else is. Further, I will veto any new
legislation that does not also apply to the Congress. ]] But
that is only a first step toward rebuilding public confidence in
our laws and our lawmakers.
Second, reform of the Congressional committee system. I
support efforts to trim the overgrown thicket of committees and
subcommittees which is now paralyzing the Congress. Democratic
Senator Boren said it best when he described the Congress as
"inefficient, unresponsive, wasteful, and compromised by the way
it finances its campaigns." The numbers of reformers in the
Congress is growing but they need the support of the American
people now more than ever.
Third, sweeping campaign finance reform. Three years ago -
- in 1989 -- I proposed the total elimination of Political Action
Committees and limits on so-called "leadership PACs.' I proposed
that we increase the support that the parties can provide to
federal campaigns to reduce the influence of special interests,
decrease the time candidates and incumbents spend fund-raising,
and increase the legitimate role of our political parties. I
proposed that we reduce allowable contributions by these
"independent" PACs to federal campaigns, and pass laws to ensure
that they stay truly independent and unaffiliated -- in other
words, clean. Finally, I asked the Congress to join me in
11
stopping the abuse that results from spreading around what's
called "soft money" -- I asked for full disclosure of "soft
money" expenditures by all organizations as the only way to clean
up the system.
Fourth, spending reform. I have already proposed to freeze
domestic discretionary spending in federal employment next year.
I have proposed to curb as well the growth of mandatory programs
without touching Social Security. I call again for the American
people to demand that the Congress pass the same measure that 43
governors have: the line-item veto. In the absence of that
important tool I will continue to use whatever means are legally
at my disposal, including the line-item-rescission, to protect
the taxpayer from the spending excesses of Congress. I will
resist any attempt by the Congress to dismantle the only defense
the taxpayer has against Congressional overspending -- those
budget caps implemented in the 1990 Budget Act. Finally, I again
call for a Balanced Budget Constitutional Amendment.
Fifth, regulatory reform. I have put a ninety-day
moratorium on new government regulations. We are revising and
eliminating regulations that impede our ability to compete, and
we are accelerating regulations that enhance our competitive
edge. We have cut back XXX of regulations, pages in the Federal
Register by XX% just in the last XX months/years. [[ Today I am
announcing an extension/new review process. ]]
Insert to page 12, at the end of the second full paragraph.
Above all, the American people want a government that works.
The reforms I have called for today will help restructure
government to make it responsive to people rather than just
bureaucracy. Wherever I have current authority, I will pursue
vigorous reforms dedicated to making government work. Last
fall, in the area of civil justice reform, I imposed upon
Federal litigators many of the reforms we are seeking from
Congress and the States. In education, we are using existing
authority to make sure that the Chapter 1 program run by the
Education Department is working in sync with the Head Start
program run by the Department of Health and Human Services.
And earlier today in Washington, we announced significant
reforms of the government merger guidelines which, for the
first time, will involve the Department of Justice and the
Federal Trade Commission, acting as one applying a common set
of rules and standards. Far too often, government acts in ways
that are inconsistent and incoherent. This too will change. I
call upon the Congress to enact the reforms I have discussed
today, and I hope that the American people will keep the
pressure on government to reform itself.
12
Next, a new communications policy between the Congress and
the Executive Branch. [[ Logging reform -- decision memo result.
Reform of the nomination process. ]] //
Finally, we must limit Congressional terms. The cycle of
virtually guaranteed re-election through the built-in advantages
of incumbency must be broken. [[ So today, to truly to fix the
Americant a
system, I have sent to the Congress legislation to limit terms of
harded
United States Senators to two, and Representatives, six terms. ]]
have
Needitist
After all, as President my terms are limited, the same should
apply to members of Congress. heat New Paragraph
Change is sweeping America, just as it is sweeping the
world. Once again, as in the first days of our new nation, we
face a challenge. The reforms I've outlined today can renew our
faith in government -- restore the principles of our Founders,
and guarantee for our children a new American Century.
The choice is clear. On one side stand the defenders of the
status quo. On the other: the forces of change. We must make
the choice worthy of the men who met here -- and began the
world's only permanent revolution. If we could change the world,
we can change America. We must make the choice for change.
Thank you, and may God bless the United States of America.
# # #
ID #
cu
WHITE HOUSE
CORRESPONDENCE TRACKING WORKSHEET
caurar u
+ fiver
O OUTGOING
H INTERNAL
I . INCOMING
Date Correspondence
Received (YY/MM/DD)
/
/
Name of Correspondent:
Guy Vander Jagt
4
MI Mail Report
User Codes: (A)
(B)
(C)
shep +
percentage of Democratic Incumbent campaign
3
Subject:
funds raised from individual contributors within
their own districts
ROUTE TO:
ACTION
DISPOSITION
Tracking
Type
Completion
Action
Date
of
Date
Office/Agency
(Staff Name)
Code
YY/MM/DD
Response
Code
YY/MM/DD
wofe
ORIGINATOR 92,03,24
/
Referral Note:
cuat28
A
92,0324
$92/04/02
Referral Note:
cugray
t
92/03/24
(92/03/24
Referral Note:
/
/
/
/
-
Referral Note:
/
/
/
/
-
Referral Note:
ACTION CODES:
-DISPOSITION CODES:
A Appropriate Action
I Info Copy Only/No Action Necessary
A Answered
C Completed
C Comment/Recommendation
R - Direct Reply w/Copy
B - Non-Special Referral
S Suspended
D Draft Response
S For Signature
F Furnish Fact Sheet
X Interim Reply
to be used as Enclosure
FOR OUTGOING CORRESPONDENCE:
Type of Response = Initials of Signer
Code = "A"
Completion Date = Date of Outgoing
Comments:
Keep this worksheet attached to the original incoming letter.
Send all routing updates to Central Reference (Room 75, OEOB).
Always return completed correspondence record to Central Files.
Refer questions about the correspondence tracking system to Central Reference, ext. 2590.
5/81
GUY VANDER JAGT, M.C.
320 FIRST STREET, S.E.
CHAIRMAN
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20003
SPENCER ABRAHAM
202-479-7000
CO-CHAIRMAN
TOM COLE
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN
EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR
CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE
March 20, 1992
The Honorable C. Boyden Gray
Counsel to the President
The White House
Washington, D. C. 20500
Dear Boyden:
Just a brief note to rush this along in light of our
conversation the other day on campaign funds involving incumbent
Democrats, I am attaching a memorandum from one of my staff
assistants at the NRCC.
Briefly, I came up with a three percent figure which I
mentioned to you. In the attached memorandum the figure is
six percent. If it makes that much difference, I will certainly
go back and work it out, because I am positive that some place
along the line I had it at three percent.
Please do not hesitate to let me know if I can be of
any further assistance in this matter.
With kindest personal regards,
Sincerely,
Guy Vander Jagt
Member of Congress
GVJ:kp
PAID FOR BY THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE. NOT PRINTED AT GOVERNMENT EXPENSE.
7129Y
MEMORANDUM
TO:
Congressman Guy Vander Jagt, Chairman
FR:
Stuart Sechriest
RE:
Democratic Fundraising
In response to the request from the Counsel to the President, Boyden
Gray, Mr. Jim Ross of the minority office of the House Administration
Committee's Task Force on Campaign Finance Reform has provided the
following information.
The question was as follows: What percentage of Incumbent Democrat
campaign funds is raised from individual contributors within their own districts?
The answer has a few sticking points, but with certain qualifications, it is quite
powerful. According to Mr. Ross. the number is 6%.
Here is how he arrived at that number.
Mr. Ross looked at competitive races in 1990. These were races where
Democrat Incumbents won with 55% of the vote or less. There were 26
Democrat Incumbents who fell into this category.
According to FEC laws, contributions under $200 do not have to be
reported, so Mr. Ross was only able to work with the contributions over $200
which were reported. From there, he used a Database to determine which of
those contributions came from individuals within the Incumbents' districts. The
computer sorted the individuals by zip code, and it identified those zip codes
which fell within the district lines.
Of course, some of the individual contributors may have used their zip
code at work rather than their home zip code, thereby making their donations
appear to come from outside the district, but there is no way to identify those
cases.
Therefore, for Incumbent Democrats in competitive races in 1990, only 6%
of the contributions which must be reported to the FEC came from individuals
within their districts.
For a similar list of Incumbent Republicans in competitive races in 1990
(using the same methodology), 15% of their contributions came from individuals
within their districts. That is two and a half times as much as what the
Democrats raised from individuals within their districts.
4/2/92
OPTIONS
(1) Depending upon how quickly the Congress were willing to
phase this proposal in, it could save from 100 billion to 390
billion dollars by 1997.
(2) If mandatory spending were allowed to grow for inflation and
eligible population only, we could save about $390 billion by
1997.
(3) If mandatory spending were allowed to grow for inflation and
eligible population only, we could save about two trillion
dollars over the next decade.
15:04 No.013 P.02
THE FEDERALIST No. 57: MADISON
289
288
THE FEDERALIST No. 56: MADISON
one ninth are elected by three hundredand sixty four persons, and
one half by five thousand seven hundred and twenty three per-
sons.' Ii cannot be supposed that the half thus elected, and who
30'92
do not even reside among the people at targe, can add any thing
either to the security of the people against the government; or to
the knowledge of their circumstances and interests, in the legisla-
The Federalist No. 57: MADISON
tive councils. On the contrary it is notorious that they are more
MAR
frequently the representatives and instruments of the executive
February 19, 1788
magistrate, than the guardians and advocates of the popular
rights. They might therefore with great propriety be considered
as something more than a mere deduction from the real represed-
To the People of the State of New York.
tatives of the nation. We will however consider them, in this
light alone, and will not extend the deduction, to a considerable
The third charge against the House of Representatives is. that it
number of others, who do not reside among their constituents,
will be taken from that class of citizens which will have least
are very faintly connected with them, and have very little partic-
sympathy with the mass of the people. and be most likely to aim
ular knowledge of their affairs. With all these concessions two
at an ambitious sacrifice of the many to the aggrandizement of
hundred and seventy nine persons only will be the depository of
the few,
the safety. interest and happiness of eight millions; that is to say:
or all the objections which have been framed against the
There will be one representative only to maintain the rights and
Federal Constitution, this is perhaps the most extraordinary.
explain the situation of twenty eight thousand six hundred and
Whilst the objection itself is levelled against a pretended oligar-
seventy constituents, in an assembly exposed to the whole force
chy. the principle of it strikes at the very root of republican
of executive influence. and extending its authority to every
government. The aim of every political Constitution is or ought to be first
object of legislation within a nation whose affairs are in the
highest degree diversified and complicated. Yet it is very certain
to obtain for rulers. men who possess most wisdom to discern,
not only that a valuable portion of freedom has been preserved
and most virtue to pursue the common good of the society; and
ID:
under all these circumstances, but that the defects in the British
in the next place. to take the most effectual precautions for
code are chargeable in a very small proportion, on the ignorance
keeping them virtuous, whilst they continue to hold their public
of the legislature concerning the circumstances of the people
trust. The elective mode of obtaining rulers is the characteristic
Allowing to this case the weight which is due to it And compar-
policy of republican government. The means relied on in this
ing it with that of the House of Representatives as above CX-
Form of government for preventing their degeneracy are numer-
ous and various. The most effectual one is such a limitation of
plained. it seems to give the fullest assurance that a representative
for every thirty thousand inhabitants will render the latter both a
the term of appointments, as will maintain 2 proper responsibility
safe and competent guardian of the interests which will be
30 the people.
Let me now ask what circumstance there is in the Constitution
confided to it.
PUBLIUS.
of the House of Representatives, that violates the principles of
republican government; or favors the elevation of the few on the
ruins of the many? Let me ask whether every circumstance is
not, 00 the contrary. strictly conformable to these principles:
and scrupulously impartial to the rights and pretensions of every
class and description of citizcas?
Who are to be the electors of the Forderal Representatives?
Not the rich more than the poor. not the learned more than the
ignorant: not the haughty heirs of distinguished names. more
'Burgh's polit. disquis. (Publius)
NATIONAL AFFAIRS
Rudman: 'It's
Time to Tell
the Truth'
A senator explains why
he won't run again
he calls came from all over the coun-
T
95.7
try. Would the senator run for presi-
WZID
dent? Would he be Ross Perot's run-
ning mate? The latest political truth teller
to strike a chord with the public is Sen.
Warren Rudman, the New Hampshire Re-
publican who announced last week he
would not run again because of Congress's
inability to deal with the budget deficit.
Rudman shared his reflections with
JON PIERRE LASSEIGNE-AP
NEWSWEEK'S Eleanor Clift. Excerpts:
'This is the entire orchestra playing while Rome burns': The New Hampshire Republican
CLIFT: Why do you want out?
repealed the bill. I didn't vote for that, but
got a civil-rights bill, we got a clean air,
RUDMAN: I just got totally frustrated with
we did. What is really ironic is that by being
clean water act. Unfortunately, the single
the pace around here the last couple years.
SO intransigent the recipients of these enti-
most important thing for the security of
We really are doing less and less, and tak-
tlement programs are essentially cooking
this country is the fiscal integrity of this
ing more and more time to do it. And I am
their own goose. Because as you look at
government, and we have ignored that. We
particularly frustrated about the cost to
these numbers you'll recognize we're going
are about to absolutely destroy ourselves.
the country of this deficit, which is really
to have to do something radical.
destroying us. We're going to be close in the
It's time to tell them the truth. And if you
Who's to blame?
next [few] years of probably having less
get defeated while doing it, well, it will be
All of us. The Congress, the administra-
than 5 [to] 6 percent of the budget for what
worth doing it. At least you do something
tion, the previous administration and the
we all traditionally call government. We're
good for the country. There are people who
people themselves who really do believe
heading toward 60-65 percent entitlement
have given their lives for the country. I
there's a free lunch. They really think they
programs, 13 or 14 percent defense, 17 per-
don't see what's wrong with giving a politi-
can continue to get all these things and
cent interest. If you want to do things for
cal life for the country.
somebody else is going to pay for them. This
education and for health research, and for
is not the fiddler fiddling while Rome
law enforcement-there's no money.
You went with a truth teller in 1988-Bob Dole.
burns. This is the entire orchestra playing
That's when the no-new-taxes pledge was born.
while Rome burns.
Why is nobody talking about that?
And it was broken, as of course it had to
It's very dangerous to talk about it. Let
be. I'm tired of all that. I just want to do
What happens next?
me give you an example. [In the 1980s there
something that I consider more challeng-
There's got to be leadership. What you
were] all these horror stories about people
ing. I sit here and I get very frustrated, and
must have are the two political parties say-
getting wiped out by catastrophic illness.
I look at all the talent in this place, and I
ing, look, this is like Pearl Harbor. This is
And the Congress was irresponsible, some-
recognize the problem is not lack of talent
like suddenly going to war. We have to
thing had to be done. OK, we passed the
or a lack of knowledge on how to solve it.
unite. The irony is we won the cold war;
bill-a damn good piece of legislation as a
The problem to a large extent is the Ameri-
we're about to lose the integrity of our
matter of fact. People who had the ability to
can people themselves who have been SO
economy. People are talking about the re-
pay had to pay a higher premium than
misled for SO long that we can do all these
cession being over, and we're coming out of
those who didn't. Do you recall as vividly as
things. Two weeks ago, they were misled
it. Well, maybe we are a little bit. But be
I do the television reports of Dan Rosten-
into thinking we could give them a middle-
a damn short-lived recovery unless we do
kowski's automobile in Chicago-and how
class tax cut, as modest as it was.
something about this kind of business.
they were literally trying to turn his auto-
mobile over, they were so angry at him.
How do you break the tether?
Jerry Brown says money is the root of all evil
Why were they angry? Because they had
You have to take some political risks. An
in politics.
suddenly found out they were going to have
English politician once said there are two
It's not money that's causing people to be
to pay. These are the people who can go on
ways you can lose an election: you can lose
afraid of voting on these entitlement pro-
cruises. When you're down in Miami, you
it because you do nothing; or you can lose it
grams. It's the pure raw political power of
see all the well-to-do senior citizens who
because you do something. I would rather
the middle-class retired. People want to,
have plenty of money to do what they want
lose it doing something.
talk about [how] Congress needs to be reor-
to do. They were going to have to pay as
I like to see this place function and do
ganized-and it does, I agree-but that isn't
much as $700 of their annual income to-
constructive things-and we have done
the fundamental problem. The problem is
ward health care. What did we do? We
some constructive things in some areas. We
lack of will to do what has to be done.
28 NEWSWEEK APRIL 6, 1992
THE WHITE HOUSE
(Demarest)
March 10, 1992
WASHINGTON
Draft Three
ASAE
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: ASSOCIATION EXECUTIVES
MARCH 11, 1992
WASHINGTON, D.C.
1:20 P.M.
Chairman Fondren, my fellow Texan, thank you for that
introduction. President Taylor. I heard a story about how when
LBJ moved from the House to the Senate, Jake Pickle and Gene
Fondren, then Texas state legislators, flipped a coin to decide
who'd run for office and go to Washington. Well, Congressman
Pickle's been calling for a rematch ever since.
Robert Frost once wrote that "an idea is a feat of
association." Well, association is an idea as old as the
American Dream itself. Actually, Toqueville over 150 years ago
had much to say about you. He said, "at the head of some new
undertaking
in the United States you will be sure to find an
association." Since that time associations have played a vital
role in our country's progress, and they continue that mission
today, defining new frontiers and exploring new territory.
Before I spoke, President Taylor presented the Associations
Advance America Awards to salute those who've found a way to
help, to be in fact, points of light. We hear a too often about
what's wrong in America. Well, this is what's right in America,
and I salute you for what you are doing to help your communities.
2
Of course, it's an election year. Independent of the
current preoccupation with the hype and spin of the campaigns,
there will remain the issues, the big things -- the core concerns
of every American -- jobs, family, peace. They hold us together
as a society.
They are more than issues we bring to the next
election -- they are the legacy we must give to the next
generation. ]!!
That is what I want to talk to you about today -- not just
the issues, but our mood as a nation, and how our government must
reform if we are to change America.
Today, weighing most heavily in the hearts and on the minds
of Americans is the state of the economy -- jobs -- preserving
jobs, creating jobs. You in this very room know best virtually
every industry and every profession in America. I don't have to
tell you that people are worried about the future.
Frankly, we've had tough economic times before, with higher
unemployment -- but less national alarm. There's something
different about today's times -- something that touches a nerve.
It strikes at the heart of what drives this country forward --
our confidence. It challenges our belief in ourselves.
I'll give it to you straight: Unemployment is 7.3% -- about
9 million people out of a total workforce of 126 million. During
the 1982 recession, unemployment hit almost 11% -- a level not
experienced since the Great Depression. So we ask ourselves --
why is confidence today lower than at the depth of the 1982
recession?
3
I've heard a lot of theories. Some say the talking heads of
the media are the problem -- always running the country down.
[You've heard the saying "no news is good news?" Well, the joke
is that for the media, "Good news is no news."]
Others say it's the politicians. I myself have noted that
in a political year candidates often shower the voters with a
message so bleak and hopeless -- at the same time they promise
the rainbow if they're elected. That steady drizzle on the
people's shoulders can wear away confidence, and wash away hope.
So it's easy to suppose that the constant drumbeat about what's
wrong in America is a self-fulfilling prophecy.
There may be some truth to that. But I think there are
other reasons for our country's mood. People are feeling the way
they do because America's got some real problems -- serious,
stubborn, national problems.
But I think it would be unfair and untrue to suggest to the
American people that we can't overcome these problems -- to imply
that America is a country in decline. So today I want to talk
about what we must do to meet the economic challenge that is
before us -- how we can build economic vitality into our
communities -- how we must ensure that our children see a future
that is an improvement over the present -- most importantly, why
we must change the way we do business in Washington D.C.
iic
Sometimes it helps to take some of these enormous issues and
bring them down to the personal level. So when I talk about
America's economic problems this is what I mean:
4
They are the worries of parents who have worked all their
lives to get their kids through college -- and those kids can't
find work. They are found in discouraged families who can't
afford to pay off anything but the interest on their credit
cards, month after month after month. They are the doubts of
young people who believe that times will never be as good for
them as they were for their parents. These are the things that
dim our hope and drain our confidence.
American workers can see that technology and competition are
changing the workplace faster than ever before. They can feel
the heat -- both at home and abroad. They know American industry
is being challenged to keep up or step aside -- I'll talk further
about that later in the week in Detroit, Michigan. We live in a
competitive world, and people worry about our ability to compete.
American homeowners -- that's almost 70 million people --
worry that the biggest asset they will ever have -- their home -
- will lose its worth because real estate values have declined.
The same is true of any business, association, or charitable
organization that owns property -- they're concerned too.
Finally, as I discussed earlier this week with the League of
Cities, the deterioration of the American family is very serious
-- a root problem with tremendous ramifications for our economic
well-being as a nation.
But the picture is not all gloom and doom. America is now
the only superpower in the world. Millions of immigrants still
look to us as the land of opportunity -- because we are. And our
5
economy is poised for recovery. Inflation is down. Interest
rates low. Inventories low. Exports at record highs. But this
recovery will come sooner, and stronger only if we in government
act now. As self-evident as this mandate for action may seem, we
have not been able to muster the necessary political unity of
purpose.
In January, I sent the Congress a plan of action -- a
straightforward set of initiatives based upon tried and true
economic realities. I proposed incentives for business to buy
equipment, upgrade their plants, and start hiring again. I
proposed a shot in the arm to get the housing industry back on
its feet -- lead us into economic recovery this spring. I
proposed a tax cut on capital gains. Once you get through all
the tax-break-for-the-rich demagoguery, economists agree such a
measure would create jobs.
Then I offered a broader plan of action to keep us
competitive and economically vigorous in the years ahead:
1) Education reform to bring the skills of our future
workers up to a standard of excellence. 2) Reform of our legal
system so that Americans can spend more time innovating and less
time litigating. 3) Health care reform to improve access to the
best quality care in the world. 4) Welfare reform to break the
sorry cycle of dependency that's become a way of life in many of
our cities. 5) Tangible support to strengthen the family -- a
$500 increase in the tax deduction for children. 6) A trade
policy that demands foreign markets open up to high-quality
6
American goods and services. 7) Record federal support in
research and development to keep our nation on the cutting edge
of new technologies.
Big issues. Big challenges. This is the plan I proposed -
- and I set a deadline for Congress to act. Congress didn't like
the notion of a deadline. And while the Congress didn't have a
comprehensive plan of its own, it is doubtful that it will enact
the plan I proposed. Instead, with great and earnest
deliberation, the Congress is fixated with how much more to tax
the American people. They would hike taxes by 100 billion
dollars.
Imagine: giving the Congress more taxpayer money to spend.
Why add to the billions already spent on big government programs
-- does anyone believe that more spending money for the Congress
is the answer? Does anyone believe that this money will be more
wisely spent than the trillion and a half dollars spent now?
The last thing this economy needs now is a tax increase.
Any economist worth his salt will tell you that. But this is not
new. Congress routinely refuses to take action to stimulate the
economy -- but insists on job destroying tax increases. I
believe Congress is incapable of passing my economic action plan
-- or a plan of their own. They are incapable of meeting my
March 20 deadline -- or any other deadline, for that matter. Let
me tell you why.
Everyone knows that government is too big and spends too
much. Everyone knows that. And there's something else everyone
7
knows: too often the government spends the money of its
customer, the American taxpayer, the wrong way -- inefficiently,
ineffectively, without accountability, and frankly, without
compassion.
When Americans think about their government, what often
comes to mind is the latest scandal involving their money.
Today, we are cleaning up the Savings and Loan scandal. Jack
Kemp deserves a lot of credit for straightening out the abuses in
our public housing system. Dick Cheney has continued the Ill
Wind investigation at the Defense Department and made the
necessary reforms in defense procurement. But to the taxpayer,
these issues, like the latest scandal with the House bank, just
reinforce the notion that the government is more the problem than
the solution.
This is all part of why confidence in America's future is
under siege. Many people have already lost confidence in
government. There is irony here. Americans are a compassionate
people -- willing to foot the bill to help make this country
better. But there is an extraordinary mismatch between their
willingness to help and their skepticism that government actually
will use their hard earned tax dollars and get results. My
apologies to David Osborne and Ted Gaebler for borrowing their
phrase, but it is truly time to reinvent government.
This is no slight to the four million hardworking people who
work for the federal government. But the fact is that they work
in a system that was good for its time, but now must change and
8
change radically. I know that government can't be run like a
business -- but we can improve its performance. Right now,
within the halls of these giant centralized bureaucracies, it is
almost impossible to reward success, much less punish failure.
Because government forgets the customer, it issues counter-
productive regulations. It shelters perpetual programs that have
outlived their function but not their funding. But this kind of
government doesn't just happen. It is the Congress that creates
these bureaucracies, lays down the mandates, funds the programs.
Then, it is the Congress that protects them, harasses them,
investigates them, micro-manages them. With a Congressional
subcommittee Chairman as godparent, they become stepchildren of
the Congress.
This is not to criticize all people serving in Congress. I
served there and I know many fine people on both sides of the
aisle serve there now -- decent, hardworking, patriotic
Americans. The problem isn't the people, it's the system. And
the system must change.
The people on Capitol Hill are victims of an unaccountable,
inefficient, and ineffective system of their own making as well:
284 committees, 35,000 staff members, over 2 billion dollars of
taxpayer money, and a web of special interest influence and
money. This is not a system that can promote reform and change.
Rather, it promotes the status quo. Over the years, this has
piled up to create a Congress that is out of touch. Gridlocked.
9
Paralyzed. A Congress totally and utterly incapable of
addressing the central issues of our time.
How many people in this room -- people who work with the
Congress every day -- haven't had a private conversation with a
Senator or Congressman and heard exactly the same thing?
There's nothing wrong with the Congress passing a
proclamation heralding "Crime Victims Week", but that's no
substitute for a comprehensive crime bill that actually does
something to make people safer in their communities. They may
pass "National Asparagus Month", but the problem in American
agriculture is our national vitality not our national vegetable.
(Haven't seen "National Broccoli Week" -- could have some trouble
signing that one). For every one of these bills there is staff
assigned, paper processed, constituents contacted, newsletters
written, taxpayer money spent. Nearly one third of all the
legislation that reaches my desk is like this. Much of what's
left simply keeps the basic machine of government running. The
focus is clearly not on addressing new challenges.
This all may sound like simply an election year blast at a
Congress controlled by the other party. But it's not. We need a
new way of looking at things. The gap between private sector
efficiency and government's ineptness has become a chasm. I have
made proposals to reform government -- proposals to bring back
responsibility and accountability to a system answerable to no
one but itself. They are based on some fundamental principles.
Rely on what works. When possible, decentralize. Institute
10
choice to force competition into the system. Give people more
power to make the big decisions in their lives. Make the system
accountable. Understand the new realities of America's global
position -- that we must become more competitive. These are
important ways to reform and change America.
I have also called for the Congress to stop exempting itself
from the laws it imposes on everyone else. I have called for
Campaign Finance Reform to break the influence of special
interest groups. I have talked about term limits for members of
Congress. When the system is broken you have to fix it.
Chairman Fondren once said that "Leadership
requires
forthrightness. Hidden agendas rarely, if ever, lead to progress
and very often succeed in spoiling the brew. " I've never been
very good at hiding my agenda, and I'm not about to start now.
My agenda has been to create jobs, protect the family, and
promote world peace. Too many times I run up against a wall -- a
partisan guard more determined to takes sides than to take this
country forward. March 20 will be an important date. If the
Congress enacts my action plan on the economy by then, the real
beneficiaries will not be me, nor my re-election, nor the
Congress. The real beneficiaries will be the American people
who will regain the confidence that they have lost in the ability
of Washington to act in their best interest.
If the Congress cannot act, or if it sends to me a bill it
knows today I cannot and will not sign, I will take this message
to the American people: the problem is Congress. Send a new
11
Congress to Washington next November. In the meantime I will act
on my own in the interests of the American people.
I drew a line in the sand a little over a year ago in the
Persian Gulf. I kept my word then and we liberated Kuwait. I
have drawn a line in the sand once again -- right here in our own
backyard. I will keep my word again. And if we all do our part,
we can ensure that our economy, and our government get back on
the right track.
Thank you. And God bless you for all the good work you do.
# # #
quote?
Lincoln
Lincoln
52¹
this, to the ex-
This is a world of compensation; and he
8
I have never had a feeling, politically, that
lemocracy.⁴
who would be no slave must consent to have
did not spring from the sentiments embodied
I, 1858?]. From
no slave. Those who deny freedom to others
in the Declaration of Independence.
I
The Collected
deserve it not for themselves, and, under a
have often inquired of myself what great
Lincoln [1953],
just God, cannot long retain it.
principle or idea it was that kept this Confed-
Letter to H. L. Pierce and others
eracy SO long together. It was not the mere
eeded in dehu-
[April 6, 1859]
matter of separation of the colonies from the
ill have put him
motherland, but that sentiment in the Decla-
2 Public opinion in this country is every-
e for him to be
ration of Independence which gave liberty
thing.
when you have
not alone to the people of this country, but
Speech at Columbus, Ohio
vorld and placed
hope to all the world, for all future time. It
blown out as in
[September 16, 1859]
was that which gave promise that in due time
are you quite
the weights would be lifted from the shoul-
3 It is said an Eastern monarch once charged
roused will not
ders of all men, and that all should have an
his wise men to invent him a sentence to be
stitutes the bul-
equal chance. This is the sentiment embodied
ever in view, and which should be true and
dependence? It
in the Declaration of Independence.
I
appropriate in all times and situations. They
its, our bristling
would rather be assassinated on this spot
presented him the words: "And this, too,
navy. These are
than surrender it.
shall pass away." How much it expresses!
any. All of those
Speech at Independence Hall, Phila
How chastening in the hour of pride! How
hout making us
delphia [February 22, 1861
consoling in the depths of affliction!
eliance is in the
Address to the Wisconsin State
It is safe to assert that no government
S planted in us.
Agricultural Society, Milwaukee
proper ever had a provision in its organic law
hich prized lib-
[September 30, 1859]
for its own termination.
en, in all lands
First Inaugural Address [March
it and you have
4
What is conservatism? Is it not adherence
4, 1861]
sm at your own
to the old and tried, against the new and un-
with the chains
tried?
10 If by the mere force of numbers a majority
your own limbs
Address at Cooper Union, New
should deprive a minority of any clearly writ-
trample on the
York [February 27, 1860]
ten constitutional right, it might, in a moral
st the genius of
point of view, justify revolution-certainly
become the fit
5
Let us have faith that right makes might,
would if such a right were a vital one.
yrant who rises
and in that faith let us to the end dare to do
Ib.
our duty as we understand it.
Ib.
11
This country, with its institutions, belongs
dsville, Illinois
ember II, 1858]
6
No one, not in my situation, can appreciate
to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they
my feeling of sadness at this parting. To this
shall grow weary of the existing government,
continue in this
place, and the kindness of these people, I owe
they can exercise their constitutional right of
agues of Judge
everything. Here I have lived a quarter of a
amending it, or their revolutionary right to
silent. It is the
dismember or overthrow it.
Ib.
century, and have passed from a young to an
e two principles
old man. Here my children have been born,
12 Why should there not be a patient confi-
nout the world.
and one is buried. I now leave, not knowing
dence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is
that have stood
when or whether ever I may return, with a
there any better or equal hope in the world?
ng of time; and
task before me greater than that which
Ib.
The one is the
rested upon Washington. Without the assist-
d the other the
13 While the people retain their virtue and
ance of that Divine Being who ever attended
same principle
him, I cannot succeed. With that assistance I
vigilance, no administration, by any extreme
itself. It is the
cannot fail. Trusting in Him who can go with
of wickedness or folly, can very seriously in-
:l and work and
jure the government in the short space of
me, and remain with you, and be everywhere
matter in what
for good, let us confidently hope that all will
four years.
Ib.
the mouth of a
yet be well.
14 We are not enemies, but friends. We must
e people of his
Farewell Address, Springfield,
not be enemies. Though passion may have
fruit of their
Illinois [February II, 1861]
strained, it must not break, our bonds of
n as an apology
affection. The mystic chords of memory,
is the same ty-
7 If we do not make common cause to save
stretching from every battlefield and patriot
the good old ship of the Union on this voyage,
grave to every living heart and hearthstone
st joint debate,
nobody will have a chance to pilot her on
all over this broad land, will yet swell the
tober 15, 1858]
another voyage.
chorus of the Union when again touched, as
524:8.
Address at Cleveland, Ohio
surely they will be, by the better angels of our
[February 15, 1861]
nature.
Ib.
Thursday, March
Ohila. sa
Event date: Wed.4/1
5/25/82 POTUS spoke here 4/1/87 as UP
Reagan spoke heretwices
x 250 attendees
prompters -yes!
open press
Speaker
used as capitol
1790-1808
(Sec. of House]
777
when Philly was capital
upper galby was for poblic
106 Congressmen
Tem, KY, UT
1st states added to 13
bust of BenFranklin
POTUS mayface
In Congress Hall Dat the 14-Sen
& the first House of Rep.
100
GWashington was inaug. in Cong Hall
John 2 Lams, too
12/15/91 Bicen. Ratify Bill of Rts.
Const.
created by student on handmadepaper handwritten
@ state designated one one teacher,
student
would like POTUS
to write presmble Is
and govs.
"Welle people etc.
Congress Hall was Cap when Bill constitution of Rts. was Rat
That Congress was implementing the
will ultimately goto Nat'l anchives
Burger Commission helped to fund this
THE WALL STREET JOURNAL TUESDAY. AUGUST 15. 1989
What Is Congress Trying to Hide?
By MARK B. LIEDL
example. recently complained that Con-
House and Senate committees and subcom-
it. And improving the quality requires ad-
When Congress adjourned for its sum-
gress was forcing him to spend money on
mittees exercise jurisdiction over the Of.
dressing this question: Is congressional
mer vacation it left behind a bombshell
pork-barrei projects ineligible for funding
fice of National Drug Control Policy. Iron-
oversight being used to improve federal
that could explode into a scandal. Buried
under established federal guidelines. Five
ically. that number does not include the
programs and spend federal tax dollars
in the 119-page appropriations bill funding
public-works projects proposed for the
House Select Committee on Narcotics
wisely. or is it being used to strong arm
the Interior Department is a clause that ef.
Economic Development Administration to-
Abuse and Control. Such mind numbing
executive branch agencies into delivering
fectively prohibits department employees
taling $11.4 million were rejected this year
oversight means that virtually every mem-
political benefits to re-election-minded con-
from making any record of their contacts
by Mr. Mosbacher as being legally ineligi-
ber of Congress sits on a committee with
gressmen?
with Capitol Hill. The clause is a perfect 11-
ble under EDA guidelines. Mr. Mosbacher
jurisdiction over the federal drug office.
What is missing from the congressional
lustration of congressional micromanage-
was overridden. however. by congressmen
enabling hundreds to assert to constituents
hearings on the HUD scandai. for example.
ment of executive branch operations. and
seeking the projects for their home states.
that they personally are overseeing the
are details about the role congressmen
it raises a serious question: What does
The secretary was directed in the depart-
federal drug effort.
played as lobbyists encouraging the mis-
Congress have to hide?
ment appropriations bill to earmark
The Defense Department is another vic-
management of funds. How often did con-
In an effort to curb congressional mi-
funding for the five projects. as well as SIX
tim of oversight overkill. In a report sub-
gressmen call or write HUD officials
cromanagement of the executive branch.
others that the inspector general of the de-
mitted June 12 to the president. Secretary
pressing them to grant housing contracts
White House staffers and others recently
partment determined were "inordinate."
of Defense Richard Cheney, himself a for
to their own friends and supporters? As the
proposed that executive branch employees
Washington Post. the New York Times.
be required to report all contacts with
During the HUD scandal years, 84 congressional
and others have reported. several con-
members of Congress and their staffs. The
gressmen-even some who have expressed
reason: to gauge the extent of congres-
committees and subcommittees had jurisdiction over
outrage over the scandal-worked hand-in-
sional demands on the executive branch, to
determine which demands result in better-
HUD. Obviously, the oversight was ineffective.
hand with professional influence peddlers
to direct HUD contracts to campaign con-
managed federal programs and which im-
tributors and influential constituents. Yet.
pede effective execution of the law and en-
"inappropriate" and "flawed with respect
mer congressman. decried congressional
there is no official record of this congres-
courage wasteful spending. Such a require-
to long-existing EDA policies."
micromanagement of the Defense Depart-
sional lobbying.
ment would be consistent with current
Attorney General Richard Thornburgh
ment.
laws requiring agency officials to include
'Sunshine Laws'
has experienced similar problems. Earlier
Mr. Cheney reported that 107 congres-
in the public record any ex parte contacts
this year Mr. Thornburgh sought to merge
sional committees and subcommittees
Perhaps this explains why Congress
that arise during the agency adjudication
the FBI regional office in Butte, Mont.,
oversee his department. But that's not all.
would want to prevent Interior Department
and rulemaking process.
into the regional office in Salt Lake City.
Every working day, the Defense Depart-
employees from reporting contacts with
Orwellian Tactics
The FBI had requested the change. confi-
ment receives an estimated 450 written in-
congressional offices. A record of contacts.
There is one glitch. however: Congress
dent it could perform its mission while sav-
quiries and more than 2,500 telephone in-
after all. would help to expose congres-
doesn't like the idea. Tucked into the mas-
ing $1.9 million by shutting down the Butte
quiries from Capitol Hill. Each day. ac-
sional "politicking" masquerading as over-
sive appropriations bill providing fiscal
office. Montana Sen. Max Baucus. who is
cording to the report. the department is re-
sight. It would define the difference be-
1990 funding for the Interior Department is
facing re-election in 1990. disagreed.
quired to submit to Congress nearly three
tween effective oversight and politically
Section 117, which reads: "None of the
Determined to keep the office open. the
separate written reports-each averaging
motivated arm-twisting. and It would den
funds available under this (bill) may be
more than 1,000 man-hours and costing
tify those members of Congress who use
Montana Democrat inserted in the Justice
Department's supplemental appropriations
about $50,000 to prepare. Senior Defense
the oversight process simply to feather
used to prepare reports on contacts be-
Department officials. meanwhile. spend 40
their own political nests. Congress in the
tween employees of the Department of the
bill the following clause: "None of the
Interior and Members and Committees of
funds provided by this appropriation bill
hours preparing for the average 14 hours
1970s passed "sunshine laws' to open the
Congress and their staff."
shall be available to relocate. reorganize,
of congressional testimony they provide
government process to public scrutiny.
This means that department employees
each day that Congress is in session. None
Now Congress. it seems. is closing the win-
or consolidate any office. agency, function,
will be forbidden by Congress from telling
of this "oversight," however. prevented
dows. pulling the shades. and barring the
facility, station. activity or other entity
such wasteful spending as the massive De-
door. lest the public see the light.
their boss. the secretary of the interior.
falling under the jurisdiction of the Depart-
fense Department procurement fraud un-
Sometime. somewhere. the president
who on Capitol Hill is calling them. how of-
ment of Justice." Rep. Neal Smith (D.,
needs to draw the line. A constitutional
ten. and for what reasons. The section
covered in 1988 by the FBI.
Iowa). chairman of the House Appropria-
In the wake of the mismanagement of
challenge to congressional micromanage-
makes it illegal for staffers to communi-
tions subcommittee with jurisdiction over
cate-either orally or in writing-such in-
the Justice Department. clearly expressed
millions of dollars at the Department of
ment is in order. and Section 117 of the fis-
Housing and Urban Development. many
cal 1990 Interior Department Appropria-
formation to the secretary. Such Orwellian
the congressional intent behind the appro-
tactics might make Mikhail Gorbachev
members of Congress are calling for in-
tions bill is an appropriate place to make a
priations bill rider. In a June 13 Scripps
shudder. but they are becoming business
Howard news service story. he remarked:
creased oversight of HUD. Yet Congress IS
stand. It is an unconstitutional molation of
"Legally, they (Justice can do it once.
and has been exercising considerable juris-
the separation of powers. motivated by
as usual in a Washington increasingly di-
But the next year they have no flexibility
diction over the department. During the
Congress's desire to evade public account-
vided by a constitutional power struggle
between the executive and legislative
HUD scandal years. 84 congressional com-
ability. President Bush should say tet the
at all on closing. We II write it into the law
branches of government.
mittees and subcommittees had jurisdic-
sun shine in."
that they can change anything."
tion over HUD. Obviously. the oversight
Riders to appropriations bills are one of
The congressional micromanagement
was ineffective.
Mr. Liedl is director of the US
Congress's preferred vehicles for micro-
story also can be told in numbers. Exam-
The measure of proper and effective
gress Assessinent Project at the
managing the executive branch. Com-
ple: A Sept. 27. 1988, study by the Congres-
congressional oversight. therefore. is not
Foundation in Washington. A related
merce Secretary Robert Mosbacher. for
sional Research Service found that 74
the quantity of oversight but the quality of
nal appears today.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
March 25, 1992
MEMORANDUM FOR
FROM:
DEPUTY ED PRE-ADVANCE MURNANE ASSISTANT PARTICIPANTS TO THE PRESIDENT
AND DIRECTOR OF PRESIDENTIAL ADVANCE
SUBJECT:
PRE-ADVANCE TO PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA ON
MARCH 26, 1992
Attached for your information is a list of participants and an
outline schedule for the Pre-Advance to Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania, on March 26, 1992.
NOTE:
*
Indicates Pre-advance participants who are
dropping in Philadelphia.
PRE-ADVANCE PARTICIPANTS
Office of Presidential Advance
John Herrick, Special Assistant to the President for Advance
Kris Goodwin, Trip Coordinator
Tim Simonson, Lead Advance Representative *
Topper Ray, Press Advance Representative (meet and drop in
Philadelphia)
Jack McDougle, Site Advance Representative *
Office of Communications
Carol Aarhus, Researcher
United States Secret Service
Dick Rathmell, ASAIC, Presidential Protective Division
Nick Trotta, Lead Agent *
Phil Hyde, Site Agent *
Jim Bohr, Site Agent *
Jay Branchcomb, Site Agent *
Orland Orochena, Site Agent *
Bob Slamma, Site Agent *
White House Military Office
Maj. Russ Cancilla, USA Aide to the President
Maj. Jay Farmer, HMX Advance
White House Communications Agency
Bob Steele, Operations Officer
Dave Miller, Trip Officer *
PRE-ADVANCE SCHEDULE
Thursday, March 26, 1992
8:20 am
Van departs West Basement for those requiring
transportation to Union Station.
(Drive Time: 15 Minutes),
8:35 am
Van arrives Union Station.
9:00 am
Amtrak Metroliner #106 departs Union Station en
route Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
(Track Time:
1 Hour 36 Minutes)
(Time Change: None)
10:36 am
Amtrak Metroliner #106 arrives Philadelphia, 30th
(E.S.T.)
Street Station.
Contact:
Ms. Martha Aikens
Superintendent, Independence National Historical
Park
215/597-7120
Staff Hotel:
Ritz-Carlton Philadelphia
17th and Chestnut Street
1 Liberty Plaza
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19135
215/564-1600
Contact: Patricia Stockinger
10:50 am
Depart 30th Street Station en route Independence
National Historical Park (313 Walnut Street).
(Drive Time: 15 Minutes)
11:05 am
Arrive Independence National Historical Park and
begin participation in Pre-advance Meeting.
12:05 pm
Conclude participation in Pre-advance Meeting
and depart Independence National Historical Park
en route Congress Hall (via Foot)
12:15 pm
Arrive Congress Hall and begin participation in
Site Survey.
1:15 pm
Conclude participation in Site Survey and depart
Congress Hall en route 30th Street Station.
(Drive Time: 15 Minutes)
1:30 pm
Arrive 30th Street Station and proceed to
Track.
2:10 pm
Metroliner #115 departs Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
(E.S.T.)
en route Union Station (Washington, D.C.).
(Track Time: 1 Hour 43 Minutes)
(Time Change: None)
3:53 pm
Metroliner #115 arrives Union Station.
(E.S.T.)
4:10 pm
Van departs Union Station en route
White House.
(Drive Time: 15 Minutes)
4:25 pm
Van arrives White House.
PRELIMINARY SCHEDULE
PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 1, 1992
9:20 am
Dp. South Lawn
9:30 am
Ar. Andrews
9:40 am
Dp. Andrews en route Philadelphia
10:20 am
Ar. Philadelphia
10:30 am
Dp. Airport en route Congress Hall
10:50 am
Ar. Congress Hall
11:00 am
Event
11:45 am
Conclude
11:55 am
Dp. Congress Hall en route Airport
12:15 pm
Ar. Airport
12:25 pm
Dp. Philadelphia en route Andrews
1:05 pm
Ar. Andrews
1:15 pm
Dp. Andrews
1:25 pm
Ar. South Lawn
City/State: Philadelphia , PA
Event: Address CNIC GRoups
Date: 4/1/92
OFFICE OF PRESIDENTIAL ADVANCE
CONTACT SHEET Ritz- car Hon Philadelphia:
215/563-1600
(Team Headquarters)
Name
Office
Phone Number
Presidential Advance Office
202/456-7565
Presidential Advance Fax Number
202/456-2820
John Herrick
WH Advance
2021456-2565
Kris Goodwin
"
Tim Simonson
11 11 - Lead Advance Ritz-Carlton. - Phila,
Topper Ray
11 11- - Lead for Press
11
"
$ Kathy Dilonardo Inde-NPS Chief, Visitor Services 597-7130
Shane Branchcomb
usss TSD (EOD /K9)
Ritz CARLTON
ORLANDO A OROCHENA
usss TSD
HINDRES DOMINGUEZ
ofe- 597-0600 /R132-CARton
Usss-PHI
597-0600
PHIL HYDE
USSS- PPD
597-0600 RITZ
JIM BOUR
USSS - PPD-TRANSPORTATION
597-0600 RiTZ
NICHOCAS TROTTA
USSS-PPD LEAD
- 597-0600 RITZ
Russ CANCILLA
MILITARY Aide
202 395-1747
Dave Milla
WHCA L2AD
Ritz 563-1600 Carlton Pager 2212
BOB STEELE
WH COMMUNICATIONS
202-757-2440
$ Lee Dickinson
NPS, Special Events
597-9205
Bobby Spears
Asst. Chiot Ranger
5925437
Bots REID
NPS MARO- RM+VP
597-7057
BOB BYRNE
CHIEF RANGER - INHP
597-5482
Dow LUONGO
USSS- PHILA
597-0600
JAMES MICHOLL PPD HIJ/DPU
5920670 592 TO
Jach McDayle
WH Advance
Ritz Carlton
Ron DeAngelo
US.PARK Police, RLES
597-7057
DICK RATHMELL
usss - WDC
202-395-5473
Tims
Carol aarhus
WH Speechwriting
202-456-7750 (ph.)
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Draft #1
Reform
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS AT OLD HOUSE CHAMBER
PHILADELPHIA, PA.
APRIL 1, 1992
Thank you for that kind introduction. [ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS]
Today, I would rather be in Philadelphia. Old Congress Hall is
home to great ideas and great debate. In this very room, pivotal
and profound discussions occurred -- setting in motion a grand
experiment in man's ability to chart his own future.
The vision of the Founding Fathers may still be hard for us
to fully comprehend. But if you really think about it, their
goals were not much different than ours -- they wanted their new
country to prosper -- and they knew intuitively that the road to
prosperity was freedom. They believed in the fundamentals -- in
the inherent strength of faith and family -- and they were
determined to preserve them. They wanted the citizens of our
young nation to live in peace -- safe and secure from threats at
home and abroad. It took a revolution to achieve their vision -
- and it is our duty to preserve it.
When British General Cornwallis surrendered at Yorktown in
1781, he had his band play "The World Turned Upside Down", as his
troops marched before Washington's Continental Army. It was a
profoundly simple realization that an old world order was coming
to a close and a new order was beginning.
Now more than two hundred years later, we are again in the
midst of great change. The world we knew just a few years ago is
altogether different now. Democracy and freedom once again have
turned the world upside down. Our nation once again stood at the
forefront of that great movement. We stood firm for our
principles through some very difficult times. But we did indeed
change the world. Now, as you have heard me say, if we could
change the world, we can change America.
Many have called the 20th century the American Century. In
a world more driven by economic competition than ever before,
there are great challenges that we must address now, if we are to
ensure that the next century is also the American Century.
There are five issues that must be addressed if we wish to
guarantee a prosperous and compassionate America. First, our
people must be educated, literate, and motivated to keep on
learning. We must reform our education system -- literally
revolutionize it -- top to bottom. Second, our people must have
a sense of well-being about their health and the health of their
children and families. We must guarantee them access to the
finest health care system in the world, and make that care more
affordable.
Next, our civil justice system must do what it was designed
to do: dispense justice with civility. Eighteen million
lawsuits a year are choking us -- costing individuals and
businesses billions -- a tremendous drag on our spirits as well
as our economy.
And in the next century, economic competition, as well as
economic opportunity will come from beyond our borders. That
demands we open more foreign markets for our firms and workers,
to sell American goods and services --and to sustain and create
American jobs. Addressing these issues is absolutely fundamental
to America's future.
Finally, we must address the issue that I am here to discuss
at length today -- reform of our government. During the last
decade one institution after another has been challenged --
forced to take a hard look within itself, make needed
improvements, and act to make the institution live up to its
principles. That process is called reform.
In the private sector, or more specifically, in a business,
it is called the crusade for quality. Whether its the quality of
a product, or the quality of a service, it's not often flashy --
perhaps it's a return to old values and standards like "built to
last a lifetime" , "the customer's always right", or "service
with a smile". Other times it emphasizes measuring performance,
because that is the way to improve performance. In many ways,
competition has been the driving force to improve quality, and
not surprisingly, it has worked. Today, American products are
quantifiably better than they were only a few years ago.
It is not just the private sector that has felt the positive
pinch of healthy competition. For example, the military, in the
face of budget cuts, has had to cut the fat, and get leaner, and
smarter. Desert Storm proved it could be done. Most other
institutions -- state government, local government, unions, trade
associations, even charitable groups -- any organization that
serves a public -- has been influenced by this drive for
excellence.
Yet, the federal government has resisted reform and
protected the status quo -- even in the face of unambiguous
evidence supporting the need for change. The change that swept
the rest of America, has stopped cold at the Capital Beltway.
The rise of an entrenched status quo-oriented Washington
establishment, can be laid squarely at the doorstep of the United
States Congress.
Everyone knows that government is too big and spends too
much. And there's something else everyone knows: too often the
government spends the money of its customer, the American
taxpayer, the wrong way -- inefficiently, ineffectively, without
accountability, and frankly, without compassion. As I've
mentioned, we've got some very tough problems ahead, and
government needs to play a role in solving those problems. Right
now government, particularly the United States Congress is simply
not up to the job. Let me tell you why that is the case, and how
we must change things.
Political scientist Morris Fiorina paints a disturbing but
familiar picture of how Washington really behaves. He says that
the growth of big government has changed the role of Congress
from policymaking to pork barreling -- changed the Congressional
office to a Campaign and Constituent office. He argues that this
sets in motion a self-perpetuating cycle of congressional support
for unnecessary spending and bigger bureaucracies which in turn
become more lethargic and unresponsive.
Then, the members and their increasingly powerful staffs
become ombudsmen betweeen the constituent and the bureaucracy --
expediting benefits and procuring more pork -- and thus ensuring
re-election and a continuation of the status quo.
Prophetically, the Founding Fathers warned us about this.
Madison, in Federalist Paper #52, argued that permanent
majorities are dangerously undemocratic. He would be appalled to
hear that 98% of Congressmen who seek re-election are in fact re-
elected. That one party -- the Democrats -- have controlled the
Congress 58 out of the last 62 years. That not one Republican
member of the House has ever been in the majority, and all but
five Democrats have never been in the minority.
One-party rule is a big part of the problem, but this is not
an attack on divided government. We have had divided government
before in our history, sometimes during periods of great crisis.
Each time we have pulled together as a nation, and met whatever
challenge threatened our security or national well-being.
The larger issue is the systemic problem -- the sticky web
of 284 Congressional Committees, 34,000 Capitol Hill employees
and staff, 2 billion dollars of taxpayer financing, overlaid with
$117 million dollars in special interest campaign contributions,
and millions more in special interest influence.
This is not a system that can promote reform and change.
Rather, it aggressively protects the status quo. Talk to
retiring members, many of them good people like Senator Warren
Rudman of New Hampshire, and you will hear the frustration. He
said, "Although I am not discouraged beyond repair, I am terribly
frustrated."
Then when asked about the continuing spectre of huge budget
deficits, he issued this indictment of the system, "the fact is
that we are unable institutionally to do what has to be done. We
are not just watching the fiddler fiddle while Rome burns, we are
watching the entire orchestra."
Let me give you one small example of the misplaced
priorities on Capitol Hill -- an example that continually comes
across my desk for action. Three times a week the White House
receives a proclamation passed by a joint resolution of Congress.
It might be to designate a particular day "National Tap Dance
Day", or a month of the year, "National Digestive Disease
Awareness Month". Hundreds of these come to the White House for
Presidential action each year. In fact, nearly one third of all
the legislation that reaches my desk is like this.
Now, there's nothing wrong with Congress passing a
proclamation heralding "National Crime Victims Week", but that
should be no substitute for a comprehensive crime bill that
actually makes people safer in their homes and communities.
"National Asparagus Month" may be good constituent relations, but
the problems in American agriculture have to do with our national
vitality, not our national vegetable.
For every one of these bills, there are legions of staff
churning out the public relations campaigns to accompany them --
both on Capitol Hill, and in the executive branch. There are
constituents contacted, newsletters written, paper -- reams of
paper -- produced. Is this a big ticket item in the federal
budget? Probably not. But it is one more demonstration of a
Congress that chooses to spend time and effort on the easy
constiuent relations chores rather than on the difficult, often
controversial issues that determine the future of our country.
These actions undermine the people's confidence in their
government the same way as outrageous pork-barrel spending does.
[[ Just as I sent to the Congress ten days ago my anti-pork line-
item recissions, I am telling the Congress today that the
Executive Branch from this day forward not spend taxpayer dollars
to fund publicity campaigns for special interests -- so don't
send me any more of these pork barrel proclamations. ]]
The American people are a compassionate people -- willing to
foot the bill to help make this country better. But the mismatch
between their willingness to help and their skepticism that
government will use their hard-earned tax dollars wisely is
greater now than ever before. In dollar terms, one quarter of
everything we produce, build, or grow as a nation is devoured by
the central government. There is no bigger appetite on earth.
When taxpayer money goes for special interest publicity
campaigns and pork-barrel projects, people get angry. They
demand change. Maybe it's small potatoes to the Congress, but
the public knows P.R. when it sees it. For every letter a
Congressional office receives, 12,000 go out. That adds up to
real money -- taxpayer money.
Today our government is a trillion and a half dollar
business that too often forgets that the taxpayer is customer,
shareholder, and board member all rolled into one.
Because government forgets the customer it issues
counterproductive regulations -- ones that increase the cost of
doing business, but worse, ones that don't really solve the
problem they were designed to solve. And the services it
provides too often don't correspond to the services required.
Because the government forgets the shareholder, it shelters
perpetual programs that have outlived their function, but not
their funding. Because the government forgets who is really the
boss -- the American taxpayer -- it has become insulated,
unresponsive and resists reform. It. is almost impossible to
adequately reward success, much less punish failure. This is no
slight to the four million hardworking people in the bureaucracy
itself. Talk to them and many will say the same thing -- they
are frustrated as well. But the system, which may have been good
for its time, now must change, and it won't be easy.
That's because this kind of government doesn't just happen.
It is the Congress that creates these giant centralized
bureaucracies, lays down the mandates, funds the programs. Then,
it is the Congress that protects them, harasses them,
investigates them, micro-manages them. With a Congressional
subcommittee Chairman as godparent, they become stepchildren of
the Congress.
A few examples will help drive home the point. [By the last
count] Some thirty different Congressional committees, and
seventy-seven subcommittees claim some degree of oversight
responsibility for the Department of Defense. Seventy-four
committees and subcommittees try to exercise jurisdiction over
the War on Drugs.
The time and resources earmarked to fulfilling Congressional
demands for testimony as well as the thousands of required
reports has reached ridiculous proportions. For example, each
year Congress requires sixty reports from HUD, and over six
hundred from the Defense Department.
Congress has legitimate oversight responsibilities of
course. And I know that the federal government cannot be run
just like IBM or the local convenience store, but we can improve
its performance. We must improve its performance. So it's not
just the Congress, it's the sprawling federal bureaucracy that
needs reform as well. But let me be clear, it is impossible to
have executive branch reform without reforming the Congress.
I have offered many reform proposals in the past and I am
proposing additional steps today: in sum they represent ten ways
we can return confidence and clarity to the mission of America's
government.
First, universal application of the laws of the land.
Federalist paper #57 asserts that elected officials, "can make no
law which will not have in full operation on themselves and their
friends, as well as on the great mass of society." In other
words, Congress should submit to the laws it imposes on others.
Across the board. Civil Rights. Title
.
Americans with
Disabilities Act. Freedom of Information Act. Age
Discrimination laws, the Equal Pay Act of 1963.
Congress should also submit to the laws it imposes on the
Executive Branch -- the Privacy Act, the independent counsel law,
and title VI of the Ethics in Government Act of 1978. [ Today,
Senator John McCain is introducing a bill to do just that -- and
it has this Administration's full support.] But that is only a
first step toward rebuilding public confidence in our laws and
our lawmakers.
Second, limits on Congressional terms. Once again I am
reiterating my support for term limits on Members of Congress.
The cycle of virtually guaranteed re-election through the built-
in advantages of incumbency must be broken if we are truly going
to fix the system.
Third, reform of the Congressional committee system. I
support the bipartisan effort of Senators Domenici and Boren,
Representatives Hamilton and Gradison, to trim the overgrown
thicket of committees and subcommittees which is now paralyzing
the Congress. Senator Boren said it best when he described the
Congress as "inefficient, unresponsive, wasteful, and compromised
by the way it finances its campaigns." The numbers of reformers
in the Congress is growing but they need the support of the
American people now more than ever.
Fourth, sweeping campaign finance reform. In 1989, I
proposed the total elimination of Political Action Committees;
limits on so-called "leadership PAC's"; an and to a practice
called bundling where business and unions encourage or coerce
contributions from employees or members and then give these
contributions as a single donation. In return, I proposed that
we double the amount of money that the parties can donate to
Congressional campaigns. That will reduce the influence of
special interests, decrease the time candidates and incumbents
spend fund-raising, and increase the legitimate role of our
political parties. I proposed that we reduce allowable
contributions by these "independent" PAC's to federal campaigns
and pass laws to ensure that they stay truly independent and
unaffiliated -- in other words, clean. Finally, I asked the
Congress to join me in stopping the abuse that results from
spreading around what's called "soft money" -- I asked for full
disclosure of "soft money" expenditures by all organizations as
the only way to clean up the system.
Fifth, regulatory reform. I have put a ninety-day
moratorium on new government regulations. Today I am announcing
[an extension/new review process]
Sixth, spending reform. I have already proposed to freeze
domestic discretionary spending in federal employment next year.
I have proposed to curb as well the growth of mandatory programs
without touching Social Security. I call again for the American
people to demand that the Congress to pass the same measure that
43 governors have: the line-item veto. In the absence of that
important tool I will continue to use whatever means are at my
disposal including the line-item-recission to protect the
taxpayer from the spending excesses of Congress. I will resist
any attempt by the Congress to dismantle the spending caps
implemented in the 1990 Budget Act.
Seventh, a new communications policty between the Congress
and the Executive Branch.
Eighth, reform of the nomination process.
Ninth, a Balanced Budget Constitutional Amendment.
Tenth, I am proposing [a new commission to evaluate our
civil service system to determine how we can best bring it into
the 21st Century]
Conclusion
Change is sweeping America, just as it is sweeping the
world. One institution after another is meeting the requirement
to improve quality, enhance the choice of consumers meet new
economic realities, take advantage of new opportunities.
Government must not continue to lag behind.
Two weeks ago, I talked about the requirement to reform
government. Today I would like to expand upon those remarks in
three ways.
INSERT:
Right here in Philadelpia, people every day are faced with the
fear of losing their life -- the streets just aren't safe
anymore. People in cities and towns all across America who once
had barbecues together in the park while their children played
are now afraid to leave their doorstep. And what is Congress
doing about this? They're passing National Digestive Disease
Awareness Week. They're passing National Asparagus Month. What
they don't realize is that if they don't give you tough new crime
laws, you may not be around long enough to enjoy that asparagus,
or learn about digestive diseases. It's time for Congress to
wake up and smell the coffee. People are dying out there, and if
Senators and Representatives truly supported their constituents,
they would pass new tougher crime laws
((David -- I think
it's important to stress that Congress is not holding back
legislation from the President, they're holding it back from the
American people -- the ones who put them in office. POTUS should
not say "
give me a crime bill", instead, he should say
"give you new, tougher crime laws. ") )
-- I think it is important in the beginning to start out by
saying why the President is even making these remarks. He thinks
it's important that the government work for the people. He looks
to what his father did as a Senator, and wishes it could all be
hunky dory -- with people doing what is good -- what is right.
He has got to let it be known that as the leader of all the
American people, he is not going to put up with this crap
anymore. Maybe POTUS can write a page or two about where he sees
America in ten years. That may give us some insight and maybe
he'll come up with something really good that we can use. The
speech is good, a little long, but it does need that personal
touch that maybe only he can give.
Franking re: campaign use
regular use
language inlasa used speech
any fact sheets?
(Dr Dr has it)
- Budget res. is passedby House & Senate
POIUS cannot veto it
if Rorus signed off
it would have fore flaw.
1) involves POTUS
2) b/c it would have force flaw,
Certain Leg. could not be passed
ever since
1975 Budget act deficit has skyrocketed
future
veto leg. that Congress won't applyto 75elf
(Ethics)
Regs.
Highlight news
veto
RogerP's
March 27, 1992
Reform Proposals
I.
Electoral Process Reform
Themes: Reduce the influence of special interests
Strengthen political parties
Restore competition in elections
A.
Campaign Finance Reform
Eliminate political action committees supported by
corporations, unions, or trade associations and
prohibit such entities from paying for the overhead
or administrative costs of any independent PACs.
Increase the amounts political parties can spend on
behalf of congressional candidates.
Prohibit the personal use of excess campaign funds
Drastically reduce Congressional mailings under the
frank
Ban the rollover of campaign funds from one election
cycle to the next
Develop fair neutral criteria for the redistricting
of Congressional and legislative seats
B.
Term Limitations for Members of Congress
specify # of
terms allowed?
II. Budget Reform
Themes: Reduce the growth of Federal spending
Establish needed fiscal discipline
Enhance the role of the President in the budget
process
A.
Budget Process Reforms
X
Formal Presidential involvement in the development of
the Joint Budget Resolution (FY 1991, 1992 and 1993
budgets)
Biennial budgeting (FY 1991 and 1992 budgets)
Enhanced rescission authority (FY 1991, 1992 and
1993 budgets)
Subjecting to regular review the growth of mandatory
-2-
spending programs as part of the budget process (FY
1993 budget)
Budgeting for deposit, pension, and other insurance
use same 3
(FY 1993 budget)
8
Instituting a regulatory budget (FY 1993 budget)
Strengthening the Budget Enforcement Act (FY 1993
budget)
in 3/20
-
Extend deficit reduction requirements and
enforcement procedures (FY 1993 budget)
-
Continue existing discretionary spending
categories with limits (FY 1993 budget)
-
Continue pay-as-you-go requirements (FY 1993
budget)
-
Continue maximum deficit amounts (FY 1993
budget)
B.
Budget-Related Constitutional Amendments
Line-item veto (FY 1991, 1992, and 1993 budgets)
Balanced Budget Constitutional Amendment (FY 1991,
1992, and 1993 budgets)
III. Institutional Reform
Themes: Enhance accountability of Governmental Officials
Increase efficiency of governmental institutions
A.
Application of Statutes to the Congress
B.
Boren-Domenici Committee Reforms Call for reform, useno names
(Quotes from the President, Senator Boren and Senator
Rudman)
C.
Confirmation Process (briefmention)
Six week period between nomination and vote on
confirmation
Ensure confidentiality of information in confirmation
process
(D. D. Logging Reform
Conclusion
Change is sweeping America. There are few institutions that have
escaped the requirement to improve quality, enhance the choice of
consumers or participants. government is lagging behind. Why?
Two weeks ago, I talked about the requirement to reform
government. Today I would like to expand upon those remarks in
three ways.
Congress Hall
Capitol of the United States, 1790-1800
He
Official National Park Handbook
Handbook 147
Congress Hall
Capitol of the United States, 1790-1800
Independence National Historical Park
Pennsylvania
Produced by the
Division of Publications
National Park Service
U.S. Department of the Interior
Washington, D.C. 1990
B
etween 1790 and 1800, Philadelphia served as
the capital of the United States and the U.S.
Congress met in the Philadelphia County Court
House, now called Congress Hall. During these for-
mative years, the United States was faced with the
challenge of establishing a viable government under
the Constitution. Here Congress enacted legislation
creating a firm financial foundation for the Nation
and significant internal policies. It provided for the
Nation's defense in time of crisis and debated and
ratified the foreign policies of Presidents George Wash-
ington and John Adams. Here the American system
of political parties began, and here Congress began
to develop as an institution and to establish its rela-
tionships with the other branches of Government
and its own methods of operation.
4
Congress Comes To
Philadelphia
Philadelphia in the last decade of the 18th century
was a "large, elegant," and fast-growing city of more
than 40,000 inhabitants. It was the capital of Penn-
sylvania and many regarded it as the "capital of the
new World." Its commerce and shipping prospered.
The city had distinguished public buildings, a few
private mansions, and scores of neat and regular brick
townhouses. Charitable institutions were numerous
and on the rise. Educational and intellectual institu-
tions flourished.
On its relatively clean, well-paved, well-lighted, and
regularly laid-out streets mingled Quakers, adherents
of the Episcopal Church, other Protestants, Catho-
lics, and Jews; English, Germans, Irish, French,
Negroes, and Indians- a legacy of William Penn's
policy of religious toleration. To one Congressman,
Philadelphians seemed "very plain and Simple in their
manners, and'affairs-[keeping] a stately distance in
their intercourse with Strangers. In their Economy
they are frugal, and in their business industrious. They
believe themselves to be the first people in America
as well in manners as in arts, and like englishmen
they are at no pains to disguise this opinion."
It was to this city that the new Federal Govern-
This eagle appears on the wall
ment came late in 1790. For the first year and a half
above the podium in the Senate
Chamber of Congress Hall.
of its tenuous existence, the struggling government
Although painted sometime
under President George Washington had met in New
between 1800 and 1807, after
Congress had moved from Phil-
York City. When Philadelphia was selected to serve
adelphia, it nevertheless has
come to be viewed as one of the
as the temporary Capital for 10 years while the per-
tangible reminders of the time
manent Capital was being built in the District of
when Congress Hall served as
the Capitol of the United States.
Columbia, the Philadelphia County Commissioners
offered Congress the use of their recently completed
courthouse.
As early as 1736, the Pennsylvania Assembly had
envisioned the State House, now Independence Hall,
forming part of a larger government complex to be
developed within the next 20 years. Lots on either
side of the State House were set aside for "two pub-
lic buildings
of the like outward [form], Struc-
5
ture and Dimensions, the one for the Use of the
County, and the other for the Use of the City.
"
The construction of the County Courthouse at the
corner of Sixth and Chestnut Streets, however, did
not begin until April 1787. (The other structure, City
Hall, was not started until 1791.)
Built of brick and in the Georgian tradition, the
County Courthouse complemented the State House
in material and style. It was a two-story structure
with a large bay in the rear. Inside was a single large
courtroom on the first floor and a smaller courtroom
and two other rooms on the second. Massachusetts
Congressman Theodore Sedgwick thought the court-
house "neat, elegant & convenient, but partakes not
of the splendid grandeur of federal, stile in New York,
yet I believe the citizens are determined. to make
efforts in the next season to outshine their rivals."
In preparation for the arrival of Congress, the
county commissioners refitted and refurnished the
building. The floors were carpeted wall-to-wall, vene-
tian blinds were installed, and stoves were placed in
the fireplaces. In the bay at the southern end of the
large first-floor room, they set up a dais for the Speaker
of the House of Representatives. At the north end
"a very capacious gallery" accommodated 300 to 400
spectators. Frequently during intense debate the pub-
lic filled it to capacity.
Thomas Affleck, a prominent Philadelphia cabi-
netmaker, was hired to make the furniture to be used
by the Congress. To be sure that he gave the legisla-
tors the style and comfort to which they were accus-
tomed, Affleck traveled to New York "to view the
Federal Hall & take Drafts of all the Seats, Desks &
other Furniture & Accommodations." For the House
members, he made rows of "shining mahogany" writ-
ing desks and black leather armchairs. For the Sen-
ators, who met in the more elegantly furnished
courtroom upstairs, he made individual desks and
covered the armchairs with red leather. The vice pres-
ident presided over the sessions from a seat beneath
a canopy set up in the bay of the room. A splendid
carpet in "rich bright colours," with an American
eagle holding an olive branch, a bundle of 13 arrows,
and a scroll inscribed "E Pluribus Unum," covered
the floor. Two smaller rooms flanking the second floor
hallway were fitted up as a committee room and an
office for the Secretary of the Senate.
6
In 1793, with the reapportionment of the House
of Representatives following the first Federal census
in 1790, the House membership increased from 69
to 105. Therefore, during the recess between ses-
sions, the county commissioners had the building
enlarged by extending it 26 feet into the State House
Yard, now Independence Square. They had the Speak-
er's dais moved to the west side of the House. A
door opposite led to the portico, a new structure
connecting the House Chamber with the House offices
in the west wing of the State House. The members
sat in no particular order in three semi-circular tiers
of seats. To the area outside the semicircle, mem-
bers brought visitors to hear the debates. In the bay
area at the south end of the room was a refreshment
table for the members, and doors leading out into
the State House Yard. Thomas Affleck was hired once
more to make the necessary furniture for the House
and Senate, matching the earlier pieces.
In the slightly enlarged Senate Chamber the Sen-
ators sat at desks arranged in two semicircular rows.
The addition provided enough space for the creation
of two much-needed committee rooms. The Secre-
tary of the Senate and his staff remained where they
had been and the room opposite became a confer-
ence room, where committees of the House and Sen-
ate could meet and adjust their differences on
legislation.
In 1795, the deliberations of the Senate were opened
to the public, and a small, cramped gallery for about
50 spectators was erected in the chamber.
7
The United States in the 1790s
When the decade began, the United States
Spain, Germany, and the British Isles com-
consisted of thirteen highly individual States,
bined. Only 239,935 square miles (about
each jealous of its own rights and sovereignty,
29%) were settled, however.
and two territories-one northwest and one
southwest of the Ohio River. Vermont was
The 1790 national census, mandated by the
admitted to the Union as the 14th State in
new Constitution, put the collective popula-
1791, ending fourteen years as a separate
tion of the United States at 3,929,214, of
republic. Kentucky, originally part of Virginia,
which 697,000 were black slaves. (Indians,
followed in 1792, and Tennessee, originally
estimated at about 100,000 and
part of North Carolina, in 1796.
living mostly beyond the Appa-
lachian frontier, were not
VT
The nation's boundaries stretched from the
179
counted.) The wealthiest
British (Canadian) border and the Great Lakes
section of the country
to just short of the Gulf of Mexico, and from
was the Northeast
the Atlantic Ocean to the Mississippi River,
(New England).
where Spanish claims began. Encompassed
within these boundaries were 827,844 square
NEW YORK
miles of land, an area as large as France, Italy,
People
New York
PENNSYLVANIA
Philadelphia
N.J.
MD.
Annapolis
DEL.
VIRGINIA
KENTUCKY
1792
runsW.
TENNESSEE
NORTH CAROLINA
1796
The constitution was
less than three years old
when the U.S. Govern-
SOUTH CAROLINA
ment came to Philadel-
phia in 1790. No one
knew yet if this new
apparatus of govern-
Charleston
ment would really func-
tion as the law of the
GEORGIA
land.
8
It specialized in commerce and fishing and
its society was dominated by merchants,
bankers, and shipowners. The Middle States
(New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania)
were an amalgam of commercial and agri-
MASSACHUSETTS
The map below was
cultural interests. The South was basically
printed in Philadelphia
agrarian and rural. Planters and farmers grew
in 1786 and shows the
tobacco, rice, and (after 1800) cotton. Vir-
United States the year
before 55 delegates
ginia was the most populous State. Phila-
met in the Pennsylvania
delphia, with 42,520 people, was the largest
State House (now Inde-
city. New York, with 33,131 was the second
pendence Hall) to cre-
largest. Most people, however, lived in small
ate a new constitutional
basis for American
towns and settlements, and on isolated
H.
government.
farmsteads.
S.
R.I.
90
80
70
Lake of
the Woods
CANADA
FANIA
QUEREC
Lake
Supe
Falls
Chippeurry
Ottawas
Linke Hru'on
NEW
Fort
Ottigamies
SHIRE
Falls& Lant.
thair
Ontario
Cod
Rivr
Like Brie
PENNSYL ANIA
VIONITII
Mipouri
OCEAN
POLY-
OhioR
momey
Bay
Cherotop
VIRGINIA
NORTH CAROLINA
Chicasaus
SOUTH CAROLINA
Charlettown
GEORGIA
Royal
Chactaus
Forge
WEST FLORIDA
ERICA
EAST FLORIDA Mary R.
30
95
00
Philad Enaraved by for Bailey's Pocketamanac
9
Philadelphia in the 1790s
The city that William Penn founded on the
verware to tailored clothes reflecting the lat-
banks of the Delaware River in 1681 was
est European fashions. Conestoga wagons
the metropolis of English America and the
lumbered through its streets all day long, min-
focal point of government during the Revo-
gling with coaches, chaises and drays. Phil-
lutionary War. It reached the peak of its influ-
adelphians rejoiced at this activity, for it
ence, however, during the decade it served
meant prosperity and comfortable lives. By
as the Federal capital. With a population
the end of the century Philadelphia had
larger than that of any other city in North
attracted thousands of immigrants from many
America (42,520 in 1790 and 61,559 in 1800),
cultures, giving the city a distinetly cosmo-
Philadelphia easily surpassed its nearest
politan air. One observer remark that Phil-
rivals, New York and Boston. It also became
adelphia in the 1790s had turned into "one
the nation's leading banking and commer
great hotel or place of shelter for strangers."
cial center. The Delaware teemed with sail-
ing ships from Europe and the Caribbean
bringing imports of all kinds to Philadelphia's
prosperous customers. Dotting the city were
shops where artisans and craftsmen produced
a variety of goods, from wagons and fine sil-
Philadelphia proper
stretched from the Del-
aware River on the east
to the Schuylkill on the
LIBERTIES
west and from Vine
Street on the north to
Cedar Street on the
south. Most of the city's
streets were paved, and
edged with raised brick
sidewalks. This map of
Philadelphia in the late
1790s was made by Wil-
liam Birch and his son
Thomas and depicts the
city at the height of its
importance. The Birch
engraving below, show-
RIVER DELAWARE
ing the back of the
State House, is one of
28 views they created
100 Perches beh
Eleventh
Tenth
Ninth
Seventh
Sixth
Fifth
Fourth
Third
Second
Front
to record the character
o
7'
If
of Philadelphia at the
end of the 18th century.
The Move to Philadelphia
For years after the Revolutionary war, the
The new Federal Government under the Con-
United States Government was migratory,
stitution began its work in 1789 in New York
meeting in Annapolis, Trenton, New York, and
City. In its search for a new capital the Con-
Philadelphia. Even so there were great pres-
gress considered locations on the Delaware,
sures to establish a permanent home. The
the Susquehanna, and the Potomac. South-
debate over a permanent location for the
erners like Washington, Jefferson, and Mad-
national government had been going on since
ison favored a seat on the Potomac River;
the days of the Continental Congress and,
Northerners divided their preferences
for various reasons, was never resolved.
between New York and several southeastern
Pennsylvania locations. The move to Phila-
Congrejseying
delphia was the result of compromise legis-
lation called the Residence Act, which
Congress passed on July 16, 1790, author-
izing President Washington and commission-
than
ers appointed by him to choose a site for the
a
If ne never mind
This way Bobby.
we can catch the Phin the the cargo
mo nn your prin
info 2000 me hg
Philadelphia
Im
permanent capital on the Potomac River. At
Federal Government to assume the States'
the same time it stipulated that the tempo-
war debts. Not everyone was pleased with
rary seat of government be located in Phila-
the result, as the anti-Philadelphia cartoon
delphia for 10 years.
on these pages suggests. Robert Morris,
financier, entrepreneur, and senator from
The backstage politicking necessary to arrive
Pennsylvania, is generally credited with get-
at this compromise was secretly engineered
ting the capital moved to Philadelphia and
by Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Ham-
was castigated by New Yorkers for his part
ilton who needed Southern backing in Con-
in removing it from their city.
gress to pass his Funding Act, allowing the
to the
Philattelphia
will veniure att
devit believe she is going it.
danger by comeing this way.
the might would have have that in
have been lost
Union the come constitution would
the any drantage Co
the Bontroller to sign our
suppose
prompur Dary pynor forgan sprious
you see the frip inc danger.
Buts the
abound to Conogocheque /m/ may % Philadelphia
The Philadelphia County Courthouse (Congress Hall)
The Philadelphia county courthouse was
men of the city, freeholders conventions to
brand new in 1789 when Congress began
nominate candidates for local office, the
to debate the question of finding a more cen-
county commissioners, the Pennsylvania
tral location for the new Federal Government.
Supreme Court, the Mayor's Court, and the
In the hope of enticing the Government to
United States Court for the District of
settle in Philadelphia, the County Commis-
Pennsylvania. But in July 1790, when it was
sioners offered Congress the use of its new
clear that Philadelphia would become the
courthouse. New York City, however, where
the temporary capital, the city and county
the old Confederation government had met
commissioners assumed the task of furnish-
since 1785 and where the new government
ing the courthouse for use by Congress. The
was still meeting, countered by renovating
Congress brought with it from New York lit-
Federal Hall, the Congress' present meet-
tle more than its books, papers, and the mace
ing place. To the disappointment of many
which the House of Representatives had pur-
Philadelphians, Congress decided to remain
chased in September of 1790. Almost all of
in New York.
the furniture used by the House and Senate
was paid for by the city and county of Phila-
At this time, the county courthouse was
delphia, with funds provided by the State
the meeting place of the mayor and alder-
government.
Right: Floor plans of
Congress Hall showing
the arrangement of the
House and Senate
chambers. Representa-
tives usually entered
the building from the
east side. Senators
entered from Chestnut
Street, ascended the
stairs, and then pro-
ceeded down a corridor
past a library and com-
mittee rooms in which
hung life-size portraits
of French King Louis
XVI and Marie
Antoinette, allies in the
struggle for America's
independence. One
Philadelphian thought
the accommodations
"unnecessarily fine."
The watercolor painting of the Pennsylvania
State House and its flanking buildings
on these pages is one of the earliest to show
the county courthouse after Philadelphia
became the temporary capital. It is one of a
series of nine watercolors made about 1792
by English artist James Peller Malcolm. The
ship on the State House lawn is the 33-foot
frigate Union, refurbished to serve as a float
in the 1788 Fourth of July parade.
Representative Fred-
his State's convention to
erick A. Muhlenberg of
ratify the Constitution.
Pennsylvania served as
He remained in Con-
Speaker of the House
gress until 1796, when
during the First and
his deciding vote for
Third Congresses. He
implementing the Jay
had earlier served as
Treaty angered his con-
Speaker of the Pennsyl-
stituents and ended his
vania Assembly and was
political career.
the presiding officer at
91
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THIRD
CON and 40 THIRD
I "n Sellion valid "" "V"
The Work of Congress
When the third session of the First Congress opened
ONGRESS
its proceedings in Congress Hall on December 6,
1790, the 65 representatives and 26 senators present
the
City
tober,
of
faced a number of very formidable tasks: "to com-
one
itty-one.
on
plete the System of Finance; and
...
give Stability
and Efficacy to the Government and shape its future
Progress and Operations."
The most pressing problem was legislating sound,
workable financial measures. The task of formulat-
/
CONGRESS
ing them fell to Secretary of the Treasury Alexander
Hamilton, who, although only 34 years old, possessed
TIRET
T-E
maturity of judgment, administrative ability, and an
December. uninety-threc. CRESION. one in thousand the flate of of Penning
unrivaled understanding of finance and banking.
The first taxes had been raised before Congress
arrived in Philadelphia. As the next step, Hamilton
now submitted to Congress a plan to establish the
t-irade cantry. from the United States to any
Bank of the United States, privately capitalized but
public in character. As depository for the Govern-
Au State commos Perton
ment's funds, collector of taxes, and issuer of bank
THE and of, or the of
the the nor thip 25
the the
notes, it offered a means to control the activities of
State banks and give the Nation a stable currency
and bank credit. Congress heatedly debated the char-
the the any
tering of the Bank, and deep divisions developed
ondemned, the the United or
among the members. The opposition, coming largely
faid thip in any or
from the Southern members and led by James Mad-
ison of Virginia, argued that there was no authoriza-
the
tion, either expressed or implied, for it in the
for and act,
Constitution. Nevertheless, both houses of Congress
passed the bill. President Washington hesitated to
cach
sign it but was finally persuaded to do so by Hamil-
ton's argument for a broad interpretation of the Con-
stitution. For the next 20 years, the Bank of the United
States successfully provided the Nation with a medium
of exchange and bank credit and gave the economy
the regulator it needed.
The success of Hamilton's financial plans required
the tapping of other sources of revenue. Rather than
impose direct taxes, Hamilton favored the enactment
of an excise tax on foreign and domestically manu-
17
factured liquor. Despite strong opposition, the bill
passed the House. The Senate approved it only after
Hamilton gathered his supporters around him and
personally sat behind locked committee room doors
with Robert Morris and the committee. The bill's
unpopularity in grain-producing areas was clearly dem-
onstrated in 1794, when the so-called "Whiskey Rebel-
lion" erupted in western Pennsylvania and threatened
to spread throughout the West. But the Federal Gov-
ernment quickly and easily put it down.
To further implement Hamilton's financial program,
Congress adopted in April 1792 his recommenda-
tion for the establishment of a Federal Mint to pro-
vide the Nation with an adequate coinage.
By the end of 1792, in large part due to Hamil-
ton's work, the problem of the debt had been set-
tled, a revenue system set up, and the credit of the
Federal Government established both at home and
abroad. As Senator Rufus King reported: "Our com-
merce & navigation continue to increase
the
sound state of public credit and the Establishment
of Banks have already given aids to commerce, and
will soon afford assistance to manufacturing & agri-
culture
While governmental systems were being tested and
strengthened, Congress took the first step in enlarg-
ing the Federal Union. On February 18, 1791, Ver-
mont was admitted "as a new and entire member of
the United States of America," with complete equal-
ity in all things with the Thirteen Original States. In
1792, Kentucky, formerly part of the State of Vir-
ginia, was admitted as the 15th State; and in 1796,
Tennessee became the 16th. Thus did Congress carry
into effect the significant national policy set forth in
the Northwest Ordinance of 1787. While the issue
of citizenship was under consideration, Congress
received the welcome news that the first 10 amend-
ments to the Constitution had been ratified by the
States. These guaranteed to the people such funda-
mental rights as freedom of speech, press, religion,
and assembly. With this, the Bill of Rights, as these
amendments were known, became an official part
of the basic law of the Nation.
During the years in Philadelphia, Congress' par-
ticular role in governing the Nation its powers, pre-
rogatives, and procedures-became established. A
struggle for power between the legislative and exec-
18
utive branches marked the period. Presidents Wash-
ington and Adams generally refrained from exerting
direct influence upon legislative proceedings, and the
relations of Chief Executive with the legislature
mainly consisted of sending messages and comply-
ing with reasonable requests for help and informa-
tion. Secretary of the Treasury Hamilton, however,
did attempt to influence Congress when it consid-
ered fiscal and monetary matters; he even arranged
committee memberships and personally attended com-
mittee meetings. For its part, Congress investigated
the executive branch and its expenditure of funds
and sought to share in the making of policy. It tested
its possible role in the treaty-making process during
the Jay Treaty debate.
The committee system developed quickly in Con-
gress. In each house, committees were established
to prepare and draft bills, and conference commit-
tees of members from both houses met to resolve
differences. The first Congressional investigating com-
mittee was set up in 1792 to look into the disastrous
defeat of Gen. Arthur St. Clair's army by Indians on
the frontier.
The work of committees was essential to the effi-
cient operation of the legislative process. Thus the
two Senate committee rooms and the conference room
on the second floor of Congress Hall were the scenes
of important legislative deliberations that proved vital
in the molding of the new Nation. Committee work
consumed much of the Congressmen's time and
energy, with meetings being held in the mornings
before the regular sessions, again in the evenings,
and on Saturdays.
19
First Bank of the United States
Two of the major tasks confronting Congress
notes, payable upon demand in gold and
as it began its deliberations in Philadelphia's
silver and designed to be the principal
County Courthouse were the creation of an
circulating medium of the Republic.
adequate currency and a national bank. On
December 14, 1790, in a report to Congress,
Hamilton's proposal did not go unchallenged,
Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamil-
especially in the House of Representatives
ton proposed to remedy both by creating the
where James Madison and an agrarian ele-
Bank of the United States. Modeled after
ment looked upon an alliance between Gov-
the Bank of England, it would be part pri-
ernment and banking with great mistrust,
vate and part public and serve as the main
questioning its constitutionality and believ-
repository of Federal funds and an agency
ing that it would only benefit Northern com-
for collecting and spending tax revenues. It
mercial groups and the wealthy. But both the
would, he said, work with the Treasury
House and Senate passed the bill incorpo-
Department as "an indispensable engine in
rating the Bank of the United States with
the administration of finances" and serve as
very little debate. President Washington, how-
the "mainspring and regulator of the whole
ever, hesitated to sign it and sought opin-
American business world." The bank's most
ions from Secretary of State Thomas
important function would be to issue bank
Jefferson and Attorney General Edmund
FOUNDED A. D. MDCCXCV
Randolph. Like Madison, both Jefferson and
ary 25, 1791. During its 20-year life, as Mad-
Randolph opposed the bill on constitutional
ison and others feared, the Bank of the
grounds, Jefferson arguing that since the
United States helped to make the Govern-
Constitution did not specifically provide for
ment more centralized, linked more to North-
a national bank the Federal Government had
ern businessmen than Southern farmers. But
no right to take action in that direction. "To
it also gave the United States a sound finan-
take a single step beyond the boundaries
cial system and more prosperous economy
specially drawn around the powers of Con-
than many had imagined possible.
gress," he said, "is to take possession of a
boundless field of power, no longer suscep-
tible of any definition." Hamilton countered
by asserting that where the Constitution
failed to set specific limits the Government
had authority to act, SO long as the means
employed were "necessary and proper."
Washington did not wholly agree with either
argument, but he signed the bill on Febru-
HAMILTON
The Bank of the United
States opened for busi-
ness in February 1791
in Carpenters Hall. It
remained there for six
years before moving
into the building (left)
we know today as the
First Bank. Above and
right: Alexander Hamil-
ton and Thomas Jeffer-
son. Their arguments
for and against the bank
bill set the precedent
for loose vs. strict
interpretation of the
Constitution.
JEFFERSON
21
The Men of Congress
The 367 men who served in Congress dur-
For some, greater fame lay in the future.
ing the Philadelphia years were among the
James Madison of Virginia entered the House
most distinguished in Congressional history.
of Representatives with an already distin-
Over half had seen active military service
guished record of leadership in the framing
during the War for Independence and the
and ratification of the Constitution. He had
critical years that followed. Ten had signed
been the dominating spirit of the Conven-
the Declaration of Independence, among
tion. In Congress he assumed leadership of
them Richard Henry Lee, who had introduced
the Jeffersonian Republican forces in their
the June 7, 1776, resolution for indepen-
opposition to the financial and foreign poli-
dence into the Second Continental Congress;
cies of Washington's predominantly Feder-
Roger Sherman, a member of the commit-
alist administration. His four terms in the
tee appointed to draft the Declaration of Inde-
House of Representatives were a prelude
pendence; and Robert Morris, the financier
to his later service as Jefferson's Secretary
of the Revolution. Many brought with them
of State and his own two terms as President
valuable experience gained in the Continen-
from 1809 to 1817.
tal Congresses and State governments.
Twenty-nine were framers and 19 were sign-
Three other future Presidents served here:
ers of the Constitution.
James Monroe of Virginia, the hard bitten
1 Elias Boudinot (N.J.)
2 Samuel Smith (Md.)
3 Jeremiah Wadsworth (Conn.)
4 Isaac Smith (N.J.)
5 William Findley (Pa.)
6 John Page (Va.)
7 Henry "Light-Horse Harry"
Lee (Va.)
8 John Marshall (Va.)
9 Richard Henry Lee (Va.)
10 Charles Carroll (Md.)
11 James Hillhouse (Conn.)
12 William Loughton Smith (S.C.)
13 Oliver Ellsworth (Conn.)
14 Samuel Livermore (N.H.)
2
1
5
4
3
6
Tennessean Andrew Jackson, and William
John Marshall, the later great Chief Justice,
Henry Harrison from the Northwest Territory.
served briefly with distinction. He became
a champion of the Federalist administration.
Swiss-born Albert Gallatin, representing fron-
His powerful, clear, and logical defense of
tier Pennsylvania, brought into Congress a
President Adams' handling of the Jonathan
knowledge of finance matching that of Ham-
Robbins case, involving the extradition of a
ilton himself. Although voted out of the Sen-
British sailor, is a masterpiece of American
ate after only three months' service because
oratory; it was also one of the few times a
of his failure to meet the residence require-
speech in Congress has changed votes.
ments, Gallatin returned and served three
terms in the House of Representatives and
The rolls of Congress also contained the
was the leading spokesman of the Jeffer-
names of Aaron Burr of New York, later Vice
sonians in financial matters. After Madison's
President of the United States and the man
retirement, Gallatin became the recognized
who killed Alexander Hamilton in a duel;
leader of the Republican minority in the
Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts, Vice Pres-
House. He went on to serve, capably and
ident under Madison; and many others of
faithfully, for 14 years as Secretary of the
lesser fame long forgotten.
Treasury under both Jefferson and Madison.
8
7
9
11
12
10
13
14
The Rise of Political Parties
The clash of political philosophies and eco-
strength from Northern merchants and suc-
nomic interests, as represented by Secre-
cessful Southern planters, from the well-to-do
tary of the Treasury Hamilton and Secretary
artisans, lawyers, and businessmen of the
of State Thomas Jefferson, led to the devel-
cities, and from an occasional farmer. Class-
opment of the first American political par-
conscious, they favored a strong central gov-
ties. The Constitution had made no provision
ernment, distrusted the masses, and
for parties or party structures. Indeed, the
championed property rights.
framers of the Constitution had hoped that
interest in the national welfare would tran-
The Republicans, led by Jefferson and his
scend local and party spirit. But by 1792,
fellow-Virginian James Madison, represented
recognizable political groupings, with defi-
the agricultural interests. They reflected the
nite leadership and philosophies, could be
prevailing attitudes of the majority of Ameri-
identified in Congress.
cans who distrusted a large central govern-
ment and feared the bankers, the monied
The mercantile-shipping-financial interests
interests, and the burden of a large national
rallied behind Hamilton; these were the Fed-
debt. They defended local and State's rights,
eralists. Their leaders were men of wealth
believed in simple, frugal government, and
and high social position. The party drew its
viewed the farmer as the American ideal.
Federalists
The Federalists controlled
1 Rufus King
the executive branch dur-
2 Timothy Pickering
ing the administrations of
3 John Adams
Washington and Adams,
4 Fisher Ames
but in the legislative
5 Robert Morris
branch their control was
6 Henry Knox
not as complete. The
7 Alexander Hamilton
House of Representatives
was rather evenly divided
between the two parties
-at different times each
having a slight majority.
1
2
4
3
5
6
7
CUDGELING as bylate ACT-in CONGRESS.USA
Political animosities
between Republicans
and Federalists ac-
counted for many of
the Congress' internal
problems. This contem-
porary cartoon pokes
fun at one such inci-
dent, between Republi-
can Congressman Mat-
thew Lyon of Vermont
and Federalist Con-
gressman Roger Gris-
wold of Connecticut,
who settled their dif-
ferences with cane and
tongs on the floor of
the House of Repre-
sentatives.
Some members of Con-
Jeffersonian
gress could not be easily
Republicans
classified, their votes
1 Thomas Sumter
being determined not by
2 James Madison
party designation or by
3
James Monroe
State or region, but by
4 Thomas Jefferson
strong personal convic-
5
John Langdon
tions. Some of the more
6
Albert Gallatin
prominent Federalists and
their Jeffersonian Repub-
lican opponents are
shown on these pages.
1
3
2
4
5
6
The Yellow Fever Epidemic of 1793
Smallpox and malaria were regular visitors
and other evacuation of the sick were allowed
to Philadelphia, but yellow fever had
to remain in the most offensive state imag-
appeared only sporadically until the late sum-
inable
No wonder, then, that a general
mer of 1793, when it struck with devasta-
dread of the place prevailed
and that a
ting results. More than 2,000 died. Those who
removal to it was considered as the seal of
could fled the city, including President Wash-
death."
ington and most other government officials.
Those who remained behind confronted a
Dr. Benjamin Rush, considered the most emi-
terror and demoralization the likes of which
nent American physician of his day, fought
few had previously known.
the disease with bleeding and purgatives,
accepted treatments for almost everything;
Bush Hill, the estate where Vice President
other doctors prescribed milder remedies.
Adams lived for two years after the govern-
Alexander Hamilton was felled by the fever
ment moved to Philadelphia, was used as a
but was "saved by Doctor [Edward] Stevens's
hospital and, said one witness, "exhibited as
cold bath, and bark," said Congressman
wretched a picture of human misery as ever
Fisher Ames of Massachusetts. The fever
existed
The dying and the dead were
abated with the arrival of colder weather
indiscriminately mingled together. The ordure
and spared the city for the next three years.
During the epidemic,
comfort the sick. The
President Washington
severity of the disease
stayed at the Deshler-
is clearly underscored
Morris house (left) in
by the Bill of Mortality
Germantown. The Rev.
(opposite) published
Richard Allen (below,
near the end of 1793.
left), one of the found-
Dolley Payne Todd
ers of Philadelphia's
(below), whose husband
African Methodist
died of the disease, sub-
Church, and the cele-
sequently married Con-
brated Dr. Benjamin
gressman James
Rush (below, center)
Madison, destined to
helped care for and
become the fourth Pres-
ident of the United
States.
26
MORTALITY.
OCCASIO
-EACH MOMENT has its fickle, emulous
His little weapon in the narrower fifthere
of TIME'S enormous feythe, whofe ample fweep,
Of Tweet DOMESTIC comfort, and cuts down
Strikes empires from the root each MOMENT plays
The faireft bloom of fublumary blife.
An Account of the BAPTISMS AND BURIALS in the United Churches of Chrift Church and St. Peter's,
by Matthew Whitehead and John Ormrod, Clerks; and Jofeph Dolby, Sexton.
Alfo---An abftract of the Baptifms and Burials of the various Congregations of the City and Suburbs of
Philadelphia. From December 25, 1792, to December 25, 1793.
in
Males,
74
BAPTISMS,
mn
Males,
228
BURIALS INCREASED or DECREASED.
BURIALS,
Females,
65
Females,
170
Swedes
96 Increafed
6.,
139
398
German Lutherans
8c2 Ditto
617
Ditto Reformed
224
Ditto
15'
The Friends
482 Ditto
343
Difference of Baptifms and Burials in Chrift Church and St. Peter's between
Firit Prefbyterians
95 Ditto
58
this year and laft,
Second Do.
147 Ditto
86
Third Do.
152
Ditto
ICO
Baptifins decreafed
41 Burials increafed,
373
Scotch Do.
31 Ditto
23
The Affociate Church
15 Ditto
9
Moravians
18 Ditto
10
Buried under one year,
23 From forty to fifty
Society of Free Quakers
43 Ditto
28
37
Methodifts
50 Ditto
to fixty
2C
From one to three
31
31
Baptitts
87 Ditto
to live
19
to feventy
19
55
to ten
26
to eighty
18
Jews, or Hebrew Church
4 Ditto
2
to twenty
42
to ninety
7
to thirty
81
to a hundred
I
BURIALS in the STRANGER's GROUND.
to forty
63
to a hundred and five
I
Whites
1639 Increased
504
Blacks
The Difeales and Cafualties in Chrift Church and St. Peter's, this year.
305 Ditto
238
Apoplexy,
I Gravel
2
I Hooping Cough
BAPTISMS this Year,
Althma,
5
1634 Decreased
131
Bilious Fever
3 Hives
5
BURIALS Ditto,
53°4 Increated
3939
Cholic
I Mortification
3
Cancer,
2 Nervous Fever
5
3 Old Age
BURIALS in the GRAVE-YARDS, fince the FIRST of AUGUST.
Child-bed,
3
Confumption
12 Purging and Vomiting
9
(Printed by William W. Woodward. Franklin's Head, Cbefnut-fireet)
Chrift Church and St. Peter's
I Palley
229 Roman Catholics-St. Miry's
2/8
Dry Gripes
7
St. Paul's
Dropfy
9 Small-pox
16
77
Ditto
Holy Trinity
3°
Swedes
Decay
44 Suddenly
79 The Affociate Church
18
4
German Lu herans
6-58 Moravians
Fits
17 Teeth and Worms
10
15
Ditto Reformed
7 Worms
6
205 Society of Free Quakers
...
Fever
50
The Friends
Flux
6 Yellow Fever
385 Methodifts
214
35
Firft Prefbyterians
70 Baptifts
Gout
2
72
Second Do.
129 Kentington,
178
ST. PAUL's CHURCH.
Third Do.
112 Jews or Hebrew Church
4
Scotch Do.
18 Stranger's Ground
1426
Baptifms 143 Decreased 2
Burials
94
Increased
54
TOTAL fince Auguft
...
5019
ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCHES.
How many precious fouls are fled
Thy children, panting to be gone,
ST.
MARY'S
m
Baptifms
335 Decreafed
13
To the valt regions of the dead !
May bid the tide of time roll on,
Burials
37° Increafed
228
Since to this day the changing fun
To land them on that happy fhore,
HOLY TRINITY,
m
Baptifms
53 Increafed
6
Through his laft yearly period run.
Where years and deathare known nomere
Burials
53 Increafed
40
Weyet furvive; but who can fay ?
No more fatigue, no more diffreft,
That through this year, or month, or day,
Nor fin, nor hell fhall reach that place;
BAPTISMS INCREASED or DECREASED.
" I fuall retain this vital breath,
No groans to mingle with the fongs,
" Thus far, at leaft, in league with death.'
Refounding from immortal tongnes:
Swedes
42 Decreased
10
German Lutherans
506 Increafed
66
That breath is thine, eternal God
No more alarms from ghoftly foes;
Ditto Reformed
200 Decreated
I
Tis thine tofix my foul's abode
No cares to break the long repofe:
Firft Prefbyterians
45 Ditto
9
It holds its life from thee alone
Nomidnight fhade, no clouded fun,
Second Do.
50 Ditto
26
On earth, or in the world unknown.
But facred high eternal noon.
Third Do.
60 Ditto
5
Scotch Do.
To thee our fpirits we refign,
O, long expected year begin;
The Affociate Church
6 Decreafed
2
Make them and own them ftill as thine;
Dawn on this world of woe and fin;
Moravians
I Ditto
6
So fhall they live fecure from tear,
Methodifts
5° Ditto
Fain would we leave this weary road,
3°
Jews, or Hebrew Church
Though death fhould blaft the rifing year. To fleep in death, and reft with Cod.
4
27
Foreign Affairs
in the Forefront
George Washington, pastel by James
On March 4, 1793, a great crowd-officers of the
Sharples, Sr., or Ellen Sharples,
about 1796, Washington's last year
Government, members of Congress, foreign minis-
as president. It was also the year of
ters, and a number of private citizens-gathered in
his famous Farewell Address warning
against establishing permanent for-
the Senate Chamber and along the second-floor
eign alliances that could draw the
hallway to see George Washington sworn in for his
United States into European conflicts.
second term as President. Amid a solemn hush,
Washington entered the room, and delivered an in-
augural address, the brevity of which set a standard
not always followed by his successors:
"Fellow Citizens: I am again called upon by the
voice of my country to execute the functions of its
chief magistrate. When the occasion proper for it
shall arrive, I shall endeavor to express the high sense
I entertain of this distinguished honor, and of the
confidence which has been reposed in me by the
people of the United States.
"Previous to the execution of any official act of
the President, the Constitution requires an oath of
office. This oath I am now about to take and in your
presence, that if it shall be found during my admin-
istration of the government I have in any instance
violated willingly or knowingly the injunction thereof,
I may (besides incurring Constitutional punishment)
be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now
witnesses of the present solemn ceremony."
Washington then took the oath of office and
returned to his residence. As he left the Senate Cham-
ber, the people could no longer remain silent and
spontaneously saluted him with three rousing cheers.
During the Congressional recess that followed Wash-
ington's inauguration, foreign affairs took on great
importance. The French Revolution had reached its
violent climax, watched with mixed feelings by the
American public. War had broken out between France
and Great Britain, and the United States found itself
in a delicate position vis-a-vis the contending parties:
one a close and valuable ally in the fight for inde-
pendence, the other a nation whose powerful navy
controlled the high seas and with whom America
29
had a flourishing trade. In the spring of 1793 Wash-
ington issued a proclamation of neutrality declaring
the United States "friendly and impartial toward the
belligerent Powers" and prohibiting American citi-
zens from "aiding or abetting hostilities."
By the time Congress reconvened on December
3, 1793, to hear Washington's fifth annual address
to the joint houses, events threatened to drag the
United States into the European conflict. This was
due primarily to the activities of "Citizen" Edmond
Charles Genêt, Revolutionary France's Minister to
the United States. Genêt regarded Washington's neu-
trality proclamation as, in the words of one histo-
rian, "a harmless little pleasantry designed to throw
dust in the eyes of the British." He boldly tried to
involve the United States "in war abroad, and dis-
cord and anarchy at home" by blatantly fitting out
privateers in American ports to raid British commerce.
He even threatened to appeal to the people for sup-
port against Washington. Such was the climate of
discontent that John Adams would later remember
"the terrorism excited by Genêt in 1793, when ten
thousand people in the streets of Philadelphia day
after day threatened to drag Washington out of his
house, and effect a revolution in the Government,
or compel it to declare war in favor of the French
revolution.
Washington devoted most of his fifth annual address
to foreign affairs and to explaining the Neutrality Proc-
lamation, which he had issued without Congressional
support or debate. Two days later he submitted to
Congress the correspondence and official documents
relating to Genêt's indiscretions and demanded the
minister's recall. By now, however, the government
of France was in the hands of the radical Jacobins.
Genêt, fearful for his life should he return home,
asked for and received asylum in the United States.
He subsequently became an American citizen and
married the daughter of Governor George Clinton
of New York.
Late in 1793, as he prepared to resign as Secre-
tary of State, Jefferson submitted to Congress a
"Report on the Privileges and Restrictions on the
Commerce of the United States in Foreign Coun-
tries," seeking to tie American trade and foreign pol-
icy to France. In support of this, Madison introduced
into Congress in January 1794 a series of "Commer-
30
cial Propositions" aimed directly at attacking England
where she was most vulnerable, "in her Commerce
& Manufactures," so that she would treat the United
States with "justice" and "proper respect." The floor
of Congress now became the battleground of the
two opposing factions: the Republicans, who were
pro-French, and the Federalists, pro- English.
Despite Washington's Neutrality Proclamation, the
British government treated the United States almost
as though she were a belligerent power. The British
Navy seized hundreds of American vessels trading
in the French West Indies and English emissaries
aroused the Barbary pirates to attack American ship-
ping in the Mediterranean. Moreover, despite the terms
of the 1783 treaty that ended the Revolutionary War,
British troops continued to occupy forts in the Old
Northwest, thus controlling the lucrative western fur
trade and preventing settlement in the Ohio Valley.
Anti-British feelings in Congress and the country at
large were intense. War seemed almost inevitable,
but, as one Congressman put it, the Nation would
"not go to war lest they are driven to it by the most
pressing necessity."
To prevent war, Washington in the spring of 1794
sent Chief Justice John Jay to England as minister
plenipotentiary to secure, among other things, the
cession of the British forts on the American fron-
tier, reparation for losses sustained by the seizure of
American ships, and a commercial treaty with Great
Britain. Jay was surprised to find the British very
cordial and eager to settle the dispute, but only if
His Majesty's government believed the United States
was and intended to remain truly neutral in the war
with France.
For months Congress and the Nation anxiously
awaited news of Jay's mission and the text of the
treaty. When the treaty arrived, Washington called
the Senate into special session to ratify it. The Sen-
ate was divided sharply in its debate over the trea-
ty's provisions. Jay had gotten the British to agree to
a commercial treaty giving the United States a most-
favored nation status, to evacuate the Northwest forts
by 1796, and to allow joint commissions to settle
questions of reparations and other disputes. What
Jay had failed to get, however, was Britain's agree-
ment to uphold America's neutral rights under inter-
national law - an omission that angered Republicans
31
and which would later lead to a serious crisis with
France.
On June 24, 1795, with Vice President Adams pre-
siding, the Federalist-dominated Senate passed the
treaty by a vote of 20 to 10-exactly the two-thirds
majority required by the Constitution. Publication
of the text of the treaty aroused throughout the Nation
a cry, described by the President, "like that against
a mad dog." At first Washington was uncertain
whether to approve the treaty, but fearing a growing
French influence in the Nation and feeling that accord
with England rather than war was in the best inter-
ests of the people, he signed it.
The prospects for peace were brighter as Presi-
dent Washington addressed the Fourth Congress when
it convened in December 1795. Thomas Pinckney
had negotiated a treaty with Spain which the Senate
quickly and unanimously approved. Unlike the Jay
Treaty, the Pinckney Treaty was highly favorable to
the United States, granting American citizens the long-
sought right of unrestricted use of the Mississippi
River. When the United States agreed to pay a yearly
tribute to the Dey of Algiers, peace with the Bar-
bary pirates was achieved. Gen. Anthony Wayne paved
the way for peace on the frontier by signing a treaty
with the Indians of the Northwest Territory clearing
the Government title to additional Western territo-
ries acquired by the 1783 treaty with England. This
led Congress to enact the significant Land Act of
1796, which encouraged settlement and aided the
rapid expansion of the West.
The Jay Treaty, however, continued to divide Con-
gress and the Nation. Washington officially promul-
gated the treaty on February 29, 1796, and the
Republicans in the House of Representatives imme-
diately launched their final campaign against it. The
House passed a resolution asking Washington to sub-
mit to them all of the papers relating to the treaty.
He refused, arguing that the Constitution had not
included the House in the treaty-making procedure.
For the next two months the House debated an appro-
priation bill upon which the execution of the treaty
depended.
The debate involved not only the treaty itself, but
the question of the constitutional relationship of the
Legislature with the Chief Executive. The rights of
the House were asserted in resolutions written by
32
Madison and introduced by North Carolina Repre-
sentative Thomas Blount and which passed the house
by a sizable majority vote. As Congressional debate
continued, public sentiment changed dramatically in
favor of the treaty, and petitions urging passage of
the bill implementing it flooded Congress.
On April 28, when partisan feelings were at their
strongest, Federalist Fisher Ames of Massachusetts
took the floor. Frail and sickly, Ames spoke so faintly
that he could barely be heard. Yet he delivered one
of the most moving speeches ever heard in the House
of Representatives to an audience that included mem-
bers of the Senate, Justices of the Supreme Court,
and even Vice President John Adams. Ames spoke
for more than an hour, pointing out the benefits the
United States would gain from the treaty and pre-
dicting dire consequences should the House reject
it. There is some question whether Ames' speech
changed any votes, but when he had finished, noted
John Adams, there was hardly a dry eye in the cham-
ber, "except some of the jackasses who had occa-
sioned the necessity of the oratory."
The next day the bill was voted upon in the Com-
mittee of the Whole. The result was a tie, 49 to 49.
The chairman, House Speaker and Republican Fred-
erick Augustus Muhlenberg, cast the deciding vote-
with the Federalists for the bill. The treaty was safe,
and "Peace & tranquility" now succeeded the months
of "noisy Debate" in the halls of Congress.
While the "Spirit of Faction" subsided, Republi-
cans continued to condemn Jay's Treaty as a sacri-
fice of American rights and honor. The partisan
division in Congress was soon deepened by a wors-
ening of Franco-American relations, brought about
when France, angered not only by the ratification of
Jay's Treaty but by the election that same year of
John Adams to the Presidency, embarked upon a
policy of seizing American shipping. President Adams
sent Elbridge Gerry, John Marshall, and Charles
Cotesworth Pinckney to France to smooth matters.
The envoys' dispatches recording in detail their
experiences with the French Directory, including bla-
tant attempts to extort large sums of money from
the United States as the basis for any negotiations,
reached America in the spring of 1798 and were sent
to Congress by the President. (This came to be known
as the XYZ Affair because those letters were substi-
33
tuted for the names of the Frenchmen who dealt
with the American commissioners.) The American
public was outraged: "Millions for defence, but not
one cent for tribute" became the rallying cry of the
day. Expecting the French to declare war, President
Adams advocated a policy of armed neutrality. Con-
gress responded by creating the Navy Department
as a new executive department with full Cabinet sta-
tus. The Senate confirmed President Adams' nomi-
nation of Benjamin Stoddert as the first Secretary of
the Navy. Three new and powerful frigates were added
to the American navy and the Marine Corps was
revived. Money for arms and harbor fortifications
was appropriated, and the army was enlarged.
A state of quasi-war existed between the United
States and France for more than two years. In March
1799, believing that the French were now ready to
When Chief Justice John Jay
(above) returned from England
negotiate a settlement of their differences, President
with the treaty he negotiated with
Adams nominated William Vans Murray as Minister
Great Britain, he was not wel-
comed like a man who had
Plenipotentiary to France. The Senate expanded Mur-
helped prevent a war. Instead he
ray's mission into a three-man team, which was finally
found himself the center of a
political firestorm. Federalist Sen-
able to negotiate an end to the quasi-war.
ators in Congress generally
Domestically, the threat of war with France caused
approved the treaty's provisions
and garnered more than enough
the Federalists in Congress, now holding a strong
votes to ratify it quickly. Repub-
lican Senators, however, called
majority, to pass the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798.
Jay a "lickspittle" and the treaty
Ostensibly these measures were aimed at newly arrived
a sellout of U.S. rights. When Jay
resigned as Chief Justice to
political refugees and immigrants. They were really
become governor of New York
designed to keep Jeffersonian Republicans in line.
in 1795, he was probably the
most unpopular man in the nation
The laws increased the residency requirements for
and the object of such vilifica-
citizenship, gave the President the power to expel
tion that he wryly remarked to a
friend that he could find his way
foreigners, and imposed limitations on freedom of
across the country by the light
of his own burning effigies (right).
speech and press, with fines and imprisonment the
penalties for writing, publishing, or speaking any-
thing of a "false, scandalous and malicious" nature
against the Government or any of its officers.
Two States, Virginia and Kentucky, passed resolves
(secretly written by Madison and Jefferson, respec-
tively) questioning the constitutionality of what many
were denouncing as "the most diabolical laws that
were ever attempted to be imposed on a free and
enlightened people." The controversy over the Alien
and Sedition Acts undermined the Federalists' hold
on the government, led to the election of Jefferson
to the presidency in 1800, and brought about Repub-
lican control of Congress.
34
CORK
AVS
The Quasi-War and the Rebirth of the U.S. Navy
In 1794, when the crisis over Britain's sei-
The United States had not had a navy since
zure of American ships on the high seas and
at least 1784, when the last ship of the old
her encouragement of Indian depredations
Continental Navy was sold, and some Con-
on the frontier was coming to a head, the
gressmen thought that it ought to stay that
United States Congress took steps to
way. Representative William B. Giles of Vir-
strengthen the country's defensive posture.
ginia considered navies "very foolish things"
While Federalist leaders had no desire for a
and opposed building an American fleet. His
war with Great Britain, they realized that it
colleague and fellow Virginian, James Mad-
might just come to that and that the country
ison, proposed that the United States hire
had better be prepared. One of the propos-
the Portuguese Navy rather than construct
als the Congress was asked to consider was
one of its own. In February 1794, Congress
the creation of an American navy.
established an American navy by authoriz-
ing the construction of six frigates. They were
expected to be used against the Barbary
pirates, whom Britain had encouraged to
attack American shipping in the Mediterra-
nean. Instead, they ended up being used
against the French in the Caribbean, after
France, in retaliation for Jay's Treaty with
England, began seizing neutral American
merchant ships trading in the West Indies.
One of the frigates, the United States, and
several other ships financed by the city's
private citizens were built in Philadelphia at
shipyards like the one shown in the Birch
print on these pages. In 1798 Congress
authorized the establishment of the Navy
Department, with Benjamin Stoddart as Sec-
retary. Stoddart pushed to completion the
construction of the frigates and greatly
strengthened the naval forces across the
board.
Benjamin Franklin Bache and a Free Press
On October 1, 1790, Benjamin Franklin
Bache blamed Washington for "all the mis-
Bache launched a newspaper-the General
fortunes of our Country" and applauded his
Advertiser, and Political, Commercial, Agri-
decision to retire from the Presidency. "If ever
cultural, and Literary Journal, later renamed
there was a period for rejoicing," he wrote,
the Aurora. Like his grandfather and name-
"this is the moment." By the summer of 1798
sake, Bache considered a free press "the
Bache was the object of much hostility, as
Bulwark of Liberty" and the primary means
the Federalist cartoon on these pages sug-
of keeping the people enlightened. At first,
gests. (Bache is shown being trampled by
he adhered closely to the motto on his
militiamen while Jefferson, Madison, and Gal-
paper's masthead-"Truth, Decency, Utility"
latin try to keep Washington from advanc-
-reporting both national events and Con-
ing to meet the French threat.) When Bache
gressional debates with fairness and accu-
died from yellow fever in September, the Fed-
racy. But then, caught up in the partisan
eralist press gloated: "The memory of this
politics of the 1790s, he embraced the ideas
scoundrel cannot be too highly execrated."
of the anti-Federalist "Democratic-
The Republican press lamented "the loss of
Republican" faction and adopted the vitu-
so valuable a citizen." Posterity judges
perative style of journalism then prevailing
him a partisan but dedicated
in the city.
advocate of freedom.
The Cannibals are brading
General
The first issue of
Bache's paper (right)
Invertiler.
gave no indication that
GENERAL ADVERTISER, foured
by 1797 it would have
Communical Agriculture
a daily circulation of
1,700 copies and be the
most widely read news-
paper in the country. In
some ways, especially
the editorial forum it
offered to Philadel-
phians, it was a forerun-
ner of modern journal-
ism. Far right: An
engraving showing the
kind of printing press
used to produce news-
papers in the 18th
century.
Step di wheels of
From Washington to Adams: The Peaceful Transfer of Political Power
The Presidential election of 1796 was the
On March 4, 1797, the House Chamber was
first bipartisan election in the history of the
jammed with members of the Senate and
United States. Since the Constitution made
House, foreign dignitaries, Government offi-
no provision for political parties, candidates
cials, and many Philadelphians. "Loud and
for President and Vice President were
reiterated applause involuntarily burst from
selected by Congressional caucus and listed
the audience" as first John Adams (right),
together on a ballot with no distinction as to
then Thomas Jefferson, and finally George
who was running for which office. Each State
Washington entered. Here to witness the
appointed electors equal in number to the
inauguration of his successor, Washington
total of the State's senators and representa-
"took a seat as a private citizen, a little in
tives. Each elector voted for two candidates,
front of the seats assigned for the Senate."
and the highest vote getter (so long as it
President-elect Adams addressed the assem-
was a majority) became President and the
blage and then received the oath of office
next-highest Vice President. The Federalists
from Chief Justice Oliver Ellsworth. He left
nominated John Adams and Thomas
the room to the applause of the people. Thus,
Pinckney; the Republicans Thomas Jeffer-
for the first time in American history and
son and Aaron Burr. Adams won (by just three
despite disruptions from near rebellion inter-
votes), and Jefferson came in second.
nally, violent politics, and international efforts
Prepent
UNITED STATES
ESENAT
KEPA
CONSTITUTION
declard
and
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July
2776
STATEMENT
was Forund the
Grand
bild
KINK
MASSACHU
SEAL
STATE
DELICE
MER
C.I.
The
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of
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dugs
o
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THE
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DUE
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REPRESENTATIVE
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WE
of
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THE
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367.01A
DELIVE
Dear
STATES
CANNTRIP
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SECURITY
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000
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AMOUNT
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at
DISPLAY of the UNITED STATESAMERICA
to sabotage the authority of our first presi-
dent, the power of Government passed from
one administration to another quietly, peace-
fully, and with dignity. The experiment in dem-
ocratic government had taken root.
Engraver Amos Doolittle celebrated the new
administration by issuing an Adams version
of his popular print, Display of the United
States of America (below). As in the earlier
Washington edition, each State entry con-
tained up-to-date population statistics plus
the number of senators and representatives.
The linked chain of States motif of the Wash-
ington version is echoed in the carpet Wil-
liam Peter Sprague designed for the Senate
chamber in Congress Hall in 1791.
NEW HAMPSHIRE
VERMONT
MASSACHUSETTS
CONNECTICUT
RHODEISLAND
for
7
106023 Intertients
422
845
Inhabitant
251.002
69.12% inhairtants
NEW YORK
PENSYLVANIA
2Senators 14 Representatives
602365 Inhabitants
NEW JERSEY
MARYLAND
2Senators
Inhabitants
100035 in crubitants
DELAWARE
VIRGINIA
MBCCLAXVI
JOHN ADAMS Prefudent of the United-States
25
878.950 Inhabitants
04.270
NORTH CAROLINA
SOUTH CAROLINA
GEORGIA
TENNE S SEE
KENTUCKY
is
Seriators 9 Representatives
2.5
Representatives
+78,003 Inhabitants
345-591 Inhabitants
162.686 Inhabitants
070 80 Inhabitants
029.935 Inhabitant
A i New DISPLAY of the UNITED STATES
The Later History of Congress Hall
When the United States Government moved
that the entire building was restored under
to Washington in 1800, Congress Hall
the thoughtful and careful direction of a com-
reverted to its original use as the County
mittee of the Philadelphia Chapter, Ameri-
Courthouse. Throughout the 19th century, the
can Institute of Architects.
Orphans' Court and the Courts of Common
Pleas and Quarter Sessions met on the first
Congress Hall has been part of Indepen-
floor, while the U.S. District and Circuit
dence National Historical Park since 1951.
Courts used the Senate Chamber and other
In 1960, after intensive historical research
rooms upstairs. Congress Hall also served
and architectural investigations provided the
to house several municipal departments and
necessary documentation, the National Park
the University of Pennsylvania Law School.
Service began a thorough rehabilitation of
the building and its furnishings. In 1962, an
The building suffered from neglect, and the
accurate and authentic restoration was com-
interior was rearranged several times to
pleted (although old wooden timbers and
accommodate the needs of its various occu-
trusses were reinforced with ones of steel).
pants. In 1895, the Pennsylvania Society of
At that time, the restored and refurnished
the Colonial Dames of America restored the
House of Representatives Chamber on the
Senate Chamber, but it was not until 1912-13
first floor was opened to the public. The Sen-
The House of Representatives
chamber, where members sat in
studded armchairs at mahogany
desks arranged in a semi-circle.
Right: The podium from which
Frederick Muhlenberg presided
as Speaker of the House dur-
ing the First and Third
Congresses.
42
ate Chamber on the second floor was refur-
nished and opened in 1963; four years later,
the four smaller rooms on the second floor
were also refurnished and opened.
Today, Congress Hall, the oldest building
standing that was once used by the Congress
of the United States, is an impressive re-
minder of the men and events that shaped
and influenced the formation of our Gov-
ernment.
The Senate chamber, where
members sat in red-leather arm-
chairs at individual desks. Of the
32 armchairs made by Thomas
Affleck, 20 are still in the room.
Left: The podium from which first
John Adams and then Thomas
Jefferson presided as President
of the Senate. Top: The foyer in
Congress Hall, showing the stairs
leading to the second floor and
the Senate chamber.
DATE
43
The Residence Act, which Con-
gress passed on July 16, 1790,
authorized President Washington
to choose a site for a permanent
capital on the Potomac River.
by this act Ita for us. the formainent wet of or
The district accepted of the United That have the powr said
Emange
in meet the God in (ml Hilled Incomend I'm And any suptainch two Be it of them shall the of land on United to
of
9% the
founth Began and had
forced to The district on daid
nor within
the
day
the
of
known
note
statched
%
the
for
the
Spesidentst
In
he removed the there!! frid. proper 10 such plans If any live in 1.9" of the year them shalls
as
by the Sim
shall after that the negain mitable building
the United States ge
were and he on provide the Presia
district of toritory
shall lonnages difrayed Johnth Inederic A sup The bong proverment refs. be and it onacted of and fither That Branch, in realed as Connagoch some place hownfor
John pheration States: the incos Cro
Spec And from four whoses be a.
accepad fo the forman
& Approved Interta jupt And grants be it of mon ena untill district whall the time of not fired be for of
George Wash Honday part, of all A Jament by Paw therelo, provide and unti
and untill the
year One How. of the United Pates be
And be further ena
at the City of by susplying vacances ^
nia; at which to act, or other Causes, to R.
the presenty or al is two be newpar
any
bounds, dazine unit
survey,
44
Congress Moves to
Washington
In December 1799 the first session of the Sixth Con-
gress convened; its time in Philadelphia was draw-
ing to a close. On December 18, John Marshall with
"a voice that bespoke the anguish of his mind, and a
honday the
countenance expressive of the deepest regret,"
informed the House that George Washington was
perresant Permanentseat
dead. The next day he said: "Our WASHINGTON
United United Rales. States.
is no more! The Hero, the Sage, and the Patriot of
America-the man on whom in times of danger every
Couse of Representation
eye was turned and all hopes were placed-lives now
Congres
only in his own great actions, and in the hearts of
an affectionate and afflicted people."
tin
Then in words written by Henry Lee, he voiced
the Colomaok
"the universal grief" at the "loss of a citizen, first in
war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his
months
countrymen."
nd the same is hereby
Congress paid its final tribute to Washington a week
later. Both the Senate and House chambers were
draped in black, and "in front of the Speakers chair
worthelfs that the
[was placed] a coffin covered with a black pall, bear-
Hale within such
ing a military hat & sword." Finally, Congress voted
beg this acceptance
to name the new Federal Capital for Washington,
noval ofthe govern
ordered that a fitting monument to him be erected
there, and named his birthday a national holiday.
refsethall otherwise
As Congress was winding up its business in Phila-
delphia, the Federalists warded off two attempts by
That the President
the Republicans to repeal the Alien and Sedition
Acts. On May 14, 1800, Congress adjourned, and
red 10 appoint
the focus of national politics shifted to the swamps
along the Potomac River where the new Capital was
being built. Philadelphia, no longer either the State
apporntments long
or Federal capital, slipped quietly into the 19th cen-
Commissioners, who
tury and soon lost its pre-eminence among Ameri-
can cities.
the direction of the
Lof territory, under!
45
The New Capital
The same political bargain that made Phila-
ington) was far from being completed when
delphia the temporary capital in 1790 estab-
officials began to arrive from Philadelphia in
lished the permanent seat of government
the summer of 1800. They found mud, mos-
along the Potomac River somewhere
quitoes, crowded lodgings, and half-finished
between two of its tributaries, the Eastern
government buildings. Members of Congress
Branch (now Anacostia River) on the south
were appalled at the city's dreary appearance
and Conococheague Creek (west of Hagers-
and lack of amenities. Representative Rich-
town, Maryland) on the north. President
ard Griswold of Connecticut called it "both
Washington chose the actual site, near the
melancholy and ludicrous," while Senator
existing river ports of Georgetown, Maryland,
Gouverneur Morris of New York concluded
and Alexandria, Virginia. For the architect
that all the new seat of American govern-
of the new capital, he chose French-born
ment really needed to make it perfect were
engineer Pierre Charles L'Enfant, whose plan
"houses, cellars, kitchens, well informed men,
for the new city left plenty of room for future
amiable women, and other little trifles of this
expansion and growth.
kind
" It would be many months before
Washington would shed its image of "a city
Workmen began to clear the site in the sum-
in ruins" for one more befitting the capital
mer of 1791, but the city (now named Wash-
of an aspiring nation.
The design of the Cap-
in 1792 because it "cap-
itol building came about
tivated the eyes and
through competitive
judgment of all." Wash-
bidding, the winner
ington admired its
receiving $500 and a
'grandeur, simplicity
city lot. Amateur archi-
and convenience." He
tect Dr. William Thorn-
laid the building's cor-
ton's entry (shown here
nerstone on September
in a slightly revised ver-
18, 1793. Thornton's
sion, the original plan
design was later
being lost) was selected
modified.
This watercolor by Phil-
adelphia artist and
engraver William Birch
shows the North Wing
of the Capitol building,
the only portion com-
pleted by the time Con-
gress assembled in
Washington in 1800.
National Park Service
For Further Reading
Bowling, Kenneth R., and Helen E. Veit, eds. The
Diary of William Maclay and Other Notes on Senate
Debates. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press,
1988.
Christman, Margaret C.S. The First Federal Congress,
1789-1791. Washington, D.C.: Published by the
Smithsonian Institution Press for the National Portrait
Gallery and the United States Congress, 1989.
Cunningham, Nobel E., Jr. The Jeffersonian
Republicans: The Formation of Party Organization,
1789-1801. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina
Press, 1957.
Krout, John A., and Dixon Ryan Fox. The Comple-
tion of Independence, 1790-1830. A volume in A His-
tory of American Life Series. New York: The
Macmillan Company, 1930.
Miller, John C. The Federalist Era, 1789-1801. A vol-
ume in The New American Nation Series. New York:
Harper & Brothers, 1960.
White, Leonard D. The Federalists: A Study in Admin-
istrative History. New York: The Macmillan Company,
1948.
National Park Handbooks are published to support
the National Park Service's management programs
and to promote understanding and enjoyment of the
more than 350 National Park System sites, which
represent important examples of our country's natu-
ral and cultural inheritance. More than 100 titles are
in print. They are sold at parks and can be purchased
by mail from the Superintendent of Documents, U.S.
Government Printing Office, Washington, DC 20402.
U.S. Department of the Interior
Illustration Credits
All illustrations are National Park Service or Inde-
pendence National Historical Park except the
following: 9, 26 (Rush), 27, Library Company of Phil-
adelphia; 12-13, Historical Society of Pennsylvania;
14-15 (Malcolm painting), The Dietrich American
Foundation, Philadelphia; 15 (Muhlenberg), 34,
National Portrait Gallery, Washington, D.C.; 21 (car-
toon
Essex Institute, Salem, Mass.; 23 (Carroll), The
Baltimore Museum of Art; 35, New York State His-
torical Association; 38-39 (cartoon), New-York His-
torical Society; 41 (Doolittle print), 46-47, Library
of Congress.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Congress Hall, Capitol of the United States, 1790-1800:
Independence National Historical Park, Penn-
sylvania/produced by the Division of Publications,
National Park Service.
p.
cm. - (Official national park hand-
book; 147)
Supt. of Docs. no.: I 29.9/5: 147
1. Congress Hall (Philadelphia, Pa.) 2. Independence
National Historical Park (Philadelphia, Pa.) United
States-Capitol and capital-History-1 18th century.
4. United States. Congress- History- - 18th century.
5. United States- Politics and government- 1789-
1797 6. United States- Politics and government-
1797-801. 7. Philadelphia (Pa.) - Buildings, struc-
tures etc. I. United States. National Park Service.
Division of Publications. II. Series: Handbook
(United States. National Park Service. Division of
Publications); 147.
F158.8.C7C66
974.8'11-dc20 -
90-13556
ISBN 0-912627-42-5
GPO:1990-262-098/20001
Congress Hall
Capitol of the United States, 1790-1800
EASTERN NAT'L PARK
1.50
& MONUMENT ASSOC.
Official National Park Handbook
ISBN 0-912627-42-5
Independence
A Guide to Independence National Historical Park
THEREOF LEV XXVX PROCLAIM LIBERTY
TEHOUSE IN PHILADA BYORDER OF THE AS
PASS AND STOW
PHI LADA
MD ССЬШ
Handbook 115
--- -
- ---- - - - ----- ... - ------ - the -.-- -
Independence
A Guide to
Independence National Historical Park
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
Produced by the
Division of Publications
National Park Service
U.S. Department of the Interior
Washington, D.C. 1982
About This Book
Independence National Historical Park is perhaps
the most significant historical property in the United
States-and - also one of the most complex. Its build-
ings and sites number some three dozen, and the
many thousands of objects in its collections range
from the little known to the transcendent. This
handbook is a vista into this rich world of the
founders. The essay by Richard B. Morris, author of
many distinguished works on 18th-century America,
summarizes the main lines of the Independence
story. The concluding guide section has brief
accounts, arranged alphabetically, of each of the
principal historical places within the park, with
suggestions on the best way to go about seeing them.
National Park handbooks, compact introductions
to the natural and historical places administered by
the National Park Service, are designed to promote
public understanding and enjoyment of the parks.
Each handbook is intended to be informative read-
ing and a useful guide to park features. More than
100 titles are in print. They are sold at parks and by
mail from the Superintendent of Documents, U.S.
Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 20402.
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
United States. National Park Service. Division of
Publications.
Independence, Independence National Historical Park.
(National Park Handbook; 115)
Supt. of Doc. no.: I 29.9/5:115
1. Independence National Historical Park (Pa.)
2. Philadelphia (Pa.) - Parks. I Title. II. Series:
Handbook (United States. National Park Service.
Division of Publications); 115.
F158.65.I3U54
1982
917.48'11
81-607080
AACR2
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office.
Washington, DC 20402. Stock Number 024-005-00830-6.
* GPO:1982-361-611/101
Contents
Part 1
Birthplace of the Nation 4
Part 2
A Rising People 14
By Richard B. Morris
Part 3
Visiting the Park 34
Army-Navy Museum 37
Benjamin Franklin National Memorial 37
Bishop White House 38
Carpenters' Hall 38
Christ Church 39
City Tavern 42
Congress Hall 42
Deshler-Morris House 43
First Bank of the United States 43
Franklin Court 45
Free Quaker Meeting House 46
Gloria Dei (Old Swedes') Church 46
Graff House 47
Independence Hall 50
Liberty Bell Pavilion 53
Library Hall 54
The Marine Corps Memorial Museum. 54
Mikveh Israel Cemetery 54
Old City Hall 55
The Philadelphia Exchange 55
Philosophical Hall 56
St. George's Church 56
St. Joseph's Church 57
Second Bank of the United States 57
Thaddeus Kosciuszko National Memorial 58
Todd House 58
Birthplace of the Nation
In the last quarter of the 18th century, Phil-
to the principles of human rights and self-
adelphia was the center of some of the most
government. Each year millions visit them.
creative and far-reaching political thought
This handbook is a guide to these and
of the modern world. Here, within the space
other historic places. It combines a percep-
of a few square blocks, in buildings still
tive essay on the birth of the Nation by
standing in their original splendor, Ameri-
historian Richard B. Morris with a handy
cans cast off ancient colonial ties, directed
listing of sites. Interspersed are pictorial
the course of a long and uncertain war to
accounts of the principal events, people, and
secure their liberties, and instituted a form of
themes of this diverse park. Spend a few
government adapted to the new needs of a
minutes with the interpretive portion of the
rising people.
handbook. It will repay you with insight into
The sense of what John Adams called
what is of lasting significance here: the
"this mighty Revolution" is still a presence
deeds of a revolutionary generation which
in the buildings and sites of Independence
still profoundly influence our lives today.
National Historical Park. The Liberty Bell
is a symbol known around the world. Inde-
pendence Hall, where two great charters
of national destiny were adopted, is a shrine
LTD
=
I
:
I
10000000
-
The United States was created in Phil-
fied and put into effect. The noble
adelphia on July 4, 1776, when the
building, so venerable to later ages,
Continental Congress voted the final
might not even have survived, but might
form of the Declaration of Independ-
have been swept away in the surging
ence. The United States was perpetu-
growth of a modern city. In that case,
ated on September 17, 1787, when the
a few students of history would some-
Federal Convention completed its work
times remember the site as the stage of
on the Constitution and referred it,
those lost causes. Instead, Pennsyl-
through Congress, to the individual
vania's State House has become Inde-
states for ratification. Both these great
pendence Hall for the entire United
decisions were made in the same cham-
States. Nor is that all. On account of
ber in what is now called Independ-
the Declaration of Independence, it is
ence Hall, but was then the Pennsyl-
a shrine honored wherever the rights
vania State House. It would still be
of men are honored. On account of the
merely the old State House if inde-
Constitution, it is a shrine cherished
pendence had not been achieved and
wherever the principles of self-govern-
if the Constitution had not been rati-
ment on a federal scale are cherished.
Carl Van Doren
The Second Day of July 1776, will be
the most memorable Epocha, in the
History of America
it will be cele-
brated, by succeeding Generations, as
the great anniversary Festival. It ought
to be commemorated, as the Day of
Deliverance by solemn Acts of Devo-
tion to God Almighty. It ought to be
solemnized with Pomp and Parade,
with Shews, Games, Sports, Guns,
Bells, Bonfires and Illuminations from
one End of this Continent to the other
from this Time forward forever more.
John Adams writing to Abigail Adams, July 3,
1776, just after Congress voted unanimously to
sever ties with Britain. As it turned out, Ameri-
cans chose to celebrate not the resolution of July
2 but the vote on July 4 to adopt the formal
Declaration.
7
Metropolis of the Colonies
From a simple Quaker town, planted in 1682 by
1776 the population stood at nearly 30,000 per-
William Penn as the capital of his "Holy Exper-
sons, who occupied some 6,000 houses and 300
iment," Philadelphia grew into the largest,
shops clustered in a narrow strip along the banks
wealthiest, most cosmopolitan city in the colo-
of the Delaware.
nies. A traveler in 1749 wrote of its "fine ap-
The city owed its prosperity to sea-going
pearance, good regulations, agreeable situation,
commerce, which tapped a rich hinterland and
natural advantages, trade, riches and power." By
brought goods and new ideas from Europe. A
Penn's original plan (above)
William Penn lived in the Slate
shows the city spreading from
Roof House (below left) from
river to river, with a central
1701-2. Christ Church (below)
square and four smaller ones.
was founded in 1685, built
1727-54.
XXXXXXX
3888888
######
IIIIIII
2382222
8
few great fortunes arose, but society was open
Philadelphians established libraries and discus-
and diverse, and persons of talent and enterprise
sion clubs, patronized science, painting, and
could rise, as the lives of Franklin, David Ritten-
music, undertook reform and civic improvement,
house, John Bartram and many others attest.
opened schools for their young-creating a cul-
It was here that the Enlightenment- - the intel-
ture that was one of the glories of the age.
lectual awakening that swept Europe in the
mid-18th century - first flowered on these shores.
The engraving above, which
The Quakers took care of their
appeared in 1740, is the first
poor. The Almshouse below,
printed view of the Philadel-
built in 1727, sheltered poor
phia waterfront.
families in separate quarters.
9
The City During the Revolution
Revolutions have their dark sides, and for Phila-
while Washington's troops froze at Valley Forge.
delphians the jubilation of mid-summer 1776
Yet the occupation served no strategic purpose.
soon gave way to scarcity, a raging inflation,
Congress went about its deliberations at Lan-
turmoil in the streets, and, in September 1777,
caster, and Washington's army remained intact.
assault and occupation by Howe's redcoats. The
Washington almost routed Howe at German-
British army found warm quarters for the winter
town in October, and all winter he harassed the
and enough loyalists to feel almost at home,
British and frequently cut their supply lines.
JOHN TREM
SHIPCHAND
ROPEMAKE
To combat the powerful Royal
Thomas Paine published his
Navy, Congress in early 1776
widely influential pamphlet
commissioned the city's yards
Common Sense in Philadelphia
to build four frigates. The first
in January 1776. Its arguments
one ready, the 32-gun Ran-
went far toward mobilizing
dolph, put to sea in mid-July.
public opinion in the months
The conjectural sketch above
before the Declaration.
shows her being fitted out.
10
After Howe was dismissed in May 1778 for
wartime settled on the city: regulations, drills,
inactivity, it was clear that the city had really
the persecution of dissenters, wranglings in Con-
captured Howe.
gress. Then in October 1781 came the news of
The patriots returned to a wrecked city. To
Cornwallis' surrender at Yorktown, and the
restore order, Washington installed Benedict
public rejoiced with church services, artillery
Arnold as military governor, but his high living
salutes, and "Illuminations."
and profiteering made him unpopular. An air of
After Sir William Howe (left)
Fog and smoke from the firing
occupied the city, Washington
blinded the American columns
attacked his forward lines at
and prevented them from co-
Germantown on October 4,
operating effectively. Some of
1777. The assault was well
the hardest fighting swirled
planned but poorly executed.
around the Chew house, seen
here in a painting made in 1782.
11
Capital of the New Nation
For 10 years, 1790-1800, while a new "Federal
chamber, the Senate the upper. Both chambers
City" was building on the Potomac, Philadelphia
were fitted out with mahogany desks, elbow
was the capital of the young republic. To ac-
chairs, carpeting, and stoves- - all pronounced
commodate its Federal guest, the city offered
"unnecessarily fine" by a visitor. The Supreme
the use of its public buildings. The County
Court shared City Hall with the mayor. The
Courthouse, west of the State House, became
executive branch had to find its own quarters.
the seat of Congress, the House taking the lower
Except for the Treasury, the departments, then
PISSIAL
The elaborate "President's
House" (above), built at Ninth
and Market at a cost of $100,000,
was Philadelphia's strong play
for the permanent capital. But
Washington had little interest
in living there, and Adams de-
clined the State's formal invita-
tion in 1797, dampening the
city's hopes.
12
quite small, rented space in private houses. The
lived in it. While adequate, all these quarters
President lived and worked in Robert Morris'
were not enough to WOO Congress into settling
house near Market and Sixth. It was the most
down for good in the city with the best claim of
elegant house in town but one of the noisiest
any to the seat of national government.
because of traffic. Though the State eventually
built a "President's House" elsewhere, neither
Washington nor John Adams, his successor, ever
RICK
YOUNDED A.D. MDCCXCY
Indian delegations frequently
The First Bank of the United
came to town in the 1790s to
States, chartered by Congress in
parley with the government over
1791 for 20 years, was the cul-
rights and treaties. This group
mination of a brilliant cam-
representing northeastern tribes
paign by Alexander Hamilton
arrived in 1793, called on the
to create a national monetary
President, and were shown
system. This print by William
about town. From a print by
Birch shows the building shortly
William Birch.
after it was completed in 1797.
13
A Rising People
"Proclaim Liberty throughout all the Land
The Liberty Bell tolls no more, but the
unto all the Inhabitants Thereof." These
site in which it is located, Independence
words from Leviticus inscribed around the
National Historical Park, is unique among
crown of the Liberty Bell still cast their
all shrines commemorating the birth of the
spell upon all who read them. They remind
United States. No other cluster of buildings
us of the freedoms for which the patriots
and sites conjures up for us so many images
fought the Revolutionary War. They sym-
of great personages and significant events
bolize that central purpose of American life,
associated with the American Revolution
one still to be cherished and vigilantly pro-
and the founding of the Nation. At this site
tected. It was the Liberty Bell which was
assembled the two Continental Congresses
rung on the first reading of the Declaration
that united the Thirteen States in the con-
of Independence to the citizens of Philadelphia
duct of the war and the making of peace.
in Independence Square on July 8, 1776,
Here was drafted, debated, and signed the
and according to tradition, it cracked when
Declaration of Independence and the Federal
tolled on the occasion of the funeral of Chief
Constitution. In short, the momentous
Justice John Marshall 59 years later.
decisions establishing independence, national
identity, and the rule of law were all made
at this historic site.
Even long before the issues of the
Steel frames outline the site of
American Revolution had begun to take
the printing office and house
that Franklin built in a spa-
form, a remarkable statesman shaped
cious courtyard off Market
the course of events in this area. This
Street. His portrait below is by
person was SO extraordinarily gifted, SO
the artist William Woodward.
triumphant in SO many fields that his
feats dating back a generation before
the outbreak of war with Great Britain
have cast a legendary spell over the sites
with which he was associated, most of
them right here in Independence Nation-
al Historical Park. Benjamin Franklin,
who arrived in Philadelphia a penniless
waif, disheveled and friendless walking
up Market Street munching a puffy roll,
propelled himself to the top by grit and
ability. No person was more dreaded by
the proprietary party than Franklin, and
no figure commanded more prestige in
the Provincial Assembly convened at the
State House. In his celebrated Auto-
biography he reveals some of the events
in which he was a leading actor.
At what is now Franklin Court this man
of many hats-printer, publisher, civic
leader, statesman, and world-renowned
scientist-built a house in which he lived
intermittently during the early years of
the Revolution before being sent to
France to help gain that nation's support
for the American cause. To Franklin
Court he returned after his triumphs in
Paris to resume a life of enormous in-
fluence as President of the Executive
Council of Pennsylvania and finally as
delegate to the Federal Constitutional
Convention. Here at Franklin Court he
died, but not before signing a memorial
to Congress for the abolition of slavery
- most fittingly, Franklin's last public act.
Indubitably the most renowned,
Franklin was but one of a group of Phila-
delphians who joined with other radical
leaders in setting up a model for a rev-
olutionary apparatus combining mass
involvement and economic warfare.
Philadelphia became the principal seat
16
THE
of such operations. The protest demon-
strations and the boycott machinery
developed in response to Parliamentary
tax measures were largely centered or
created in the area now covered by
Independence National Historical Park.
To circumvent a lukewarm Assembly
dominated by Franklin's long-time politi-
cal partner, Joseph Galloway, now turned
conservative, more radical leaders were
forced to assume the initiative. Men like
John Dickinson, eminent lawyer and the
John Adams
John Dickinson
author of the Letters of a Pennsylvania
Farmer, that widely read pamphlet at-
tacking the constitutionality of the Town-
shend Acts, and Charles Thomson, the
Irish-born schoolteacher and merchant,
who became permanent secretary of the
Continental Congress, together kept
Pennsylvania abreast of developments in
the other colonies. The seat of their extra-
legal activities was City Tavern, one of the
historic sites in the park. Built in 1773,
that hostelry quickly became a focus of
Joseph Galloway
Paul Revere
social, business, and political activities for
the Philadelphia elite. John Adams called
it "the most genteel" tavern in all America.
Here on May 20, 1774, came Paul Revere
with news from New England that Par-
liament had passed a bill closing down the
port of Boston. A great company gathered
in the tavern's long room and, after a
tumultuous discussion, passed a resolution
agreeing to the appointment of a commit-
tee to convey sympathy to the people of
Boston and to assure them of Philadel-
Samuel Adams
Robert Morris
phia's "firm adherence to the cause of
American liberty."
From these informal debates in City
Tavern the groundwork was laid for the
Revolution in Pennsylvania. When the
governor refused a request of the pop-
ulace to summon the Assembly, the pop-
ular leaders had committees set up in
every county in the colony. Soon a de
facto popular government by committee
began to supplant and erode the lawful
Patrick Henry
John Jay
18
Assembly. The Philadelphia Committee
of Observation, Inspection, and Corre-
spondence, as it was called, operating out
of its headquarters at City Tavern, pro-
posed that a Congress of the Thirteen
Colonies convene in September 1774.
Where else but Philadelphia seemed
more suitable?
Twelve of the Thirteen Colonies
(Georgia excepted) dispatched delegates
to Philadelphia in the early fall of 1774.
Joseph Galloway, as Speaker of the Penn-
sylvania Assembly, offered the represent-
atives the use of the State House in which
to hold their deliberations. But the dele-
gates shunned Galloway's offer and chose
instead Carpenters' Hall, a private edifice
serving the activities of the Master Car-
penters of Philadelphia. That decision
amounted to an open repudiation of
Galloway and his conservative faction.
It also forecast a cluster of radical actions,
measures which were in no small degree
influenced by the persuasive backstage
City Tavern
tactics of the indefatigable New England
cousins, Samuel and John Adams.
Carpenters' Hall was now the stage of a
stirring if brief drama played out between
conservatives and radicals. The former
made a last-ditch effort to adopt a plan
of union proposed by Galloway. Rejected
by a close vote, the conservatives aban-
doned any serious opposition to the meas-
ures of the radical faction. The First
Continental Congress adopted a sweep-
ing nonimportation, nonexportation, and
nonconsumption agreement. The dele-
gates approved an eloquent "Petition to
the King" asserting the right of the col-
onies to regulate their internal affairs and
claiming for the populace the rights,
liberties, and immunities of Englishmen.
Before adjourning, the delegates recom-
mended that a second Continental Con-
gress convene at Philadelphia in the
spring of 1775. Thus Carpenters' Hall saw
the initial steps taken by delegates of 12
Carpenters Hall
19
People of the City
On the eve of the American Revolution, Phila-
during the past several decades but also influ-
delphia ranked as one of the five or six largest
enced its religious, intellectual, and cultural
cities in the British Empire. It was no longer
growth and material well-being.
largely a city of Quakers, though Quaker influ-
Philadelphia was a city of Lutherans, Jews,
ence was still much in evidence. A steady influx
Catholics, Moravians, Methodists, and Presby-
of English, German, and Scotch-Irish immigrants,
terians as well as Quakers; of gentry and
attracted by glowing reports of the colony's
merchants; of craftsmen and tradesmen; of
prosperity, not only swelled the city's population
housewives and "ladies"; of ordinary laborers.
Upper-class woman
Quaker merchant
Eighteenth-century Philadel-
ment for advancement to all
the scholar. Indeed, there is
phians were, according to the
levels of society. "The poorest
less distinction among the citi-
Rev. William Smith, "a people,
labourer upon the shore of the
zens of Philadelphia than
thrown together from various
Delaware," wrote the Rev.
among those of any civilized
quarters of the world, differing
Jacob Duche in 1772, "thinks
city in the world.
For every
in all things-language, - man-
himself entitled to deliver his
man expects one day or an-
ners and sentiment." Yet they
sentiments in matters of reli-
other to be upon a footing with
nourished an egalitarian atti-
gion and politics with as much
his wealthiest neighbour."
tude that offered encourage-
freedom as the gentleman or
20
In the months preceding the outbreak of war,
to strangers." But the people of Philadelphia -
and during the war itself, it also became a city of
whether garbed in Quaker plain dress, the gen-
"strangers" - of delegates to the First and Sec-
teel if sometimes gaudy finery of the gentry, the
ond Continental Congresses, of military men,
sober apparel of the tradesman, or the work-
adventurers, and traders from around the world.
ingman's leather apron - reflected, even before
Some outsiders found the city "disgusting
the Revolution, many of the same democratic
from its uniformity and sameness" and its resi-
tendencies embodied in the Declaration of
dents not "remarkably courteous and hospitable
Independence.
Shopkeeper
German housewife
Journeyman printer
During the 18th century, Phil-
sistance movement, and the
adelphia was one of the leading
printing press proved to be a
publishing centers in America.
valuable ally in the production
Between 1740 and 1776, some
of anti-British articles, tracts,
42 artisans practiced the "art
and books.
and mystery" of the printer's
trade in the city, among them
Benjamin Franklin. Nearly all
the printers supported the re-
21
colonies to assert national sovereignty.
For some 6 weeks between September
and October 1774 Carpenters' Hall re-
sounded with great oratory carrying both
nationalists and revolutionary overtones.
Most eloquent of all the delegates, Vir-
ginia's Patrick Henry declared: "The
distinction between Virginians, Penn-
sylvanians, New Yorkers, and New Eng-
landers are no more. I am not a Virginian,
but an American." Considered a more
cautious spokesman than the radical
Henry, John Jay, a young New York
lawyer, warned the people of Great
Britain that "we will never submit to be
hewers of wood or drawers of water for
The State House about 1800.
any ministry or nation in the world!"
Speaking at the Virginia Convention
on March 23, 1775, Patrick Henry warned:
"Gentlemen may cry, 'Peace! Peace!'-
but there is no peace. The war is actually
begun! The next gale that sweeps from
the north will bring to our ears the clash
of resounding arms!" Indeed, before the
Second Continental Congress convened
on May 10th at the State House (now
IN CON
ESS,
The manimous Peclare
thirteen unite
apune among the perers the caith, the peparate and
thould declare the caufes which impul them tetter jop
with at unal able Rights, that among lieue
flewas the ground, find who
datics on such huncible
Test
jue
22
Independence Hall), two blocks west from
tions to continue the struggle were
Carpenters' Hall, Henry's prophecy had
quickly dissipated by the subsequent
been fulfilled. The shooting war had
adoption of the "Declaration of the
broken out at Lexington and Concord in
Causes and Necessity of Taking Up
Massachusetts. Now arguments over con-
Arms," wherein Dickinson and Thomas
stitutional theories of empire which had
Jefferson, co-drafters of the document,
absorbed SO much of the First Continental
solemnly declared: "Our cause is just.
Congress' attention gave way to the hard
Our union is perfect."
facts of war.
Ahead lay some of the climactic move-
The Second Continental Congress re-
ments of the drama to be played out in
sponded to the challenge. Consciously
Independence Hall. On May 15, 1776,
regarding itself as the embodiment of the
Congress, in language drafted by John
"United Colonies," Congress picked one
Adams, called upon the colonies to or-
of its own delegates, George Washington,
ganize their own governments as States.
present in the uniform of a colonel of the
A crucial decision, it still fell short of a
Virginia militia, to serve as commander
formal assertion by Congress of inde-
in chief of "all the continental forces." A
pendence and nationhood issued by the
few days later, Congress pledged "the
colonies collectively; that declaration
twelve confederated colonies" to support
remained to be drafted, adopted and
the bills of credit it now resolved to issue.
proclaimed to the world.
Making a final concession to the peace
Working at his desk in the second-floor
faction, Congress adopted John Dickin-
parlor of the home of a young German
son's "Olive Branch" petition, the last
bricklayer named Jacob Graff (the site of
appeal of the colonies to the King. Any
which, though some distance from Inde-
notion that George III might have had
pendence Hall, is under the park's juris-
about the weakening of Congress' inten-
diction), Thomas Jefferson wrote the
ULY 4, 1776.
ofHmerica,
Citical bands which have connected them with another, and to
a docent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they
ll men au created equal, that they are endowed by
Governments au instituted among ton, deving their just
of the People to attri a to
institute
lence, indied,
while
Object
Such
has
of Great
23
Declaration of Independence in 2 weeks.
Despite trifling alterations by Franklin
and John Adams and the deletion by
Congress of the condemnation of slavery
and the slave trade, the Great Declara-
tion was the product of the mind and pen
of Thomas Jefferson. Adopted on July 4,
1776, and signed by most of the delegates
a month later, the Declaration lifted the
struggle from self-interested arguments
over taxation to the exalted plane of
human rights. It proclaimed the self-
evident truths of equality, unalienable
rights, and the people's right to alter their
governments when a "long train of abuses"
threatens "to reduce them under abso-
Graff House
lute despotism."
Since Congress was both an executive
and a legislative body, and, in the sense
that it had jurisdiction over cases of cap-
ture on the high seas, a judicial tribunal
as well, Independence Hall stood at the
center of the wartime business of the
Continental government. Congress dis-
patched commissioners abroad to seek
out foreign aid. It ratified the treaties of
amity and commerce and of military
alliance with the King of France and, in
turn, formally received the French minis-
ter Conrad Alexander Gérard. The Con-
gressional delegates wrestled with
mounting fiscal problems, drawing upon
The study, reconstructed, in
foreign and domestic loans, requisitions
which Jefferson wrote the
from the States, and printing press
Declaration.
money, and, finally, drafting the astute
Philadelphia merchant-banker Robert
Morris to serve as Superintendent of
Finance. Morris made heroic efforts to
maintain Congress' fiscal solvency in the
face of mounting debt and runaway in-
flation. His dazzling operations enabled
him to finance the Yorktown campaign
which resulted in the surrender of
Cornwallis.
These were grave responsibilities and,
as more and more leading public figures
left Congress for the theater of the war,
24
to take up posts in the State governments,
embraced by a republic.
or to serve their country abroad, Con-
Although Philadelphia was abandoned
gress at times proved barely equal to its
as the seat of the central government
responsibilities. Writing to James Warren
during the years of the Confederation
of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress
and New York was to play host to
in April 1776, John Adams had sagely
the Continental Congress, Independence
observed: "The management of so com-
Hall was once more destined to house a
plicated and mighty a machine as the
great assemblage. Here on May 25, 1787,
United Colonies requires the meekness
the Constitutional Convention convened.
of Moses, the patience of Job, and the
With some notable omissions, like John
wisdom of Solomon, added to the valour
Adams and Thomas Jefferson who were
of David." In the absence of such men
holding diplomatic posts abroad, Patrick
as Franklin, Jefferson, and Adams him-
Henry and Richard Henry Lee who de-
self, Congress had to perform to the best
clined to serve, and John Jay who was
of its abilities.
passed over by his State in favor of an
What Congress needed most of all was
anti-nationalist candidate, the 55 men
a constitutional structure that would
who convened at Philadelphia constituted
confer upon the central government
an intellectual elite perhaps never again
powers commensurate with its responsi-
assembled to deal with public affairs in
bilities. The Articles of Confederation
the history of the country. As Louis Otto,
that Congress adopted in 1777 (but which
the French chargé d'affaires, commented
were not ratified by all the Thirteen
to his superiors at home: "If all the dele-
States until 1781) fell considerably short
gates named for this Convention at Phil-
of this objective. Lacking a strong execu-
adelphia are present, we will never have
tive, or an effective taxing power, the
seen, even in Europe, an assembly more
Articles of Confederation required the
respectable for the talents, knowledge,
affirmative vote of 9 States for the adop-
disinterestedness, and patriotism of
tion of measures of the first importance
those who compose it."
and a unanimous vote to amend the
Visitors to Independence Hall may
document itself.
view the chamber in which the Constitu-
Mute testimony to the weakness of
tion was framed. Sitting in Windsor
the central government was the aban-
chairs around green baize-covered tables
donment of Philadelphia by Congress
were such principal architects of the
toward the very end of the war. Save
Constitution as Pennsylvania delegates
for the period of the British occupation
James Wilson and Gouverneur Morris,
of the city (1777-78), Independence
the latter chiefly responsible for the final
Hall housed the deliberations of Con-
styling and arrangement of the docu-
gress until in June 1783 mutinous threats
ment. Nearby sat Roger Sherman and
by local militiamen made it expedient
Oliver Ellsworth, Connecticut delegates,
for the delegates to begin their peregri-
who proposed the Great Compromise
nations, first to Princeton and then to
providing for equal voting in the Senate
Annapolis. It was at Annapolis that
and proportional representation in the
Congress ratified the victorious peace by
House. Conspicuous both for his elo-
which Great Britain recognized the
quence and his extremist views was
independence of the United States and
Alexander Hamilton of New York, whose
the new Nation was endowed with a
influence proved far more effective in
territorial domain vaster than ever before
securing the Constitution's ratification
25
The National Compacts
It's not too much to say that the American
Republic was born in the Assembly Room of the
old State House. Three times within a single
generation delegates meeting here took control
of their historic destiny and struck off national
compacts.
The Declaration of Independence, adopted
July 4, 1776, called a nation into existence. It
gave Americans-and revolutionaries every-
where - a faith on which to base a republican
form of government. Drawing on the political
thought of the Enlightenment, Jefferson justified
the break with Great Britain by appeal to the
natural rights of man: life, liberty, and the
pursuit of happiness, among others. When gov-
ernment usurped those rights the people were
entitled to alter or abolish it and institute new
government. Jefferson and his colleagues did not
invent this idea that sovereignty resides in the
people and not in monarchs, governments, or
institutions. Their distinctive contribution lay in
giving the idea practical effect.
To the age-old problem of how to govern
government, Americans found a brilliant solu-
tion in federalism- - the distribution of powers
between local and national levels. The Articles
of Confederation, which went into effect in
1781, replaced an informal union with a central-
if weak government. They were the first halt-
ing steps on a journey that still continues. For 8
years they were the law of the land, but hardly
adequate to the exigencies of war, economic
depression, and rebellion on the frontier. The
States had so jealously reserved their powers
that Congress had little means of compelling
taxes, controlling trade, or directing the general
affairs of the Nation.
It was clear to most thinking persons that a
drastic remedy was needed. Called to Philadel-
phia in the summer of 1787, delegates from 12
This painting, for all its
States met in convention in the State House and
matter-of-factness, conjures up
framed a new instrument of government, the
one of the great scenes of the
Federal Constitution. This document, which
American Revolution. Jeffer-
reconciled liberty with order and unity with
son, at center, hands the draft
diversity, laid down the principles by which
of the Declaration to President
Americans have governed themselves for two
John Hancock as other mem-
centuries.
bers of the drafting committee
-John Adams, Roger Sherman,
Robert Livingston, and, sitting
at center, Benjamin Franklin-
look on. The artist is Edward
Savage, who based his work in
part on a canvas by Robert
Pine. Though done long after
the event, the painting is a use-
ful guide to the appearance of
the Assembly Room in 1776.
26
Jefferson was lodging with
Jacob Graff, a bricklayer who
lived on 7th Street, when he
wrote his draft of the Declara-
tion. He occupied a furnished
parlor and bedroom on the
second floor. In that parlor, he
said much later, he "wrote ha-
bitually and in it wrote this
paper. His purpose "was not
to find out new principles, or
new arguments, never before
thought of
but to place
before mankind the common
sense of the subject, in terms
so plain and firm as to com-
mand their assent
it was
intended to be an expression of
the American mind.' "
James Madison was the single
most influential figure at the
Federal Convention. A scholar,
an experienced politician, and
a committed nationalist, he
was persuaded that the pros-
perity of the country depended
on a strong union. He was the
author of the Virginia Plan-a
proposal for a central govern-
ment with powers that oper-
ated directly rather than indi-
rectly on the people-and the
tireless shepherd of his col-
leagues toward that goal. It is
from his notes, published many
years later, that we have our
view of what went on in the
Convention.
27
than in its drafting. Of Virginia's James
Madison one delegate wrote: "Every
person seems to acknowledge his great-
ness. He blends together the profound
politician with the scholar." Self-
appointed scribe of the Convention,
Madison left us the most detailed and
accurate record of the debates.
Among the most treasured pieces in
the park's collection is the high-backed
President's chair. The occupant of this
chair, for the nearly 3 months of the
Federal Convention's continuous ses-
sions, was George Washington. Already
a legend, a commanding if generally
Roger Sherman
Oliver Ellsworth
silent presence, he presided over the
deliberations with both vigor and tact.
Old Benjamin Franklin, bringing to the
assemblage an aura of benevolence and
the wisdom of great years, looked up at
the President's chair in the closing mo-
ments of the convention and, as Madi-
son records it, observed a sun with out-
stretched rays on its back. "I have," he
remarked, "often and often in the course
of the session and the vicissitudes of my
hopes and fears as to its issue, looked
at that behind the president without
being able to tell whether it was rising or
setting. But now at length I have the
happiness to know that it is a rising and
not a setting sun."
Upon ratification of the Constitution,
Congress voted to establish the national
capital at Philadelphia until 1800, when
a permanent capital would be ready on
the banks of the Potomac. After a brief
stay in New York City, the new Federal
Government took up residence here.
Beginning on December 6, 1790, this site
served as the seat of all three branches
of the government and of the creative
decisions of statecraft which marked the
formative years of the new Nation.
At the Philadelphia County Court-
house (Congress Hall) President Wash-
ington was inaugurated for his second
Old City Hall
28
term, and this building was also the
scene of the peaceful transition of the
Presidency to John Adams in 1797. Con-
gress met at this hall, with the House of
Representatives occupying the lower
floor, the Senate, the second story. In
this hall such great issues as civil rights,
constitutional powers, and economic
policy were resolved. On December 15,
1791, Congress declared the first ten
amendments ratified by the necessary
number of States. This cherished Bill of
Rights would light a torch for both the
States and many nations. In this hall Con-
Gouverneur Morris
James Wilson
gress first carried out the provisions of
the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 for
admission of territories to statehood on
an equal footing with the original Thir-
teen States on attaining a population of
60,000. This extraordinary innovation
brought Vermont (1791), Kentucky
(1792), and Tennessee (1796) into the
Union.
Congress Hall provided the forum for
a notable clarification of the locus of the
treaty-making power. Even before
moving to Philadelphia the Senate, by
declining to confer with President Wash-
ington on a pending treaty, had created
the inference that the constitutional
provision empowering the President to
make treaties "by and with the advice and
consent of the Senate" meant "consent"
after the fact of negotiation. If the
Senate's role was now restricted, what of
the House, which was given no explicit
power over treaties in the Constitution?
The test came after the Senate in a close
vote had ratified the treaty that Chief
Justice John Jay had negotiated with
Great Britain in 1794. It was now up to
the House to appropriate money to put
the treaty into effect. To withhold the
money would in effect annul the treaty.
With the House closely divided, Repre-
sentative Fisher Ames of Massachusetts
carried the day for the appropriation
Congress Hall
29
The First President
William Rush's life-sized statue
of Washington, c. 1814.
Gene Washington's Residence [mow Not192 *194thght]
During their terms as president,
both Washington and Adams
lived in the Robert Morris house
(above). This handsome Geor-
gian building, now lost, was the
scene of the weekly levees that
Washington gave for official-
dom and leading citizens. The
Deshler-Morris House in Ger-
mantown (below) was Washing-
ton's residence and headquar-
ters during the yellow fever
epidemic of 1793 and again
during the summer of 1794.
30
Washington's original cabinet
some division. Jefferson and
thought Hamilton a threat to
consisted of Thomas Jefferson,
Hamilton held contrary views
liberty, while Hamilton con-
State; Alexander Hamilton,
of the proper role of govern-
sidered the Virginian an im-
Treasury; Henry Knox, War;
ment. They differed at almost
practical theorist and an
and Edmund Randolph,
every point of domestic and
obstacle to the sound measures
Attorney-General. As a body,
foreign policy and were soon at
needed for national survival.
it was a source of strength and
odds personally. Jefferson
Washington was overwhelmingly the popular
frontier, negotiating complicated treaties with
choice for president. No one else - not even the
Spain and Great Britain, and holding firmly to
aged Franklin - had the range of experience,
a policy of neutrality in disputes between
the esteem at home, and the prestige abroad to
European powers.
lead what insiders frankly regarded as an exper-
Jefferson summed up Washington best: "His
iment in self-government.
was the singular destiny and merit of leading
He brought to the office common sense, un-
the armies of his country successfully through
common honesty, energy, and above all his own
an arduous war for the establishment of its in-
immense character, which across two centuries
dependence, of conducting its councils through
still touches his successors. The achievements
the birth of a government, new in its forms and
of his two administrations (1789-1797) are many:
principles, until it settled down into an orderly
winning the adherence of most of the people to
train and of scrupulously obeying the laws
the central government, establishing the national
through the whole of his career civil and mili-
credit and a permanent army and navy, putting
tary, of which the history of the world furnishes
down rebellions by red men and white on the
no other example."
<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<
The coach that Washington
rode in as President is believed
to resemble this one, which
belonged to a wealthy Phila-
delphian. The original is at
Mount Vernon.
31
with a memorable speech that is still
considered one of the supreme oratorical
efforts in the history of Congress.
Among the very first business of Con-
gress was the chartering of the Bank of
the United States under a bill drawn up
by the dynamic Secretary of the Treas-
ury, Alexander Hamilton, and defended
by his persuasive resort to the Consti-
tutional doctrine of "implied powers."
A cornerstone of Federal fiscal policy,
First Bank of the United States.
the bank, which served as a government
depository and regulator of the currency,
initially operated in Carpenters' Hall, and
then moved to the stately new edifice
on South Third Street (First Bank of the
United States). When its charter expired
in 1811, it was succeeded after some
years by the Second Bank of the United
States, which built a home of its own, a
Greek Doric temple on lower Chestnut
Street, designed by the young Philadel-
phian William Strickland. The Second
Bank, after flourishing under its third
Second Bank of the United
president, Nicholas Biddle, failed to have
States.
its charter renewed as a result of the
implacable opposition of President
Andrew Jackson. After it closed its doors,
the bank building was used as a Customs
House until 1935. Not far from the two
banks stands the graceful Philadelphia
Exchange (1834), Strickland's master-
piece, and testimony to the continued
importance of the city as a commercial
and financial center.
The Robert Morris mansion on Market
Street below Sixth (no longer standing)
served as the Presidential residence. The
Department of State took a building at
the northwest corner of Eighth and
Market Streets, while the Treasury op-
erated at the southwest corner of Third
and Chestnut Streets. The Morris resi-
dence was the scene of stately Presiden-
tial levees and of informal meetings with
departmental heads which formed the
nucleus of the Cabinet system. Here
Philadelphia Exchange.
32
Washington sought to reconcile the
war and was to bring the United States
widening breach between Secretary of
recognition from all the great powers.
State Thomas Jefferson and Alexander
In his first Inaugural Address delivered
Hamilton, which contributed to the
in New York, Washington had summed
emergence of the two-party system. Here
up the glorious epoch in which he and
Washington braved public opinion by
his associates had been principal actors,
steering a neutral course as the French
and, in these stirring and cautioning
Revolution threatened to drag America
phrases, challenged his fellow Americans
into a general European war. Here, too,
to participate in the new era: "The pres-
the President submitted his Farewell
ervation of the sacred fire of liberty, and
Address to his Cabinet and then gave it
the destiny of the republican model of
to the people in the columns of the
government, are justly considered as
Philadelphia Daily Advertiser of Sep-
deeply, perhaps as finally, staked on the
tember 19, 1796. There people first read
experiment entrusted to the hands of the
Washington's "Great Rule," an unaligned
American people."
foreign policy.
Composed some two centuries ago,
The Philadelphia City Hall (Old City
Washington's articulation of America's
Hall) served as the forum for the Supreme
purposes, its responsibilities, and its
Court of the United States under succes-
special role as a symbol of the demo-
sive Chief Justices John Jay, John Rut-
cratic way of life both at home and
ledge, and Oliver Ellsworth. There deci-
abroad constitutes a message and a
sions were handed down upholding the
reminder to those who visit this historic
supremacy of treaties and defining the
place where the people of the United
powers of Congress to tax, decisions
States first asserted their sovereign right
which laid the foundations for the broad
to control their own destiny.
construction of the Constitution under
Richard B. Morris
John Marshall.
Standing on the hallowed ground of
Independence National Historical Park,
one may still recapture those stirring
moments when the people of Philadel-
phia cheered the reading of the Great
Declaration. One may catch echoes of
the response of a sobered Congress
hearing dispatch after dispatch from
General Washington remonstrating on
the lack of funds and supplies for his
starving and half-naked soldiers, or the
shock of the news of the treason of
Arnold and of the capitulation of
Charleston. There were heartening mes-
sages as well: the victory of Saratoga,
the news of the French alliance, of the
arrival of Rochambeau with French
troops and naval forces, the climactic
triumph at Yorktown, and the Prelimi-
nary Peace which in effect ended the
33
Visiting the Park
Independence National Historical Park
While there is pleasure in a casual
is rich in places associated with the
stroll among this stunning variety, the
founding and early growth of the United
park is more rewarding if you take time
States. Among its many attractions are
to plan your visit. There is more here
government buildings, restored homes,
than can be seen in a few hours or even
venerable churches, a portrait gallery,
a single day. The guide that follows
exhibits, films and even an operating
will help you make the most of your
tavern.
visit. It offers helpful suggestions and
introduces the individual units of the
park in an orderly way. Used in con-
junction with the map on pages 62-63,
it will help make your tour both enjoy-
able and memorable.
Gazetteer of the Park
Make an Itinerary Time slips away quickly here.
Half-day Tour
Whether your stay is for a few hours or a few
Visitor Center
days, your tour will go smoother if you take
Carpenters' Hall (exterior only)
several minutes to study this guide and deter-
Independence Hall
mine what you want to see
Liberty Bell Pavilion
Most park buildings are within easy walking
Franklin Court
distance of the visitor center. Outlying sites,
Full-day Tour
such as the Deshler-Morris House in German-
Visitor Center
town or the Benjamin Franklin National
Carpenters' Hall
Memorial across town, can be reached by either
Independence Hall
automobile or mass transit.
Congress Hall
If you have only a few hours, we suggest that
Old City Hall
you go first to the visitor center, Independence
Graff House
Hall, and the Liberty Bell Pavilion. If you have
Liberty Bell Pavilion
more time, the following itineraries are
Franklin Court
suggested:
Second Bank of the United States
Start at the Visitor Center No matter how much
center for further information about accessibil-
time you have, begin at the visitor center at 3d
ity for the disabled.
and Chestnut Streets. Here you can see exhibits
Inquire also at the visitor center about pro-
and an introductory film, "Independence," and
grams and services in foreign languages.
find out about daily programs and activities.
Park rangers are on duty here and throughout
Publications and Souvenirs Bookstores featur-
the park to answer questions and help you have
ing theme-related publications are located in the
a safe and satisfying visit.
visitor center and the West Wing of Indepen-
dence Hall. Film and souvenirs are available in a
Hours and Admission Most park buildings are
number of stores in the vicinity of the park.
open daily from 9 a.m. to 5 p.m.; in summer the
hours of some buildings are extended. Please
Where to Eat Allow sufficient time for rest and
note that hours are subject to change without
refreshments. A variety of food service is avail-
notice and that some buildings may be closed
able throughout the park area. It ranges from
because of lack of staff. Check at the visitor
street vendors to restaurants serving full-course
center for the hours of specific buildings.
meals. Further information is available at the
There are no admission fees except for a
visitor center.
nominal charge at the Deshler-Morris House in
The National Park Service has reconstructed
Germantown. The Bishop White House, the
City Tavern, which serves lunch and dinner in an
Todd House, and Independence Hall are open
18th-century atmosphere.
only by tour. Free tickets for the Bishop White
Picnicking is allowed throughout the park,
and Todd Houses can be obtained at the visitor
though no indoor facilities are available. Help
center on the day of visit. Tours of Indepen-
keep the park clean by putting your trash in the
dence Hall begin in the East Wing, on a first-
cans provided.
come, first-served basis.
Rules and Regulations There are few rules
When to Visit Although temperatures in Phila-
beyond those of common courtesy. We ask that
delphia are usually moderate, summer humidity
you not bring food, beverages, and chewing gum
can sometimes cause discomfort. You should
into park buildings. Smoking is not permitted in
also take into account that mid-spring through
any of the buildings. When parking along the
Labor Day are the busiest times. Expect to wait
street, please observe city parking regulations.
in line to get into Independence Hall during this
period.
For Your Safety Don't let your visit be spoiled
by an accident. Be careful crossing Philadel-
For Special Needs Most park buildings are at
phia's busy streets and watch your step on brick
least partially accessible by wheelchair. Some
walkways and cobblestone surfaces.
sites have portable ramps that can be put in
place upon request. Please ask at the visitor
36
Army-Navy Museum (formerly
Pemberton House) depicts the
development of the U.S. Army
and Navy from 1775 to 1800.
Among the exhibits are regi-
mental uniforms, battle dio-
ramas, flags, weapons, and a
full-scale replica of a section
of a frigate's gundeck. The
museum building is a recon-
struction of the house built by
Joseph Pemberton, a wealthy
Quaker merchant, and is typ-
ical of the Georgian style of
architecture popular during the
18th century.
1
Chestnut Street at Carpen-
ters' Court
Benjamin Franklin National
Memorial honors Philadel-
phia's most illustrious citizen.
The memorial, located in the
Franklin Institute at 20th Street
and Benjamin Franklin Park-
way, features a colossal statue
of Franklin surrounded by a
four-part exhibit of his personal
possessions and scientific arti-
facts. Admission to the memo-
rial is free, but a fee is charged
for the Franklin Institute
Museum. The Institute is ap-
proximately 20 blocks from
Independence Hall.
2
20th Street and Benjamin
Franklin Parkway
37
Bishop White House. The Rev.
Dr. William White, rector of
Christ Church and St. Peter's
Church, and the first Episcopal
Bishop of Pennsylvania, lived
in this house from the time it
was built in 1787 until his death
in 1836. White chose its loca-
tion because it lay midway be-
tween the two churches he
served. The house has been
restored to reflect the lifestyle
of upper-class Philadelphians
during the 18th century. Many
of the items in the house
actually belonged to the Bishop.
Open by tour only. Free tickets
are available at the visitor
center.
3
309 Walnut Street
Carpenters' Hall was built in
1770 by the Carpenters' Com-
pany of Philadelphia, a guild
founded in 1724 to help its
members develop architectural
skills and to aid their families
in times of need. The delegates
to the First Continental Con-
gress met here in September
1774 to air their grievances
against King George III. In the
spring of 1775, the Second
Continental Congress trans-
ferred its sessions to the more
commodious State House (now
Independence Hall), but Car-
penters' Hall continued to be
used by various political groups.
During the Revolutionary War,
the Hall served as a hospital
and an arsenal for American
forces. Though a part of the
park, the building and its im-
mediate grounds are still owned
and maintained by the Car-
penters' Company.
4
320 Chestnut Street between
Third and Fourth Streets
38
Christ Church, built between
1727 and 1754, is considered
one of the most beautiful 18th-
century structures in the
United States- - a monument to
colonial craftsmanship. It
numbered among its congrega-
tion both George Washington
and Benjamin Franklin. Seven
signers of the Declaration of
Independence, as well as four
signers of the Constitution, are
buried in the churchyard or in
Christ Church Cemetery at
5th and Arch Streets.
5
Second Street north of
Market Street
39
City Tavern
For three decades this tavern was a place for
called it in 1774 "the most genteel" tavern in
prosperous Philadelphians to dine, lift a glass,
America.
join in song and dance, and transact business.
The tavern was soon caught in the tides of
Built in 1773 by the "principal gentlemen" of the
revolution. At a famous meeting here in May
city, the tavern boasted several large meeting
1774, radicals propelled the colony, heretofore
rooms, lodging rooms, two kitchens, and a bar.
moderate, into the forefront of the dispute with
It was furnished in "the style of a London
England. From then until the end of the century,
Tavern," advertised the keeper, and its coffee
in war and peace, this tavern was host to the
room was "well attended and properly supplied
great and near-great of the age- and countless
with English and American papers and maga-
folk who came to dine, to sit with friends, to
zines." John Adams, not one to over-praise,
lodge in agreeable surroundings. In the early
40
1800s, City Tavern's place on the Philadelphia
social scene was taken by "hotels," then coming
into fashion. The tavern at this time catered
mostly to merchants. The old glamour was now
gone. In 1854 the building was demolished,
"immolated on the altar of improvement," as a
newspaper put it. The present building is a
faithful reconstruction of the original.
The tavern in 1799.
41
City Tavern, called the "most
genteel" tavern in America by
John Adams, was one of the
social, political, and economic
centers of late-18th-century
Philadelphia. It was built
originally in 1773 by a group
of eminent Philadelphians who
felt that their hometown de-
served a fine tavern that re-
flected its status as the largest,
most cosmopolitan city in
British North America. The
tavern gained fame as the
gathering place for members
of the Continental Congresses
and the Constitutional Conven-
tion, and for officials of the
Federal Government from
1790 to 1800. It has been recon-
structed on the original site as
an operating 18th-century
tavern serving lunch and dinner
daily.
6
Northwest corner, Second
and Walnut Streets
Congress Hall, constructed in
1787-89 as the Philadelphia
County Court House, served as
the meetingplace of the U.S.
Congress from 1790 to 1800.
The House of Representatives
met on the main floor, while
the Senate assembled upstairs.
Among the historic events that
took place here were the Presi-
dential inaugurations of George
Washington (his second) and
John Adams; the establishment
of the First Bank of the United
States, the Federal Mint, and
the Department of the Navy;
and the ratification of Jay's
Treaty with England. During
the 19th century, the building
was used by Federal and local
courts.
7
Southeast corner, Sixth and
Chestnut Streets
42
Deshler-Morris House was
erected in 1772-73 as the sum-
mer home of David Deshler, a
successful Philadelphia mer-
chant. The house served as
headquarters for British Gen.
Sir William Howe during the
Battle of Germantown in Octo-
ber 1777 and as the official
residence of President Wash-
ington during the Philadelphia
yellow fever epidemic of 1793.
8
5442 Germantown Avenue,
Germantown
First Bank of the United States,
built between 1795 and 1797 as
the home of the "government's
banker," is an excellent ex-
ample of Neo-classical architec-
ture and is probably the oldest
bank building in the country.
Formed in 1791 at the urging
of Secretary of the Treasury
Alexander Hamilton to bring
order to the Nation's chaotic
finances, the First Bank served
the country well until 1811,
when its charter was allowed
to expire. The building has
been restored on the exterior
only and is not open to the
public.
9
120 South Third Street, be-
tween Chestnut and Walnut
Streets
43
Franklin and His House
Franklin's house, the only one he ever owned,
stood in an airy court off Market Street. Built
1763-1765, it was a handsome structure 34 feet
square, three stories high, with three rooms to a
floor, a kitchen in the cellar, and chimneys on
the side. By all accounts it was roomy and
comfortable, filled with the fashionable touches
of the day and well-suited to Franklin's manner
of living. It was, he once said, "a good House
contrived to my Mind."
Yet Franklin spent comparatively few years
here. Political missions kept him abroad for
almost 19 of the next 20 years. When he re-
turned for the last time in 1785 after his brilliant
tour as envoy to France, he was 80, home for
good, with time to devote to his house. He now
built an addition on the west side that expanded
the house by half. This gave him space for a
library, two bedrooms, two garrets, and a place
Franklin's sketch of the first
to store wood. "I hardly know how to justify
floor, in his own hand.
building a Library at an age that will so soon
oblige me to quit it," he mused, "but we are apt
to forget that we are grown old, and Building is
an Amusement." He also improved the grounds
with grass plots, trees, flowering shrubs, and
gravel walks.
After Franklin's death in 1790, the house and
property passed into the hands of descendents,
who lived in it for a time before leasing it out to
The present development of
a succession of tenants. By 1812 there was little
the site is a nation's belated
interest in the house, and it was torn down to
tribute to perhaps its most rep-
make way for commercial development.
resentative genius. Steel
frames, the design of architect
Robert Venturi, outline the
original house and the 1786
print shop. Fronting Market
Street are restorations of five
buildings, three of which are
rental houses Franklin built
shortly after his return from
France.
322
320
318
000000
316
314
Market Street
44
Franklin Court, is the site of
Franklin died here in 1790; the
with a film and displays, an
the handsome brick home of
house was torn down about 20
18th-century printing office, an
Benjamin Franklin, who lived
years later. Today the site
architectural/archeological ex-
here while serving in the
contains a steel "ghost struc-
hibit, an operating post office,
Continental Congress, the
ture" outlining the spot where
and a postal museum.
Constitutional Convention, and
Franklin's house stood and fea-
10
Market Street between
as President of Pennsylvania.
tures an underground museum
Third and Fourth Streets
45
Free Quaker Meeting House
which was built in 1783, is the
oldest meetinghouse in Phila-
delphia. The Free Quakers,
unlike the main body of
Quakers which remained paci-
fist, supported and fought for
the American cause during the
Revolution. The building serves
as headquarters for the Junior
League of Philadelphia, which
operates a museum on the
first floor.
11
Fifth and Arch Streets
Gloria Dei (Old Swedes')
Church was built in 1700 and
is the oldest church in Penn-
sylvania. The Swedes preceded
the English to this part of
America and began the Gloria
Dei congregation in 1646. For
nearly two centuries this church
was under Swedish hierarchy,
but after the Scandinavians
were absorbed into the general
American population, Gloria
Dei was admitted into the
Episcopal Church in 1845. The
church, a National Historic
Site, is owned and maintained
by its congregation and con-
tains an abundance of histor-
ical relics and artifacts.
12
Delaware Avenue and Chris-
tian Street
46
Graff House was originally built
there drafted the Declaration
been recreated and contain
in 1775 by Philadelphia brick-
of Independence. The house
period furnishings. Also in-
layer Jacob Graff, Jr. During
was reconstructed in 1975. The
cluded are reproductions of
the summer of 1776 Thomas
first floor contains exhibits and
Jefferson's swivel chair and the
Jefferson, a 33-year-old dele-
a short film on the drafting of
lap desk he used when he wrote
gate from Virginia to the Con-
the Declaration. On the second
the Declaration.
tinental Congress rented the
floor, the bedroom and parlor
13
Southwest corner, Seventh
two second-floor rooms and
that Jefferson occupied have
and Market Streets
47
Treasures of Independence
++++++++++++++
While Independence Hall and the Liberty Bell
are among the best-known "treasures" of Inde-
pendence National Historical Park, there are
thousands of other objects, less well-known and
less spectacular, among the park's extensive
holdings. Assembled over a period of many
years, these items are exhibited in 54 historic
room reconstructions and 45 separate exhibit
areas throughout the park. They range from fine
furniture created by Philadelphia artisans that
rivals the best of European craftsmen to words
and images on paper and canvas that denote the
emergence of an American identity. Some of the
treasures appear on these pages.
48
The Governor's Council Cham-
The silver coffee pot at top was
ber on the second floor of Inde-
made by a Philadelphia crafts-
pendence Hall (above) reflects
man c. 1780-85. It can be seen
the position and affluence of
in the Bishop White House.
the colony's chief executive.
The dinner plates are 18th-
The chairs flanking the fire-
century English and on display
place are by the cabinetmaker
in the visitor center. The por-
Thomas Affleck. Both the
trait at left of Rebecca Doz,
maple cellarette for wine
daughter of a Philadelphia
bottles (left of the fireplace)
merchant, is attributed to James
and the voluptuous walnut arm-
Claypoole, Jr., c. 1768-70. It
chair silhouetted at left are
hangs in the Second Bank.
Philadelphia made. The arm-
chair is c. 1745, the cellarette
C. 1770.
49
Independence Hall was con-
structed between 1732 and 1756
as the State House of the Prov-
ince of Pennsylvania. It was
planned and designed by law-
yer Andrew Hamilton and is
considered a fine example of
Georgian architecture. From
1775 to 1783 (except for the
period of British occupation)
this was the meeting place foi
the Second Continental Con-
gress. It was in the Assembly
Room of this building that
George Washington was ap-
pointed commander in chief of
the Continental Army in 1775
and the Declaration of Inde-
pendence was adopted on July
4, 1776. And in same room the
design of the American flag
was agreed upon in 1777, the
Articles of Confederation were
adopted in 1781, and the Con-
stitution was written in 1787.
The building, inside and out,
has been restored wherever
possible to its original late-18th
century appearance. Most of
the furnishings are period
pieces (almost all of the origi-
nal furniture was destroyed
during the British occupation),
but the silver inkstand on the
President's desk in the Assem-
bly Room is the one used by
the delegates to sign both the
Declaration and the Constitu-
tion. The "rising sun" chair
used by Washington during the
Constitutional Convention is
also original. Independence
Hall is open by tour only. Tours
begin the East Wing and are on
a first-come, first-served basis.
14
Chestnut Street between
Fifth and Sixth Streets
115
########!
The Liberty Bell
The Liberty Bell is an emblem of liberty around
the world. In the affections of the American
people, it overshadows even Independence Hall,
the building it was so intimately associated with
for so many years. The name was coined in the
19th century by anti-slavery groups. Inspired by
LETIE
the "Proclaim Liberty" inscription, they adopted
the bell as symbolic of their cause. Over the
years the bell's history has become encrusted
with a nearly impenetrable blend of fact and
fancy. The illustration at left, from an 1837
abolitionist pamphlet, is the first known use of
the bell in a publication. The sketch below,
which appeared in Harper's Weekly in 1869,
shows the bell as it was displayed in the Assem-
bly Room between 1854 and 1876.
TY
TASS AND STOW
EMILAD:
MOCCÓN
THE
SAFE
YERSON
CLARK
HOPE
MOR
M
MARTH
RE
RT
ROSS
NI
FRANK
52
Liberty Bell Pavilion. Most
people associate the Liberty
Bell with the events of the
American Revolution. Actually,
however, the bell was created
to commemorate the 50th
anniversary of the Pennsylvania
Charter of Privileges, the
democratic constitution that
William Penn granted his
colony in 1701. Today the bell
is a cherished and revered sym-
bol of American freedom.
Cast at London's White-
chapel Bell Foundry, the bell
arrived in Philadelphia in
August 1752. It cracked while
being tested and "two ingenious
workmen" of the city, John Pass
and John Stow, offered to re-
cast it. They succeeded after
two attempts and the bell was
hung in the State House tower,
where it would see long service.
No one knows for sure when
the bell next cracked but, ac-
cording to tradition, it occurred
while tolling during the funeral
of Chief Justice John Marshall
in 1835. The bell was last rung
formally on Washington's birth-
day in 1846.
LEV XXVJ/X PROCLAIM LIBERTY
At 12:01 a.m. on January 1,
1976, the first minute of the
IN PAIL BY ORDER OF THE ASE
Bicentennial year, the Liberty
Bell was moved from its former
home in Independence Hall to
PASS AND STOW
this glass-walled structure. The
PHI LADA
move was necessary to help
preserve Independence Hall
MD CCEMI
from damage due to increased
visitation and to make the bell
more accessible to everyone
who wanted to see and touch
it. Park interpreters are on duty
each day to talk with visitors
about the bell and to answer
questions. At night the bell is
still visible from outside the
Pavilion and visitors can hear
its story by using the exterior
audio stations.
15
Market Street between
Fifth and Sixth Streets on
Independence Mall
53
Library Hall was built originally
in 1789-90 by the Library Com-
pany of Philadelphia, the oldest
subscription library in the
United States. Members of the
Continental and Federal Con-
gresses and the Constitutional
Convention used the Library
Company's facilities. The
original building was demol-
ished in 1884 but the American
Philosophical Society rebuilt
and enlarged it in 1959. It
currently houses the society's
library and is open for use by
scholars.
16
105 South Fifth Street
The Marine Corps Memorial
Museum (formerly New Hall)
contains exhibits depicting the
founding of the U.S. Marine
Corps in Philadelphia in 1775
and the exploits of the Corps
during the American Revolu-
tion. The museum building is a
reconstruction of New Hall,
built by the Carpenters' Com-
pany in 1791 and originally used
to house the office of the first
Secretary of War, Henry Knox,
and his staff. The Marine Corps
exhibits are a joint effort by
the National Park Service and
the Marine Corps Historical
Center.
17
Carpenters' Court
Mikveh Israel Cemetery is the
oldest Jewish cemetery in Phila-
delphia. It was established as
a private burial ground in 1738
by Nathan Levy on land granted
to him by the Penn family. In
1774 it was deeded to the Mik-
veh Israel Synagogue, the only
Jewish house of worship that
continued to function in the
colonies during the Revolution.
Haym Salomon, a financier of
the Revolution, is buried here
in an unmarked grave.
18
Spruce Street between
Eighth and Ninth Streets
54
Old City Hall was used by the
U.S. Supreme Court from the
time the building was com-
pleted in 1791 until 1800, when
the Federal Government was
moved to Washington. Munici-
pal government and courts
occupied the building during
the 19th century. Today the
first floor contains exhibits on
the Supreme Court's use of the
building; the second floor con-
tains exhibits on late-18th-cen-
tury Philadelphia's occupations,
crafts, and daily activities.
19
Southwest Corner, Fifth
and Chestnut Streets
The Philadelphia Exchange
was constructed in 1834 for the
use of the thriving Philadelphia
business community. Here
stocks and commodities could
be traded and the latest business
news obtained. Designed by
William Strickland, this Greek
Revival building has been called
"one of the great creations of
American architecture." It has
been restored on the exterior
only and is not open to the
public.
20
Northeast Corner, Third and
Walnut Streets
55
Philosophical Hall is the only
privately owned building on
Independence Square. It is the
home of the American Philo-
sophical Society, founded by
Benjamin Franklin in 1743 and
the oldest learned society in the
United States. The society
erected the building between
1785 and 1789 and still occupies
it. Philosophical Hall is not
open to the public.
21
104 South Fifth Street
St. George's Church, at right,
is the oldest Methodist Church
in the United States. Except
for the winter of 1777-78, it has
been in constant use since 1769.
22
235 North Fourth Street
56
St. Joseph's Church was estab-
lished in 1733 as the first Roman
Catholic Church in Philadel-
phia. The present structure
dates from 1838.
23
Willing's Alley, near Fourth
and Walnut Streets
Second Bank of the United
States, one of the finest exam-
ples of Greek Revival architec-
ture in America, was designed
by William Strickland and built
between 1819 and 1824. The
Second Bank, incorporated in
1816, was one of the most in-
fluential financial institutions in
the world until 1832, when it
became the center of bitter
controversy between bank
president Nicholas Biddle and
President Andrew Jackson.
The bank ceased to exist in
1836 after Jackson vetoed the
bill to renew its charter, but
the building continued to house
a banking institution under
Pennsylvania charter. From
1845 to 1935 it served as the
Philadelphia Customs House.
Today it contains the park's
Portrait Gallery, "Faces of
Independence," an extensive
collection of paintings of
Colonial and Federal leaders,
mostly by Charles Willson
Peale. Free guided tours are
given upon request. You can
also explore the gallery on
your own.
24
420 Chestnut Street, between
Fourth and Fifth Streets
57
Thaddeus Kosciuszko National
Memorial. The Polish military
engineer who designed and
constructed American defense
works during the Revolution
lived in this house in 1797-98
during his second visit to
America.
25
301 Pine Street
Todd House, built in 1775, was
occupied from 1791 to 1793 by
lawyer John Todd, Jr., and his
wife Dolley Payne. Todd died
during the 1793 yellow fever
epidemic. Following her hus-
band's death, Dolley married
James Madison, destined to be-
come the fourth President of
the United States. The couple
subsequently moved to the
Madison estate in Virginia. The
Todd House reflects the life-
style of 18th-century Philadel-
phia's middle class. It is open
by tour only. Free tickets are
available at the visitor center.
26
Northeast corner, Fourth
and Walnut Streets
58
Preservation of a Shrine
Independence National Historical Park
Room. John Haviland's refurbishing
had its origin in efforts to preserve the
apparently pleased the local citizens.
building most closely associated with
Over the next two decades the main
the winning of American indepen-
use of the building was for exhibits and
dence - the old State House or Inde-
receptions for distinguished visitors
pendence Hall as it is known today.
and Presidents, who came as if on a
After the State government moved to
pilgrimage. Thus President-elect Lin-
Lancaster in 1799, no one had any
coln in 1861: "I am filled with deep
immediate use for the building, nor
emotion at finding myself standing in
was there any thought of preserving it
this place, where were collected to-
as a relic of the past. For several years
gether the wisdom, the patriotism, the
it stood empty. Then the artist Charles
devotion to principle, from which
Willson Peale received permission to
sprang the institutions under which we
use the building to display his exten-
live
all the political sentiments I
sive natural history collection and por-
entertain have been drawn, so far as I
traits, housed at the time in Philosoph-
have been able to draw them, from the
ical Hall. Though Peale altered the
sentiments which originated and were
Assembly Room and rebuilt the Long
given to the world from this Hall. I
Room to accommodate his specimens,
have never had a feeling politically
he otherwise took good care of the
that did not spring from the sentiments
building and grounds during the next
embodied in the Declaration of
quarter century.
Independence."
It was during Peale's occupancy that
As the 1876 Centennial approached,
the city, in 1816, bought the State
the Assembly Room came in for more
House and put it beyond the reach of
work: furniture was collected, the dais
private developers. Even so, the build-
rebuilt, pillars erected to support the
ing was still hardly regarded as a shrine.
ceiling, a new clock and bell installed.
It took the visit of Lafayette - Wash-
This restoration sufficed until the
ington's old comrade-in-arms- in 1824
1890's, when a new round of work -
to bring out the first feelings of public
more extensive and far more accurate
veneration for the old structure. A
- -began. When work was over, the
huge arch was constructed in front of
State House approximated its appear-
the building and portraits of Revolu-
ance during the Revolution. The two
tionary War heroes were hung in the
flanking buildings Congress Hall and
Assembly Room, then called the "Hall
the Supreme Court - were restored
of Independence." Lafayette's recep-
under the auspices of the local chapter
tion here by dignitaries, and a round of
of the American Institute of Archi-
parties, balls, and festivities, did much
tects in 1913 and 1922, respectively.
to stimulate interest in the Revolution.
The splendor of Independence Hall
Out of this new interest came the
now contrasted sharply with its deteri-
plan in 1828 to restore the steeple that
orating neighborhood. Up to this point
stood on the rear of the building in
the burden of preserving a national
1776. William Strickland's design,
inheritance was borne by the city and
though in no sense a restoration, was
a handful of private organizations. A
close to the original. This work was
broader concept and new resources
followed in a few years by the first real
were needed. A start was made in 1938
attempt at restoring the Assembly
when the Second Bank, threatened by
59
demolition, was designated a national
historic site, followed by Gloria Dei
Church in 1942, and Independence
Hall itself a year later. Many individu-
als and groups had long been aware of
the opportunities for both preserva-
tion and renewal in the heart of
downtown Philadelphia. In 1942 the
representatives of over 50 groups
organized themselves as the Indepen-
dence Hall Association. This organiza-
tion, still a vigorous champion of
preservation, was primarily responsible
for the establishment of Independence
National Historical Park in 1948.
Congress defined the Federal area
as the three city blocks between Wal-
nut and Chestnut Streets from Second
to Fifth Streets and a few important
nearby areas, such as the site of Frank-
lin's house. The significant buildings in
this area include the First and Second
Banks of the United States, the Phila-
delphia Exchange, the Bishop White
House, and Todd House. Carpenters'
Hall, within the Federal area, and Christ
Church, a few blocks away, are private
institutions preserved and interpreted
through cooperative agreements.
The city and the State have both
made vital contributions to the park
concept. The city, while retaining title,
gave custody of the Independence Hall
group of buildings and the square to
the Park Service; the State assumed
responsibility for the development
of the three-block mall north of Inde-
pendence Hall.
The advent of the Park Service in
1950 provided a vital center for the
coordination and direction of the many
private, municipal, and State initiatives.
Extensive research and restoration have
been carried out on every building,
and a green and finely scaled urban
landscape created where once there
was mostly decay and neglect.
60
Before restoration, the Todd
House (above) was a corner
eatery.
The color views at left de-
scribe two of the more startling
transformations within the old
State House in the 19th cen-
tury. At top, Charles Willson
Peale unveils his museum on
the second floor (1822). Below
is a lithograph of the Assembly
Room in 1856, shortly after it
was opened to the public.
Lafayette's visit in 1824 brought
an outpouring of sentiment for
the old hero. In the woodcut
above, the general arrives at
Independence Hall, passing
through a huge triumphal arch
built specially for the occasion.
61
United States
Arch Street
A complete tour of the park includes 26
Free Quaker
11
Meeting House
sites, most of which are shown in red on
this map. Two sites- Benjamin Frank-
Underground parking entrance
lin National Memorial (2) across the
city and Deshler-Morris House (8) in
Germantown-are located far off the
map, and you should consult the cur-
Underground parking
rent park folder or inquire at the visitor
entrance
center for directions. The numbers
Judge Lewis Quadrangle
below are keyed to site descriptions
that begin on page 37.
INDEPENDENCE
West bound subway
Market Street
Graff House
13
East bound subway
Liberty Bell Pavilion
15
Ludlow Street
MALL
Ranstead Street
Ranstead Stre
Second Bank
of the
United States
24
C
Independence Hall
14
Congress Hall
7
Ionic Street
Old City Hall 19
1
Philosophical Hall
21
1
16
Library Ha
Sansom Street
8th Street
7th Street
6th Street
5th Street
Walnut Str
St. James Street
West Washington Square West Washington Square
WASHINGTON
St. James Street
Tomb of the Unknown Soldier
Rose
of the American Revolution
Garden
SQUARE
Randolph Street
Locust Street
Locust Str
1
Perth Street
Magnolia
South Washington Square
Garden
Mikveh Israel
18
Cemetery
Manning Street
Darien
Street
Manning Street
To St. George's Church
To Elfreth's Alley
(two blocks)
Betsy Ross House
(City of Philadelphia)
-
North
0 10 Meters
100
Mascher Street
0
100 Feet
500
Cuthbert Street
Filbert Street
American Street
5
Christ Church
Commerce Street
10
Franklin Court
West bound subway
Market Street
East bound subway
Houses
Entrance to
Bodine Street
Bank Street
underground museum
Black Horse
Alley
Elbow Lane
Strawberry Street
Trotter St
Interstate 95
Letitia Street
Army-Navy Museum
arine
1
Corps
(Pemberton House)
norial
To Penn's Landing
seum
17
Hall)
First Bank
lonic Street
of the
Bicentennial Bell
United States
9
Visitor Center
Gatzmer Street
Entrance
Parking
Garage
4
Carpenters' Hall
Front Street
Delaware Avenue
3rd Street
Dock
2nd Street
th-century Pennsylvania Horticultural Society
Hancock St
Site of Slate Roof House
garden
Street
6
City Tavern
Administrative Offices
5
Todd House
20
Philadelphia Exchange
3
Bishop White House
Chancellor Street
MOOD
23
St. Joseph's Church
Street
Dock Street
Locust Street
Mattis Street
25
To Thaddeus Kosciuszko NM
2nd Street
To Gloria Dei (Old Swedes') Church
(two blocks)
12
(1.2 km./.74 mi south)
Credits
American Antiquarian Society: 9 (1741 woodcut).
American Philosophical Society: 44.
Boston Museum of Fine Arts: 18 (Revere and S.
Adams by John Singleton Copley).
Brown Collection: 11 (Howe).
Donnelley & Sons, R.R.: 62-63.
Fistrovitch, George: cover, 4-5, 14-15, 34-35, 37 (top),
38-39, 40-41, 42, 43, 46, 47, 48-49, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58.
Gallagher, Lynn T.: 8-9, 19, 24, 28, 29, 30 (Deshler-
Morris House), 31 (coach), 32.
Historical Society of Pennsylvania: 12 ("President's
House"), 13 (First Bank), 22, 26-27 (Edward Savage
painting), 41 (Birch print).
Independence National Historical Park Collection:
17, 18 (Adams, Dickinson, and Robert Morris by
Charles Willson Peale and Patrick Henry by an
unknown artist after Lawrence Sully), 24 (bottom), 27
(Madison by Peale and Jefferson by James Sharples),
28 (Sherman and Ellsworth), 29 (Wilson), 30 (Morris
House and Rush Statue), 31 (Hamilton, Jefferson,
and Knox by Peale), 60-61 (Rosenthal lithograph and
1951 photo).
Lautman, Robert: 16 (Franklin Court), 40, 45, 50-51.
Library Company of Philadelphia: 8 (Holme map),
12 (Birch engraving of Indians).
Library of Congress: 8 (map), 18 (Galloway), 29
(Gouverneur Morris).
National Gallery of Art: 10 (Paine), 18 (Jay by Gilbert
Stuart).
Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts: 60 (Peale, The
Artist in His Museum).
Philadelphia, city of: 6.
Philadelphia Free Library: 60-61 (1824 woodcut).
Schlecht, Richard: 10 (Randolph).
Troiani, Don: 20-21.
Valley Forge Historical Society: 11 (Battle of
Germantown by Xavier Della Gatta, 1782).
Virginia State Library: 31, (Randolph).
Woodward, William: 16 (Franklin).
National Park Service
U.S. Department of the Interior
Independence National Historical Park was authorized
by Act of Congress in 1948 to assure the preservation
of several historic buildings around Independence Hall
in the heart of Philadelphia. By an agreement in 1950
between the City of Philadelphia and the Department
of the Interior, the National Park Service administers
the Independence Hall group of buildings and Independ-
ence Square, but the city retains ownership of the
property. A superintendent whose address is 313 Walnut
St., Philadelphia, PA 19106, is in immediate charge.
As the Nation's principal conservation agency, the
Department of the Interior has responsibility for
most of our nationally owned public lands and
natural resources. This responsibility includes foster-
ing the wisest use of our land and water resources,
protecting our fish and wildlife, preserving the envi-
ronmental and cultural values of our national parks
and historical places, and providing for the enjoy-
ment of life through outdoor recreation. The De-
partment assesses our energy and mineral resources
and works to assure that their development is in the
best interests of all our people. The Department also
has a major responsibility for American Indian res-
ervation communities and for people who live in
island territories under U.S. administration.
Independence
A Guide to Independence National Historical Park
THEREOF LEVXXVX PROCLAIM LIBER
TELLOUSE IN PHILA DA BYORDER OF THE
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