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Federalist Society of Pennsylvania--Government Reform 4/3/92 [OA 7571] [6]
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Federalist Society of Pennsylvania--Government Reform 4/3/92 [OA 7571] [6]
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Records of the White House Office of Speechwriting (George H. W. Bush Administration)
Speech Backup Chronological Files
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This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
Library Staff.
Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting, White House Office of
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Speech File Backup Files
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OA/ID Number:
13806
Folder ID Number:
13806-004
Folder Title:
Federalist Society of Pennsylvania--Government Reform 4/3/92 [OA 7571][6]
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26
22
4
3
Demarest/Aarhus
Draft #1
Reform
Old Congress Hall
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS AT OLD HOUSE CHAMBER
PHILADELPHIA, PA.
MARCH 31,1992 APRIL 1,1992
personst to congettall Today, I
Thank you for that kind introduction. [ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS]
birthplace?
would rather be in Philadelphia. Philadelphia is home
to great ideas and great debate. In this very room, pivotal and
profound discussions occurred setting in motion a grand
experiment in man's ability to chart his own future.
The vision and insight of the Founding Fathers may still be
hard for us to fully comprehend. But if you really think about
it, their goals were not much different than ours. they wanted
are thesame as our goals aretoday
America country to prosper -- and they knew intuitively that
the road to prosperity was freedom. They believed in the
fundamentals -- in the inherent strength of faith and family --
and they were determined to preserve them. They wanted the
citizens of our young nation to live in peace -- safe and secure
from threats at home and abroad. It took a revolution to achieve
and it is our duty to preserve it & make it work
their vision -- but it installed the constitutional government
Abraham Lincoln later called, "of the people, by the people, and
for the people.
When British General Cornwallis surrendered at Yorktown in
1781, he had his band play "The World Turned Upside Down", as his
troops marched before Washington's Continental Army. It was a
profoundly simple realization that an old world order was coming
to a close and a new order was beginning.
Now, more than2
Over two hundred years later we again are in the midst of
great change. The world we knew just a few years ago is
altogether different now. Democracy and freedom once again have
turned the world upside down. Our nation once again stood at the
forefront of that great movement. We sacrificed. We bled. We
stood firm for our principles through some very difficult times.
But we did indeed change the world. Now, as you have heard me
say, if we could change the world, we can change America.
Many have called the 20th century the American Century. The
question before us today is about the next century looming toodismal a word.
just a few years ahead. In a world more driven by economic
more
competition than ever before, there are great challenges that we
must address now, if we are to ensure that the next century is
indeed also
also the American Century.
There are
I have set forth five issues that must be addressed if we
wish to guarantee a prosperous and compassionate America. Our
people must be educated, literate, and motivated to keep on
STATE
learning. That means we must reform our education system --
literally revolutionize it -- top to bottom. Our people must
the health
have a sense of well-being about their health and that of their
children and families. We must guarantee them access to the
finest health care system in the world, and make that care more
affordable.
Next, we must end America's turn our civil justice system
back into what is was designed to do: dispense justice with
civility. Eighteen million lawsuits a year are choking us --
of dollass
costing individuals and businesses billions
a tremendous drag
on our spirits as well as our economy.
And in the next century, as we look at the likely economic
economic
competition, as well as the likely opportunities they will be
beyond our borders. That demands we open more foreign markets
American
for our firms and workers, to sell our goods and our services --
which will
American Americancitizens:
and to sustain and create jobs. for our people. Reform of
education, health care, our legal system. Opening markets abroad
addressing these issues is absolutely fundamental to America S #
future.
Finally, we must address the issue that I am here to discuss atlength
today X reform of our government. During the last decade one
institution after another has been challenged -- forced to take a
hard look within itself, determine make needed improvements, and act
to make the institution better live up to its principles. That
process is called reform.
In the private sector, or more specifically, in a business,
Whether it's the
it is called the crusade for quality. often Quality of product, or the
q Quality of service often it's not flashy Hit's perhaps a return to
old values and standards like "the customer's always right", and
the crusade for quality
"service with a smile". Other times it emphasizes measuring
performance, because that is the way to improve performance. In
most cases
many ways, competition has been the driving force to improve
quality, and not surprisingly, it has worked. Today, American
even
products are quantifiably better than they were just a few years
ago.
It is not just the private sector that has felt the positive
pinch of healthy competition. For example, the military, in the
face of budget cuts, has had to cut the fat, and get leaner, and
smarter. Desert Storm proved it could be done. Most other
institutions -- state government, local government, unions, trade
associations, even charitable groups -- any organization that
succeed?
?
serves a public has been influenced by this drive to improve.
performance
Yet, in the face of unambiguous evidence supporting the need
change, the federal government as resisted reform and
protected the status quo. The change that has swept America, was is
stopped cold at the Capital Beltway. And the fact is that the
rise of an entrenched status quo-oriented Washington
establishment, can be laid at the doorstep of the United States
Congress.
knows
Everyone believes that government is too big and spends too
much. Everyone knows that And there's something else everyone
knows: too often the government spends the money of its
customer, the American taxpayer, the wrong way -- inefficiently,
ineffectively, without accountability, and frankly, without
compassion. Let me tell you why that is the case, and how we
must change things.
call quoto
Political
scientist
Morris
Fiorina
paints
a
disturbing
but
Whynote
familiar picture of how Washington really behaves. He says that
tsn! Print
the growth of big government has changed the role of Congress
State
from policymaking to pork barreling - changed the Congressional
this?
and
office to a Constituent office. He argues that this sets in
be
motion a self-perpetuating cycle of congressional support for
sunnecessary bigger
neven
more spending and more bureaucracies which in turn become/more
lethargic and unresponsive.
re-work
Then, the members and their increasingly powerful staffs
become ombudsmen betweeen the constituent and the bureaucracy --
expediting benefits and procuring more pork -- and thus ensuring
re-election and a continuation of the status quo. The Founding
Fathers never envisioned this. Madison, in Federalist Paper #52,
argued that permanent majorities are dangerously undemocratic.
He would be appalled to hear that 98% of Congressmen who seek re-
election are in fact re-elected. That one party -- the
Democrats -- have controlled the Congress 58 out of the last 62
years. That not one Republican member of the House has ever been
in the majority, and all but five Democrats have never been in
the minority.
One-party rule is a big part of the problem, but this is not
an attack on divided government. We have had divided government
before in our history, sometimes during periods of great crisis.
Each time we have pulled together as a nation, and met whatever
challenge threatened our security or national well-being. The
larger issue is the systemic problem -- the sticky web of 284
Congressional Committees, 34,000 Capitol Hill employees and
staff, 2 billion dollars of taxpayer financing, overlaid with
$117 million dollars in special interest campaign contributions,
and millions more in special interest influence.
This is not a system that can promote reform and change.
Rather, it aggressively promotes the status quo. Talk to
retiring members, many of them good people like Senator Warren
Rudman of New Hampshire, and you will hear the frustration. He
said, "Although I am not discouraged beyond repair, I am terribly
frustrated."
Then when asked about a particular issue -- the continuing
spectre of huge budget deficits, he issued this indictment of the
system, "the fact is that we are unable institutionally to do
what has to be done. We are not just watching the fiddler fiddle
while Rome burns, we are watching the entire orchestra."
Let me give you one small example of the misplaced
priorities on Capitol Hill -- an example that eventual continually by comes
across my desk for action. Three times a week the White House
receives a proclamation passed by a joint resolution of Congress.
It might be to designate a particular day "National Tap Dance
Day", or a month of the year, "National Digestive Disease Awareness Month".
Scores of these come to the White House for Presidential action
each year. In fact, nearly one third of all the legislation that
reaches my desk is like this.
Now, there's nothing wrong with Congress passing a
should
proclamation heralding "National Crime Victims Week", but that
no substitute for a comprehensive crime bill that actually makes
people safer in their homes and communities. "National Asparagus
Month" may be good constituent relations, but the problems in
American agriculture have to do with our national vitality, not
our national vegetable.
For every one of these bills, there are legionss of staff
churning out the public relations campaign to accompany them --
both on Capitol Hill, and in the executive branch. There are
constituents contacted, newsletters written, paper -- reams of
paper -- produced. Is this a big ticket item in the federal
budget? Probably not. But it is one more demonstration of a
Congress that chooses to spend time and effort on the easy
constiuent relations chores rather Athan on the difficult, often
controversial issues that will determine the future of our
country.
by by Congress
These actions undermine the people's confidence in their
government the same way as outrageous pork-barrel spending does.
[ [ It may be a small, symbolic gesture but just as I sent to the
Congress ten days ago my anti-pork line-item recissions, I am
will
telling the Congress today that the Executive Branch is not going
spend its resources helping out with publicity campaigns for
special interests -- so don't bother sending me any more of these
pork barrel proclamations. ]]
The American people are a compassionate people -- willing to
foot the bill to help make this country better. But the mismatch
between their willingness to help and their skepticism that
government will use their hard-earned tax dollars wisely is
greater now than ever before. When they hear about their money
going for special interest publicity campaigns and pork-barrel
projects, people get angry. They demand change. Maybe it's
small potatoes to the Congress, but it doesn t help ring true to the
voters
to
hear
voters that for every letter a Congressional office receives
12, 000 go out. The public knows P.R. when they see it. And they
know it all adds up to real money -- their money.
In dollar terms, one quarter of everything we produce,
build, or grow as a nation is devoured by the central government.
There is no bigger appetite on earth. Today our government is a
trillion and a half dollar business that too often it forgets
V
2
that the taxpayer is customer, shareholder, and board member all
rolled into one.
Now, I know that the federal government cannot be run just
like IBM, but we can improve its performance. We must improve
its performance. And it's not just the Congress, it's the
sprawling federal bureaucracy that needs reform as well.
Because
I
government forgets the customer it issues counterproductive
regulations ones regulations increase the cost of doing business, but
and
worse, ones regulations that don't really solve the problem they were
designed to solve.
2
Because the government forgets the shareholder, it shelters
perpetual programs that have outlived their function, but not
their funding. Because the government forgets who is really the
boss 3 the American taxpayer -- it has become insulated,
unresponsive and resists reform. It is almost impossible to
adequately reward success, much less punish failure. This is no
slight to the four million hardworking people in the employ of
the taxpayer. Talk to them and many will say the same thing
they are frustrated as well. But the system, which may have been
good for its time, now must change, and it won't be easy.
That's because this kind of government doesn't just happen
It is the Congress that creates these giant centralized
bureaucracies, lays down the mandates, funds the programs. Then,
no money left...)
it is the Congress that protects them, harasses them,
investigates them, micro-manages them. With a Congressional
subcommittee Chairman as godparent, they become stepchildren of
the Congress.
A
A few examples will help drive home the point. [By the last
count] Some thirty different Congressional committees, and
seventy-seven subcommittees claim some degree of oversight
responsibility for the Department of Defense. Seventy-four
committees and subcommittees try to exercise jurisdiction over
the War on Drugs.
The amount of time and resources devoted by the executive
branch to fulfilling Congressional demands for testimony has
reached ridiculous proportions. And written reports to Congress
-- with all the staff and research time needed for those -- are
at an all-time high. Congress requires sixty reports from HUD,
over six hundred from the Defense Department.
Congress has legitimate oversight responsibilities of
course. But the Congressional system is out of control.
What do we do about it? I have offered several proposals in the
past and I am prepared to make addition proposals today. In sum
they are:
term limits
logging rule
regulatory moratorium
line-item rescissions
campaign finance reform
SENT
TICKET
CENTER
3-20-92
LEGISLATIVE AFFAIRS
2
TALKING POINTS
We've had an interesting, but disappointing year in
Congress. When I delivered my State of the Union address in
January, I hoped we could work with Congress to get a good
economic growth package that would create jobs. A strong
economy with good jobs and good opportunities is an
essential foundation for strong families.
--
Well, we didn't get a good growth package, I'm sorry to say.
What we got from the Democrats was business as usual -- a
huge tax increase. A Democratic tax increase that would
have killed jobs, not created them.
--
So I had to veto the Democrats' tax increase. And now let
me tell you something about that veto that you probably
didn't hear on the news. The Democratic leadership brought
my veto up for a vote yesterday, but something remarkable
happened.
Not only did we get the one-third of the votes we needed to
sustain my veto, we got a majority of the votes against a
tax increase. That is almost unheard of -- there have been
only two times in the last 60 years that the House couldn't
muster a simple majority to override a veto.
-- I think that vote signals that at least some Democrats
realize that business as usual won't work anymore. The
American people don't want to be taxed anymore. They don't
want the federal government to spend anymore.
--
And I'll promise you something. We are going to force a
change in attitude and a change in habit. We've also been
fighting with the Congressional Democratic leadership about
the best tool for fiscal discipline we have -- the so-
called "caps" on discretionary spending in the budget law.
The Democratic leadership wants to kill those caps 50
Congress can spend more of taxpayer's dollars on more
federally run programs. I say NO WAY!
--
You see, we just can't stand for the status quo. I have
sent up a batch of line item rescissions -- spending cuts on
pork barrel programs -- for Congress to act on. More will
be coming.
--
And that battle has been joined as of today. My cuts have
been introduced as legislation and we're going to try to get
votes on each and every one.
SENT BY:The TICKET CENTER
3-20-92
12.09
LEGISLATIVE AFFAIRS-
-2-
-- That might sound easy. It won't be. It seems pretty clear
already that there are some Democrats in Congress who want
to block these initiatives. To do so, they're going to
resort to parliamentary gimmicks.
-- If that's the case, we will fight them. We are going to
make a change in attitude about federal spending. And even
if they win the votes now, they won't win the long-term
battle because the public understands what's going on here.
1x1
FACSIMILE TRANSMITTAL SHEET
NUMBER OF PAGES INCLUDING COVER 5
DATE 3/24
TO Dz
FAX NUMBER x2983
COMMENTS Here are the most recent Cabinet
establishmonts/changes, along with
a Presidential chronology.
FROM Carol
*
DEPARTMENT OF COMMUNICATIONS
*
OFFICE NUMBER
x 7750
44
Public Office Index, 1
Department of Commerce and Labor-The Commerce and Labor Department
was created by Congress on February 14, 1903. The department was divided
into separate departments of Commerce and Labor on March 4, 1913.
Department of Commerce-The Commerce Department was a subdivision of
the Commerce and Labor Department until March 4, 1913 when the depart-
ments were separated and the Secretary of Commerce was commissioned
Biographical Data- -
as a separate Cabinet post.
Cabinet Members
Department of Labor-The Labor Department was a part of the Commerce
and Labor Department until March 4, 1913 when the dual department was
divided into two separate offices and the Secretary of Labor became an in-
Acheson, Dean G.
ST
dividual Cabinet officer.
Date of birth
Apr 11, 1893
Date of appointment/age
Jan 19, 1949/55
Department of Defense The Defense Department was created on September
Assumed office/age
Jan 21, 1949/55
18, 1947 to act as a unifying office to oversee the interests of the Army, Navy,
Left office/age
Jan 20, 1953/59
and Air Force. The War Department became the Department of the Army,
Date of death/age
Oct 12, 1971/78
and it and the Department of the Navy, along with the new Department
Cabinet service
4y
of the Air Force, became branches of the Department of Defense.
Department of Health, Education and Welfare-The department was created
Adams, Brockman
TR
on April 11, 1953. Twenty-six years later, on September 27, 1979, the bureau
Date of birth
Jan 13, 1927
was divided into the departments of Education and Health and Human
Date of appointment/age
Dec 15, 1976/49
Services.
Assumed office/age
Jan 21, 1977/50
Left office/age
Jul 21, 1979/52
Department of Housing and Urban Development - HUD was created by Con-
Date of death/age
gress on September 9, 1965.
Cabinet service
2y 6m
Department of Transportation The Transportation Department was created
Adams, Charles F.
NV
MOST RECENT
by Congress on October 15, 1966.
Date of birth
Aug 2, 1866
Date of appointment/age
Mar 5, 1929/62
Department of Energy The Energy Department was created by Congress on
August 4, 1977.
Assumed office/age
Mar 5, 1929/62
Left office/age
Mar 3, 1933/66
Department of Health and Human Services The Health and Human Ser-
Date of death/age
Jun 11, 1954/87
Cabinet service
vices Department was created by Congress on September 27, 1979 when
3y 11m 28d
the Department of Health, Education and Welfare was divided into the
Department of Health and Human Services and the Department of
Adams, John Q.
ST
Education.
Date of birth
Jul 11, 1767
Date of appointment/age
Mar 5, 1817/49
Department of Education The Education Department was created by Con-
Assumed office/age
Sep 22, 1817/50
gress on September 27, 1979, when HEW was divided into two separate
Left office/age
Mar 3, 1825/57
departments, both represented by officers in the president's Cabinet.
Date of death/age
Feb 23, 1848/80
Cabinet service
7y 5m 9d
1
45
42
Public Office Index, 1
Secretary of Education
Shirley Hufstedler 1979-1981
William J. Bennett 1985-
Terrel Bell 1981-1985
Cabinet Office Summary
Department of State - Originally created by an act of Congress on July 27, 1789
as the Department of Foreign Affairs, the name of the department was
changed to the Department of State on September 15, 1789.
Department of War - The War Department was created by Congress on August
7, 1789. On September 18, 1947 the War Department became the Depart-
ment of the Army, and the Departments of the Army, Navy, and Air Force
became branches of the Department of Defense.
Department of the Treasury - The Treasury Department was created by Con-
gress on September 2, 1789.
Post Office Department - The Post Office Department was originally estab-
lished as a branch of the Treasury Department on September 22, 1789. The
Postmaster General was made a member of the president's cabinet on March
9, 1829. The Postal Reorganization Act of 1970 changed the organization
to the U.S. Postal Service, and from July 1, 1970 the Postmaster General
was no longer a member of the cabinet.
Office of Attorney General - The attorney general's office was organized on
September 24, 1789. The Justice Department was created by Congress on
June 22, 1870.
Navy Department - The Navy Department was created on April 30, 1798. The
Navy Department became one of the branches of the Department of Defense
on September 18, 1947. The Secretary of the Navy became a non-cabinet
official on that date, though all three military departments - Army, Navy,
and Air Force - are represented in the Cabinet by the Secretary of Defense.
Department of the Interior - The Interior Department was created by Con
gress on March 3, 1849.
Department of Agriculture - The Agriculture Department was created by Con
gress on May 15, 1862, but the Department was not at first represented in
the president's cabinet. The Secretary of Agriculture became a member of
the Cabinet on February 8, 1889.
43
512
U.S. GOVERNMENT MANUAL
Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for
C. DALE DUVALL
Acquisition and Facilities
Deputy Assistant Secretary for Facilities
LESTER M. HUNKELE III
Deputy Assistant Secretary for Acquisition
H. ROBERT SALDIVAR
and Materiel Management
Assistant Secretary for Congressional Affairs
DENNIS DUFFY, Acting
Deputy Assistant Secretary for Congressional
DENNIS DUFFY, Acting
Liaison
Deputy Assistant Secretary for Legislative
Jo Sherman
Affairs
The Department of Veterans Affairs operates programs to benefit veterans and
members of their families. Benefits include compensation payments for disabilities
loan guaranty; burial; and a medical care program incorporating nursing homes,
GENERAL COUNSEL
BOARD OF VETERANS APPEALS
VETERANS SERVICE ORGANIZATIONS LIAISON
or death related to military service; pensions; education and rehabilitation; home
clinics, and medical centers.
1989
VETERANS BENEFITS ADMINISTRATION
NATIONAL CEMETERY SYSTEM
The Department of Veterans Affairs (VA)
oversight to the Secretary and Deputy
was established as an executive
Secretary, the administrations, and other
department by the Department of
top offices.
Veterans Affairs Act (38 U.S.C. 201
The Assistant Secretary for Finance and
note). The Department's predecessor, the
Information Resources Management is
Veterans Administration, had been
VA's Chief Financial Officer and manages
under the President by Executive Order
fiscal operations. The Assistant Secretary
5398 of July 21, 1930, in accordance
also oversees VA's information resources
with the act of July 3, 1930 (46 Stat.
management programs, which include
DEPARTMENT OF VETERANS AFFAIRS
SECRETARY
established as an independent agency
the Department's budget process and
DEPUTY SECRETARY
1016). This act authorized the President
integration and acquisition of automated
to consolidate and coordinate the U.S.
data processing and telecommunications
Veterans Bureau, the Bureau of Pensions,
activities and information analysis.
and the National Home for Volunteer
The Assistant Secretary for Policy and
Soldiers.
Planning is responsible for managing the
VETERANS HEALTH ADMINISTRATION
The Department of Veterans Affairs
Secretary's policy analysis and planning
INSPECTOR GENERAL
comprises three organizations that
processes and integrating both into the
administer veterans programs: the
Secretary's Strategic Management
BOARD OF CONTRACT APPEALS
Veterans Health Administration, the
Process.
Veterans Benefits Administration, and the
The Assistant Secretary for Acquisition
OFFICE OF SMALL AND DISADVANTAGED
BUSINESS UTILIZATION
National Cemetery System. Each
and Facilities provides management
organization has field facilities and a
oversight of departmentwide capital
Central Office component. The Central
facilities and real property programs,
Office also includes separate offices that
acquisition and materiel management
provide support to the top organizations'
activities, retail and food resale activities,
operations as well as to top VA
and environmental affairs programs. The
executives. Top Central Office managers
Assistant Secretary also serves as VA's
report to the highest level of Department
senior procurement executive in
management, which consists of the
accordance with Executive Order 12352
Secretary of Veterans Affairs and the
of March 17, 1982
Deputy Secretary.
The Assistant Secretary for Human
Assistant Secretaries Six Assistant
Resources and Administration provides
Secretaries provide policy guidance,
direction and oversight of the
operational support, and managerial
Department's personnel and labor
THE PRESIDENTS
CHRONOLOGY, FAMILY HISTORY, AND NAMES
PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES-
J. ADAMS 1735-1826
YEARS SERVED
JEFFERSON 1743-1826
1. George Washington 1789-1797
MADISON 1751-1836
2. John Adams 1797-1801
MONROE 1758-1831
3. Thomas Jefferson 1801-1809
J.Q. ADAMS 1767-1848
4. James Madison 1809-1817
JACKSON 1767-1845
5. James Monroe 1817-1825
VAN BUREN 1782-1862
6. John Quincy Adams 1825-1829
W.H. HARRISON 1773-1841
7. Andrew Jackson 1829-1837
TYLER 1790-1862
8. Martin Van Buren 1837-1841
POLK 1795-1849
9. William Henry Harrison 1841
TAYLOR 1784-1850
10. John Tyler 1841-1845
FILLMORE 1800-1874
11. James Knox Polk 1845-1849
PIERCE 1804-1869
12. Zachary Taylor 1849-1850
BUCHANAN 1791-1868
13. Millard Fillmore 1850-1853
LINCOLN 1809-1865
14. Franklin Pierce 1853-1857
A. JOHNSON 1808-1875
15. James Buchanan 1857-1861
GRANT 1822-1885
16. Abraham Lincoln 1861-1865
HAYES 1822-1893
17. Andrew Johnson 1865-1869
GARFIELD 1831-1881
18. Ulysses Simpson Grant 1869-1877
ARTHUR 1829-1896
19. Rutherford Birchard Hayes 1877-1881
CLEVELAND 1837-1908
20. James Garfield 1881
B. HARRISON 1833-1901
21. Chester Alan Arthur 1881-1885
MCKINLEY 1843-1901
22. Grover Cleveland 1885-1889
T. ROOSEVELT 1858-1919
23. Benjamin Harrison 1889-1893
TAFT 1857-1930
24. Grover Cleveland 1893-1897
WILSON 1856-1924
S
25. William McKinley 1897-1901
HARDING 1865-1923
26. Theodore Roosevelt 1901-1909
r
COOLIDGE 1872-1933
27. William Howard Taft 1909-1913
HOOVER 1874-1964
C
28. Woodrow Wilson 1913-1921
F.D. ROOSEVELT 1882-1945
29. Warren Gamaliel Harding 1921-1923
TRUMAN 1884-1972
30. Calvin Coolidge 1923-1929
EISENHOWER 1890-1969
31. Herbert Clark Hoover 1929-1933
KENNEDY 1917-1963
32. Franklin Delano Roosevelt 1933-1945
L.B. JOHNSON 1908-1973
33. Harry S. Truman 1945-1953
NIXON 1913
34. Dwight David Eisenhower 1953-1961
FORD 1913
35. John Fitzgerald Kennedy 1961-1963
CARTER 1924
36. Lyndon Baines Johnson 1963-1969
REAGAN 1911
37. Richard Milhous Nixon 1969-1974
BUSH 1924
38. Gerald Rudolph Ford 1974-1977
39. Jimmy Carter 1977-1981
STATES REPRESENTED AND PARTY
AFFILIATIONS
40. Ronald Wilson Reagan 1981-1989
41. George Herbert Walker Bush 1989-
WASHINGTON Virginia, Federalist
J. ADAMS Massachusetts, Federalist
BIRTH AND DEATH DATES
JEFFERSON Virginia, Democratic-Republican
WASHINGTON 1732-1799
MADISON Virginia, Democratic-Republican
289
(Demarest)
March 10, 1992
Draft Three
ASAE
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: ASSOCIATION EXECUTIVES
MARCH 11, 1992
WASHINGTON, D.C.
1:20 P.M.
Chairman Fondren, my fellow Texan, thank you for that
introduction. President Taylor. I heard a story about how when
LBJ moved from the House to the Senate, Jake Pickle and Gene
Fondren, then Texas state legislators, flipped a coin to decide
who'd run for office and go to Washington. Well, Congressman
Pickle's been calling for a rematch ever since.
Robert Frost once wrote that "an idea is a feat of
association." Well, association is an idea as old as the
American Dream itself. Actually, Toqueville over 150 years ago
had much to say about you. He said, "at the head of some new
undertaking
in the United States you will be sure to find an
association." Since that time associations have played a vital
role in our country's progress, and they continue that mission
today, defining new frontiers and exploring new territory.
Before I spoke, President Taylor presented the Associations
Advance America Awards to salute those who've found a way to
help, to be in fact, points of light. We hear a too often about
what's wrong in America. Well, this is what's right in America,
and I salute you for what you are doing to help your communities.
2
of course, it's an election year. Independent of the
current preoccupation with the hype and spin of the campaigns,
there will remain the issues, the big things -- the core concerns
of every American -- jobs, family, peace. They hold us together
as a society. They are more than issues we bring to the next
election -- they are the legacy we must give to the next
generation.
That is what I want to talk to you about today -- not just
the issues, but our mood as a nation, and how our government must
reform if we are to change America.
Today, weighing most heavily in the hearts and on the minds
of Americans is the state of the economy -- jobs -- preserving
jobs, creating jobs. You in this very room know best virtually
every industry and every profession in America. I don't have to
tell you that people are worried about the future.
Frankly, we've had tough economic times before, with higher
unemployment -- but less national alarm. There's something
different about today's times -- something that touches a nerve.
It strikes at the heart of what drives this country forward --
our confidence. It challenges our belief in ourselves.
I'll give it to you straight: Unemployment is 7.3% -- about
9 million people out of a total workforce of 126 million. During
the 1982 recession, unemployment hit almost 11% -- a level not
experienced since the Great Depression. So we ask ourselves --
why is confidence today lower than at the depth of the 1982
recession?
3
I've heard a lot of theories. Some say the talking heads of
the media are the problem -- always running the country down.
[You've heard the saying "no news is good news?" Well, the joke
is that for the media, "Good news is no news."]
Others say it's the politicians. I myself have noted that
in a political year candidates often shower the voters with a
message so bleak and hopeless -- at the same time they promise
the rainbow if they're elected. That steady drizzle on the
people's shoulders can wear away confidence, and wash away hope.
So it's easy to suppose that the constant drumbeat about what's
wrong in America is a self-fulfilling prophecy.
There may be some truth to that. But I think there are
other reasons for our country's mood. People are feeling the way
they do because America's got some real problems -- serious,
stubborn, national problems.
But I think it would be unfair and untrue to suggest to the
American people that we can't overcome these problems -- to imply
that America is a country in decline. So today I want to talk
about what we must do to meet the economic challenge that is
before us -- how we can build economic vitality into our
communities -- how we must ensure that our children see a future
that is an improvement over the present -- most importantly, why
we must change the way we do business in Washington D.C.
Sometimes it helps to take some of these enormous issues and
bring them down to the personal level. So when I talk about
America's economic problems this is what I mean:
4
They are the worries of parents who have worked all their
lives to get their kids through college -- and those kids can't
find work. They are found in discouraged families who can't
afford to pay off anything but the interest on their credit
cards, month after month after month. They are the doubts of
young people who believe that times will never be as good for
them as they were for their parents. These are the things that
dim our hope and drain our confidence.
American workers can see that technology and competition are
changing the workplace faster than ever before. They can feel
the heat -- both at home and abroad. They know American industry
is being challenged to keep up or step aside -- I'll talk further
about that later in the week in Detroit, Michigan. We live in a
competitive world, and people worry about our ability to compete.
American homeowners -- that's almost 70 million people --
worry that the biggest asset they will ever have -- their home -
- will lose its worth because real estate values have declined.
The same is true of any business, association, or charitable
organization that owns property -- they're concerned too.
Finally, as I discussed earlier this week with the League of
Cities, the deterioration of the American family is very serious
-- a root problem with tremendous ramifications for our economic
well-being as a nation.
But the picture is not all gloom and doom. America is now
the only superpower in the world. Millions of immigrants still
look to us as the land of opportunity -- because we are. And our
5
economy is poised for recovery. Inflation is down. Interest
rates low. Inventories low. Exports at record highs. But this
recovery will come sooner, and stronger only if we in government
act now. As self-evident as this mandate for action may seem, we
have not been able to muster the necessary political unity of
purpose.
In January, I sent the Congress a plan of action -- a
straightforward set of initiatives based upon tried and true
economic realities. I proposed incentives for business to buy
equipment, upgrade their plants, and start hiring again. I
proposed a shot in the arm to get the housing industry back on
its feet -- lead us into economic recovery this spring. I
proposed a tax cut on capital gains. Once you get through all
the tax-break-for-the-rich demagoguery, economists agree such a
measure would create jobs.
Then I offered a broader plan of action to keep us
competitive and economically vigorous in the years ahead:
1) Education reform to bring the skills of our future
workers up to a standard of excellence. 2) Reform of our legal
system so that Americans can spend more time innovating and less
time litigating. 3) Health care reform to improve access to the
best quality care in the world. 4) Welfare reform to break the
sorry cycle of dependency that's become a way of life in many of
our cities. 5) Tangible support to strengthen the family -- a
$500 increase in the tax deduction for children. 6) A trade
policy that demands foreign markets open up to high-quality
7
knows: too often the government spends the money of its
customer, the American taxpayer, the wrong way -- inefficiently,
ineffectively, without accountability, and frankly, without
compassion.
When Americans think about their government, what often
comes to mind is the latest scandal involving their money.
Today, we are cleaning up the Savings and Loan scandal. Jack
Kemp deserves a lot of credit for straightening out the abuses in
our public housing system. Dick Cheney has continued the Ill
Wind investigation at the Defense Department and made the
necessary reforms in defense procurement. But to the taxpayer,
these issues, like the latest scandal with the House bank, just
reinforce the notion that the government is more the problem than
the solution.
This is all part of why confidence in America's future is
under siege. Many people have already lost confidence in
government. There is irony here. Americans are a compassionate
people -- willing to foot the bill to help make this country
better. But there is an extraordinary mismatch between their
willingness to help and their skepticism that government actually
will use their hard earned tax dollars and get results. My
apologies to David Osborne and Ted Gaebler for borrowing their
phrase, but it is truly time to reinvent government.
This is no slight to the four million hardworking people who
work for the federal government. But the fact is that they work
in a system that was good for its time, but now must change and
8
change radically. I know that government can't be run like a
business -- but we can improve its performance. Right now,
within the halls of these giant centralized bureaucracies, it is
almost impossible to reward success, much less punish failure.
Because government forgets the customer, it issues counter-
productive regulations. It shelters perpetual programs that have
outlived their function but not their funding. But this kind of
government doesn't just happen. It is the Congress that creates
these bureaucracies, lays down the mandates, funds the programs.
Then, it is the Congress that protects them, harasses them,
investigates them, micro-manages them. With a Congressional
subcommittee Chairman as godparent, they become stepchildren of
the Congress.
This is not to criticize all people serving in Congress. I
served there and I know many fine people on both sides of the
aisle serve there now -- decent, hardworking, patriotic
Americans. The problem isn't the people, it's the system. And
the system must change.
The people on Capitol Hill are victims of an unaccountable,
inefficient, and ineffective system of their own making as well:
284 committees, 35,000 staff members, over 2 billion dollars of
taxpayer money, and a web of special interest influence and
money. This is not a system that can promote reform and change.
Rather, it promotes the status quo. Over the years, this has
piled up to create a Congress that is out of touch. Gridlocked.
9
Paralyzed. A Congress totally and utterly incapable of
addressing the central issues of our time.
How many people in this room -- people who work with the
Congress every day -- haven't had a private conversation with a
Senator or Congressman and heard exactly the same thing?
There's nothing wrong with the Congress passing a
proclamation heralding "Crime Victims Week", but that's no
substitute for a comprehensive crime bill that actually does
something to make people safer in their communities. They may
pass "National Asparagus Month", but the problem in American
agriculture is our national vitality not our national vegetable.
(Haven't seen "National Broccoli Week" -- could have some trouble
signing that one). For every one of these bills there is staff
assigned, paper processed, constituents contacted, newsletters
written, taxpayer money spent. Nearly one third of all the
legislation that reaches my desk is like this. Much of what's
left simply keeps the basic machine of government running. The
focus is clearly not on addressing new challenges.
This all may sound like simply an election year blast at a
Congress controlled by the other party. But it's not. We need a
new way of looking at things. The gap between private sector
efficiency and government's ineptness has become a chasm. I have
made proposals to reform government -- proposals to bring back
responsibility and accountability to a system answerable to no
one but itself. They are based on some fundamental principles.
Rely on what works. When possible, decentralize. Institute
10
choice to force competition into the system. Give people more
power to make the big decisions in their lives. Make the system
accountable. Understand the new realities of America's global
position -- that we must become more competitive. These are
important ways to reform and change America.
I have also called for the Congress to stop exempting itself
from the laws it imposes on everyone else. I have called for
Campaign Finance Reform to break the influence of special
interest groups. I have talked about term limits for members of
Congress. When the system is broken you have to fix it.
Chairman Fondren once said that "Leadership
requires
forthrightness. Hidden agendas rarely, if ever, lead to progress
and very often succeed in spoiling the brew.' I've never been
very good at hiding my agenda, and I'm not about to start now.
My agenda has been to create jobs, protect the family, and
promote world peace. Too many times I run up against a wall -- a
partisan guard more determined to takes sides than to take this
country forward. March 20 will be an important date. If the
Congress enacts my action plan on the economy by then, the real
beneficiaries will not be me, nor my re-election, nor the
Congress. The real beneficiaries will be the American people
who will regain the confidence that they have lost in the ability
of Washington to act in their best interest.
If the Congress cannot act, or if it sends to me a bill it
knows today I cannot and will not sign, I will take this message
to the American people: the problem is Congress. Send a new
11
Congress to Washington next November. In the meantime I will act
on my own in the interests of the American people.
I drew a line in the sand a little over a year ago in the
Persian Gulf. I kept my word then and we liberated Kuwait. I
have drawn a line in the sand once again -- right here in our own
backyard. I will keep my word again. And if we all do our part,
we can ensure that our economy, and our government get back on
the right track.
Thank you. And God bless you for all the good work you do.
# # #
6
American goods and services. 7) Record federal support in
research and development to keep our nation on the cutting edge
of new technologies.
Big issues. Big challenges. This is the plan I proposed -
- and I set a deadline for Congress to act. Congress didn't like
the notion of a deadline. And while the Congress didn't have a
comprehensive plan of its own, it is doubtful that it will enact
the plan I proposed. Instead, with great and earnest
deliberation, the Congress is fixated with how much more to tax
the American people. They would hike taxes by 100 billion
dollars.
Imagine: giving the Congress more taxpayer money to spend.
Why add to the billions already spent on big government programs
-- does anyone believe that more spending money for the Congress
is the answer? Does anyone believe that this money will be more
wisely spent than the trillion and a half dollars spent now?
The last thing this economy needs now is a tax increase.
Any economist worth his salt will tell you that. But this is not
new. Congress routinely refuses to take action to stimulate the
economy -- but insists on job destroying tax increases. I
believe Congress is incapable of passing my economic action plan
-- or a plan of their own. They are incapable of meeting my
March 20 deadline -- or any other deadline, for that matter. Let
me tell you why.
Everyone knows that government is too big and spends too
much. Everyone knows that. And there's something else everyone
PRESIDENT THE OF THE UNITED
Dearmont
OF
SEAL
STATES
To Speechwriters
March 27, 1992
Re: Cong. Reform Speech.
Be sure we have something in there on Disclosure The way to
avoid conflict of interest ids through full disclosure.
A prevsident reveals his income taxes- not by law but by
tradition. I have done that now for 12 years.
Presidential candidates must do that i but Congress schould take
a new look at the discHlosure laws
GB
07
FROM THE PRESIDENT
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Ash Council
Info
Richard Nixon, 1971
Feb. 6 [46]
for all Americans. The role of govern-
It is my hope that the 92nd Congress
sed
ment in this area, as I emphasized last
will recognize the innovative and vital role
nue
year, should be one of stimulating private
of the National Endowment for the Hu-
to
giving and encouraging private initiative.
manities as described in this Fifth An-
win
I am therefore happy to report that the
nual Report.
ent.
work of the National Endowment for the
RICHARD NIXON
Humanities attracted 125 gifts from pri-
The White House
vate sources totalling over $2 million dur-
February 5, 1971
ing fiscal year 1970, more than matching
NOTE: The 107-page report is entitled "Na-
Federal funds available for that purpose.
tional Endowment for the Humanities, Fifth
Sec-
Annual Report."
ular
bru-
46
Statement About Memorandums Recommending
a.m.
lay-
Proposals for Executive Reorganization.
,
at
February 6, 1971
him
the
IT IS my hope that as they are formally
posed changes that I outlined in my ad-
the
submitted to the Congress, the proposals
dress on the State of the Union, but they
L'announced in this year's address on the
are not the only sources for my proposals.
State of the Union will generate a con-
Consequently, there will be differences
structive and far-reaching discussion on
between the specific legislation which I
the best way to organize many of the
will recommend to the Congress and the
domestic activities of the Federal Govern-
proposals made by the Ash Council. The
ment. As a contribution to such discus-
differences will reflect conclusions I have
sion, I have decided to make available to
reached as a result of my own experience
the Congress and to the American people
in government, as well as proposals for
in
these two memoranda that were prepared
executive reorganization made earlier in
for me last year by the President's Advis-
this Administration and in previous
ory Council on Executive Organization
administrations.
(the Ash Council). One concerns the De-
on a
For example, one department which
:ned
partment of Natural Resources, and the
was not touched by the Ash Council's pro-
other concerns organization for social and
bear
posals, the Department of Transportation,
economic programs.
nost
will be included in the reorganization leg-
The earlier memorandum reached
on's
islation I will send to the Congress be-
be-
no on May 12, 1970 and the latter on
cause I believe that the principles which
November 19, 1970. I withheld action
underlie the Ash proposals justify this
nthe earlier document until I had had a
inclusion.
prio-
for
bance to see the full scope of the Coun-
The Congress and the American peo-
and
proposals for the reorganization of
ple, in my view, should have the benefit
the
related domestic departments and their
of the relevant studies of the Advisory
anctions.
ently
Council on Executive Organization in or-
life
These memoranda are basic to the pro-
der that they may better evaluate the leg-
123
[46]
Feb.
6
Public Papers of the Presidents
islation I will be proposing. It is particu-
task of governmental reorganization
lic P
larly important that the rationale sup-
which remains before us.
kind
porting the basic departmental structure
Sincerely,
requi
I will recommend be well understood.
RICHARD NIXON
social
I am in basic agreement with the prin-
NOTE: The statement, dated February 5, 1971
ciples of government organization ex-
was made available to the press on February 6
pressed in these memoranda. They reflect
as part of a 160-page pamphlet entitled
both the need to organize structures on
"Memoranda for the President of the United
48
the basis of purposes and the desirability
States: Establishment of a Department of
of decentralizing decision-making at the
Natural Resources; Organization for Social and
Economic Programs, Submitted by the Presi-
operating level to the Federal regions and
dent's Advisory Council on Executive Orga-
To ti
to States and localities wherever possible.
nization."
La
With these thoughts, I commend the
On February 5, the White House released
first
memoranda to your attention. I believe
the transcript of a news briefing on the two
natic
that you will find them a useful and in-
memorandums by John D. Ehrlichman, Assist-
ant to the President for Domestic Affairs, and
train$
formative guide as we prepare for the
George P. Shultz, Director, Office of Manage-
"desc
ment and Budget.
now
and
lines
47
Statement About National Crime Prevention Week, 1971.
the d
February 6, 1971
rapic
Th
THIS YEAR, National Crime Prevention
In the past decade, Washington, D.C.
actio
Week has a solid ring. Our nationwide
although the supposed model city for the
campaign against crime is far from won,
upon
nation-won shameful distinction as a
to th
but the tide is beginning to turn.
leader in crime statistics. Today, new leg-
New laws have given the Department
the I
islation and increases in manpower are
draw
of Justice better weapons against orga-
fostering the reorganization of the whole
nized crime and against the narcotics traf-
past
structure of criminal justice in our Na-
fic that is a significant cause of crime. Co-
that,
tion's Capital. Large increases have been
tive
operation with state and local agencies is
made in Federal grants to state, city and
the order of the day. A National Council
camp
county police forces for improvements in
roun
on Organized Crime, comprising the
standards, training and methods. The re-
heads of all appropriate Federal depart-
sults of these efforts have begun to show.
M.
ments and agencies, is directing a major
A positive decline in the number of seri-
trol
assault on racketeering. The Council has
ous crimes has occurred in twenty-three
given new support to the interdepart-
cities of more than 100,000 population.
mental strike forces against organized
And our Nation's Capital also has shown
crime that have now been established in
a significant downward trend in crime.
most major American cities. All the neces-
I applaud the sponsors of National
sary Federal agencies are working to-
Crime Prevention Week, and urge all
gether in a redoubled drive against il-
Americans to respond to the challenges
legal drugs-at home, at our borders, and
it offers. For only the widest civic partic-
at overseas sources.
ipation and support can translate the pub-
124
[53] Feb. 10
Public Papers of the Presidents
stration of the effectiveness of the devices.
conclusions. And these I am delivering to you
cation
Secretary Stans' remarks were as follows:
as they will be delivered to the public today
ing ii
Mr. President, before you are approximately
Next is a casebook. This is a report of 150
actions that have been taken voluntarily by
Comn
200 heads of major corporations of the United
States. Here is a very large part of the industrial
business corporations of the country in deal-
was is
might of the country.
ing with problems of pollution in connection
regula
These gentlemen are members of the Coun-
with their activities.
prote
cil and subcouncils of the National Industrial
Next, Mr. President, is a book entitled "Com-
He
Pollution Control Council. And they have been
mitments." This is a report of 160 corporate
to all
working diligently since last June in studying
commitments to proceed to clean up the en-
matters of pollution.
vironment in one essential respect or another.
ment
There are 30 subcouncils, each represent-
Mr. President, as I said, these gentlemen
sumit
ing one industry that has problems of pollution.
have been working very diligently. They have
whic
They have produced a series of reports on a
attended more than 100 subcouncil meetings
Si
number of individual pollution problems and
since last June; several meetings of the entire
have made a number of commitments, have
Council.
agen
completed a number of actions which I want to
Bert Cross, as their Chairman, Al Rockwell,
ion-
report to you today.
as their Vice Chairman, have done a remark-
calle
First is a report of the Council as a whole on
able job of whipping together a process of
und
its activities, with some recommendations to you
action that I think is of great credit to the
rect
and some conclusions as to what might be done
industrial community. What they have done is
in the field of industrial pollution.
perfect evidence that business, on its own and
A
Second is a series of 13 individual reports on
largely through voluntary action, can achieve
sens
various subjects involved in pollution: sulfur
the objectives that you have set out for the
tero
oxides, acid mine drainage, animal slaughter-
cleaning up of the air, the water, and the land
rela
ing, animal wastes, exhaust emissions, glass
from the problems of pollution.
the
containers, a number of subjects which rep-
Gentlemen, the President of the United
resent the work of the subcouncils and their
States.
tar
me
54
Statement on Releasing a Report on Selected
ha
Independent Regulatory Agencies by the President's
Advisory Council on Executive Organization.
a
February II, 1971
at
ci
TODAY, I am releasing an extensive
roads after the Civil War, and the ensuing
study on the organization and structure of
era of monopolistic and discriminatory
seven major independent regulatory com-
practices, the Interstate Commerce Com-
missions. Prepared by my Advisory Coun-
mission was established in 1887.
cil on Executive Organization (the Ash
The desire to improve competitive mar-
Council the study contains far-reach-
kets and protect consumers and share-
ing recommendations for change.
holders from fraudulent practices were
Of varying ages, the regulatory agen-
the central goals of the Federal Trade
cies were established for a variety of
Commission, created in 1914, and the
purposes.
Securities and Exchange Commission,
Following the near collapse of the rail-
created in 1934.
On the other hand, the development
1 Roy L. Ash was Chairman of the Council.
of Federal regulation of radio communi-
148
Richard Nixon, 1971
Feb. II [54]
cation and the radio industry, culminat-
issues of policy from public scrutiny and
ing in the establishment of the Federal
correction.
Communications Commission in 1934,
6. That the activities of the commis-
was in response to an industry seeking
sions are largely uncoordinated either with
regulation of the spectrum for its own
each other or with national policy goals.
protection.
However, it should be noted that the
However, there was a thread common
deficiencies of the independent agencies
to all-the effort of the Federal Govern-
may not be entirely attributable to faulty
ment to protect the members of the con-
organization and procedure.
suming public against market abuses over
The failure to review and reform out-
which they had little or no control.
dated social and economic policies em-
Since their establishment, all of these
bedded in the regulatory fabric may also
agencies have grown in haphazard fash-
be partially responsible. In addition, the
ion-and despite. repeated criticism and
substantive goals of regulation often seem
calls for reform very little change has been
confused, unclear, or even contradictory.
undertaken beyond some modest internal
Regulation may have been extended to
reorganization.
some fields in which market forces would
As the agencies deal in areas of great
better serve.
sensitivity, in which major economic in-
Too often, out of habit or inertia, gov-
terests are affected and in which inter-
ernments maintain organization structures
relationships exist between the Executive,
and agencies that are either no longer
the Congress, and the courts, the reluc-
necessary, no longer relevant, or no longer
tance to reform can be readily explained.
truly responsive to the problems of the
The Ash Council found considerable
modern era.
merit in the following criticisms that some
The Ash Council's report persuades me
have leveled against the commissions:
that, despite the best efforts and inten-
I. That, lacking in direct accountabil-
tions of the commissions' members, there
ity to anyone, their structures frozen into
is room for substantial improvement both
a cast set years ago, the commissions have
in the way in which these organizations
at times been unresponsive to changing
are structured, and in the way in which
circumstances, and to new needs.
they carry out their functions.
2. That they have at times failed to
At this point, I have made no final deci-
carry out their statutory responsibilities
sions on the merits of the Council's
with either effectiveness or efficiency.
recommendations. But to stimulate a
3. That the very constituency they were
vigorous public discussion and to receive
established to serve-the consuming pub-
the benefit of the views of the agencies
lic-is now the source of increasing and
themselves, the regulated industries, the
legitimate complaints.
interested bar groups, consumer protec-
4. That their collegial decisionmaking
tion organizations, and others, I am re-
is inefficient and permits avoidance of
leasing today this full report of the
responsibility.
Advisory Council.
5. That the regulatory process has in
I have asked the Ash Council staff to
some areas become so obscure and com-
solicit comments from the broadest pos-
plex that it has effectively insulated vital
sible range of groups and individuals con-
149
71-234-72-13
[54] Feb. II
Public Papers of the Presidents
cerned and affected, including consumer
as may be appropriate, those reforms that
Nation Dis
and user groups familiar with the indus-
appear desirable and in the public interest.
treaty for
D.C. Repre
tries involved.
NOTE: The report is entitled "A New Regula-
I urge all concerned to respond with
tory Framework: Report on Selected Inde-
their comments or criticisms by no later
pendent Regulatory Agencies-The President's
Advisory Council on Executive Organization,
56
R.
than April 20 in order to help us restruc-
ture the regulatory process to make it real-
January 1971" (Government Printing Office,
A:
198 pp.).
ize the expectations of the American
D
On the same day, the White House released
public. Following an evaluation of these
a fact sheet on the Council's report.
Ladies an
views, I will recommend to the Congress,
We are
Secretary
55 Remarks at the Signing Ceremony of the Seabed
Large. W
and after
Arms Control Treaty. February II, 1971
with rer;
Mr. Secretary, Your Excellencies, ladies
Vienna in just a few weeks, we certainly
and the S
and gentlemen:
hope that they will make progress. I can
[At this p
It has been very properly pointed out
assure all of those gathered here that we
mun of
that the seabed is man's last frontier on
seek, as does the Soviet Union and other
oath of
nations, we seek an agreement there which
speaking.
earth, and that frontier can either be a
source of peril or promise.
will reduce the danger of nuclear war
I wan
By the signing of this treaty, we have
which hangs over the world and reduce it
at Largo
pledged to seek its promise and to remove
by controlling the nuclear arms, both as
ately. H
its peril. And as has been pointed out by
far as the Soviet Union is concerned and
the next
the Ambassador from the United King-
the United States.
Mrs. K
dom and the Ambassador from the
So on this occasion I reiterate that
yourself
U.S.S.R., while this is a modest step
while the Ambassador from Great Britain
Then
among many in the field of control of
quite properly said this was a modest
bassado
armaments, it is an indication of progress
step, it is an important step when we con-
behalf
that has been made and continues to be
sider it in all of the aspects of the progress
course,
made toward the goal that we all seek:
that has been made beginning in the
visiting
the control of instruments of mass destruc-
sixties, now continuing in this decade.
extend
tion, so that we can reduce the danger of
We hope that we will be meeting, per-
The
war.
haps in the future, perhaps in this room,
Vietna
Certainly, speaking for the United
perhaps in some other room in some other
in the
States of America, I pledge that as we
capital, for the final great step in the con-
the ecc
sign this treaty in an era of negotiation,
trol of nuclear arms: the control of
Govern
that we consider it only one step toward a
nuclear arms on earth.
to Son
greater goal: the control of nuclear weap-
NOTE: The President spoke at 9:50 a.m. in the
official
ons on earth and the reduction of that
International Conference Room at the Depart-
velopr
danger that hangs over all the nations of
ment of State.
of the
Secretary of State William P. Rogers and
the world as long as those weapons are
He
Ambassador James F. Leonard, head of the
not controlled.
he wa
U.S. Delegation to the Conference of the Com-
And as our representatives go back to
mittee on Disarmament, formerly the Eighteen-
150
[114] Mar. 24
Public Papers of the Presidents
pointing. It represents a severe blow not
edge-not from a chauvinistic desire to be
only to the tens of thousands of workers
number one, but from the conviction that
affected, and to their families, but also
we must continue to develop the countless
to the United States continued leadership
new benefits that flow from exploration
position in the aerospace industry. More
of the unknown. Development of the SST
deeply, it could be taken as a reversal of
has been a part of that proud, creative,
America's tradition of staying in the van-
and deeply humanistic tradition. Though
guard of scientific and technological
the Congress has declined to continue
advance.
helping fund this development, I shall
I am determined that this vote on the
strive to ensure that the tradition is
SST will not be a shift in basic direction.
maintained.
It is a setback, but we will remain on a
NOTE: On the same day, the White House re-
continuing course of exploration and de-
leased the transcript of a news briefing on the
velopment in those areas in which Amer-
SST program by William M. Magruder, Direc-
ica traditionally has taken the leading role,
tor, Supersonic Transport Development, De-
and from which so much has flowed to the
partment of Transportation.
benefit of mankind.
On March 23, 1971, the White House re-
leased the transcript of a news briefing by
It has always been America's pride, and
Senator Hugh Scott and Representative Gerald
the source of much of our strength, that
R. Ford on a discussion of the SST program
we have constantly reached out toward
during the Republican leadership meeting with
new horizons in the search for knowl-
the President.
II5 Remarks to Reporters at a Briefing on a Special Message
to the Congress on Executive Branch Reorganization.
March 25, I971
Ladies and gentlemen:
of this century. Consequently, I have
I have selected this particular message
asked him, not just in his capacity as
to come to the press room to present the
Secretary of the Treasury but primarily
briefers because of its historic significance.
as a member of the Council that was re-
This message on Government reorganiza-
sponsible for making these recommenda-
tion is the result of 2 years of study within
tions which I have now endorsed, to lead
the Administration. Without the persua-
off on the briefing team, and then Mr.
sive arguments that were made for this
Weber of the OMB will go into any of
plan by Secretary of the Treasury Con-
the details.
nally when he was a member of the Ash
NOTE: The President spoke at 11:32 a.m. in
Council, this message would not be going
the Briefing Room at the White House.
to the Congress today.
On the same day, the White House released
He feels very strongly that this not
the transcript of a news briefing on the pro-
only has historical significance but that
posed reorganization by Secretary Connally and
it is imperative in terms of making our
Arnold R. Weber, Associate Director, Office of
Management and Budget.
Government work better in this last third
472
Richard Nixon, 1971
Mar. 25 [116]
116 Special Message to the Congress on Executive Branch
Reorganization. March 25, 1971
To the Congress of the United States:
That is why so many public servants-of
When I suggested in my State of the
both political parties, of high rank and
Union Message that "most Americans to-
low, in both the legislative and executive
day are simply fed up with government
branches-are often disenchanted with
at all levels," there was some surprise that
government these days. That is also why
such a sweeping indictment of govern-
so many voters feel that the results of
ment would come from within the gov-
elections make remarkably little differ-
ernment itself. Yet it is precisely there,
ence in their lives.
within the government itself, that frustra-
Just as inadequate organization can
tion with government is often most deeply
frustrate good men and women, so it can
experienced.
dissipate good money. At the Federal
A President and his associates often
level alone we have spent some $1.1 tril-
feel that frustration as they try to fulfill
lion on domestic programs over the last
their promises to the people. Legislators
25 years, but we have not realized a fair
d
feel that frustration as they work to carry
return on this investment. The more we
out the hopes of their constituents. And
spend, the more it seems we need to spend
dedicated civil servants feel that frustra-
and while our tax bills are getting bigger
tion as they strive to achieve in action
our problems are getting worse.
the goals which have been established
No, the major cause of the ineffective-
in law.
ness of government is not a matter of men
e
or of money. It is principally a matter of
GOOD MEN AND BAD MECHANISMS
machinery. It will do us little good to
change personnel or to provide more re-
The problem with government is not,
sources unless we are willing to under-
by and large, the people in government.
take a critical review of government's
It is a popular thing, to be sure, for the
overall design.
public to blame elected officials and for
Most people do not pay much atten-
elected officials to blame appointed offi-
tion to mechanical questions. What hap-
cials when government fails to perform.
pens under the hood of their automobile,
There are times when such criticism is
for example, is something they leave to
clearly justified. But after a quarter cen-
the specialists at the garage. What they
of
tury of observing government from a
do care about, however, is how well the
variety of vantage points, I have con-
automobile performs. Similarly, most peo-
in
cluded that the people who work in gov-
ple are willing to leave the mechanical
ernment are more often the victims than
questions of government organization to
the villains when government breaks
those who have specialized in that sub-
down. Their spirit has usually been will-
ject-and to their elected leaders. But
nd
of
ing. It is the structure that has been weak.
they do care very deeply about how well
Good people cannot do good things
the government performs.
with bad mechanisms. But bad mecha-
At this moment in our history, most
nisms can frustrate even the noblest aims.
Americans have concluded that govern-
473
[116] Mar. 25
Public Papers of the Presidents
ment is not performing well. It promises
own procedures and is considering others.
mitte
much, but it does not deliver what it
Judicial reform-at all levels of govern-
(the
promises. The great danger, in my judg-
ment-has also become a matter of intense
dowr
ment, is that this momentary disillusion-
concern. The relationship between various
missi
ment with government will turn into a
levels of government has attracted in-
Bran
more profound and lasting loss of faith.
creased attention-and so, of course, has
Com
We must fight that danger. We must
the subject of executive reform.
Task
restore the confidence of the people in
This administration, with the counsel
in IC
the capacities of their government. In my
and the cooperation of the Congress, has
Exec
view, that obligation now requires us to
taken a number of steps to reorganize the
two
give more profound and more critical at-
executive branch of the Federal Govern-
van
tention to the question of government
ment. We have set up a new Domestic
grea
organization than any single group of
Council and a new Office of Manage-
gove
American leaders has done since the Con-
ment and Budget in the Executive Office
bac.
stitutional Convention adjourned in Phil-
of the President. We have created a new
par
adelphia in September of 1787. As we
Environmental Protection Agency and a
1
strive to bring about a new American
new United States Postal Service. We
in C
Revolution, we must recognize that cen-
have worked to rationalize the internal
we
tral truth which those who led the original
structure of Federal departments and
her
American Revolution so clearly under-
agencies.
col
stood: often it is how the government is
All of these and other changes have
be
put together that determines how well the
been important, but none has been com-
the
government can do its job.
prehensive. And now we face a funda-
an
This is not a partisan matter, for there
mental choice. We can continue to tinker
be:
is no Republican way and no Democratic
with the machinery and to make con-
of
way to reorganize the government. This
structive changes here and there-each of
tal
is not a matter for dogmatic dispute, for
them bringing some marginal improve-
tic
there is no single, ideal blueprint which
ment in the Government's capacities. Or
will immediately bring good order to Fed-
we can step back, take a careful look, and
eral affairs. Nor is this a matter to be
then make a concerted and sustained ef-
dealt with once and then forgotten. For it
fort to reorganize the executive branch
is important that our political institutions
according to a coherent, comprehensive
le
remain constantly responsive to changing
view of what the Federal Government of
times and changing problems.
this Nation ought to look like in the last
third of the twentieth century.
RENEWED INTEREST IN COMPREHENSIVE
The impulse for comprehensive re-
C
REFORM
organization has been felt before in recent
decades. In fact, the recommendations I
The last two years have been a time
am making today stem from a long series
of renewed interest in the question of how
of studies which have been made under
government is organized. The Congress
several administrations over many years.
has instituted a number of reforms in its
From the report of the President's Com-
474
Richard Nixon, 1971
Mar. 25 [116]
hers.
mittee on Administrative Management
one seems to stand out above all others:
ern-
(the Brownlow 1 Committee) in 1937,
the fact that the capacity to do things—
ense
down through the findings of the Com-
the power to achieve goals and to solve
ious
mission on Organization of the Executive
problems-is exceedingly fragmented and
in-
Branch of the Government (the Hoover
broadly scattered throughout the Federal
has
Commission) in 1949, the President's
establishment. In addressing almost any
Task Force on Government Organization
of the great challenges of our time, the
in 1964, and my own Advisory Council on
Federal Government finds itself speaking
unsel
has
Executive Organization during the last
through a wide variety of offices and bu-
the
two years,3 the principles which I am ad-
reaus, departments and agencies. Often
these units trip over one another as they
ern-
vancing today have been endorsed by a
estic
great number of distinguished students of
move to meet a common problem. Some-
hage-
government and management from many
times they step on one another's toes. Fre-
Office
backgrounds and from both political
quently, they behave like a series of frag-
parties.
mented fiefdoms-unable to focus Federal
new
nd a
I hope the Congress will now join me
resources or energies in a way which pro-
We
in concluding, with these authorities, that
duces any concentrated impact.
ernal
we should travel the course of compre-
Consider these facts:
hensive reform. For only if we travel that
Nine different Federal departments and
and
course, and travel it, successfully, will we
twenty independent agencies are now in-
be able to answer affirmatively in our time
volved in education matters. Seven de-
have
partments and eight independent agen-
com-
the fundamental question posed by Alex-
inda-
ander Hamilton as the Constitution was
cies are involved in health. In many ma-
inker
being debated in 1788: "whether societies
jor cities, there are at least twenty or
con-
of men are really capable or not of es-
thirty separate manpower programs,
ch of
tablishing good government from reflec-
funded by a variety of Federal offices.
rove-
tion and choice.
Three departments help develop our
water resources and four agencies in two
es. Or
and
THE FRAGMENTATION OF FEDERAL
departments are involved in the man-
-d ef-
RESPONSIBILITY
agement of public lands. Federal recrea-
tion areas are administered by six differ-
canch
As we reflect on organizational prob-
ensive
ent agencies in three departments of the
lems in the Federal Government today,
ent of
government. Seven agencies provide as-
ie last
1 The late Louis Brownlow, journalist, public
sistance for water and sewer systems. Six
official, and director and trustee, Public Ad-
departments of the government collect
ministration Clearinghouse 1931-56, was
similar economic information-often
re re-
Chairman of the Committee.
from the same sources-and at least seven
recent
Former President Herbert Hoover was
ions I
Chairman of the Commission.
departments are concerned with inter-
series
The President's Advisory Council on Execu-
national trade. While we cannot elimi-
under
tive Organization completed its work and re-
nate all of this diffusion, we can do a
signed on May 7, 1971. A White House an-
great deal to bring similar functions under
years.
nouncement of the Council's resignation is
common commands.
Com-
printed in the Weekly Compilation of Presi-
dential Documents (vol. 7, p. 734).
It is important that we move boldly to
475
[116] Mar. 25
Public Papers of the Presidents
consolidate the major activities of the
impact of related activities on the out-
tempts
Government. The programmatic jumblé
side world.
Federa
has already reached the point where it is
The role of a given department in the
peting
virtually impossible to obtain an accu-
policy making process can be funda-
piece o:
rate count of just how many Federal
mentally compromised by the way its
Som
grant programs exist. Some estimates go
mission is defined. The narrower the mis-
duplica
as high as 1,500. Despite impressive at-
sion, the more likely it is that the de-
stance,
tempts by individual legislators and by
partment will see itself as an advocate
or moi
the Office of Economic Opportunity, there
within the administration for a special
other (
is still no agreement on a comprehensive
point of view. When any department or
ally fir
list. Again and again I hear of local of-
agency begins to represent a parochial in-
poses
ficials who are unable to determine how
terest, then its advice and support inevit-
try to
many Federal programs serve their areas
ably become less useful to the man who
while
or how much Federal money is coming
must serve all of the people as their
an eff
into their communities. One reason is
President.
ernon.
that the assistance comes from such wide
Even when departments make a con-
amon:
variety of Federal sources.
certed effort to broaden their perspec-
with
tives, they often find it impossible to
towar
THE CONSEQUENCES OF SCATTERED
develop a comprehensive strategy for
when
RESPONSIBILITY
meeting public needs. Not even the best
differ
planners can set intelligent spending pri-
mise
What are the consequences of this scat-
orities, for example, unless they have an
the 10
tering of Federal responsibility? There
opportunity to consider the full array
origin
are many.
of alternative expenditures. But if one
are t
In the first place, the diffusion of re-
part of the problem is studied in one de-
gove:
sponsibility makes it extremely difficult
partment and another part of the prob-
Sc
to launch a coordinated attack on com-
lem is studied elsewhere, who decides
to th
plex problems. It is as if the various units
which element is more important? If one
cisio:
of an attacking army were operating un-
office considers one set of solutions and a
are C
der a variety of highly independent com-
separate agency investigates another set
it is
mands. When one part of the answer to
of solutions, who can compare the results?
resol
a problem lies in one department and
Too often, no official below the very high-
ferri
other parts lie in other departments, it
est levels of the Government has access
ess
is often impossible to bring the various
to enough information to make such com-
In
parts together in a unified campaign to
parisons wisely. The result is that the
reso
achieve a common goal.
Government often fails to make a rational
vid:
Even our basic analysis of public needs
distribution of its resources among a num-
new
often suffers from a piecemeal approach.
ber of program alternatives.
the
Problems are defined so that they will fit
Divided responsibility can also mean
of
within established jurisdictions and bu-
that some problems slip between the
SON
reaucratic conventions. And the results
cracks and disappear from the Govern-
so,
of government action are typically meas-
ment's view. Everybody's business be-
onl
ured by the degree of activity within
comes nobody's business and embarrass-
suc
each program rather than by the overall
ing gaps appear which no agency at-
ma
476
Richard Nixon, 1971
Mar. 25 [116]
out-
tempts to fill. At other times, various
dential level that should be resolved at
Federal authorities act as rivals, com-
levels of Government closer to the scene
n the
peting with one another for the same
of the action.
inda-
piece of "turf."
Inefficient organization at the Federal
y its
Sometimes one agency will actually
level also undermines the effectiveness of
mis-
duplicate the work of another; for in-
State and local governments. Mayors and
de-
stance, the same locality may receive two
Governors waste countless hours and dol-
locate
or more grants for the same project. On
lars touching base with a variety of Fed-
becial
other occasions, Federal offices will actu-
eral offices-each with its own separate
it or
ally find themselves working at cross pur-
procedures and its own separate policies.
al in-
poses with one another; one agency will
Some local officials are SO perplexed by
nevit-
try to preserve a swamp, for example,
the vast array of Federal programs in a
who
while another is seeking to drain it. In
given problem area that they miss out
their
an effort to minimize such problems, gov-
on the very ones that would be most help-
ernment officials must spend enormous
ful to them. Many State and local gov-
con-
amounts of time and energy negotiating
ernments find they must hire expensive
spec-
with one another that should be directed
specialists to guide them through the jun-
le to
toward meeting people's needs. And even
gles of the Federal bureaucracy.
for
when they are able to work out their
If it is confusing for lower levels of
best
differences, officials often reach compro-
government to deal with this maze of
g pri-
mise solutions which merely represent
Federal offices, that challenge can be even
ve an
the lowest common denominator of their
more bewildering for individual citizens.
array
original positions. Bold and original ideas
Whether it is a doctor seeking aid for a
one
are thus sacrificed in the quest for intra-
new health center, a businessman trying
e de-
governmental harmony.
to get advice about selling in foreign mar-
prob-
Scattered responsibility also contributes
kets, or a welfare recipient going from one
ecides
to the over-centralization of public de-
office to another in order to take full
If one
cision making. Because competing offices
advantage of Federal services, the people
and a
are often in different chains of command,
whom the Government is supposed to be
set
it is frequently impossible for them to
serving are often forced to weave their
sults?
resolve their differences except by re-
way through a perplexing obstacle course
high-
ferring them to higher authorities, a proc-
as a condition of receiving help.
access
ess which can mean interminable delays.
com-
In an attempt to provide a means for
THE HOBBLING OF ELECTED LEADERSHIP
the
resolving such differences and for pro-
tional
viding needed coordination, an entire
Perhaps the most significant conse-
num-
new layer of bureaucracy has emerged at
quence of scattered responsibility in the
the interagency level. Last year, the Office
executive branch is the hobbling effect it
mean
of Management and Budget counted
has on elected leadership-and, there-
n the
some 850 interagency committees. Even
fore, on the basic principles of democratic
overn-
so, there are still many occasions when
government. In our political system, when
SS be-
only the White House itself can resolve
the people identify a problem they elect
arrass-
such interjurisdictional disputes. Too
to public office men and women who
cy at-
many questions thus surface at the Presi-
promise to solve that problem. If these
477
71-234-72-34
[116] Mar. 25
Public Papers of the Presidents
leaders succeed, they can be reelected; if
measured in disappointment, frustration
chang
they fail, they can be replaced. Elections
and wasted tax dollars. But how did things
of the
are the people's tool for keeping govern-
get this way?
lished
ment responsive to their needs.
What happened, essentially, was that
weste:
This entire system rests on the assump-
the organization of Government-like the
India:
tion, however, that elected leaders can
grant-in-aid programs which I have dis-
partm
make the government respond to the
cussed in my special messages to the
in the
people's mandate. Too often, this assump-
Congress concerning revenue sharing-
the O'
tion is wrong. When lines of responsibility
grew up in a haphazard, piecemeal fashion
were
are as tangled and as ambiguous as they
over the years. Whenever Government
expai
are in many policy areas, it is extremely
took on an important new assignment or
the e
difficult for either the Congress or the
identified an important new constituency,
in a
President to see that their intentions are
the chances were pretty good that a new
trial
carried out.
organizational entity would be established
merc
If the President or the Congress wants
to deal with it. Unfortunately, as each new
Dep
to launch a program or change a program
office was set up, little or no attention
in
or even find out how a program is work-
was given to the question of how it would
ferir
ing, it often becomes necessary to consult
fit in with the old ones. Thus office was
need
with a half dozen or more authorities,
piled upon office in response to develop-
new
each of whom can blame the others when
ing needs; when new needs arose and still
Hea
something goes wrong. It is often impos-
newer units were created, the older struc-
and
sible to delegate to any one official the full
tures simply remained in place.
tati
responsibility for carrying out a specific
Of the twelve executive departments
II.
mandate, since the machinery for doing
now in existence, only five can trace their
brir
that job is divided among various agen-
origins to the beginnings of our country.
era
cies. As a result, there is frequently no sin-
gle official-even at the Cabinet level-
The Departments of State and Treasury
era
were set up in 1789; so was the War De-
whom the President or the Congress can
partment-the predecessor of the De-
hold accountable for Government's suc-
partment of Defense. The positions of
cess or failure in meeting a given need.
Attorney General and Postmaster General
of
No wonder bureaucracy has sometimes
were also established in 1789, though it
ma
been described as "the rule of no one." No
was not until later that the departments
od
wonder the public complains about pro-
they head were set up in their present
po
grams which simply seem to drift. When
form. One of these five units, the Post
ab
elected officials cannot hold appointees
Office Department, will soon become an
me
accountable for the performance of gov-
ernment, then the voters' influence on
independent corporation. But, under my
proposals, the other four "original" de-
W
government's behavior is also weakened.
partments would remain intact. It is the
de
seven newer departments of the Govern-
h
How DID THINGS GET THIS WAY?
ment which would be affected by the
changes I recommend.
be
The American people clearly pay a
These seven departments were set up
S(
very high price for the incapacities of
to meet the changing needs of a growing
a
governmental structures-one that is
nation, needs which have continued to
478
Richard Nixon, 1971
Mar. 25 [116]
ior
change over the years. The Department
example, in economic development-
of the Interior, for example, was estab-
which requires new markets, more pro-
lished in 1849 to deal with newly opened
ductive workers and better transportation
western lands and especially with the
systems. But which department do we go
the
Indians who inhabited them. The De-
to for that? And what if we want to build
partment of Agriculture was also added
a new city, with sufficient public facili-
the
in the nineteenth century, at a time when
ties, adequate housing, and decent recrea-
the overwhelming majority of our people
tion areas-which department do we
were directly affected by the tremendous
petition then?
expansion of agricultural enterprise. In
We sometimes seem to have forgotten
or
the early years of the twentieth century,
that government is not in business to deal
in a time of rapid and unsettling indus-
with subjects on a chart but to achieve
ew
trial growth, the Department of Com-
real objectives for real human beings.
ed
merce and Labor was set up. The Labor
These objectives will never be fully
:w
Department was split off from it in 1913,
achieved unless we change our old ways
in response to feelings that labor was suf-
of thinking. It is not enough merely to
fering from an imbalance of power and
reshuffle departments for the sake of re-
as
needed additional influence. The three
shuffling them. We must rebuild the ex-
newest departments of the Government-
ecutive branch according to a new un-
11
Health, Education, and Welfare, Housing
derstanding of how government can best
and Urban Development, and Transpor-
be organized to perform effectively.
tation-were all created after World War
The key to that new understanding is
II. Each represented a first step toward
the concept that the executive branch of
bringing together some of the new Fed-
the government should be organized
eral offices and agencies which had prolif-
around basic goals. Instead of grouping
erated so rapidly in recent decades.
activities by narrow subjects or by limited
constituencies, we should organize them
ORGANIZING AROUND GOALS
around the great purposes of government
As we look at the present organization
in modern society. For only when a de-
of the Federal Government, we find that
partment is set up to achieve a given set
many of the existing units deal with meth-
of purposes, can we effectively hold that
ods and subjects rather than with pur-
department accountable for achieving
poses and goals. If we have a question
them. Only when the responsibility for
about labor we go to the Labor Depart-
realizing basic objectives is clearly focused
ment and if we have a business problem
in a specific governmental unit, can we
we go to the Commerce Department. If
reasonably hope that those objectives will
we are interested in housing we go to one
be realized.
department and if we are interested in
When government is organized by goals,
highways we go to another.
then we can fairly expect that it will pay
The problem is that as our society has
more attention to results and less atten-
become more complex, we often find our-
tion to procedures. Then the success of
selves using a variety of means to achieve
government will at last be clearly linked
a single set of goals. We are interested, for
to the things that happen in society
479
[116] Mar. 25
Public Papers of the Presidents
rather than the things that happen in
THE DEPARTMENT OF NATURAL
government.
RESOURCES
Under the proposals which I am sub-
mitting, those in the Federal Government
One of the most notable developments
who deal with common or closely related
in public consciousness in recent years has
problems would work together in the same
been a growing concern for protecting
organizational framework. Each depart-
the environment and a growing awareness
ment would be given a mission broad
of its highly interdependent nature. The
enough so that it could set comprehensive
science of ecology-the study of the inter-
policy directions and resolve internally the
relationships between living organisms
policy conflicts which are most likely to
and their environments-has experienced
arise. The responsibilities of each depart-
a sudden rise in popularity. All of us have
ment would be defined in a way that
become far more sensitive to the way in
minimizes parochialism and enables the
which each element of our natural habitat
President and the Congress to hold spe-
affects all other elements.
cific officials responsible for the achieve-
Unfortunately, this understanding is
ment of specific goals.
not yet reflected in the way our Govern-
These same organizational principles
ment is organized. Various parts of the
would also be applied to the internal or-
interdependent environment are still un-
ganization of each department. Similar
der the purview of highly independent
functions would be grouped together
Federal offices. As a result, Federal land
within each new entity, making it still
policies, water programs, mineral policies,
easier to delegate authority to lower levels
forestry practices, recreation activities and
and further enhancing the accountability
energy programs cannot be easily co-
of subordinate officials. In addition, the
ordinated, even though the manner in
proposals I submit today include a num-
which each is carried out has a great
ber of improvements in the management
influence on all the others.
of Federal programs, so that we can take
Again and again we encounter intra-
full advantage of the opportunities af-
governmental conflicts in the environ-
forded us by organizational restructuring.
mental area. One department's watershed
The administration is today transmit-
project, for instance, threatens to slow
ting to the Congress four bills which, if
the flow of water to another department's
enacted, would replace seven of the pres-
reclamation project downstream. One
ent executive departments and several
agency wants to develop an electric power
other agencies with four new depart-
project on a certain river while other
ments: the Department of Natural Re-
agencies are working to keep the same
sources, the Department of Community
area wild. Different departments follow
Development, the Department of Human
different policies for timber production
Resources and the Department of Eco-
and conservation, for grazing, for fire pre-
nomic Affairs. A special report and sum-
vention and for recreational activities on
mary-which explain my recommenda-
the Federal lands they control, though
tions in greater detail-have also been
the lands are often contiguous.
prepared for each of the proposed new
We cannot afford to continue in this
departments.
480
Richard Nixon, 1971
Mar. 25 [116]
manner. The challenges in the natural
tion from the Department of Commerce.
resource field have become too pressing.
Because of their historical association with
Some forecasts say that we will double our
the Department of the Interior, the pro-
ents
usage of energy in the next 10 years, of
grams of the Bureau of Indian Affairs
has
water in the next 18 years; and of metals
would be administered by the new De-
ting
in the next 22 years. In fact, it is predicted
partment until such time as an acceptable
ness
that the United States will use more en-
alternative arrangement could be worked
The
ergy and more critical resources in the
out with Indian leaders and other con-
iter-
remaining years of this century than in
cerned parties.
asms
all of our history up until now. Govern-
aced
ment must perform at its very best if it is
THE DEPARTMENT OF COMMUNITY
have
to help the Nation meet these challenges.
DEVELOPMENT
y in
I propose that a new Department of
itat
Natural Resources be created that would
A restless and highly mobile people,
bring together the many natural resource
Americans are constantly creating new
is
responsibilities now scattered throughout
communities and renewing old ones
ern-
the Federal Government. This Depart-
throughout our land. In an era of rapid
the
ment would work to conserve, manage
change, this process-which once took
un-
and utilize our resources in a way that
generations-can now be repeated in just
would protect the quality of the environ-
a few years.
and
ment and achieve a true harmony be-
At the same time, the process of com-
tween man and nature. The major ac-
munity development is becoming even
and
tivities of the new Department would be
more complex, particularly as the prob-
co-
organized under its five subdivisions:
lems of urban and rural communities
in
Land and Recreation Resources, Water
begin to merge. The elements of commu-
eat
Resources, Energy and Minerals Re-
nity life are many and the mark of a co-
sources, Oceanic, Atmospheric and Earth
hesive community is the harmonious way
ra-
Sciences, and Indian and Territorial
in which they interrelate. That is why
on-
Affairs.
we hear so much these days about the
The new Department of Natural Re-
importance of community planning. And
sources would absorb the present Depart-
that is why it is essential that Federal aid
ment of the Interior. Other major pro-
for community development be designed
)ne
grams which would be joined to it would
to meet a wide range of related needs in
ver
include: The Forest Service and the soil
a highly coordinated manner.
her
and water conservation programs from
Often this does not happen under the
me
the Department of Agriculture, planning
present system. The reason is that the ba-
ow
and funding for the civil functions of the
sic. community development programs of
on
Army Corps of Engineers and for the ci-
the Federal Government are presently di-
re-
vilian power functions of the Atomic En-
vided among at least eight separate au-
on
ergy Commission, the interagency Water
thorities-including four executive de-
Resources Council, the oil and gas pipe-
partments and four independent agencies.
line safety functions of the Department
A community that seeks development
of Transportation, and the National
assistance thus finds that it has to search
Oceanic and Atmospheric Administra-
out aid from a variety of Federal agen-
481
[116] Mar. 25
Public Papers of the Presidents
cies. Each agency has its own forms and
Transportation Administration and
T1
8
regulations and timetables-and its own
Urban and Rural Development Adminis
brand of red tape. Each has its own field
tration. A fourth unit, the Federal Insur-
The
organizations, often with independent and
ance Administration, would be set up
overlapping boundaries for regions and
administratively by the Secretary.
evidenc
districts. Sometimes a local community
The new Department of Community
ernmen
must consult with Federal offices in three
Development would absorb the present
designe
or four different States.
Department of Housing and Urban De:
In part
The result is that local leaders often
much
velopment. Other components would in-
find it virtually impossible to relate Fed-
clude certain elements of the Economic
source
eral assistance programs to their own lo-
machir
Development Administration and the
cal development strategies. The mayor of
new ch
Regional Commission programs from the
one small town has observed that by the
human
Department of Commerce, the independ-
time he finishes dealing with eight Fed-
area ir
ent Appalachian Regional Commission
eral planning agencies, he has little time
larly
various Department of Agriculture pro-
to do anything else.
results
grams including water and waste disposal
I h
Occasionally, it must be admitted, a
grants and loans, the Rural Electrification
broad
community can reap unexpected benefits
Administration, and rural housing pro-
from this diffusion of Federal responsi-
educat
grams. The Community Action and Spe-
bility. The story is told of one small city
aboun
cial Impact Programs of the Office of
that applied to six different agencies for
cludin
Economic Opportunity would be in-
help in building a sewage treatment plant
stamp
cluded, as would the Public Library
and received affirmative responses from
benefi
construction grant program from the
all six. If all the grants had been com-
scatter
Department of Health, Education, and
pleted, the community would have cleared
a num
Welfare and certain disaster assistance
a handsome profit-but at the Federal
ment
functions now handled by the Office of
Healt
taxpayer's expense.
Emergency Preparedness and the Small
Office
To help correct such problems, I
Business Administration. Most Federal
die fo
propose that the major community devel-
highway programs and the Urban Mass
opment functions of the Federal Govern-
progr
Transportation Administration would be
ment be pulled together into a new
progr
transferred from the present Department
suffer
Department of Community Development.
of Transportation.
In
It would be the overriding purpose of this
I would note that while the Depart-
ters "
Department to help build a wholesome
ment of Transportation is a relatively new
the Sa
and safe community environment for
entity, it, too, is now organized around
with
every American. This process would re-
methods and not around purposes. A large
quire a comprehensive series of programs
agen
part of the Department of Transporta-
tion,
which are equal to the demands of grow-
tion would be moved into the new De-
sider
ing population and which provide for
partment of Economic Affairs-but those
balanced growth in urban and rural areas.
go tc
functions which particularly support
anot]
The new Department would operate
community development would be placed
finan
through three major administrations: a
in the Department which is designed to
legal
Housing Administration, a Community
meet that goal.
assist
482
Richard Nixon, 1971
Mar. 25 [116]
THE DEPARTMENT OF HUMAN
ing, and to a number of additional offices
RESOURCES
for various kinds of medical help. The
social worker who might guide him
The price of obsolete organization is
through this maze often works in still
evidenced with special force in those Gov-
another location.
ernment programs which are directly
"ty
Such situations are clearly intolerable,
designed to serve individuals and families.
yet the Federal Government-which
In part this is because there has been so
ought to be working to reform these con-
much new legislation in the human re-
fused systems-actually is responsible for
source field in recent decades; the old
nic
much of the confusion in the first place.
machinery is simply overstrained by its
:he
I believe that we can take a major step
new challenges. But whatever the reasons,
the
toward remedying such problems by estab-
human resource programs comprise one
id-
lishing a new Department of Human Re-
area in which the Government is singu-
on,
sources which would unify major Federal
larly ill-equipped to deliver adequate
ro-
efforts to assist the development of in-
results.
sal
dividual potential and family well-being.
I have already commented on the
ion
This Department would be subdivided, in
broad dispersion of Federal health and
ro-
turn, into three major administrations:
education activities. Similar examples
pe-
Health, Human Development, and In-
abound. Income support programs, in-
of
come Security.
cluding those which administer food
in-
This new Department would incorpo-
stamps, welfare payments, retirement
ary
rate most of the present Department of
benefits and other forms of assistance, are
the
Health, Education, and Welfare with the
scattered among three departments and
and
following significant additions: a num-
number of other agencies. The Depart-
nce
ber of food protection, food distribution
ment of Agriculture, the Department of
of
and nutrition programs from the Depart-
Health, Education, and Welfare, and the
nall
ment of Agriculture, the College Housing
Office of Economic Opportunity all han-
eral
program from the Department of Housing
dle food and nutrition matters. Child care
and Urban Development, the independ-
programs, migrant programs, manpower
be
ent Railroad Retirement Board, various
programs, and consumer programs often
ient
programs from the Office of Economic
suffer from similarly divided attention.
Opportunity (including nutrition, health,
In one city, two vocational training cen-
art-
family planning, alcoholism, and drug
ters were built three blocks apart at about
new
rehabilitation efforts), and the Manpower
the same time and for the same purpose,
und
Administration, the Women's Bureau, the
with money from two different Federal
arge
Unemployment Insurance Program and
agencies. And for every case of overatten-
orta-
a number of other employment service
tion, there are many more of neglect. Con-
De-
and training activities from the Depart-
sider the plight of a poor person who must
hose
ment of Labor.
go to one office for welfare assistance, to
port
another for food stamps, to another for
aced
THE DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMIC AFFAIRS
financial counseling, to still another for
ed to
legal aid, to a fifth office for employment
One of the first things most students
assistance, to a sixth place for job train-
learn about economics is that the mate-
483
[116] Mar. 25
Public Papers of the Presidents
rial progress of our civilization has re-
materials a given industry receives from
ties or any 0
sulted in large measure from a growing
the farms, while a second department is
our country
division of labor. While a single family
concerned with getting these materials to
these reform
or a single community once provided most
the factory and getting the product to its
will enable ?
of its own goods and services, it now spe-
market. Meanwhile, a third department
better. Und
cializes in providing only a few, depend-
is concerned with the workers who har-
partment of
ing increasingly on a far-flung, intricate
vest the crops, run the transportation sys-
a much st
network of other people and other or-
tems and manufacture the product, while
something =
ganizations for its full economic well-
a fourth department is concerned with
which influ
being.
the businessmen who own the plant where
present De
The only way the Federal Government
the product is made and the stores where
example. I
can deal effectively with such a highly
it is merchandised.
complex ne
interdependent economy is by treating a
Such a division of responsibility can
than can t]
wide range of cconomic considerations in
also create a great deal of overlap. The
bor. It WC
a comprehensive and coordinated man-
Agriculture Department, for instance,
a wider If
ner. And-as our Gross National Product
finds that its interest in agricultural labor
nority bus.
moves beyond the trillion dollar level and
is shared by the Labor Department, its
Departme
as our productive system, which now ac-
regard for agricultural enterprise is shared
Federal
counts for approximately 40 percent of
by the Small Business Administration,
area has b
the world's wealth, encounters new chal-
and its concern for providing sufficient
cism over
lenges from other nations-it is becoming
transportation for farm products is shared
administra
even more important that Federal eco-
by the Department of Transportation.
of executi
nomic policies be carried out as effectively
The Commerce, Labor, and Agriculture
that it be
as possible.
Departments duplicate one another in
ceived a
But again, the organization of the Gov-
collecting economic statistics, yet they use
my Adv
ernment works against the systematic con-
computers and statistical techniques
Organiza
sideration of economic complexities. The
which are often incompatible.
I am 1
step by step evolution of our Federal ma-
It has sometimes been argued that cer-
Congress
chinery has created a series of separate
tain interest groups need a department to
nomic A
entities-each handling a separate part of
act as their special representative within
economic
the economic puzzle. Some of these en-
the Government. In my view, such an
tice, and
tities are relatively autonomous units
arrangement serves the best interests of
more pro
within departments. Others are independ-
neither the special group nor the general
various e
ent agencies. But perhaps the most dra-
public. Little is gained and much can be
tween the
matic evidence of our fragmented ap-
lost, for example, by treating our farmers
those of
proach to the economy is the existence
or our workers or other groups as if they
Departm
of four major executive departments
are independent participants in our eco-
ment, to
nomic life. Their problems cannot be ade-
and the
which handle highly interdependent eco-
nomic matters: Commerce, Labor, Agri-
quately treated in isolation; their well-
economi
culture, and Transportation.
being is intimately related to the way our
stronger
This situation can seriously impair gov-
entire economy functions.
effective
ernmental efforts to respond effectively to
I would not suggest these reforms if I
point th
economic challenges. One department, for
thought they would in any way result in
possibly
example, may be concerned with the raw
the neglect of farmers, workers, minori-
the nev
484
Richard Nixon, 1971
Mar. 25 [116]
om
ties or any other significant groups within
under the following six administrations:
t is
our country. To the contrary, I propose
Business Development, Farms and Agri-
to
these reforms because I am convinced they
culture, Labor Relations and Standards,
its
will enable us to serve these groups much
National Transportation, Social, Eco-
ent
better. Under my proposals, the new De-
nomic, and Technical Information and
ar-
partment of Economic Affairs would be in
International Economics.
sys-
a much stronger position really to do
The new Department of Economic Af-
hile
something about the wide-ranging factors
fairs would include many of the offices
ith
which influence farm income than is the
that are now within the Departments of
here-
present Department of Agriculture, for
Commerce, Labor and Agriculture. A
here
example. It could do more to meet the
large part of the Department of Trans-
complex needs of workingmen and women
portation would also be relocated here,
can
than can the present Department of La-
including the United States Coast Guard,
The
bor. It would be able to pull together
the Federal Railroad Administration, the
ince,
a wider range of resources to help mi-
St. Lawrence Seaway Development Cor-
abor
nority businessmen than can the present
poration, the National Transportation
t, its
Department of Commerce.
Safety Board, the Transportation Systems
ared
Federal organization in the economic
Center, the Federal Aviation Administra-
ition,
area has been the target of frequent criti-
tion, the Motor Carrier Safety Bureau and
cient
cism over the years. During the previous
most of the National Highway Traffic
ared
administration alone, two special studies
Safety Administration. The Small Busi-
ition.
of executive organization recommended
ness Administration, the Science Informa-
ilture
that it be substantially altered. I have re-
tion Exchange program from the Smith-
er in
ceived a similar recommendation from
sonian Institution, the National Institute
y use
my Advisory Council on Executive
for Occupational Health and Safety from
iques
Organization.
the Department of Health, Education,
I am therefore recommending to the
and Welfare and the Office of Technology
it cer-
Congress that a new Department of Eco-
Utilization from the National Aeronau-
ent to
nomic Affairs be established to promote
tics and Space Administration would also
within
economic growth, to foster economic jus-
be included in the new Department.
ch an
tice, and to encourage more efficient and
ests of
more productive relationships among the
OTHER ORGANIZATIONAL REFORMS
eneral
various elements of our economy and be-
can be
tween the United States economy and
Regrouping functions among depart-
armers
those of other nations. As this single new
ments can do a great deal to enhance
if they
Department joined the Treasury Depart-
the effectiveness of government. It should
ir eco-
ment, the Council of Economic Advisers
be emphasized, however, that regrouping
be ade-
and the Federal Reserve Board in shaping
functions within departments is also a
well-
economic policy, it would speak with a
critical part of my program for executive
vay our
stronger voice and would offer a more
reform. Just as like tasks are grouped
effective, more highly integrated view-
together within a given department, so
ms if I
point than four different departments can
similar operations should be rationally
sult in
possibly do at present. The activities of
assembled within subordinate units. Such
minori-
the new Department would be grouped
a realignment of functions, in and of
485
[116] Mar. 25
Public Papers of the Presidents
itself, would make it much easier for ap-
who run the new departments. There is
stre
pointed officials to manage their agen-
no better time to introduce needed pro-
wh
cies and for both the President and the
cedural changes within departments than
Di
Congress to see that their intentions are
a time of structural change among depart-
giv
carried out.
ments. We can reap great benefits if we
Toward this same end, I am recom-
take advantage of this opportunity by
tio
mending to the Congress a number of
implementing the most advanced tech-
bo
additional steps for bringing greater man-
niques and equipment for such tasks as
cei
agerial discipline into Government. In the
planning and evaluation, data collection,
at
first place, I am proposing that the De-
systematic budgeting, and personnel
ha
partment Secretary and his office be con-
administration.
W
siderably strengthened so that the man
Finally, I would again stress in this
ni
whom the President appoints to run a de-
message-as I have in my discussions of
fie
partment has both the authority and the
revenue sharing-the importance of de-
th
tools to run it effectively. The Secretary
centralizing government activities as
or
would be given important managerial
much as possible. As I have already ob-
in
discretion that he does not always enjoy
served, the consolidation of domestic de-
a
today, including the ability to appoint
partments would da a great deal to fa-
ir
many key department officials, to delegate
cilitate decentralization, since it would
authority to them and to withdraw or
produce fewer interagency disputes that
f
change such delegations of authority, and
require resolution at higher levels. It is
c
to marshal and deploy the resources at
also true, as many management experts
g
his command so that he can readily focus
have pointed out, that as the reliability
a
the talent available to him at the point of
and scope of information expand at
greatest need.
higher levels of government, officials can
Each of the new Secretaries would be
delegate authority to lower levels with
provided with a Deputy Secretary and
greater confidence that it will be used
two Under Secretaries to help him meet
well.
his responsibilities. In addition, each ma-
In addition to the consolidation of func-
jor program area within a department
tions, I am also proposing a reform of the
would be headed by a high-level adminis-
field structures of the Federal Govern-
trator who would be responsible for ef-
ment that would also promote decentrali-
fectively managing a particular group of
zation. Each Department, for example,
related activities. These officials would
would appoint a series of Regional Di-
be appointed by the President and their
rectors who would represent the Secretary
appointments would be subject to Senate
with respect to all Department activities
confirmation.
in the field. Planning, coordination and
It is my philosophy that we should give
the resolution of conflicts could thus be
clear assignments to able leaders-and
more readily achieved without Washing-
then be sure that they are equipped to
ton's involvement, since there would be a
carry them out. As a part of this same
"Secretarial presence" at the regional
effort, we should do all we can to give
level. Further coordination at lower levels
the best new management tools to those
of government would be provided by
486
Richard Nixon, 1971
Mar. 25 [116]
strengthening the ten Regional Councils
normal turnover; no civil servant should
which include as members the Regional
lose his job as a result of this plan.
Directors of various departments in a
It is important that these reforms be
given area of the country.
seen by our civil servants not as a threat
In the first months of my administra-
to their security but as an opportunity for
by
tion I moved to establish common regional
greater achievement. We have worked
boundaries and regional headquarters for
hard to bring able people into Govern-
as
certain domestic departments. I observed
ment employment. Executive reorganiza-
at that time that the Federal Government
tion can help the Nation make even
has never given adequate attention to the
better use of their talent and their dedica-
way in which its departments are orga-
tion and it can also make it easier for us
nized to carry out their missions in the
to attract more men and women of great
field. It is now time that we remedied
vision and competence into public service
this pattern of neglect. Even the best
at the Federal level.
as
organized and best managed departments
in Washington cannot serve the people
FOCUSING POWER WHERE IT CAN BE
adequately if they have to work through
USED BEST
inadequate field structures.
Industry and government both have
These proposals for reorganizing the
at
found that even the largest organizations
Federal Government are a natural com-
is
can be run effectively when they are or-
plement to my proposals for revenue shar-
ganized according to rational principles
ing; there is a sense in which these two
and managed according to sound tech-
initiatives represent two sides of the same
at
niques. There is nothing mystical about
coin. Both programs can help us decen-
in
these principles or these techniques; they
tralize government, so that more decisions
can be used to make the Federal Govern-
can be made at levels closer to the people.
ment far more effective in a great many
More than that, both programs are con-
areas.
cerned with restoring the general capacity
As we consolidate and rationalize
of government to meet its responsibilities.
Federal functions, as we streamline and
On the one hand, through revenue
modernize our institutional architecture,
sharing, we would give back to the States
as we introduce new managerial tech-
and localities those functions which belong
niques and decentralize Government ac-
at the State and local level. To help them
tivities, we will give Government the
perform those functions more effectively,
capacity to operate far more efficiently
we would give them more money to spend
es
than it does today. It will be able to do
and more freedom in spending it. At the
d
more work with fewer mechanisms and
same time, however, we must also do all
fewer dollars. It will be able to use its
we can to help the Federal Government
g
work force more productively. This could
handle as effectively as possible those
a
mean significant savings for our taxpayers.
functions which belong at the Federal
I would emphasize, however, that any
level. Executive reorganization can help
reductions in the Federal work force at-
us achieve this end by bringing together
by
tributable to this proposal would come by
related activities which are now frag-
487
[116] Mar. 25
Public Papers of the Presidents
mented and scattered.
tually every national administration since
cums
A healthy Federal system is one in
the I930S and many needed reforms have
also,
which we neither disperse power for the
resulted.
"I?
What is now required, however, is a
and
sake of dispersing it nor concentrate
power for the sake of concentrating it.
truly comprehensive restructuring of
in the
Instead, a sound Federal system requires
executive organization, one that is com-
their
us to focus power at that place where it
mensurate with the growth of the Nation
for u
can be used to the greatest public advan-
and the expansion of the government. In
renev
tage. This means that each level of gov-
the last twenty years alone our population
ernment must be assigned those tasks
has increased by one-third and the Fed-
which it can do best and must be given
eral budget has quintupled. In the last
I17
the means for carrying out those
two decades, the number of Federal
assignments.
civilian employees has risen by almost 30
I Kl
percent and the domestic programs they
mom
THE CENTRAL QUESTION
administer have multiplied tenfold. Three
executive departments and fourteen in-
WG.r)
Am
Ever since the first settlers stepped upon
dependent agencies have been tacked on
that
our shores more than three centuries ago,
to the Federal organization chart during
not
a central question of the American experi-
that brief span.
mea
ence has been: How do we best organize
Yet it still is the same basic organiza-
also
our government to meet the needs of the
tion chart that has set the framework of
belie
people? That was the central question as
governmental action for decades. While
Con
the colonists set up new governments in
there have been piecemeal changes, there
I
a new world. It was the central question
has been no fundamental overhaul. Any
when they broke from their mother coun-
business that grew and changed so much
simp
try and made a new nation. It was the
and yet was so patient with old organiza-
expil
all
central question as they wrote a new Con-
tional forms would soon go bankrupt.
brin
stitution in 1787 and, at each critical
The same truth holds in the public realm.
and
turning point since that time, it has re-
Public officials cannot be patient with
mai
mained a dominant issue in our national
outmoded forms when the people have
grown so impatient with government.
you
experience.
the
In the last forty years, as the Federal
Thomas Jefferson once put it this way:
E
Government has grown in scope and com-
"I am certainly not an advocate for fre-
Boe
plexity, the question of how it should be
quent and untried changes in laws and
Boe
organized has been asked with even
constitutions," he wrote, "but
laws
wo
greater intensity and relevance. During
and institutions must go hand in hand
Th
this time, we have moved to formulate
with the progress of the human mind. As
the
responsive answers to this question in an
that becomes more developed, more en-
cor
increasingly systematic manner. Searching
lightened, as new discoveries are made,
studies of Government management and
new truths disclosed, and manners and
organization have been made under vir-
opinions change with the change of cir-
488
Richard Nixon, 1971
Mar. 29 [119]
since
cumstances, institutions must advance
thus give new life to our common dreams.
have
also, and keep pace with the times."
RICHARD NIXON
"Institutions must advance." Jefferson
The White House
is a
and his associates saw that point clearly
March 25, 1971
g of
in the late 18th century, and the fruit of
com-
their vision was a new nation. It is now
NOTE: On the same day, the White House re-
leased a fact sheet on the four proposed
lation
for us-if our vision matches theirs—to
departments.
nt. In
renew the Government they created and
lation
Fed-
e last
I17
Remarks by Telephone to Workers on the Supersonic
ederal
Transport Program. March 25, 1971
ost 30
I
S they
KNOW this is a deeply disheartening
am counting on you here at Boeing to
Three
moment for all those of you who have
remain a dynamic force in our determined
en in-
worked so hard and so long to make the
effort, even in the face of this defeat for
:ed on
American SST a reality. And I am sure
the SST, to maintain that leadership.
during
that your disappointment is compounded
The reason I fought so hard to keep the
not only of uncertainty about what it
SST project alive was that I believe
;aniza-
means for your own personal future, but
deeply that America must remain in the
ork of
also of distress that a project in which you
vanguard of scientific and technological
While
believed has been turned down by the
progress-the kind of progress your team
, there
Congress.
represents, and to which you have been
1. Any
I share your disappointment, and I
dedicated. Congress action on the SST
much
simply want to take this opportunity to
has come as a severe blow to us all. But
ganiza-
express to you personally my thanks for
I am determined that America must and
ikrupt.
all that you have done over the years to
will continue pushing outward the hori-
realm.
bring this project so close to completion-
zons of the unknown. I am also deter-
,t with
and also my determination that the re-
mined that we must and will make full
à have
markable combination of skills and talents
use of the most valuable resource we have
cret.
your team represents should not be lost to
as a nation-the skill, the dedication, and
is way:
the Nation.
the imagination of its people, such as you
for fre-
Each time I fly in Air Force One-a
on the SST team, who have made our ad-
WS and
Boeing plane-I am reminded of the role
vances possible in the past and on whom
laws
Boeing has played in making America the
we depend to go forward in the future.
1 hand
world's leader in commercial aviation.
NOTE: The President spoke at 4:50 p.m. from
ind. As
Throughout the world, the 707, the 727,
the Oval Office at the White House to em-
ore en-
the 737, and now the giant 747 have be-
ployees of the Boeing Aircraft Company in
come symbols of America's leadership. I
Seattle, Wash., and Wichita, Kans.
made,
ers and
of cir-
489
Services of Mead Data Central, Inc.
PAGE
8
19TH STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1986 Chicago Tribune Company;
Chicago Tribune
May 9, 1986, Friday, SPORTS FINAL EDITION
SECTION: PERSPECTIVE; Pg. 23; ZONE: C directors
LENGTH: 932 words
HEADLINE: GOING PRIVATE WITH LEGAL AID
BODY:
As early as 1971, it was recognized that legal services for the poor should
not be a government function. That year a presidential advisory council, the
Ash Commission, urged President Richard Nixon to remove such legal services
from the auspices of the Office of Economic Opportunity and to organize it as a
quasi-government corporation "as a first step toward reprivatization of what has
traditionally been a function of the private sector."
As a result of this advice, the Legal Services Corp. (LSC) was formed. But
15 years after the Ash Commission report, the LSC budget has swollen from
$61.8 million in 1971 to $305.5 million this year, and the goal of privatization
is nowhere in sight.
Paradoxically, increased government funding and involvement have come when
private-sector financing alternatives have been flourishing. For one thing,
direct outside funding for LSC recipients reached $106 million in 1985, up from
$47 million in 1982. Some of this money is from other federal government
programs, some from states and localities. However, much of it is also from
private contributions such as the United Way and other local fund- raising
agencies. In addition, pro bono publico (for the good of the community) services
by attorneys is documented at a monetary equivalent of at least half the federal
budget for the Legal Services Corp.
Interest on Lawyer Trust Accounts programs (IOLTA funds) have been a
significant source of money for legal services to the poor in recent years.
These funds are generated from interest earned on trust funds handled by private
attorneys for their clients. The amounts involved are too small or are not held
long enough to draw interest in excess of service charges if held in separate
accounts. Last year IOLTA funds came to nearly $27 million.
At a time when the failure of bureaucratic structures is being documented in
many government programs, the Legal Services Corp. must be scrutinized closely.
Federal funding of legal services is meant, not to support lawyers, but to
resolve the legal problems of poor people. Many times, the solution need not
even involve attorneys.
One such solution, Alternative Dispute Resolution, has boomed in the last 15
years. AS of 1985 there were 475 full-time dispute-resolution mediators, 293
part-time ones and 5,985 program volunteers in more than 380 centers in 33
states. The average cost of a LSC case in 1984 was $182.50 while that of an
average Alternative Dispute Resolution case was $36. And the latter gives a
client a substantial role in resolving his own dispute, unlike the attorney-
centered adversarial LSC system.
LEXIS`NEXIS`LEXIS`NEXIS
Mead Data Central, Inc.
PAGE
9
(c) 1986 Chicago Tribune, May 9, 1986
In addition, the legal system has become far more accessible to ordinary
people. In 1964, when federal legal services were institutionalized within the
Office of Economic Opportunity, there were about 300,000 lawyers nationwide;
today there are more than 660,000, with starting salaries for recent attorney
graduates as low as $13,000 in some states. Since then, too, we have seen the
advent of attorney advertising, self-help books and streamlined small claims
procedures.
Technological advances (word processors and centralized data banks, for
example) and the loosening of restrictions on advertising have resulted in
increased service at lower prices from firms providing legal services to middle-
and lower-income people. High-volume legal clinics offer cut-rate prices and can
have the effect of forcing competitors to do likewise.
Though market pressures have forced prices down in the legal profession
generally, the bureaucratic structure of the Legal Services Corp. has allowed
average case costs to rise dramatically. Since 1982, almost all increases in
federal appropriations for legal services have been in higher salaries and
benefits for staff attorneys while the number of case closures has remained
static. Benefits alone have risen 44 percent. The lawyers, many unionized, lobby
Congress to prevent a change in the structure of LSC and to forbid the use of
more cost-effective modes of delivery. The client is thus made a pawn in the
justification of jobs for the lawyers.
The practice of law in the United States is a state-sanctioned privilege.
With this privilege comes a professional responsibility to provide legal
services to those who cannot afford legal fees. Many attorneys take this
responsibility seriously. Before federal funding for legal services, voluntary
legal aid societies provided community-based structures to ensure access to the
system. Even now, the greatest non-LSC contribution to legal aid for the poor
comes from pro bono work of individual lawyers and firms.
Fifteen years ago, the Ash Commission told President Nixon that "while
government support is still necessary (for Legal Services), the need is not as
strong today. The program has generated considerable interest and support in the
private sector." This is more the case now than ever. Yet, despite the boom in
non-LSC legal services for the poor, Legal Services lawyers have year after year
demanded and often received greater government funding. The growth of
alternative services and financial resources has been ignored; instead, there
has been a growing entrenchment of LSC-funded attorneys.
In this, the first year of the Gramm-Rudman cuts, we have one more reason to
review the budget of the Legal Services Corp. with an eye toward releasing its
lawyers into the private sector, reintegrating indigent clients into the civil
justice system and allowing the Legal Services Corp. to get on the track of
progress.
TERMS: FEDERAL; COURT; AGENCY; BUDGET; COMPARISON; PROFILE; ANALYSIS
LEXIS'N XIS'LEXIST XIS®
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MICHEL REFORM BILL
SECTION-BY-SECTION
TITLE I CHIEF FINANCIAL OFFICER, GENERAL COUNSEL,
AND OTHER REFORMS
Section 101 Amendments relating to the Elections of officers of the
House.
Eliminates the office of the Doorkeeper and the Postmaster.
The Sergeant-at-Arms should be a nationally respected law
enforcement professional.
Section 102 Amendments relating to the duties of the Clerk
Removes various financial responsibilities from the Clerk and
gives them to the new Chief Financial Officer.
Duties of the Doorkeeper are transferred to the Clerk
(announcing messengers from the President and Senate, superintend
the House document room. cloakrooms of the House, telephone
service, and supervise pages).
Section 103 Amendment relating to the duties of the Sergeant-at-
Arms
Removes accounts and pay responsibilities from the Sergeant-
at-Arms and transfers those responsibilities to the Chief Financial
Officer.
Section 104 Chief Financial Officer
Creates the office of Chief Financial Officer. The Chief
Financial Officer is elected by a two-thirds vote of the House.
Chief Financial Officer shall be responsible for reviewing and
analyzing the financial operations of the House. including the
efficiencies of its operations. the functions of its offices, and the cost-
effectiveness of its operations, and providing periodic
recommendations to the Speaker and Minority Leader respecting
these operations.
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The Chief Financial Officer shall conduct periodic audits of the
financial operations of the House, keep accounts for the pay and
mileage of Members. and carry out all other financial functions and
operations that were exercised by the Clerk.
The Chief Financial Officer shall superintend the post office in
the Capitol (he may contract with the U.S. Postal Service to run the
operations).
Section 106 Oversight Reform
By March 1 of the first session of any Congress, each
committee shall adopt and submit to the Committee on House
Administration an oversight plan for that Congress.
Funding will not be provided to committees until they have
submitted their oversight plans.
Section 107 Bipartisan Representation on Committee on House
Administration
Committee on House Administration would have equal
representation of majority party and minority party members.
Section 108 Equality of Majority and Minority Party Representation
on the Subcommittee on Legislative Appropriations
Section 109 Task Force on Reform of the House of Representatives
Creates a 10 member Task Force (5 Members appointed upon
the recommendation of the Majority Leader and 5 appointed upon the
recommendation of the Minority Leader) to propose institutional
reforms necessary to restoring public confidence in the House of
Representatives.
Section 110 Limitation on Reprogramming of Funds in the House
No funds may be reprogrammed without the written approval
of the Speaker and the Minority Leader.
Section 111 Limitation on Initial House of Representatives
Appropriations for Fiscal Year 1993
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The Fiscal Year 1993 Legislative Branch appropriation bill for
the House shall expire on March 31, 1993.
Section 112 Inspector General
The Speaker and Minority Leader appoint an Inspector
General who shall conduct audits and investigations.
SUBTITLE B-Office of the General Counsel
Section 122 Accountability
The Office shall be directly accountable to the Leadership
Group composed of the Speaker, Majority Leader, Minority Leader.
Majority Whip, Minority Whip, the Chairman and Ranking Minority
Member of the Committee on the Judiciary, and two members
appointed upon the recommendation of the majority and minority
leaders.
Section 123 Purpose and Policy
The purpose of the Office is to provide legal assistance to
Members. officers. and employees of the House on matters directly
related to their duties.
Section 124 Specific Approval Requirements
The Office shall seek prior approvel by resolution of the House
regarding entering an appearance before any court, filing a brief in any
court, or representing any member of the House in any contested
matter that will result in formal legal proceedings.
The Office must seek the approval of the Leadership Group
where preparation of any legal memorandum or other legal research
which requires more than four hours of preparation time.
In carrying out any action where the matter affects an area of
responsibility committed to another office. officer, or employee. the
Office shall consult and coordinate such action with the office. officer
or employee.
Section 125 General Counsel
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The General Counsel shall be appointed by the Speaker from
among individuals recommended by the Majority Leader and the
Minority Leader, without regard to political affiliation.
The General Counsel shall serve at the pleasure of the
Leadership Group.
Section 126 Staff
The General Counsel may employ such attorneys and other
employees as may be necessary for the performance of the functions of
the Office. At least one attorney in the Office shall be appointed upon
the recommendation of the minority leader.
TITLE II LEGISLATIVE REFORM
Section 201 House Scheduling Reform
Requires the Speaker to announce the legislative program for
the year including target dates for consideration of specified major
budgetary, authorization, and appropriation bills. The Speaker must
also indicate weeks during which the House will be in session, weeks
set adjournment. aside for District Work Periods and the target date for
Section 202 Treatment of Vetoed Bills
Immediately after the receipt of a bill returned by the
President, the Speaker shall state the question on the reconsideration
of that bill, without intervening motion, and the House shall proceed
to vote on the reconsideration of that bull.
Section 203 Multiple Referral of Legislation
Ends joint referrals.
The Speaker must designate the committee of principal
jurisdiction.
Section 204 Presentment of Bills to the Fresident
President.
Sets a time certain (10 days) for bills to be presented to the
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Section 205 Committee Ratios
The membership of each committee, subcommittee, must
reflect the ratio of majority to minority party Members of the House at
the beginning of the Congress.
Section 206 Subcommittee Limits
Each standing committee that has over 20 members may
establish at least four subcommittees but not more than six.
Section 207 Proxy Voting Ban
Eliminates proxy voting in committee and subcommittees.
Section 208 Open Meetings
Meetings are to be open unless "because disclosure of matters
to be considered would endanger national security, would tend to
defame, degrade, or incriminate any person or would otherwise violate
any law or rule of the House."
Section 209 Majority Quorums
A majority of the members of each committee or
subcommittee shall constitute a quorum for the transaction of any
business, including the markup of legislation.
Section 210 Report Accountability
On a roll call vote to report a bill or resolution, the names of
those voting for and against. are to be included in the committee
report on the measure.
Section 211 Committee Documents
Committee documents are to either be approved by the
committee or subcommittee prior to public distribution with
appropriate opportunity for minority views and supplemental
information, or else the document must contain a disclaimer that the
members." document "may not necessarily reflect the views of (the committee]
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Section 212 Came Day Consideration of Rules Committee Reports
There must be a 2/3 vote for same calendar day consideration
of Rules Committee reports. or subsequent calendar day of the same
legislative day.
Section 213 Permitting Instructions in Motions to Recommit
Prohibits any rule or order which would prevent the motion to
recommit from being made as provided by clause 4 of rule XVI,
including a motion with amendatory instructions.
Section 214 Restrictive Rules Idmitation
A bill could not be considered under a closed rule unless the
Chairman of the Rules Committee announced on the House floor four
legislative days prior that less than an open amendment process might
be recommended by the Committee.
Section 215 Limitation on Self-Executing Rules
Self-executing rules would have to be adopted by a 2/3 vote.
Section 216 Budget Waiver Limitation
It will not be in order to consider any resolution reported
from the Committee on Rules which waives any specified provision of
the Budget Act unless the committee report includes an explanation
of. and justification for, any such waiver. an estimated cost of the
provisions to which the waiver applies.
Section 217 Committee Staffing
Reduces committee staffing for the 103rd Congress by 50%.
Section 218 Commemorative Calendar
Creates a Commemorative Calendar. Objections by two or
more Members may remove the bill from the Calendar.
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Section 219 Automatic Roll Call Votes
On any appropriation bill, or other measure providing revenue.
or adjusting Members pay. the year and nays will be considered
ordered.
Section 220 Appropriation Reforms
A continuing appropriations bill shall not exceed 30 days, shall
reflect the lesser amount of the House passed. Senate passed or
conference agreement or enacted for the preceding fiscal year. Such
bill must contain a Bat of all appropriations contained in the bill for
any expenditure not previously authorized by law. A 3/5 vote is
required to waive the provisions of clause 2 of rule XXI against the
consideration of any continuing appropriation measure.
Section 221 Reconciliation Limitation
A reconciliation bill shall not contain provisions which are not
related to achieving the purposes of the directives to the committees.
Amendments which achieve greater savings than those directed of a
committee shall be made in order.
Section 222 Authorization Reporting Deadline
It will not be in order to consider any bill or joint resolution
which directly or indirectly authorizes enactment of new budget
authority for a fiscal year unless that bill or joint resolution is reported
in the House on or before May 15.
Section 223 Fledge of Allegiance
The second order of business shall be the pledge of allegiance.
Section 224 Suspension of the Rules
The Chairman of the committee of jurisdiction must request
the measure be considered under suspension of the rules. Any bill
which authorizes over $50,000,000 in any fiscal year shall not be made
in order under suspension of the rules.
Section 225 Discharge Motion
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Section ass Elimination of Certain Select Committees
and Children. Youth and Families.
Eliminates the Select Committees on Aging, Hunger, Narcotics
Section 233 Application Congress of Information Disclosure Requirements to
Brings Congress under the Freedom of Information Act.
Section 234 Limitation on the Duration of Payments of Expenses of
Former Speakers of the House or Representatives
more than three years.
Former Speakers are authorized three staff positions for no
Section 235 Prohibition on Franked Mass Mailings by Members
Outside their Congressional Districts
Section 236 Requirement that Legislation Adjusting Pay for Members
of Congress be Considered Separately
Section 237 Legislative Eranch Appropriations to be for One Year Only
Section 238 One Attorney in the Office of the Parliamentarian to be
Appointed Upon the Recommendation of the
Minority Leader
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When 100 Members have signed the motion to discharge. the
Clerk must print in the Record the names of Members signing the
motion.
Section 226 Inclusion of Views with Conference Reports
Any conferee shall have three calendar days to file
supplemental or minority views.
Section 227 Intelligence Committee Oath
Each member of the Intelligence Committee shall take an oath
not to disclose any classified information.
Section 228 Enhanced Rescission Authority
The Committee on Rules and the Committee on Government
Operations shall report legislation granting the President enhanced
rescission authority. Such legislation shall provide that any such
budget authority shall be considered to be permanently canceled
unless a joint resolution disapproving such rescission is enacted
within 45 calender days.
Section 229 Biennial Budget Appropriations Process
Committee on Rules is directed to conduct a complete and
thorough study of a biennial budget and appropriation process.
Section 330 Applicability of Certain Laws to the House
Legislation must be reported to the House to implement: the
National Labor Relations Act; the Occupational Safety Act and Health
Act; the Equal Pay Act of 1963; the Age Discrimination in Employment
Act of 1967: Section 552 of title 5, United States Code (Freedom of
Information Act): Section 552a of title 5 (Privacy Act of 1974); Title
VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964: Chapter 39 of title 28
(independent counsel).
Section 251 Equitable Committee Staff Ratios
The ratio of majority party to minority party staff positions
shall reflect the ratio of majority party to minority party Members of
the House.
THE WHITE HOUSE
Demarest/Aarhus
Draft #4
WASHINGTON
Reform
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS AT OLD HOUSE CHAMBER
PHILADELPHIA, PA.
APRIL 3, 1992
pres.of
Thank you for that kind introduction. [ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS]
Today, I would rather be in Philadelphia. Old Congress Hall is
home to great ideas and great debate. In this very room, pivotal
and profound discussions occurred -- setting in motion a grand
experiment in man's ability to chart his own future.
The vision of the Founding Fathers may still be hard for us
to fully comprehend. But if you really think about it, their
goals were not much different than ours. They wanted their new
country to prosper -- and they knew intuitively that the road to
prosperity was freedom. They believed in the fundamentals -- in
the inherent strength of faith and family -- and they were
determined to preserve them. They wanted the citizens of our
young nation to live in peace -- safe and secure from threats at
home and abroad. It took a revolution to achieve their vision -
- and it is our duty to preserve it.
They say when British General Cornwallis surrendered to
Washington at Yorktown in 1781, his troops marched to the tune,
"The World Turned Upside Down." It was a profoundly simple
recognition that an old world order was ending and a new one
beginning.
Now, more than two hundred years later, we are again in the
midst of great change. Democracy and freedom once again have
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
turned the world upside down. America once again championed a
great worldwide movement. We stood firm for our principles
through some very difficult times. We did indeed change the
world. Now, as you have heard me say, if we could change the
world, we can change America.
Henry Luce called the 20th century the American Century. In
a world more driven by economic competition than ever before, we
must now meet five great challenges to ensure that the next
century is also the American Century.
First, our children must develop good character and values
so they can be educated adults -- literate and drug-free --
motivated to make learning a lifelong pursuit. We must
dramatically change our education system -- literally
revolutionize it. Our America 2000 education initiative means
top-to-bottom educational reform. Second, our people must have a
sense of well-being about their physical health. My health care
proposal guarantees access to the finest health care system in
the world, and keeps that care affordable for all our citizens.
Next, our civil justice system must do what it was designed
to do: dispense justice for all. Eighteen million lawsuits a
year are choking us -- costing us billions of dollars -- and
putting a tremendous drag on our civility and our economy. If
Congress passes my Access to Justice Act, this too can change.
And in the next century, economic competition, as well as
economic opportunity will come from beyond our borders. That's
why we have an aggressive pro-growth trade policy. It demands
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
more open foreign markets for quality American goods and services
862 5800
to sustain and create American jobs.
Finally, if we are to change America we must change the way
government works. That is what I will address today. G.K.
Disouzas D'Sliberal Educ.
Chesterton said, "there can be no talk of re-form, without talk
of form". This has been amply demonstrated in just the last
decade as one institution after another has been challenged --
forced to take a hard look within itself, make needed
improvements, and act to make the institution live up to its
principles. That is the process called reform.
To ensure their competitive edge, businesses launch reforms
geared to quality. Then, by measuring performance, they improve
performance. Often it's not flashy -- the return to old values
and standards like "built to last a lifetime", or "service with a
smile." Competition works -- the proof? Today American
products are quantifiably better than just a few years ago.
Reform has improved performance in our military. In the
face of tighter budgets, we've cut the fat, gotten leaner and
smarter. Desert Storm proved it. The drive for excellence has
influenced almost every other institution, from state and local
government to trade associations and unions.
Yet, the federal government is a glaring hold-out. It
resists reform and protects a failed status quo -- even in the
face of an unambiguous need for change. This is not about barber
shops or gymnasium privileges or parking spaces. It is not about
perks. It is about the governmental process, and its potential
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
to help or hinder the public good. It is about big things --
major changes to make government more responsive. It is about
the changes that are sweeping the rest of the country but are not
being made in Washington.
The most recent proof that we have a major problem was the
inability of Congress to rise to the challenge of helping our
economy. Instead it reverted to form -- trying to raise taxes
and increase government spending. If it cannot address a
straightforward short-term proposal to stimulate the economy, how
can it possibly deal with the more complex issues like the badly
needed reforms of our education, health care and legal systems?
five challenges I proposed earlier? If we are to reform
education, health care, our legal system -- if we are to reduce
red tape and regulation, make our country competitive, get this
horrendous deficit down, we must reform the Congressional process
itself, and make it responsive to our country's real needs.
The growth of big government has diminished the role of
Congress from policy-making to program-making. Promulgating and
protecting more programs sets in motion a perpetual cycle of
congressional support for more unnecessary spending -- creating
bigger and even less responsive bureaucracies. Then, by
servicing the needs of program recipients, Congressional staffs
help to ensure members' re-election and a continuation of
business as usual. Beyond that, Congress routinely exempts
itself from the laws it imposes on the rest of the nation -- laws
like the Civil Rights Act of 1964 or the Privacy Act.
5
Prophetically, the Founding Fathers warned us about these
dangers. Federalist paper #57 asserts that elected officials,
"can make no law which will not have its full operation on
themselves and their friends, as well as on the great mass of the
society." It also endorses term limits to ensure "proper
responsibility to the people. " Federalist Paper #52 argued that
permanent majorities are dangerously undemocratic. James Madison
would be appalled to hear that 98% of Congressmen who seek re-
election are in fact re-elected -- that one party, the Democrats,
has controlled the House 56 out of the last 60 years. That means
self-perpetuating staffs and a bureaucracy beholden to one set of
leaders. The bank and post office scandals are the result of
one-party control -- one party's lack of supervision, lack of new
blood, and lack of change.
One-party rule is a big part of the problem, but by no means
all of it. We have had divided government before, sometimes
during periods of great crisis. Each time we have worked
together in good faith to meet those challenges.
The larger issue is the systemic problem of Congress -- the
sticky web of 284 Congressional Committees and Subcommittees, the
almost 40,000 legislative branch employees and staff, $2.5
billion of taxpayer financing, overlaid with a $117 million re-
election war chest for incumbents in special-interest campaign
contributions, and millions more in special-interest influence.
None of this promotes reform and change. Rather, it
aggressively protects the status quo. Talk to conscientious
6
Senators like Pennsylvania's own Arlen Specter. Talk to retiring
members, many of them dedicated people like Senator Warren Rudman
of New Hampshire, and you will hear the frustration. When asked
about the continuing spectre of huge budget deficits, he issued
this indictment of the system, "the fact is that we are unable,
institutionally, to do what has to be done. We are literally not
watching the fiddler fiddle while Rome burns; we are watching the
entire orchestra."
Senator Rudman knows the biggest threat to future job
creation is deficit spending and the current Congressional
structure is not capable of addressing that threat. He knows
that Americans are generous -- people willing to do what is
necessary to make this country better. But there is a mismatch
between their willingness to help and their skepticism about
Congress. They just don't trust it to use their hard-earned tax
dollars wisely.
Today government is a $1.5 trillion enterprise. But people
in Washington frequently forget that the taxpayer is the
original investor, customer, shareholder, and board member all
rolled into one. When folks in government forget that, they
issue nettlesome regulations. Those regulations increase the
cost of doing business, but worse, they don't really solve the
problems they were designed to solve. That's why we're trying to
change the regulatory process.
When government forgets who is really the boss -- the
American taxpayer -- it becomes insulated and unresponsive. It
7
is almost impossible to adequately reward success, much less
punish failure. Talk to the hardworking people in career
government service -- many will say the same thing -- they are
frustrated too. The system, which may have been good for its
time, now must change, and it won't be easy.
That's because this kind of government doesn't just happen.
Congress creates these giant centralized bureaucracies, lays down
the mandates, funds the programs. Then, it is the Congress that
protects them, harasses them, investigates them, micro-manages
them, and ultimately perpetuates them. Programs that have
outlived their function rarely outlive their funding. With a
Congressional Subcommittee Chairman as godparent, they become
stepchildren of the Congress.
Some 107 different Congressional committees and
subcommittees claim some degree of oversight responsibility for
the Department of Defense. Seventy-four compete for jurisdiction
over the War on Drugs. Just this week, after being reported from
one committee in the House, our energy bill to make us more
energy-efficient and energy-independent was referred to no less
than eight additional House committees. It should be no surprise
that it takes so long to get anything done.
When the Secretary of Agriculture and his top staff have to
testify in fourteen hearings in one day, think of the time and.
resources that takes. Think of the thousands of hours spent by
the Executive Branch to fulfill the thousands of Congressional
demands for testimony, and government reports.
8
Democratic Senator David Boren summed it up by saying, "no
one doubts that Congress is in trouble as an institution."
That's why I support his efforts to trim the overgrown thicket of
committees and subcommittees which now paralyzes the Congress.
Congress has legitimate oversight responsibilities of
course. And I know that the federal government cannot be run
like IBM or the local convenience store, but we can improve its
performance, and we must. What merely hampered us in the past,
will paralyze us in the future. Our ability to compete demands
we make these reforms, not just of Congress but of the federal
bureaucracy as well. It means emphasizing the building blocks of
a more responsive government by relying on what works: choice,
competition, decentralization. But let me be clear, we cannot
reform the executive branch without first reforming the Congress.
Taken together the following actions will help make
government work for the people.
First, Congress must govern itself by the laws it imposes on
the public. No more special treatment. Like age, race, sex and
disability discrimination laws. Congress should also submit to
the laws it imposes on the Executive Branch -- like conflict of
interest laws or the Independent Counsel Law or the Hatch Act.
I will propose legislation to end such special treatment for
Congress [[ today/by next week 11. Further, I will veto any
future legislation that extends such special treatment to the
Congress.
9
Second, Congression should reform its committee system.
I
support the Boren-Domenici committee reform bill which sets up a
bipartisan group to evaluate Congressional operations. The bill
requires Congress to implement all of the groups recommendations.
It is a good beginning, but real reform is still on the back
burner. The American people must turn up the heat.
Third, sweeping campaign finance reform. Full disclosure of
assets, liabilities, and compensation is a key element of reform.
I am not required to disclose my income tax returns but for
twelve years I have done just that -- I believe it is the proper
thing to do. So I have called on Congress to pass tough new full
disclosure laws regarding campaign financing. Beyond that, we
must totally eliminate special-interest Political Action
Committees and put limits on so-called "leadership PACs. " I
proposed ways to increase the legitimate role of our political
parties, reduce the influence of special interests, and decrease
the time candidates and incumbents spend fund-raising. And let
me say it straight out: federal funding of Congressional
elections would only worsen the problem. Campaign finance reform
is stalled on Capitol Hill, but the time for action is long past
-- we must clean up our election system.
Fourth, spending reform. I have already proposed to freeze
domestic discretionary spending and federal non-defense
employment next year. I have proposed biennial budgets. I have
proposed to curb as well the growth of mandatory programs without
touching Social Security. This proposal alone would save [[$390
10
billion in XX years] The American people should demand that
the Congress pass the same measure that 43 governors have: the
line-item veto. They should demand a Balanced Budget
Constitutional Amendment to phase in more spending discipline on
the Congress and the Executive Branch. In the absence of those
important measures I will continue to use whatever means are
legally at my disposal, including the line-item recission, to
protect the taxpayer from the spending excesses of Congress. And
I will oppose any attempt by the Congress to dismantle the only
defense the taxpayer has against Congressional overspending --
the budget caps implemented in the 1990 Budget Act.
Fifth, regulatory reform. We put a ninety-day moratorium on
new government regulations. We are revising and eliminating
regulations that impede our ability to compete, and we are
accelerating regulations that enhance our competitive edge.
Since I announced the moratorium on January 28th, new regulatory
requirements have already been reduced by over 30 percent. As
our review continues we will announce further steps to reduce the
burden of unnecessary regulations.
Sixth, we must limit Congressional terms. There are good
people in Congress -- I think of your own Senator Arlen Specter,
whom I enthusiastically support for re-election. But it is time
to address the Congress of the future. The cycle of virtually
guaranteed re-election through the built-in advantages of
incumbency must be broken. Our Founding Fathers never considered
elected government service to be a career. I believe Senators
11
should be limited to two terms, and Representatives, limited to
six terms. As President my terms are limited, the same rule
should apply to members of Congress. Our first concern should be
the country, not a lifetime political career.
This brings me to my final point. Certainly, governing
today is complex and time-consuming. But not so many years ago,
representing the people back home was a part-time Washington job.
Somehow Members managed to finish their work and adjourn just
before the hot, humid Washington D.C. summers. Air conditioning
changed all this, and now, thanks to modern technology, Congress
sits year-round.
Members of the House and Senate are now permanent
Washingtonians, but tourists in their own home states. We do not
need a career Congress -- we need a citizen Congress. To borrow
a line from former Senate Majority Leader Howard Baker "they
ought to be living in America and visiting Washington." He was
right. He knew that the overwhelming majority of state
legislatures are able to do their work in yearly sessions of less
than six months -- some as short as three months every two years.
With a streamlined committee structure, a leaner staff,
Members' time organized around legislation rather than re-
election, and better discipline on how they spend the people's
money, Congress could return to what the founders envisioned as a
government truly close to the people. I suggest that in the
future Congress make a firm commitment to finish the people's
12
business by Memorial Day, so members can return home and truly
stay in touch with the people.
Change is sweeping America, just as it is sweeping the
world. As in the first days of our new nation, we must change an
unresponsive government. The reforms I've outlined today can
help renew our faith in government -- we cannot stop with
Congressional process -- we must reform the federal bureaucracy
as well. I will have more to say on that in the near futrue.
But today our mission is to begin restoring the principles of our
Founders, and guaranteeing for our children a new American
Century.
The choice is clear. On one side stand the defenders of the
status quo. On the other: the forces of change. We must make
the choice worthy of the men who met here -- and began the
world's only permanent revolution. Now that we've changed the
world, we must make the choice to change America.
Thank you, and may God bless the United States of America.
# # #
Independence
Ms- MadhaAikens, Supt. of Park
of
Brian Guthrie, Pres. nut Federalist
Soc. of Phila.
Joseph Ciccippio
and
Fed. Society (100)
& civic leaders (25-30)
Cocpres., Bank Pres.
(beach/bar/academic)
10:30-11am
(remarks)
Document No. 318378
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
4/1/92
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AT OLD HOUSE CHAMBER, PHILADELPHIA, PA
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
HORNER
SKINNER
MCBRIDE
SCOWCROFT
MOORE
DARMAN
PETERSMEYER
BRADY
PORTER
BROMLEY
ROGICH
CALIO
ROLLINS
DEMAREST
SMITH
FITZWATER
YEUTTER
GRAY
FINDLAY
KAUFMAN
HOLIDAY
McGROART
REMARKS:
The attached remarks have been forwarded to the President.
RESPONSE:
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
April 1, 1992
C2 APR : I P3:44
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
&&
FROM:
DAVID DEMAREST
SUBJECT:
FRIDAY'S REFORM SPEECH
Attached is a draft for your review. Your changes have been
incorporated, as have additional changes from senior staff
members.
Demarest/Aarhus
Draft #3
Reform
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS AT OLD HOUSE CHAMBER
PHILADELPHIA, PA.
APRIL 3, 1992
Thank you for that kind introduction. [ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS]
Today, I would rather be in Philadelphia. Old Congress Hall is
home to great ideas and great debate. In this very room, pivotal
and profound discussions occurred -- setting in motion a grand
experiment in man's ability to chart his own future.
The vision of the Founding Fathers may still be hard for us
to fully comprehend. But if you really think about it, their
goals were not much different than ours -- they wanted their new
country to prosper -- and they knew intuitively that the road to
prosperity was freedom. They believed in the fundamentals -- in
the inherent strength of faith and family -- and they were
determined to preserve them. They wanted the citizens of our
young nation to live in peace -- safe and secure from threats at
home and abroad. It took a revolution to achieve their vision -
- and it is our duty to preserve it.
was'sick Surrend He didn't He
When British General Cornwallis ,troops surrendered at Yorktown in
the bandplayed
1781, he had his band play "The World Turned Upside Down", as his
Sent else place. inhis someone
troops marched before Washington's Continental Army. It was a
profoundly simple realization that an old world order was coming
to a close and a new order was beginning.
Now, more than two hundred years later, we are again in the
midst of great change. Democracy and freedom once again have
2
turned the world upside down. America once again stood at the
forefront of a great worldwide movement. We stood firm for our
principles through some very difficult times. We changed the
world, and we stand upon a new threshold. Now, as you have heard
me say, if we could change the world, we can change America.
Henry Luce called the 20th century the American Century. In
a world more driven by economic competition than ever before, we
must now meet five great challenges, if we are to ensure that the
next century is also the American Century.
First, our children must develop good character and values
so they can be educated adults -- literate and drug-free --
motivated to make learning a lifelong pursuit. We must
dramatically change our education system -- literally
revolutionize it. Our America 2000 education initiative means
top-to-bottom educational reform. Second, our people must have a
sense of well-being about their physical health. My health care
proposal guarantees access to the finest health care system in
the world, and keeps that care affordable for all our citizens.
Next, our civil justice system must do what it was designed
to do: dispense justice for all. Eighteen million lawsuits a
year are choking us -- costing us billions of dollars -- and
putting a tremendous drag on our civility and our economy. This
too must change. Congress should pass my Access to Justice Act.
And in the next century, economic competition, as well as
economic opportunity will come from beyond our borders. That's
why we have an aggressive pro-growth trade policy. It demands
3
more open foreign markets for quality American goods and services
to sustain and create American jobs.
Finally, if we are to change America we must change
Source? couldn't find.
government. That is what I will address today. G.K. Chesterton
said, "there can be no talk of re-form, without talk of form".
find.
This has been amply demonstrated in just the last decade as one
institution after another has been challenged -- forced to take a
hard look within itself, make needed improvements, and act to
make the institution live up to its principles. That is the
process called reform.
To ensure their competitive edge, businesses launch reforms
geared to quality. Then, by measuring performance, they improve
performance. Often it's not flashy -- the return to old values
and standards like "built to last a lifetime", or "the customer's
always right." Competition works -- the proof? Today American
products are quantifiably better than just a few years ago.
Reform has improved performance our military. In the face
of tighter budgets, we've cut the fat, gotten leaner and smarter.
Desert Storm proved it. The drive for excellence has influenced
almost every other institution, from state and local government
to trade associations and unions.
Yet, the federal government is a glaring hold-out. It has
resisted reform and protects a failed status quo -- even in the
face of an unambiguous need for change. This is not about barber
shops or gymnasium privileges or parking spaces. It is not about
perks. It is about political power, and its potential to help or
4
hinder the public good. It is about big things -- major changes
to make government more responsive. It is about the changes that
are sweeping the rest of the country but have stopped cold at the
Capital Beltway.
The most recent proof was the inability of Congress to rise
to the challenge of getting our economy rolling again without
reverting to form -- higher taxes and bigger government. This is
the Congress we have come to know -- inefficient, ineffective,
unaccountable, and frankly, out of touch. If it cannot address a
straightforward short-term proposal to stimulate the economy, how
can it possibly deal with the more complex issues like the five
challenges I proposed earlier? Over and over, it has stonewalled
solutions we have proposed. If we are to reform education,
health care, our legal system -- if we are to reduce red tape and
regulation, make our country competitive, we must reform the
Congress and make it responsive to change.
The growth of big government has changed the role of
Congress from policymaking to pork-barreling -- changed the
Congressional office to a Campaign and Constituent office. This
sets in motion a perpetual cycle of congressional support for
more unnecessary spending -- creating bigger and even less
responsive bureaucracies. Then, the Members and their powerful
staffs become go-betweens amidst constituents and the executive
agencies -- expediting benefits and procuring more pork -- thus
ensuring re-election and a continuation of business as usual.
5
Beyond that, Congress routinely exempts itself from the laws it
imposes on the rest of the nation.
Prophetically, the Founding Fathers warned us about these
dangers. Federalist paper #57 asserts that elected officials,
ok
"can make no law which will not have its full operation on
themselves and their friends, as well as on the great mass of the
society." Federalist Paper #52 argued that permanent majorities
are dangerously undemocratic. James Madison would be appalled to
hear that 98% of Congressmen who seek re-election are in fact re-
elected -- that one party, the Democrats, has controlled the
House 56 out of the last 60 years. That means self-perpetuating
staffs and a bureaucracy beholden to one set of leaders. The
bank and post office scandals are the result of one party control
-- one party's lack of supervision, lack of new blood, and lack
of change.
One-party rule is a big part of the problem, but by no means
all of it. We have had divided government before, sometimes
during periods of great crisis. Each time we have worked
together in good faith to meet those challenges.
The larger issue is the systemic problem of Congress -- the
sticky web of 284 Congressional Committees and Subcommittees, the
almost
40,000 legislative branch employees and staff, $2.5
billion of taxpayer financing, overlaid with a $117 million re-
election war chest for incumbents in special-interest campaign
contributions, and millions more in special-interest influence.
6
None of this promotes reform and change. Rather, it
aggressively protects the status quo. Talk to retiring members,
many of them dedicated people like Senator Warren Rudman of New
Hampshire, and you will hear the frustration. When asked about
the continuing spectre of huge budget deficits, he issued this
indictment of the system, "the fact is that we are unable,
institutionally, to do what has to be done. We are literally not
watching the fiddler fiddle while Rome burns; we are watching the
entire orchestra." "
He knows that Americans are generous -- people willing to do
what is necessary to make this country better. But there is a
mismatch between their willingness to help and their skepticism
about Congress. They just don't trust it to use their hard-
earned tax dollars wisely.
So when taxpayer money goes for outlandish pork-barrel
projects, or mass mailings that are little more than thinly
veiled re-election devices, people get angry. In the Senate,
David Mason,
eight percent of the out-going mail is for answering voters. The
rest is unsolicited "reports" to the people. Maybe it's small
potatoes to the Congress, but the public knows P.R. when it sees
it. They know it adds up to real money -- their money, and it is
time to put a stop to this charade.
Today government is a $1.5 trillion enterprise. But people
in Washington frequently forget that the taxpayer is the
original investor, customer, shareholder, and board member all
rolled into one. When folks in government forget that, they
7
issue nettlesome regulations. Those regulations increase the
cost of doing business, but worse, they don't really solve the
problems they were designed to solve. That's why we're trying to
change the regulatory process.
When government forgets who is really the boss -- the
American taxpayer -- it becomes insulated and unresponsive. It
is almost impossible to adequately reward success, much less
punish failure. Talk to the hardworking people in career
government service -- many will say the same thing -- they are
frustrated too. The system, which may have been good for its
time, now must change, and it won't be easy.
That's because this kind of government doesn't just happen.
Congress creates these giant centralized bureaucracies, lays down
the mandates, funds the programs. Then, it is the Congress that
protects them, harasses them, investigates them, micro-manages
them, and ultimately perpetuates them. Programs that have
outlived their function rarely outlive their funding. With a
Congressional Subcommittee Chairman as godparent, they become
stepchildren of the Congress. Some 107 different Congressional
committees and subcommittees claim some degree of oversight
responsibility for the Department of Defense. Seventy-four
compete to exercise jurisdiction over the War on Drugs. Just
this week our energy bill to make us more energy-efficient and
afterbeing reported from 1comm. in the House,
energy-independent was referred to no less stet than eight separate additional House
Liby the Speaker
De
committees sequent lly! It should be no surprise that it
takes so long to get anything done.
dayton will Dr tell X2216 When
and
8
the [[Agriculture Secretary] and his top staff have to
testify in fourteen hearings in one day, think of the time and
resources that takes. Think of the thousands of hours spent by
the Executive Branch to fulfill the thousands of Congressional
demands for testimony, and government reports.
Congress has legitimate oversight responsibilities of
course. And I know that the federal government cannot be run
like IBM or the local convenience store, but we can improve its
performance, and we must. What merely hampered us in the past,
will paralyze us in the future. Our ability to compete demands
we make these reforms, not just of Congress but of the federal
bureaucracy as well. It means emphasizing the building blocks of
a more responsive government by relying on what works: choice,
competition, decentralization. But let me be clear, we cannot
reform the executive branch without first reforming the Congress.
Today I am proposing a set of actions that taken together
will make government work for the people.
First, Congress must govern itself by the laws it imposes on
the public. No more special treatment. Like age, race, sex and
disability discrimination laws. Congress should also submit to
the laws it imposes on the Executive Branch -- like conflict of
interest laws or the Independent Counsel Law or the Hatch Act.
{{I will propose legislation to end such special treatment for
Congress. Further, I will veto any future legislation that
extends such special treatment to the Congress. 11
9
Second, reform of the Congressional committee system. I
support efforts to trim the overgrown thicket of committees and
subcommittees which now paralyzes the Congress. Senator Boren
said it best when he described the Congress as "inefficient,
wasteful, and compromised by the way it finances its campaigns."
The Boren-Domenici committee reform bill starts by setting up a
bipartisan group to evaluate Congressional operations. It is a
good beginning, but real reform is still on the back burner. The
American people must turn up the heat.
Third, sweeping campaign finance reform. Full disclosure of
assets, liabilities, and compensation is a key element of reform.
I am not required to disclose my income tax returns but I believe
it is the proper thing to do. So I called on Congress to pass
Greg
tough new full disclosure laws to stop the abuse that results
from spreading around what called "soft money.
Walden x2674
Beyond that, I called for the total elimination of special-
interest Political Action Committees and limits on so-called
"leadership PACs." I proposed ways to increase the legitimate
role of our political parties, reduce the influence of special
interests, and decrease the time candidates and incumbents spend
fund-raising. And let me say it straight out: federal funding of
Congressional elections would only worsen the problem. Campaign
finance reform is stalled on Capitol Hill, but the time for
action is long past -- we must clean up our election system.
Fourth, spending reform. I have already proposed to freeze
FROM
Policy
DEVEL.
domestic discretionary spending and federal employment next year.
and non-defense
-aud-dofings federal employment.
10
I have proposed biennial budgets. I have proposed to curb as
well the growth of mandatory programs without touching Social
almost billion
Budget p.1-15 Yok ok
Security. This proposal alone would save [xxx dollars in XX
years] The American people should demand that the Congress
pass the same measure that 43 governors have: the line-item veto.
They should demand a Balanced Budget Constitutional Amendment --
to phase in more spending discipline on the Congress and the
Executive Branch. In the absence of those important measures I
will continue to use whatever means are legally at my disposal,
including the line-item-rescission, to protect the taxpayer from
the spending excesses of Congress. And I will veto any attempt
by the Congress to dismantle the only defense the taxpayer has
against Congressional overspending -- the budget caps implemented
in the 1990 Budget Act.
Fifth, regulatory reform. I have put a ninety-day
moratorium on new government regulations. We are revising and
eliminating regulations that impede our ability to compete, and
we are accelerating regulations that enhance our competitive
edge. Since I announced the moratorium on January 28th, new
regulatory requirements have already been reduced by over 30
percent. As our review continues we will announce further steps
to reduce the burden of unnecessary regulations.
Sixth, we must limit Congressional terms. The cycle of
virtually guaranteed re-election through the built-in advantages
of incumbency must be broken. Our Founding Fathers never
considered elected government service to be a career. I believe
11
Senators should be limited to two terms, and Representatives,
limited to six terms. As President my terms are limited, the
same rule should apply to members of Congress. Our first concern
should be the country not a lifetime political career.
[[This brings me to my final point. Certainly, governing
today is complex and time-consuming. But not so many years ago,
representing the people back home was a part-time Washington job.
Somehow Members managed to finish their work and adjourn just
before the hot, humid Washington D.C. summers. Air conditioning
changed all this, and now, thanks to modern technology, Congress
sits year-round.
Members of the House and Senate are now permanent
Washingtonians, but tourists in their own home states. To borrow
a line from Howard Baker "they ought to be living in America and
visiting Washington." Howard Baker was right. And we can
achieve Senator Baker's vision by enacting the reforms I have
proposed.
With a streamlined committee structure, a leaner staff,
Members' time organized around legislation rather than re-
election, and better discipline on how they spend the people's
money, Congress could return to what the founders envisioned as a
government truly close to the people. I suggest that this
Congress, the 102nd, set an example for future Congresses, and
finish action on the important proposals before them, like our
economic action plan, our proposals on education, crime, and
legal reform, to name just a few, and adjourn by Memorial Day. ]]
12
Change is sweeping America, just as it is sweeping the
world. As in the first days of our new nation, we must change an
unresponsive government. The reforms I've outlined today can
renew our faith in government -- restore the principles of our
Founders, and guarantee for our children a new American Century.
The choice is clear. On one side stand the defenders of the
status quo. On the other: the forces of change. We must make
the choice worthy of the men who met here -- and began the
world's only permanent revolution. Now that we've changed the
world, we must make the choice to change America.
Thank you, and may God bless the United States of America.
# # #