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Quote File 1989-1990 [OA 8486] [3]
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Records of the White House Office of Speechwriting (George H. W. Bush Administration)
Speech Backup Alphabetical Files
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Speechwriting, White House Office of
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26
23
3
2
THE CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR
March 5, 1990
Richard Nixon's Placei in History
In fostering detente and arms control with the
Soviet Union and in his opening to China, Nixon
set the stage for today's rapidly changing world.
This, a former aide says, puts him among the top
presidents. And he's still counsel to the globe.
trip to China."
Now how did this happen?
By Martin Anderson
Mr. Nixon's most bitter en-
emies dominate the intellectual
world and the media, which
I
T'S been quite a year. America has tri-
have so much to do with the
umphed in the cold war with the So-
granting or withdrawal of re-
viet Union, the communist/socialist
spectability in the United
world is cracking up before our eyes on the
States, and they did not coop-
evening television news, the threat of all-
erate willingly. No, his critics
out nuclear war has faded sharply, we are
were swept along by forces
riding the crest of the greatest economic
they could not control. In spite
expansion in history - and Richard Nixon
of themselves, no matter how
is back, resurrected, risen from the polit-
profoundly distressing it may
ical tomb of Watergate.
be to them, they are being
These events are not unrelated.
forced grudgingly, one by one,
Discussing a biography of Mr. Nixon in
to concede Nixon's achieve-
the New York Times Book Review in Janu-
ments.
ary, Richard Norton Smith wrote: "Fifteen
There are two essential rea-
years after leaving office in disgrace, Mr.
sons for all this. First, the
Nixon has staged his most spectacular
events of history have con-
comeback. He goes his own way, writes his
firmed the rightness and im-
own speeches, pays for his own security
portance of many of Nixon's
and wields his own, quiet influence on the
policies, especially in foreign affairs.
Second, his personal life and accomplish-
T
HE time is long overdue to apply
national debate, most recently through his
the same standards to the presi-
ments during the past 15 years have been
dency of Mr. Nixon that we would
exemplary and extraordinary.
apply to other past presidents. We should
ask if he ensured our national security,
moved us closer to peace, away from the
Nixon: on America's Example
prospect of nuclear war, if he increased our
economic prosperity.
"Western economic ideals produce growth and prosperity.
If we ask those questions of the Nixon
Western political ideals produce liberty. The Third World yearns
presidency, we find that his record of
achievement, while not perfect as it never
for both, but because the West has been better at sending
will be, clearly outshines that of most other
money than at promoting its values the communists and now
American presidents of this century. That
the Moslem fundamentalists rush to fill the void. In the years
record vindicates the judgment of the 31.8
between now and 1999 the United States must lead the way in a
million men and women who voted for
him in 1968, and the 47.2 million who
campaign to seize the moral high ground from those who
voted for his reelection in 1972.
promise prosperity and fulfillment in the developing world and
Sound preposterous? Well, let's look at
deliver poverty for the body and chains for the soul.
the record.
The election of Richard Nixon in 1968
If we have only twenty years before a reinvigorated Soviet
was a major turning point in American
Union turns its sights to renewed expansion, we have no time to
politics.
lose.
We must recognize that a system which works for us
The hegemony of the Democrats was so
may not work for others with different backgrounds. We must
complete in the early 1960s that there was
reject the fashionable but intellectually sterile doctrine of moral
talk of a Kennedy dynasty. There was se-
rious talk that the Republican Party was
relativism. We deeply believe in our values. But one of the fun-
finished.
damental tenets of those values is that we will not try to impose
By early 1968, when Nixon began his
them on others. Only by example and never by force will our
lonely run for the presidency, only 27 per-
values be extended to others.
cent of Americans identified themselves as
Republican in the national Gallup polls.
"America was founded by individuals who sought religious
Fully 46 percent declared themselves
freedom, who wanted the right to worship God in their own
Democrats.
way and to look for meaning in life on their own terms
We
Nixon rode head on into those over-
whelming, seemingly insuperable political
should not allow our competition with Moscow to degenerate
odds in 1968. And he won. He wrested po-
into a contest over which side can create the most bombs, the
litical power in the most powerful nation
tallest buildings, and the highest per-capita GNP. If material
on earth from the clenched fingers of the
wealth is our only goal, we are no different from the commu-
Democrats. We didn't realize it at the time
nists."
but it was Nixon's victory in 1968 that
From "1999: Victory Without War"
broke the back of the Democrats' hold on
Leonard Garment. Kenneth Khachagian.
the presidency, and paved the way for the
And many, many more. Richard Nixon
self to dismiss his Secret Service protection,
revolutionary changes we have all watched
breathed political life into each and every
saving the taxpayers thousands of dollars
since then.
one of them.
every year.
Nixon's win in 1968 made it possible for
Nixon is the patriarch of the modern
But the main thing Mr. Nixon has done,
the Republican Party not only to recover,
Republican Party.
the thing that more than anything else lies
but to acquire virtual dominion over the
behind his self-resurrection, is to have be-
presidency, a political sway that is likely to
W
HILE he was president Mr.
come the top foreign policy intellectual in
continue through the end of this century -
Nixon also did a few good things.
the world. He has spent most of the last 15
and perhaps beyond.
Nixon ended the war in
years writing serious books about govern-
Today 44 percent of Americans call
Vietnam. Just as fast as he could, with re-
ment and foreign policy.
themselves Republicans, compared to 45
gard for the honor of the United States, he
Look at the publishing record. He has
percent who are Democrats. The shift to-
disentangled us from
written seven books:
ward the Republican side continues.
that tragic war in
"RN" (1978), "The
Among young adults, those 18 to 29 years
which we sank deeper
The time is long overdue to
Real War" (1980),
old, 45 percent now consider themselves
and deeper under
"Leaders"
(1982),
Republicans; only 42 percent say they are
presidents Kennedy
apply the same standards to
"Real Peace" (1984),
"No More Vietnams"
Democrats.
and Johnson, the war
the presidency of Mr. Nixon
Many others have contributed toward
that killed 47,319
that we would apply to other
(1985), "1999: Vic-
this sea change in American politics, nota-
young American men
tory Without War"
bly Ronald Reagan, but it was Richard
and women.
past presidents. We should
(1988), and his forth-
Nixon who first turned the ideology of lib-
Nixon ended the
ask if he ensured our national
coming "In the
military
draft,
Arena: A Memoir of
ertarian-conservativism into political
personally
driving
security, moved US closer to
Victory, Defeat, and
power.
And the Democrats have never forgiven
through the legisla-
peace, away from the
Renewal" (1990).
tion that established
prospect of nuclear war, if he
Nixon's
him for this.
pub-
the all-volunteer
increased our economic
lishing record would
IXON alone was the mastermind
armed force, over the
be envied by any
N
objections not only of
prosperity.
of the 1968 presidential campaign.
political science pro-
many Democrats, but
fessor at Stanford or
He conceived the overall strategy,
of his own top staff,
Harvard.
he recruited the key staff that worked with
him, he plotted the tactics and made every
including Secretary of Defense Melvin
Richard Nixon is now America's pre-
major campaign decision. There was no
Laird and National Security Adviser
mier foreign policy intellectual, his advice
kingmaker behind Nixon. He had the ser-
Kissinger.
sought by presidents and heads of state
vices of some of the best and brightest
Nixon began serious negotiations with
throughout the world. And he did it the
politicians and policy advisers, but they did
the Soviet Union on the control of nuclear
old fashioned way - without a PhD and
not call the shots - Nixon did.
ballistic missiles, culminating with the first
without a ghostwriter.
When Nixon won in 1968 he did some-
major treaty of this kind, the SALT treaty
One of Nixon's favorite presidents was
of 1972.
Theodore Roosevelt, who said in a 1919
thing far beyond winning the presidency
for four years. He brought into the na-
That treaty began the slow tortuous
speech: "It is not the critic who counts; not
tional government hundreds of people
process that resulted in the beginnings of
the man who points out how the strong
who still dominate the national politics of
bilateral nuclear disarmament with the in-
man stumbles, or where the doer of deeds
America to this very day, many of the same
termediate-range nuclear forces (INF)
could have done them better. The credit
men and women who later helped elect
treaty signed in 1987, and the prospects of
belongs to the man who is actually in the
massive reductions in nuclear missiles un-
Reagan, and then helped him govern, and
arena, whose face is marred by dust and
der the pending START treaty.
sweat and blood; who strives valiantly; who
then did the same for George Bush.
Nixon also opened the door to China.
errs and comes short again and again; be-
Let's call a partial roll. George Shultz,
The ramifications of President Nixon's his-
cause there is not effort without error and
first appointed secretary of labor by Presi-
toric visit to communist China in 1972 are
shortcoming; but who actually strives to do
dent Nixon. Henry Kissinger, probably
immense - with the final chapters still not
the deeds."
Nixon's most famous protégé. George
written. But much of the struggle for free-
When they do the final roll call some
Bush, whom Nixon made head of the Re-
dom we see in China today is part of Nix-
day, a fair review of the balance sheet of
publican Party. Alan Greenspan, one of
on's legacy.
Mr. Nixon's deeds will mark him as one of
Nixon's key advisers in 1968. William Si-
The scandal of Watergate drove Mr.
the most important players in the revolu-
mon, brought to Washington from Wall
Nixon from office, not his politics or his
tionary sweep of military, economic, and
Street by Nixon. Richard Allen, Nixon's
policies, which had deep support in the
political events that swept the world in the
foreign policy adviser in 1968, the man
American public. The sting of scandal will
latter part of the 20th century.
who introduced Kissinger to Nixon. Don-
fade in history, his accomplishments in of-
ald Rumsfeld. Caspar Weinberger. Patrick
fice will not.
Martin Anderson is a senior fellow at the
Buchanan. William Safire. Robert Bork.
There is even doubt about the Water-
Hoover Institution at Stanford University. He
gate scandal itself. At least one recent book,
was a special assistant to President Nixon from
"Secret Agenda," written by a reporter, Jim
1969 to 1971, and a domestic-policy assistant
Hougan, makes it clear that Nixon did not
to President Reagan in 1981 and 1982.
order the break-in, that he did not even
know it was going to happen, that in fact
he may have been betrayed and set up,
and that his most serious mistake was to at-
tempt to cover up what had happened.
The full story of Watergate has yet to be
told.
Then there is what Nixon himself has
done since he was forced from office in
1974. He has been a model ex-president.
No scandal. Terrific family. He has not ex-
ploited being an ex-president by serving
on corporate boards for lots of money. He
doesn't accept money for speeches or arti-
cles he writes. He even took it upon him-
Josh rildu.
SPEECH TO THE HANNS SEIDEL CONFERENCE
ROME, APRIL 23, 1990
A quarter of a century ago, John F. Kennedy spoke of the "long
twilight struggle" of the free world against communism. That
phrase perfectly captured the fatalism shared by so many of
even the staunchest anticommunists of his day: The long
twilight would turn into night. The fight for freedom, no
matter how noble, was a losing one. History was on the side of
collectivization and tyranny.
Even today, now that the twilight has turned into a new dawn of
freedom sweeping the globe from Nicaragua to Nepal, Benin to
Bulgaria, many of the old habits of mind are hard to shake.
I was asked to speak on human rights as the foundation of
democratic government, and the first point I'd like to make is
how enormously attractive these ideas -- democracy and human
rights -- are throughout the world. This may seem a truism
today, but it was not so obvious just a short while ago, and
many are still having trouble catching on.
Not long ago, the argument was made that many , particularly in
the developing world, could not afford democracy, that they
must surrender their rights for the promise of planned,
centrally-controlled development. The fact that this Hobson's
2
choice, though made in the name of the people, was never
submitted to them for a referendum, never seemed to bother the
experts; they were confident that they knew what "the people"
wanted without asking. They even invented a new concept to
justify State ownership and the abridgment of individual
liberty in the name of development. They called it "economic
rights," and despite the abject failure of the socialist model
around the globe, "economic rights" still occupied its
prominent place on the agenda of this year's agenda of the
United Nations Human Rights Commission.
It is not just at the UN that they're having trouble catching
up with the times. I remember before the first, partly free
elections to the Supreme Soviet, we were told that the people
of the Soviet Union were really very "conservative," which in
this context meant Stalinist; that they preferred the status
quo -- described as ["you pretend to work, and we'll pretend to
pay you"] to the unsettling consequences of glasnost and
perestroika. In fact, even communist candidates running
unopposed lost because over 50 percent of the voters exercised
their new right of franchise by simply crossing their names off
the ballots -- disproving that old campaign adage that you
can't beat somebody with nobody, provided, of course, that the
somebody is a communist.
Then there was Nicaragua, the last best hope of the romantic
revolutionaries, the "Sandinistas," all those who wanted to
3
give communism one more chance. All the major newspapers and
networks in my country announced an inevitable Sandinista
victory several days before the vote. It was, they said,
further evidence of the bankruptcy of our administration's
policy; and proof, one suspects, to those who SO desperately
carved it, that communism still had some shred of legitimacy in
its appeal to "the masses." Of course, Violeta Chamorro and
forces of democratic change were voted in by a landslide.
So today, only one revolutionary redoubt remains in the Western
Hemisphere. Like Ceaucescu upon his lonely balcony, shaking
his head in anger and bewilderment at the unaccustomed chorus
of boos arising from the crowd, Castro makes a final stand upon
his prison island, railing against his increasing isolation and
the desertion of his erstwhile allies. One wonders: as he
goes about his feverish speaking schedule --- almost a speech a
day, it seems -- does he sometimes think he hears heckling
beginning to rise up at the back of the crowd?
The dictators must all be sleeping uneasily in this democratic
dawn
After Nicaragua, came the vote in East Germany. How long had
we been told that the one successfully socialist country in
Eastern Europe was the GDR, and that the population there was
more interested in keeping the cradle to grave guarantees of
the welfare state than they were in democracy of freedom.
That, to them, sustenance was preferable to human rights.
4
I don't need to tell this audience, or this forum, how that
election turned out.
Perhaps in the grand contest of ideologies -- between those who
believed, as Whittaker Chambers said, in a deterministic fate,
and those who believed in faith --- perhaps in this grand
contest it was too easily forgotten that it all very quickly
comes down to the individual, and very human level. I
remember, for me, the most evocative statement of the last
year, was by a woman -- I don't think here name was even
reported --- interviewed on the street in East Berlin: "I am
forty year old," she said, "and the communists have wasted half
of my life."
There is a Soviet joke that, with an irony cultivated over 70
years of socialist realism speaks to that human reality: "Who
invented communism," it is asked, "scientists or politicians?"
And the answer comes back: "Politicians, or course, scientists
would have tried it out on mice first."
As a veteran on the staff of two presidential campaigns, and a
statesman of only recent vintage, I have written my share of
campaign slogans; but the best I have ever heard is one I
believe should become the motto of the world-wide democratic
movement. I think you may recognize it. Based on Conrad
Adenauer's 1949 campaign, it was the CDU's ((check)) rallying
cry -- "No more socialist experiments."
5
But as people around the world discard the ideological
experiments that have plagued our century and begin their
efforts to fashion just and free societies, they will find new,
or should we say old, age-old evils to contend with. I am
thinking particularly of the enduring ethnic, regional and
nationalistic animosities that half a century of totalitarian
rule have done nothing to ameliorate. In fact, I would argue
that systems based on group hatred, whether those groups are
defined by class or by race, can only have deepened the
problem. For whatever else democracy is, it is also a form of
civic education. It teaches tolerance of opposition and the
( )
peaceful resolution of conflict; it embraces difference and
unites it in common purpose.
The unfortunate conflicts between Hungarians and Romanians in
Transylvania, Azeris and Armenians, ethnic Albanians and Serbs
in Kosovo, to name just a few, suggest that the need for this
democratic, civic education and the institutionalization of
human rights are pressing. It is our belief that the CSCE
process, set up by the Helsinki accords, is the natural one to
pursue these goals. The days of ideological debate are over
and democracy has won the day; the time has come when all the
35 nations of the CSCE can talk together about the
practicalities of implementation.
We will find, however, that democracy, while necessary, is not,
in itself, sufficient. It must be buttressed by the rule of
law, and an independent judiciary that interprets that law,
providing some objective and constant measure, separate from
the vortex of politics, that define and protect the rights of
the individual. ] The U.S. Bureau of Human Rights, under the
direction of Assistant Secretary Richard Schifter, has in fact,
engaged the Soviets on a broad range of rule of law projects --
something I would be glad to discuss in more detail during the
question and answer period.
I would say that there is another element, just as essential,
to the protection and maintenance of our freedoms, one I fear
is getting too little attention. I call it the forgotten human
right. Even in my own country, it has too often suffered
neglect, even abuse, despite the explicit guarantees of our
constitution. I am talking about the right of property.
When this right is discussed these days, it is almost always in
the context of economic reform. I would argue that property
rights are not just essential for the proper functioning of
markets, they are the foundation upon which all our other civil
liberties rest
the most secure footing of individual liberty
in the shifting sands of political fashion.
Without property
rights, our other liberties will be always anxious and insecure.
5
But property is not just a utilitarian right, it is a good in
itself, for it is the economic realm that absorbs most of most
men's time, if not their spirit, where they labor to provide
for their families and improve the material qualities of their
lives.
Will they labor as free men, or indentured servants to
the State?
George Washington, the first President of the United States,
spoke to precisely this issue in his first inaugural address
two centuries ago. There is an economy -- an organic balance
---- in the course of nature, he said, whereby virtue and
prosperity are aligned.
Virtue and prosperity are aligned. This is no simple, puritan
notion that what is "good" is also "good for you. It is a
repudiation of "the hidden hand," the idea that free markets,
based upon avarice on the individual level, are miraculously
transformed into a good on the societal level. It is a
reaffirmation of the wholeness of God's creation; that, just as
God does not play dice with the universe, neither is He an
ironist. We will know a tree by its fruit, He said. Good does
not grow from evil, nor virtue from vice. Certainly some are
motivated by greed; but how many more are motivated by other
impulses, to provide for their families, to improve themselves,
to provide a better service, to imagine and create something
new.
How free can you call yourself if the economically all-powerful
State provides for your job, your income, your housing, and
your old age pension -- for what the State provides, the State
can take away. Where does your freedom lie, or what does it
benefit you, if the State educates your children, and takes
care of your old -- the way the State determines best. If the
State provides day care, and medical care -- according to the
priorities that it sets.
Is it possible to have an independent judiciary if the State
runs all the law schools, appoints all the lawyers, and pays
their salaries, all at its pleasure? How can you have a true
multi-party democracy, if the "independent" parties don;t have
an independent economic base?
What about freedom of expression. I remember sometime back,
when the Sandinistas, under intense international pressure,
lifted their censorship of the opposition paper, La Prensa.
But suddenly La Prensa found it was suffering a severe shortage
of newsprint (a shortage which for some unexplained reason
didn't affect the party newspaper, Barricada). Today, in
Bulgaria, the State paper publishes 3 million copies a day.
After a massive protest demonstration, the authorities finally
agreed to increase the allotment of newsprint to the extremely
popular opposition paper, Democratsiya, from 75,000 to 300,000
or a tenth of what they reserve for themselves. Fair, this is
not.
I
It is not an accident that free markets are also the most
efficient, because it is they that recognize the dignity of the
individual as a creative being, a molder, shaper and originator
of things, rather than a deterministic object, molded and
shaped by them.
So what is the relation of democracy and human rights?
Democracy's highest purpose is to protect that private space,
to broaden and secure the realms of private life where the true
sources of value are found -- family, faith, work, charity, the
whole list of old-fashioned virtues. Toward the beginning of
the 19th century, Alexis de Toqueville, commenting on the then
revolutionary notion of the rights of the individual, said that
this idea of human rights is "nothing but the idea of virtue
applied to the political world."
It is for that reason, I believe that democracy -- as Churchill
said, the worst government expect for all the others -- has
such a durable appeal. Why, in the words of President (of the
Volkshammer title????) Sabine Bergman-Pohl, the delicate flower
of democracy survived 50 winters. Men are not mice, to be a
subject of social, political, or economic experiments. They
are, each of them, unique souls, crafted in the image of God
and infinitely precious to Him. What you do to the least of
these, you do to Me.
TO
Men will have the dignity that is their due. There will be no
more experiments. In this week after Easter, in this time of
renewal, let us use all the reason that God granted us to build
durable, just societies that nurture that delicate flower, and
again in the words of President Sabine-Pohl "with our work, let
us bring spring to our land."
THANK YOU
04/27/1990 15:03 GENERAL COUNSEL ROOM 6895 202 647 8557
P.02
Agency for International Development
Washington, D.C. 20523
Lawyers
Office of the
John Mullen
General Counsel
January 26, 1990
GC, John E. Mullen
AID/GC
armof
647-8556
resime
A LEGAL PROJECT FOR EASTERN EUROPE
The idea of a legal project for Eastern Europe is based on the
premise that the rule of law -- open, accessible, fair, and
predictable -- is fundamental to a functioning market economy and
political democracy. Without a rule of law to govern property
rights and responsibilities and to settle disputes, capitalism
becomes economic governance by permit. Without a rule of law to
establish and protect individual rights and freedems, a free and
anarchy.
fair election can quickly become a dictatorship of the elected.
(consent):
The rule of law can be said to be the Bridge between market
economies and political democracies, the glue that holds them
together, and the discipline that permits them to work efficiently.
A. The American Experiment
compress the coust.
The United States has a great deal to offer. Chief Justice
Marshall stated in Marbury V. Madison that,
gov't.
"The government of the United States has been emphatically
termed a government of laws, and not of men. It will
certainly cease to deserve this high appellation, if the laws
furnish no remedy for the violation of vested legal right.
1 Cr. 137, 163 (1803).
Although our legal tradition is common law not civil law as is the
case throughout Europe including Eastern Europe, the American
experience is particularly relevant to the (conomic and political
winds currently blowing there. Dean Pound quotes a "foreign
observer" as saying about our legal tradition that its
distinguishing marks are "unlimited valuation of individual
liberty
and respect for individual property.
Nothing could be more
relevant to countries with the twin goals of building democracy
and
market-based economies.
Obviously the U.S. experience is but one that the Eastern
European nations will want to consider. At the most basic level,
the American concept of combining a written constitution that is
'Pound, "The Spirit of the Common Law", Marshall Jones Co., 13
(1921).
04/27/1990 15:04 GENERAL COUNSEL ROOM 6895 202 647 8557
P.03
2
the sole source of individual rights and liberties,² a federal
system with powers distributed between states and the federal
government, and federal powers separated among three independent
branches to check and balance each other, is unique in the world.
A prominent feature of our separated powers, the "American
development of the common law doctrine of supremacy of law, in our
characteristic institution of judicial power over unconstitutional
legislation". is a concept not shared fully by other common law
countries and at times in our history even has been attacked as
undemocratic because it undercuts popular responsibility.
Nevertheless, "Since World War II, while Americans have continued
to agonize over the justifiability of judicial review, more and
more other nations have looked to courts to enforce constitutional
norms Judicial review has become especially important in Germany
and Italy. Above all, however, the unquestioned success and
longevity of the American experiment in both creating wealth and
protecting property rights and individual liberties make it a model
that should be understood in its fullest dimensions by the people
and leaders of Eastern Europe.
B. The Establishment of a Democratic Rulelof Law; The Common Law
V. Civil Law
Moving from a highly centralized, attocratic system to a
popularly elected democractic system that respects individual and
property rights is an extremely complicated process. It involves
the kind of fundamental decisions the foregoing discussion implies
about constitutions, judicial review and federalism. Many western
states have undergone this process in modern times, especially
since World War II, and most have created hybrid systems that
establishment of constitutional courts to provide judicial review The
themselves can provide guidance to East Europeans.
in parliamentary systems is an important example.
But whether in modern times or in the periods in which the
great western systems of law were established, the movement to a
rule of law invariably has accompanied and nurtured the unification
and welding of nations. This occurred in England as the common law
?The question of whether the constitution is the sole source
has been debated. It involves the issue of substantive due process
and arguments sounding in concepts of natural law.
³Pound at 3.
"see Thayer, "The Origin and Scope of the American Doctrine of
Constitutional Law, 7 Harv. L. Rev. 129 (1893), 1 Selected Essays
503 (1938), and Commager, Majority Rule and Minority Rights (1943).
"Gunther, "Cases and Materials on Constitutional Law."
Foundation Press, 25 (10th Ed. 1980).
04/27/1990 15:05 GENERAL COUNSEL ROOM 6895 202 647 8557
P.04
3
evolved from the 14th Century onward, in France in the period
surrounding the adoption of the Code Napplean in 1804, and in
Germany at the time of adoption of the Burgerliches Gesetzbuch
(Civil Code) in 1896. In America, not only was the establishment
of the rule of law in the constitutional process the bedrock
foundation of nationhood, it continued to be the cohesive element
in American society and the American political process. As Chief
Justice Taney commented on the role of the judiciary:
"This judicial power was justly regarded as indispensable, not
merely to maintain the supremacy of the laws of the United
States, but also to guard the States from any encroachment
upon their reserved rights by the general government
....
So long ... as this Constitution shall endure, this tribunal
must exist with it, deciding in the peaceful forms of judicial
proceeding, the angry and irritating controversies between
sovereignties, which in other countries have been determined
by the arbitrament of force. 7
The move to a democratic rule of law also involves a process
of choice among the variations of common law and civil law systems
that have evolved in the West over time. The civil law concept,
derived from Roman law, is that of a closed system of rules in the
form of codes which judges may apply only is a mechanical fashion.
The strength of the common law is in its treatment of concrete
controversies, with judicial law-making through the decision of
particular cases. The strength of the civil law is in its logical
development of abstract conceptions.⁸
In practice, the systems merge to a substantial degree.
Modern common law systems also have statutory law and codes in
great abundance,' especially in fields relating to the efficient
⁶schlesinger, "Comparative Law", Foundation Press, 168-71 (2nd
Ed. 1959). "In his 'History of the English Speaking Peoples',
Winston Churchill again and again drives home an important point:
the focal role which the common law played in the process by which
England was welded into a nation.' Id. at 179.
Ableman v. Booth, 21 How. 506, 520-21 (1859).
"see Pound at 2.
However, " the very meaning of the word 'code' depends
on whether it is used by civilians or by lawyers brought up in the
common law tradition. In the eyes of the latter, a code is
supplemental to the unwritten law, and in construing its provisions
and filling its gaps, resort must be had to the common law. To the
civilain, a code is a comprehensive
statement of the law.
In its interpretation, the court is always conscious of the
interrelation of all the provisions contained in the whole code,
04/27/1990 15:05 GENERAL COUNSEL ROOM 6895 202 647 8557
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4
functioning of a market economy such as commercial law,
corporations, securities and antitrust law. Judges in both systems
interpret the codes and even in civil law countries their decisions
along with scholarly interpretation in effect create law. What we
presume the Eastern European countries will want to do is consider
the basic strengths of the many extant western legal systems, first
in terms of how well they promote and protect liberty and property
and then in terms of how well they permit and facilitate economic
growth. As noted above, this will be a complex undertaking that
goes far beyond whether the system is common law or civil law
based. It will require consideration of how much power they are
willing to entrust to government, how impatient they are to install
a modern legislated system, and the extent to which they wish to
commit power and decision-making to administrative bodies which
proceed extrajudicially. It also will require the most sensitive
consideration of history and demographics and how a foreign code or
system will work within the history and customs of the country
considering it.
When this framework thinking has been done, the East Europeans
then will be able to consider the many successful market economy
and democracy models. Japan, Germany and France, all civil law
countries, are, like the United States, Britain, Canada and
Australia, all capitalistic and all successful. They also are very
different in their approach to regulation, taxation, and the
relationship of the public and private sectors. The United States
can and should help in this sifting and winnowing process. As is
discussed in the following section, a law reform project may be the
appropriate approach for that aspect of the establishment of the
rule of law. As also is discussed in the following section, the
issue involves institutions as well as laws.
C. The Role of the United States in Establishing a Rule of Law in
Eastern Europe; the Role of Lawyers, the Legal Profession, and
an A.I.D. Legal Project
If A.I.D. truly believes that its mission is development,
growth, political pluralism, and economic and political stability,
there can be no more important investment than an endeavor to
assist the countries of Eastern Europe in their quest for a form of
government and rule of law that permits free markets and individual
freedom to flourish. It would be folly to attempt to transplant
the American system in whole or in part; it would be greater folly
to fail to provide them the opportunity to understand and learn
and indeed in the entire code system.
The
intention
of
the
legislator, where it can be ascertained, will not be disregarded.
Primarily, however, code construction is grammatical, logical and
teleological; in any event, it is free from historical
reminiscences reaching back into the period prior to the
preparation of the code." Schlesinger at 177-78.
04/27/1990 15:06 GENERAL COUNSEL ROOM 6895 202 647 8557
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5
from our experience.
This does not mean simply support for elections or efforts to
ensure that their laws governing joint ventures are congenial to
American investment, however valuable such efforts may be.
Elections alone do not create democracies The establishment of a
democratic system is not a surface undertaking but one of the
greatest seriousness and profundity. The process of American
constitutional development was led by men of learning, wisdom, and
great depth. It involved debate on the highest theoretical and
most practical levels, among men trained in law or familiar with
legal theory; men familiar with Aristotle, Nontesquieu, and Locke,
as well as the already centuries old system of British common and
constitutional law, Roman Law, the Renaissance, and the
Reformation. To the extent that A.I.D. can facilitate the
availability of American constitutional and comparative legal
scholars to the leaders of Eastern Europe, It will pay far greater
dividends than exposure to current American methods of campaigning
and conducting elections.
But however wise the selection and establishment of forms and
systems of government and legal processes, it will fail if not well
implemented. The choice of legislative and executive forms is an
integral part of the establishment of the rule of law because those
institutions create and carry out law. Wisdom and competence among
the practioners in legislative and executive branches is essential
if an open, accessible, fair, and predictible rule of law is to
flourish. Training in these areas may be an important contribution
that legal and other experts from the United States can make.
Apart from the fundamental process of establishing the forms
and systems of government, a process in which those trained in law
must participate, the concept of a legal project relates most
directly to the judicial branch of government, the legal
profession, and the process of law revision and reform. An
efficiently functioning rule of law presumes a system of laws
relevent to the modern world, that comprehend the technology and
communications capabilities of the 1990s and how they relate to
personal freedoms and competitiveness in a global economy. A law
reform project, perhaps institutionalized in the form of a law
institute, may ultimately be what Eastern Europe needs the most.
It would permit the nations of Eastern Europe to consider
systematically the variety of approaches to corporate and
commercial law, taxation, trade, securities, antitrust,
environmental, civil rights and criminal law that the West has to
offer. In all probability, a survey of what now exists would be
the first step. Pre-World War II laws may remain in effect.
Modification rather than replacement night be in order.
Consideration would have to be given to the benefits of a regional
law reform or harmonization process given the multi-national nature
of modern business and economic relationships.
04/27/1990 15:07 GENERAL COUNSEL ROOM 6895 202 647 8557
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6
Many other interventions to assist the legal infrastructure or
the quality of the bar also might be possible and helpful. An
efficiently fuctioning rule of law presumes a working court
structure, accessibility to statutory and decisional law in
libraries and other repositories, a skilled and independent bar,
legal education and training, and broad accessibility to legal
representation. A working court structure may require attention to
the physical condition of the courts, the registries and dockets,
the non-lawyer support personnel from stenorypists to para-legals,
the facilities for gathering and preserving evidence in the
criminal justice system, and whatever else permits courts to
provide speedy trials and easy access to dispute settlement.
Accessibility to law may require the refurbishing of libraries or
more basically to printing and compiling laws and decisions. The
establishment of an independent bar might require the forming of
associations, attention to the estabishment of firms or other forms
of group practice, and consideration of canons of ethics and rules
of conflict of interest. Legal education and training may require
not only exposure to modern codes and western legal thought and
systems, but also a fundamental examination of how law is taught.
The right to legal representation may require an expansion of the
legal profession as well as provision for accessibility by all
elements of society.
Although A.I.D. financing of legal projects has not been a
consistently high priority over the years, the rule of law has long
been seen as a key to development and all the foregoing elements
except the fundamental discussion of constitutional theory have
been touched on at some point in A.I.D. legal projects. On a small
scale, most of them currently are included in one of the two legal
projects being conducted in the English-speaking Caribbean islands.
Several considerations are absolutely critical. 1. The
American experience must not be forced but must be heard, in
conjunction with or apart from West Europeans and others who may be
interested in this process. 2. The American offer of assistance
must not be narrow. While help in the consideration of modern
legal codes that would facilitate the establishment of an efficient
market-oriented economy may be a high priority, a U.S. intervention
designed simply to facilitate investment would be a mistake. 3.
Because of the breadth of A.I.D. 's interest in development, it is
the appropriate U.S. agency to participate. And because we
represent the United States, it is appropriate for us to consider
participation at any or all of the levels discussed in this paper,
drawing on expertise in the many departments and agencies, such as
Commerce, interested in this process. 4. The full resources of
the diverse American academic and practicing legal profession must
be brought to bear. An organization like the American Bar
Association that comprehends all such elements could be an
appropriate implementing vehicle. 5. Time is of the essence. An
uncoordinated, ad hoc process of molding changes in law to meet
04/27/1990 15:08 GENERAL COUNSEL ROOM 6895 202 647 8557
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7
particular investments or other problems already is occurring.
Individuals and firms from throughout the world are selling or
donating their advice and other western nations and multilateral
organizations are offering advice as well
individuals in each country soon will be dominated by this ad hoc
The time of the key
process. A coordinated effort in which the American voice is heard
is paramount.
It is the consideration of all these myriad issues that A.I.D
must now address.
John E. Mullen 1/26/90
National Endowment for Democracy
293,72
ANNUAL REPORT
1989
NationalEndowment forDemocracy
1989 Annual Report
October 1,1988toSeptember30,1989
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Officers and Directors
1
Chairman's Message
3
President's Report
5
"The Democratic Revolution" Conference
9
Fiscal 1989 Programs
Africa
11
Asia
15
Europe and the Soviet Union
19
Latin America and the Caribbean
29
Multiregional
41
Fiscal 1989 Audit
43
Endowment Staff and Consultants
53
OFFICERS AND DIRECTORS
Officers
William E. Brock, Chairman
Charles T. Manatt, Vice Chairman
LeGree Daniels, Secretary
Jay Van Andel, Treasurer
Carl Gershman, President
Board of Directors
Polly Baca
Charles T. Manatt
Director, Colorado Hispanic Institute
Partner, Manatt, Phelps,
Rothenberg and Phillips
William E. Brock
Managing Partner, The Brock Group
John Richardson
Counselor, U.S. Institute of Peace
Zbigniew Brzezinski
Counselor, Center for Strategic
Olin Robison
and International Studies
President, Middlebury College
LeGree Daniels
Albert Shanker
Former Assistant Secretary of
President, American Federation of Teachers
Education for Civil Rights
Sally Shelton-Colby
Frank J. Fahrenkopf
Professor, Georgetown University
Partner, Hogan and Hartson
Charles H. Smith, Jr.
Dante B. Fascell
Chairman of the Board, SIFCO Industries, Inc.
U.S. House of Representatives
Jay Van Andel
Orrin G. Hatch
Chairman of the Board, Amway Corporation
U.S. Senate
Eddie N. Williams
Lane Kirkland
President, Joint Center for Political Studies
President, AFL-CIO
- 1 -
CHAIRMAN'S MESSAGE
T
he National Endowment for Democracy
Six months later, a Polish electrician stood before
was created in 1983 by a broad cross-
the President of the United States to receive the
section of national leaders, including
Medal of Freedom, later spoke to the Congress and
President Reagan, who felt the time was right for
the next day received what must have been the
the United States to reach out to other countries
warmest, most moving response of the decade
with renewed confidence in our democratic system
from the assembled convention of the AFL-CIO.
and values. The Endowment was designed to serve
Nothing could be greater testimony to the dedica-
these ends by harnessing mainstream U.S. institu-
tion and principled persistence of Lane Kirkland
tions- the labor movement, our two political par-
and his colleagues than this moment. Yet the
ties, the business community, as well as intellec-
presence of Lech Walesa was also testimony to the
tuals and citizen groups - in the effort to strength-
courage of unsung men and women throughout
en their counterparts in other countries.
our world who refuse to cede their humanity to the
state. They are winning almost everywhere, and
At the time of this writing, tumultuous changes are
the National Endowment for Democracy is in the
reshaping the world order which has prevailed
frontline of their efforts.
since World War II, as the forces of freedom break
down old ideologies and power structures alike.
As we watch in awe the crumbling of the Berlin
A
large measure of NED's success is at-
tributable to the bipartisan support the
Wall and all it represents in Eastern Europe, as
Endowment has received in the Con-
well as the crumbling of totalitarian regimes
gress as well as the assistance we have received
throughout the region, we need to bear in mind
from members of the U.S. Advisory Commission
that the democracy movement is fundamentally a
on Public Diplomacy and professional staff of the
worldwide phenomenon. The movement includes
U.S. Information Agency, the Agency for Interna-
many well-known activists struggling against
tional Development and the State Department. I
tyranny in repressive societies. But it also includes
would like to take this opportunity to express my
a sizable number of not-so-well-known men and
appreciation to the members of NED's Board of
women in emerging democracies dedicated to the
Directors who have dedicated their time and ex-
long-term process of building democratic institu-
perience to careful consideration of each of the
tions.
Endowment's programs. For all others as well who
have given selflessly for such a worthy cause, I
The Endowment is responding effectively to this
offer my sincere thanks.
movement with imaginative programs. After six
years of operation, we can point with pride to
As several of our May conference participants
projects in as many as 75 nations as diverse as
pointed out, there is no inevitability to the final out-
Chile, Hungary, South Africa, Pakistan, China,
come of the recent trend toward democracy. The
Czechoslovakia and Nicaragua.
consolidation of recent democratic gains will re-
quire patient work and carefully devised strat-
Last May, a remarkable group of democratic ac-
egies. The National Endowment for Democracy
tivists supported by NED gathered in the halls of
stands ready to help translate these promising
Congress to share ideas and celebrate "The
gains into long-term realities.
Democratic Revolution." This conference, spon-
sored by the Endowment, dramatized the changes
in political climate sweeping the globe by high-
lighting the breadth of the democracy movement.
It also enabled democrats from various back-
Bix Brock
grounds to share mutually educational and inspir-
ing ideas and strategies with which to help renew
their struggle back home.
William E. Brock
- 3
PRESIDENT'S REPORT
T
he resurgence of democracy that swept the
"freedom is always vulnerable and its cause never
world during the last decade reached a
safe." But they should not be allowed to obscure
stunning climax in 1989, a year of unparal-
the central reality, which is that throughout the
leled consequênce and promise. In a matter of
world millions of people are striving to establish
months, the world witnessed a rush of historic
and secure democratic systems based upon peace-
events: mass demonstrations in China and the
ful political competition, the rule of law, a free
erection of the Goddess of Democracy statue in
market economy, and respect for basic human
Tiananmen Square; an election in Poland swept by
rights. The pro-democracy demonstrations in
Solidarity and eventuating in the Soviet bloc's first
China in 1989, like the demonstrations for democ-
non-Communist government; a hero's burial for
racy in Burma the previous year, should erase any
Imre Nagy, the executed leader of the 1956 Hun-
remaining doubts about the appeal of the
garian Revolution; millions linking hands across
democratic idea in the non-Western world.
the Baltics on the fiftieth anniversary of the Hitler-
Stalin Pact; throngs rejoicing atop the Berlin Wall
The democratic revolution of the 1980s was the in-
after the East German government effectively
evitable consequence of the human rights revolu-
abolished that notorious symbol of Communist op-
tion of the 1970s. It was the latter revolution, after
pression; and the resignation of the Stalinist regime
all, that spread the view that all individuals have
in Czechoslovakia under pressure from hundreds
rights that governments must respect. This view,
of thousands of demonstrators demanding the res-
as the Chinese physicist Fang Lizhi has insisted, is
toration of democracy. These were but a few of the
the basis of democracy. Nondemocratic govern-
images that danced daily before our eyes in a year
ments that violate such rights and rule without the
that also witnessed, among many other remarkable
consent of their people lack legitimacy in the con-
events, the overthrow of the Stroessner dictator-
temporary world, a development that reflects a
ship in Paraguay, the Ceausescu dictatorship in
revolution in human consciousness. The most tell-
Romania and the Noriega dictatorship in Panama,
ing evidence for this is the fact that Marxism-
the most open election in the history of the Soviet
Leninism, the last remaining ideological alternative
Union, the peaceful demise of the Pinochet dictator-
to liberal democracy, is today utterly discredited.
ship in Chile, the holding of free elections in
Namibia, a legal opposition contesting elections for
The democratic revolution may also be understood
the first time in Taiwan, and the peaceful transfer
as the product of long-term historical forces. Alexis
of power following sharply contested elections in
de Tocqueville wrote Democracy in America a cen-
India and Brazil, the Third World's two largest
tury and a half ago in the belief that this revolution
democracies.
was "a providential fact" in the sense that it is "uni-
versal, it is lasting, it constantly eludes all human
To be sure, there were other, contrasting images:
interference, and all events as well as all men con-
the bloody suppression of the democracy move-
tribute to its progress." All the great events of the
ment in China; the use of poison gas against peace-
previous seven hundred years, Tocqueville wrote,
ful demonstrators in Soviet Georgia; violent
have promoted equality of condition, from the
uprisings against democratically elected govern-
Crusades and the English wars which "decimated
ments in El Salvador and the Philippines; the
the nobles and divided their possessions;" to the in-
violent disruption of opposition election rallies in
vention of firearms which equalized vassal and
Nicaragua; the bloody suppression of demonstra-
noble on the field of battle, and printing which
tions in Romania; and in El Salvador, Colombia,
spread knowledge to all classes; to the discovery of
Peru and elsewhere the murder of priests, jour-
America which opened "a thousand new paths to
nalists, politicians and peasants by terrorists and
fortune." In our own time we might add the tech-
death squads.
nological revolution, which has made the benefits
of modern consumer culture accessible to all na-
These last events reinforce Leszek Kolakowski's
tions; the communications revolution, which has
warning, issued at the Endowment's May con-
made it discernible to them as well, thereby raising
ference on "The Democratic Revolution," that
expectations throughout the world; and the revolu-
5
PRESIDENT'S REPORT
tion in world trade, which has challenged once-
institutions that parallel those we take for granted
rigid political systems to respond to the discipline
in the West, including political parties, profes-
of global markets.
sional and business associations, trade unions,
educational and media bodies, and civic organiza-
This doesn't mean that we can sit back and passive-
tions designed to bring democracy to the local
ly watch the inexorable advance of democracy. The
level. The transition may involve great hardship
gains made have been achieved at great cost in
and could be accompanied by painful levels of un-
human life and liberty. The democratic revolution
employment and inflation. It is reasonable to
always depends upon the decision of a Lech
believe, however, that the people will be sustained
Walesa to jump over a wall to join his fellow
by hope for a better future and by the conviction
workers and lead a strike; or upon the courage
that at last they are in control of their own destiny.
and persistence of an Andrei Sakharov, who has
But they must also be sustained through this dif-
been honored in death, but who was persecuted
ficult time by demonstrations of international
and driven into internal exile for calling attention
solidarity in the form of concrete technical and
to grave ills that now threaten the viability of the
material assistance.
Soviet Union.
The events in Eastern Europe mark a watershed in
I
t was only a little more than a decade ago that
the history of modern civilization, but the demo-
democracy seemed to be in retreat before a
cratic revolution is global, as is the Endowment's
wave of violent and anti-democratic revolu-
responsibility to respond as effectively as possible
tion. But now we have the peaceful, democratic
to all authentic efforts to build democratic institu-
revolution of Solidarity - the refusal to break even
tions and to strengthen democratic civic values. In
a pane of glass, as Lech Walesa said before a joint
Argentina, Brazil, Peru and elsewhere in Latin
session of Congress - and the peaceful negotiation
America the problems of debt, poverty, and vio-
of a transition to a democratic system. And we also
lence threaten to reverse some of the historic transi-
have Vaclav Havel, a quiet, self-effacing intellec-
tions of the past decade. In these countries, as well
tual, in the leadership of a mass democratic move-
as in Paraguay and Chile, which are the latest
ment, saying "We 'dissidents' are only improvised
countries to break through to transition, the need
and random spokesmen for this movement. Elec-
to support those trying to institutionalize
tions will select proper spokesmen." It is hard to
democratic practices is greater than ever. The
imagine such a revolution producing a
Robespierre, let alone a Stalin or a Pol Pot.
The democratic revolution is
The newly liberated countries of Central Europe
face the awesome challenge of managing a transi-
global, as is the Endowment's
tion from totalitarianism to democracy. Civil
responsibility to respond as
society must be rebuilt, political institutions must
be transformed, a market economy must be
effectively as possible to all
created, human initiative must be rekindled, and
authentic efforts to build
nations whose historic suspicion of one another
democratic institutions and to
was compounded by decades of totalitarian isola-
tion, must learn to live together in peace.
strengthen democratic civic
values.
The Endowment's role in this new period inevita-
bly will change. Before the recent upheavals, the
Endowment focused on supporting the develop-
Central American conflict remains unresolved,
ment of enclaves of independent civil society
though the Nicaraguan elections called for in
within existing totalitarian systems. By far the
February 1990 may hold a key to a democratic solu-
most important of these enclaves was the
tion for the region. The Chinese democratic move-
Solidarity trade union in Poland, but they also
ment, many of whose leaders are now in exile,
included independent intellectual, cultural and
continues to offer the only hope for China's future,
social initiatives such as samizdat publications,
while in the Philippines and Pakistan, among other
"flying" universities, and independent communica-
countries in Asia, fragile democratic gains must be
tions media. Today these initiatives must become
secured. Real change seems more possible in South
part of a dense fabric of viable and representative
Africa today than at any previous time, and
6
PRESIDENT'S REPORT
throughout black Africa there is a reawakened ap-
Not all were triumphant. Andrei Sakharov left
preciation of the values of political and economic
behind a draft constitution which envisioned the
pluralism. These and so many other problems and
transformation of his country into a voluntary
opportunities around the world will strain the
union of sovereign republics based on free elec-
Endowment's limited resources and challenge it to
tions and respect for the rights of all individuals
respond in a timely and imaginative fashion.
"regardless of race, nationality, sex, age or social
position." He died with his political goals unful-
In this respect, the Endowment is hopeful that its
filled and deeply troubled about his country's fu-
new Journal of Democracy, whose first issue appears
ture. But his stature and moral authority were
in January 1990, will become an important vehicle
undiminished and actually grew steadily as events
for the dissemination of democratic ideas and for
vindicated his unyielding commitment to
the development of closer cooperation and a sense
democratic values. More than any other individual
of common purpose among democratic activists in
in our time, he had brought his own country and
all regions of the world.
the world to the threshold of a new era of peace
based on reason and respect for human rights. He
II
he events of 1989 have demonstrated the
demonstrated what can be accomplished by a
extraordinary power of ideas and values
single individual devoted to the truth. In so doing,
in world affairs. In China, Czechoslovakia
he prevailed even if he didn't triumph. His in-
and elsewhere, the people took center stage, over-
fluence will continue to be felt throughout the
turning stale ideologies and authoritarian systems
world by those striving to establish democratic sys-
not in the name of some new utopia, but on behalf
tems that allow people to live together in peace
of the same democratic ideals that inspired our
and liberty.
own Founding Fathers. The heroes of this demo-
cratic resurgence were students and workers, an
electrician in Poland, a playwright in Czechoslo-
vakia, a scientist in the Soviet Union.
Carl Gushma
Carl Gershman
7
SECOND WORLD CONFERENCE
CELEBRATES DEMOCRATIC STRIDES
T
he Democratic Revolution was the theme of the Endowment's second world democratic con-
ference held May 1 and 2, 1989 in Washington, D.C. Participants from more than 40 countries
gathered to celebrate recent gains in advancing democratic ideals and to share tactics on how to
further the cause of democracy throughout the world. Conference panelists, speakers and other guests in-
cluded intellectuals, dissidents, human rights activists, journalists, and democratic notables from around
the world.
The first day of the conference was devoted to regional panel sessions exploring the quiet but sweeping
democratic changes and pressures for change taking place throughout the world. Panels focused on East-
ern Europe and the Soviet Union, Latin America and the Caribbean, Africa and Asia. Participants agreed
that the basic building blocks of democracy - - competitive elections, free expression, an independent
judiciary, and opportunity for social mobility - are accepted by activists on every continent.
The theme of the second day's panel discussion was "The Idea of Democracy." Participants were upbeat
about the worldwide swing toward democracy, but also expressed caution. There was general agreement
that while some setbacks are inevitable, the democratic revolution has acheived a momentum which will
carry it far into the future.
D
uring a special luncheon ceremony on May 2, the Endowment presented its Democracy
Awards to two individuals who have made vital contributions, both individually and as part
of larger movements, to the cause of democracy. Monica Jimenez de Barros was recognized for
her contributions to the democratic cause in Chile. As founder and director of the Crusade for Citizen Par-
ticipation she was the catalyst behind the nonpartisan civic movement that registered and mobilized mil-
lions of Chileans to participate in the plebiscite of October 5, 1988. She organized over 100,000 volunteers
throughout the country who distributed information to voters encouraging their participation in the
democratic process at a decisive moment in Chile's history. Jacek Kuron, key advisor to the Polish trade
union Solidarity, was recognized for his contributions to Solidarity's struggle and the democratic cause in
Poland. Kuron stated that Solidarity's success proves that "the assumption that totalitarianism can be
broken only from the outside since there are no internal forces capable fo breaking the system is false. Self-
organizing society can overcome totalitarianism from within." Kuron was subsequently elected Minister
of Labor in the new Solidarity-led parliament in Poland.
The conference was funded entirely by private contributions. Generous support was received from the
AFL-CIO, American Trucking Associations, Amway Corporation, The Lynde and Harry Bradley Founda-
tion, Mr. Marshall Coyne, William H. Donner Foundation, The Joyce Foundation, Robert Krieble
Associates, John M. Olin Foundation, Sarah Scaife Foundation, and SIFCO Industries.
Complete conference proceedings have been published in a book which is available by contacting the
Endowment's public information office.
-9-
AFRICA
Botswana
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE ENTERPRISE (CIPE), to assist the Botswana Confedera-
tion of Commerce, Industry and Manpower (BOCCIM) in its efforts to strengthen and unite the business
community's support of Botswana's market-oriented economy through the creation of a national business
network. Support is provided for the expansion and reorganization of BOCCIM's secretariat and the crea-
tion of four regional offices which offer scholarships, technical assistance and training at the local level.
$120,900
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NDI), to support a
study of the 1989 election campaign by the University of Botswana's Democracy Project. A final report
analyzing Botswana's caucus form of primaries and the results of the multi-party general election for par-
liament and district councils is being prepared by Democracy Project staff and will be distributed
throughout the United States and southern Africa.
$ 42,745
Cote d'Ivoire
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to assist the African-American Labor Center in providing
direct assistance to the trade union movement of Cote d'Ivoire. Funds are used for labor education
programs which reinforce the democratic elements in the labor federation and promote the development
of a democratic and representative federation.
$35,000
Mozambique
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to allow the African-American Labor Center to bring trade
unionists from Mozambique to the United States for training in the basics of democratic trade unionism.
The program focuses on the role of unions in a democratic society and the skills they need to play that
role.
$ 70,275
Namibia
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NDI), for a two-part
project aimed at supporting free and fair elections and encouraging democratic pluralism through voter
education and election monitoring. NDI's grant to the Namibia Peace Plan and Contact Group allowed it
to conduct mass voter education programs prior to the November 1989 elections and establish an inde-
pendent election-monitoring system. A series of workshops and seminars was conducted by political
activists to encourage voter participation.
$144,480
- 11 -
AFRICA
Nigeria
THE AFRICAN-AMERICAN INSTITUTE, to enable the Nigerian Association of University Women
(NAUW) to hold a three-day training workshop aimed at increasing the participation of women in
Nigeria's transition to democracy. The workshop will provide training by democratic theoreticians and
activists for two to three women from each of Nigeria's twenty-one states, to be followed up by the
NAUW's Voter Education Network. Lectures, group discussions and practical sessions will focus on
topics such as democratic systems of government, leadership, policy making, political mobilization, and
organization building.
$ 27,500
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to enable the African-American Labor Center to provide
direct assistance to the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), the trade union movement of Nigeria. The funds
are used for education programs for affiliated unions.
$ 33,000
Sierra Leone
JOINT CENTER FOR POLITICAL STUDIES, INC., for support to the Sierra Leonean newspaper For Di
People, for the purchase of a printing press, a plate burner, ink and paper, which will enable it to regular-
ize its bi-weekly publication. Founded in 1983 and based in Freetown, For Di People is the most indepen-
dent news source in Sierra Leone and a vigorous opponent of human rights abuses and official corruption.
$ 38,500
South Africa
Funding of the following programs was made possible by a grant from the U.S. Agency for International Development:
CENTER FOR FOREIGN POLICY OPTIONS, a California-based nonprofit organization, and the Afro-
Asian Institute of Histadrut in Israel, to continue their community development program for black South
Africans. Twenty community leaders, recruited from a cross section of institutions in the black com-
munity and from trade unions throughout South Africa, will travel to Israel for each of two month-long
training programs. The program focuses on the role of community institutions in building democracy,
allowing each participant to design projects which apply general principles to the specific conditions
of their separate organizations in South Africa.
$200,000
UNITED STATES-SOUTH AFRICA LEADER EXCHANGE PROGRAM, to allow Lamla, an inter-
racial, inter-denominational conciliation and mediation group in the Western Cape of South Africa to sup-
port a wide range of training and mediation activities, including technical support to community or-
ganizations, training for field workers, and establishment of a community center. Lamla's grassroots
program attempts to instill a sense of democratic values and community responsibility through
workshops, small projects, counseling and group interaction.
$ 25,000
UNITED STATES-SOUTH AFRICA LEADER EXCHANGE PROGRAM, to support the Community
Leadership Training Program (CLTP) conducted in cooperation with the privately-funded Centre for Con-
tinuing Education of the University of the Witswatersrand in Johannesburg, South Africa. The nine-
month program consists of courses in leadership and organizational development, communications
systems and structures, financial control and budgeting, project development, management and design,
and social analysis.
$ 50,000
- -12-
AFRICA
Sudan
JOINT CENTER FOR POLITICAL STUDIES, INC., to publish a weekly newsletter produced by the
editor of the Sudan Times newspaper which was banned after the military coup of June 1989. The newslet-
ter serves as an English-language forum for discussion of issues such as the conflict in the south, national
reconciliation, democracy, famine and economic reform. Until the press is again free in Sudan, the
newsletter will be published in England with information from sources inside Sudan and will be circu-
lated free of charge to former subscribers of the Sudan Times.
$ 44,000
Regional
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE ENTERPRISE (CIPE), to assist the Kenya National Cham-
ber of Commerce and Industry in initiating a collaborative project involving government and the busi-
ness sectors of five African countries: Kenya, Botswana, Mauritius, Tanzania and Zimbabwe. Represen-
tatives from the five countries will define the private sector's role in structural adjustment and economic
reform and set the agenda for reform by developing specific structural adjustment programs. Support
will enable the Kenya National Chamber of Commerce and Industry to establish a secretariat to staff the
project in Africa.
$150,000
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to enable the African-American Labor Center to provide as-
sistance to three African regional organizations and the pan-African trade union organization in develop-
ing solutions to the serious political and economic problems facing workers on the continent. The
Southern Africa Trade Union Coordinating Council (SATUCC) produces documents and statistical re-
search on trends in the region. The Organization of Trade Unions of West Africa (OTUWA) provides as-
sistance to member federations, particularly the federation in Benin. The Organization of Central African
Workers (OTAC) works on behalf of trade union unity in Chad and strengthens ties among its member
countries. The African-American Labor Center will assist the Organization of African Trade Union Unity
(OATUU) to continue its program in support of working women in its affiliated organizations.
$123,725
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to enable the African-American Labor Center to assist the
Force Ouvriere, the democratic trade union federation in France, which conducts trade union education
in Francophone Africa. The program exposes French-speaking unionists to democratic trade union values.
$ 50,000
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to allow the African-American Labor Center to support the
regional office staff in Abidjan, Cote d'Ivoire in carrying out assistance programs to the Organization of
Trade Unions of West Africa (OTUWA) and the Organization of African Trade Union Unity (OATUU).
Direct assistance to Anglophone and Francophone countries in the region and cooperative programs with
the Force Ouvriere are also provided. The regional office staff in Abidjan will implement and evaluate
program activities in Cote d'Ivoire and Nigeria.
$193,943
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to assist the African-American Labor Center in conducting
two trade union leadership seminars in the United States for senior African unionists and to continue to
develop model course materials to be used in worker education programs in Africa. The leadership semi-
nar focuses on enhancing the skills of African trade union leaders in areas such as adult education, labor
economics, collective bargaining, and financial management.
$180,000
- 13
ASIA
Afghanistan
AFGHANISTAN RELIEF COMMITTEE, to continue support for two Pakistan-based Afghan publishing
organizations, the Writers Union of Free Afghanistan (WUFA) and the Afghan Information Center (AIC).
WUFA, a nonpartisan group of Afghan intellectuals, publishes a quarterly journal KHPALWAKI
(Freedom), as well as translations of books and articles by foreign authors about the Soviet system for dis-
tribution in Afghanistan. AIC publishes a monthly English-language bulletin which has become a reliable
and vital source of information for the Western media on events in Afghanistan.
$ 45,000
AMERICAN FRIENDS OF AFGHANISTAN, to support the formation of a Lawyers Association of Free
Afghanistan (LAFA) based in Peshawar, Pakistan, committed to the rule of law and pluralist democracy,
respect for human rights and a central role for the private sector in the rebuilding of Afghanistan. Among
LAFA's activities will be codifying Afghan laws, drafting a new constitution, monitoring human rights
violations in Afghanistan and promoting human rights.
$ 25,000
AMERICAN FRIENDS OF AFGHANISTAN, to enable the Cultural Council of the Afghan Resistance,
based in Islamabad, Pakistan, to establish an independent, nongovernmental Afghan Institute for Policy
Studies. The Institute will stimulate and focus Afghan discussion and debate on major public policy
issues related to the political reconstruction of Afghanistan and, in the process, encourage the develop-
ment of a more free, open and pluralistic Afghan society.
$ 66,000
INTERNATIONAL RESCUE COMMITTEE, to support the establishment of a nonpartisan Afghan
Women's Center in Peshawar, Pakistan where Afghan women can be trained in health, education, social
services and development work.
$ 14,100
Bangladesh
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NDI), to send a delega-
tion to observe the local elections in Bangladesh and develop a program to encourage participation in the
democratic electoral process. Four experts will observe the local elections in March 1990, assessing the ad-
ministration of the electoral process and determining whether Bengali parties would be interested in
working with NDI to develop national democratic electoral systems.
$ 22,200
Cambodia
THE CAMBODIAN DOCUMENTATION COMMISSION, to prepare and publish a plan to establish
an indigenous human rights monitoring program in Cambodia and to train Cambodians as human rights
specialists, teachers, and organizers. The Commission, a New York-based organization of Cambodians,
specialists on Cambodia, human rights advocates, and legal scholars, will publish the plan in English and
Khmer for distribution to Cambodian and international human rights groups.
$ 37,000
- 15 -
ASIA
India
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE ENTERPRISE (CIPE), to assist the Association of Women
Entrepreneurs of Karnataka (AWAKE). Established in India in 1983 by a handful of successful women
entrepreneurs, AWAKE is developing a resource center and policy research program to assist other
women entrepreneurs. Support will enable AWAKE to improve, expand and promote its training and
information programs and change the policy environment with respect to the opportunities for women
in business.
$33,120
THE JAMES F. BYRNES INTERNATIONAL CENTER, University of South Carolina, to enable the
Leslie Sawhny Programme of Bombay, India to continue its training programs in participatory demo-
cracy. Founded in 1968, this nonpartisan organization conducts training in citizenship, political organiza-
tion and the principles of democracy for current and potential leaders in Indian civic and political life.
$ 41,500
Korea
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to assist the Federation of Korean Trade Unions (FKTU) and
its affiliated unions in increasing their ability to influence government policies. The Federation sponsors
programs which disseminate its views on labor law reform and legitimize the participation of unions in
the political process.
$ 66,000
Pakistan
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE ENTERPRISE (CIPE), to organize a South Asian Regional
Conference on Micro-enterprise and the Informal Sector which was held in Pakistan in December 1989.
The goal of the conference was to profile the informal sector phenomenon in specific Asian nations and to
prescribe steps necessary to liberate this sector's entrepreneurial energy.
$ 87,450
The People's Republic of China
CHINA PERSPECTIVE, INC., to continue publication of The Chinese Intellectual (TCI) and to provide sup-
port for Chinese students in the West. Launched with Endowment support in FY 1984, TCI is a Chinese-
language quarterly journal dedicated to promoting open discussion of democratic values, institutions and
issues important to the future of China. Originally targeted at students from the mainland studying in the
West, the journal moved its editorial offices from New York to Beijing in 1988 and began distribution in
China. At the same time it opened a center in Beijing that hosted discussions on democracy in China. In
the wake of the tragic events of June 3-4, 1989 in Tiananmen Square, the editorial offices have been moved
back to New York and China Perspective has begun providing support for Chinese students in the West
who are currently unable, for political reasons, to return to China.
$222,000
INTERNATIONAL FUND FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF TIBET, to establish an independent Center
for Regional Development in Tibet, to be located in the Tibetan Autonomous Region, China. The Center
will link Tibetan reformers with the democratic world, encourage greater Tibetan participation in the
- 16
ASIA
development of a market economy and in the political process, provide a forum for Tibetan intellectuals
to express themselves and learn about Western thought and promote Tibetan-Chinese dialogue on issues
affecting Tibet's future.
$ 25,000
The Philippines
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE ENTERPRISE (CIPE), to assist the Center for Research
and Communication (CRC), which will conduct a program of case studies and seminars designed to
encourage new strategies for economic growth throughout the Philippine provinces.
$29,030
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to assist democratic unions under the umbrella of the Trade
Union Congress of the Philippines (TUCP) in becoming the preeminent representatives of Filipino
workers. This assistance helps the TUCP and its affiliates increase their ability to recruit members and en-
hance their capability to communicate with workers and the public at large. In addition, it helps build self-
sufficient unions by educating members on the importance of dues collection and by reaching out to
independent unions and other democratic groups, including those representing women and youth.
$512,820
FRIENDS OF NAMFREL OF AMERICA FOUNDATION, to enable Kabatid, a nonpartisan Philippine
women's organization, to organize a three-day international conference on democratic cultures of Asia
for the region's key women civic leaders.
$ 12,500
FRIENDS OF NAMFREL IN AMERICA FOUNDATION, to enable Kabatid to organize new regional
chapters and continue its civic education program to disseminate information, provide training in
grassroots leadership skills and democratic values and promote good government.
$55,000
Taiwan
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NDI), to send a delega-
tion of four election and country experts to the Republic of China on Taiwan to assess the prospects for
free and fair parliamentary elections. The delegation will review administrative procedures and discuss
the political climate with political party representatives and governmental and nongovernmental staff
who have a role in the electoral process.
$ 52,824
Turkey
AMERICAN FRIENDS OF TURKEY FOUNDATION, to enable the FORUM Corporation of Ankara,
Turkey to continue its efforts to strengthen the understanding and practice of democracy in Turkey and
to project the Turkish democratic experience to other parts of the Islamic world. FORUM's Turkish-
language periodical, Yeni Forum, features articles on domestic and international politics, political and
economic theory and development, and art, literature, and cultural affairs. FORUM also publishes works
on democracy, economics and international affairs, and translations of Western writings and samizdat
from communist countries.
$ 50,000
- - 17 -
ASIA
Vietnam
INSTITUTE FOR DEMOCRACY IN VIETNAM, to publish and distribute within Vietnam the magazine
Vietnam Moi? (A New Vietnam?), a Vietnamese-language publication reporting on Vietnamese politics and
culture, as well as developments in other communist countries and the West. The Institute, based in
Washington, D.C., also publishes for distribution in Vietnam works by Vietnamese authors which cannot
be published there. Established in 1987, the Institute is a nonprofit organization seeking to provide the
Vietnamese people with accurate information on issues and events taking place in their country and
around the world.
$ 40,000
QUE ME, for continued publication and circulation within Vietnam of the monthly Vietnamese-language
journal, Que Me, and books relevant to democracy in Vietnam. Published in Paris, Que Me contains arti-
cles related to the struggle for democracy and the promotion of human rights in Vietnam.
$ 35,000
Regional - Asia
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to assist trade union organizations, generally those affiliated
with the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), in countries where the AFL-CIO's
Asian American Free Labor Institute (AAFLI) does not have a permanent representative, such as Cyprus,
Lebanon, Pakistan and Taiwan. Support includes funding for forums on national issues, seminars and in-
dividual study tours on labor law, industrial relations, membership services and leadership skills. The
program also provides support to the Asean Trade Union Council (ATUC).
$150,000
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to enable AFL-CIO affiliates to develop relationships with
unions whose members work in related industries or occupations in Asia, the Middle East and the South
Pacific. Programs focus on activities that have a direct impact on trade union rights in Asia, though in
some instances more traditional technical assistance is provided. Among the unions receiving support are
those that organize health workers in the Philippines and public sector workers in the South Pacific.
$ 60,000
Regional - South Pacific
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to assist new trade union movements in the developing
countries of the South Pacific in becoming more effective organizations. Programs help unions develop
administrative procedures, recruit new members and learn how to formulate policy positions on national
issues as well as on employer-employee relations.
$274,638
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EUROPE AND THE SOVIET UNION
Czechoslovakia
CHARTA SEVENTY-SEVEN FOUNDATION of Stockholm, Sweden, to continue and expand its pro-
gram of technical assistance to independent intellectual and cultural groups in Czechoslovakia. The Foun-
dation is named after the movement established in Prague in 1977 demanding that the Czechoslovak
government respect the basic human rights guaranteed in the country's constitution and reaffirmed in the
Helsinki Accords. A conference on Central European political culture sponsored by the foundation in
Novemeber 1989 in Wroclaw, Poland had a significant impact on the revolutionary events which shortly
followed in Czechoslovakia.
$27,500
CZECHOSLOVAK SOCIETY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES, to assist two organizations in their support
of independent publishing, cultural and scholarly activities in Czechoslovakia. The Documentation
Center for the Promotion of Independent Czechoslovak Literature in Scheinfeld, West Germany, main-
tains an archive of samizdat literature and provides assistance to independent scholars and writers in
Czechoslovakia. The Jan Hus Educational Foundation fosters contacts and communications among inde-
pendent scholars and activists in Eastern Europe and the United Kingdom.
$87,500
CZECHOSLOVAK SOCIETY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES, to provide supplemental support to the Jan
Hus Educational Foundation. Activities include exchanges of individuals and independent publications
between the countries of Eastern Europe. Assistance is also provided to the Jazz Section in Czechoslo-
vakia to help publish its bulletin.
$ 16,000
FOREIGN POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE, to assist the Jan Palach Information Research Trust, a
British-registered charity which serves educational and cultural objectives. Responding to the requests of
a range of groups and individuals in Czechoslovakia, the Trust sends books and periodicals on a regular
basis and helps samizdat publishers to publish original works and translations of foreign books which
would otherwise remain unknown in the country.
$25,500
INSTITUTE FOR DEMOCRACY IN EASTERN EUROPE, to support independent publications in
Czechoslovakia, some seeking to maintain the independent spirit of Czech and Slovak cultural and intel-
lectual thought, others attempting to provide timely reporting of human rights violations, discussion of
current events and social and political analysis.
$ 49,000
THE SLOVAK RESEARCH AND STUDIES CENTER, to continue publishing Nase Snahy (Our Trends), a
Slovak-language journal. Published in Elmhurst, New York and distributed in Slovakia, the bi-monthly
journal reports on political, economic and cultural issues. Founded in 1964, the periodical deals with
problems of recent Slovak history, emphasizing the need to safeguard and strengthen the interaction of
the Czech and Slovak nations in their common state, and to encourage and support democratic forces in
East Central Europe.
$ 12,000
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EUROPE AND THE SOVIET UNION
Hungary
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE ENTERPRISE (CIPE), to assist the Association of Hun-
garian Entrepreneurs (VOSZ), which was granted independent status in 1988. VOSZ seeks to educate
Hungarians about entrepreneurship and the importance of economic growth through a series of
television commercials boosting the image of private enterprise.
$25,000
FREEDOM HOUSE, to assist an association of Hungarian publishers, including AB Publishing House
and the journal Beszelo, to spread democratic ideas and strengthen the nascent civil society in Hungary.
$ 16,500
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to develop worker-oriented programs under the auspices of
two groups, the Democratic League of Independent Trade Unions (FSZDL) and the Democratic Youth
League (FIDESZ). The grant will help develop the infrastructure of FSZDL and expose Hungarian labor
leaders to Western methods of organization. It will also allow FIDESZ, which has been extensively in-
volved in worker-related issues, to purchase a computer system to publish its two-page, regularly-issued
workers' newsletter in Hungary.
$ 65,400
INSTITUTE FOR DEMOCRACY IN EASTERN EUROPE, to assist a broad range of Hungarian publica-
tions which discuss economic, social and political issues and to support the establishment of new publish-
ing initiatives.
$51,580
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NDI), for its survey
mission, "Hungary: A Possibility of Pluralism," undertaken to establish contact with the political opposi-
tion. The delegation obtained an accurate perspective on the political changes occuring and laid the
groundwork for a program of cooperative party-building and democratic development. NDI delegates
were accompanied by representatives of the Liberal International, whose worldwide membership offers
the independent parties in Hungary the opportunity to become integrated into the international
democratic community.
$ 28,215
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NDI), to organize
several nonpartisan training seminars on the practical mechanics of democratic party organization, civic
education and campaign methodology. In September 1989, NDI brought technical experts from Poland,
Britain, Chile, Northern Ireland and the United States to Hungary for workshops with 55 leading or-
ganizers from five of Hungary's new or revitalized political parties. Topics included party structure and
administration, party message development, grass roots organizing, the use of public opinion data, media
relations and candidate selection.
$ 46,400
Funding for the following programs was made possible by a grant from the U.S. Agency for International Development:
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE ENTERPRISE (CIPE), to assist the Association of Hun-
garian Entrepreneurs (VOSZ). (See program description above.)
$ 35,000
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to assist the Democratic League of Independent Trade
Unions in its program of education of the new independent workers groups in Hungary.
$ 30,000
- 20
EUROPE AND THE SOVIET UNION
INSTITUTE FOR DEMOCRACY IN EASTERN EUROPE, to extend aid to the Association of Young
Democrats to publish a bi-weekly youth newspaper, establish a program to provide education in
democratic youth culture and develop plans for a radio broadcasting program.
$ 30,000
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NDI), to sponsor the
Alliance of Free Democrats in their efforts to organize the Foundation for a European Hungary. During
this transitional period, the Foundation will shape political public opinion in Hungary through publica-
tions, seminars, and lectures on democracy. The grant will also enable NDI to develop political training
seminars providing outside expert review of the new electoral system, as well as a program to observe
and monitor the March 1990 elections.
$ 65,000
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NRIIA), to assist the
Hungarian Democratic Forum in its education program, in the development of its communications
capabilities and in consolidating its organization. NRIIA will also participate in political training
seminars and will prepare a program for observing and monitoring the March 1990 elections.
$75,000
Northern Ireland
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NDI), to sponsor the
participation of two Americans in the Social Democratic Group's (SDG) third annual youth conference,
"Choices for a New Generation," and in an SDG-organized conference on women in Northern Ireland
politics.
$ 8,100
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NDI), to provide ad-
ministrative and operational support to the Social Democratic Group, Limited (SDGL) of Northern
Ireland for its training, research and civic education programs. Established in 1986 with NDI support, the
SDGL is affiliated with Northern Ireland's Social Democratic and Labour Party.
$35,015
Poland
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE ENTERPRISE (CIPE), to develop a program of assistance
to the Krakow Industrial Society (KIS), one of the founders of Economic Action, the Warsaw-based
umbrella organization representing Poland's emerging industries. KIS encourages aid to private
entrepreneurs, including new business formation, training, and legal assistance. The grant also provides
funding for business courses and reading material on various aspects of private enterprise and private
sector activities.
$ 19,275
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to sponsor a three-year teacher-training program in Poland
in conjunction with Teachers' Solidarity, the education branch of Solidarity. This project will allow the so-
cial studies curriculum in Poland to be systematically revised in order to reflect the principles and prac-
tices of democracy. The structure of the union will also be strengthened to permit the teachers greater
freedom in presenting alternative curricula.
$ 24,000
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to support the independent trade union movement in
Poland. Funds are provided to the Brussels-based Coordinating Office of Solidarnosc Abroad to dissemi-
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EUROPE AND THE SOVIET UNION
nate information in the West on trade union rights in Poland and assist union activities inside Poland.
Support is also provided for the New York-based Institute for Democracy in Eastern Europe to translate
and publish material on worker and human rights-related issues inside Poland and other East European
countries. In addition, assistance is given to others engaged in support work for Solidarity publications in
Poland.
$ 435,000
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to administer funds specially appropriated by the U.S.
Congress to provide assistance to the independent Polish trade union Solidarity for disseminating
information, sustaining union activists and maintaining its administrative infrastructure.
$1,000,000
INSTITUTE FOR DEMOCRACY IN EASTERN EUROPE, to continue its activities in support of
democracy in Eastern Europe through assistance to independent publishing houses and self-education
and human rights groups in Poland. In 1985, the independent publishing houses in Poland established a
Fund for Independent Publishing, including representatives of both the major and smaller houses, over-
seen by an independent board. The grant provides the consortium with funds for equipment, supplies
and personnel.
$ 177,000
INTERNATIONAL RESCUE COMMITTEE, to administer funds specially appropriated by the U.S.
Congress to assist the Independent Polish trade union Solidarity in maintaining a social fund established
to provide medical assistance and related services to workers and their families. Funds are used to pur-
chase medical supplies and equipment, to support the SOS Coordination Pologne, a Paris-based commit-
tee that provides health treatment for Poles, and to establish health care and social services for children of
members of Solidarity.
$1,000,000
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NDI), to sponsor an in-
ternational conference on "The Role of Parliaments in Developing National Economic Policy." The con-
ference provided Polish parliamentarians an opportunity to learn the means used by legislatures in other
countries to consider economic issues and develop national economic policy. Participants included 65
Polish parliamentarians and 11 Western European parliamentarians from across the political spectrum
and a five-member U.S. congressional delegation led by Walter Mondale and Howard Baker.
82,678
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NRIIA), to provide a
grant to the Krakow chapter of Freedom and Peace for the translation and publication of works by
modern conservative intellectuals and the eventual production of a quarterly journal of opinion. The
group advocates non-violent political activism, individual liberties and involvement in the international
environmental movement.
$ 20,000
POLISH AMERICAN CONGRESS, to administer seven projects designed to support the democratic
movement in Poland:
the independent Committees for Education, Culture, Academic Research and Health (OKNO), which
encourage and support activities independent of the government reflecting the true national culture and
spirit of the Polish people;
the Polish Helsinki Watch Committee, an independent group in Poland which monitors violations of
the Helsinki Accords and issues reports on human rights violations in Poland;
the POLCUL Foundation, established in Paris in 1980, which receives funds to make awards to Polish
citizens to help sustain their work and to recognize their contribution to independent culture;
the Polish-language literary quarterly Zeszyty Literackie (Literary Notebooks), a highly respected Polish
intellectual and literary journal published in Paris and distributed within Poland;
independent film producers in Poland, enabling them to produce new video films and acquire existing
22
EUROPE AND THE SOVIET UNION
films for reproduction on video cassettes to be shown by independent organizations throughout Poland;
the Uncensored Poland News Bulletin, a bi-weekly newsletter containing documents, first-hand reports
and summaries of events in Poland for use by the media, scholars, and researchers around the world; and
the Independent Polish Agency (IPA) of Lund, Sweden for its program of support for independent
democratic groups, particularly the independent press, in Poland.
$263,000
Funding for the following programs was made possible by a grant from the U.S. Agency for International Development:
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE ENTERPRISE (CIPE), to develop a program of assistance
to the Krakow Industrial Society (KIS). (See program description page 21.)
$ 42,500
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY, to sponsor the Study Group on Polish Reform, a series of conferences with
six leading economists from the United States, Great Britain, Canada, Switzerland, and Poland. The group
plans to research and discuss solutions to Poland's most pressing economic problems. Their deliberations
will conclude with a published report recommending a plan for Poland's economic reconstruction.
$108,868
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to fund independent video production through the Gdansk
Video Center, established in 1981 by Solidarity. The Center continues to add to its valuable video archive
of events in recent Polish history, from the period of martial law up to the present. The Center has served
as an important source of uncensored information and hopes to expand its activities to the production of
full-length films.
$ 30,000
INSTITUTE FOR DEMOCRACY IN EASTERN EUROPE, to assist the Association for Free Speech,
which was formed by the Consortium of Independent Publishers, to facilitate the expansion of inde-
pendent publishing in Poland. The Association will encourage the free and uncensored distribution of
books and other literature by sponsoring book clubs, book fairs, and reading rooms and by holding semi-
nars and readings with independent authors.
$ 30,000
POLISH AMERICAN CONGRESS, to support the publication of Poland's Gazeta Wyborcza, the first inde-
pendent daily in Eastern Europe. Assistance will enable the newspaper to meet basic technical needs.
$55,000
POLISH AMERICAN CONGRESS, to support the Foundation in Support of Local Democracy, directed
by Senator Jerzy Regulski, Chairman of the Polish Senate Committee on Local Government and Chair-
man of the Commission for Local Self-Government of the Citizens' Committee. The Foundation will assist
in the creation of democratic governmental institutions at the local level, cultivate informed participation
in Polish political life and distribute instructional materials and working papers on local affairs.
$ 42,500
Portugal
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to support organizational and educational activities of the
Geral Union of Workers (UGT). Forty-five full-time staff divided among UGT's fifteen affiliates are in-
volved in organization, communications, research, and basic training for shop stewards. The project will
support a training department for the UGT and for each of its affiliated unions. The educational program
will provide instruction on the theory and practice of democratic unionism.
$236,938
- 23 -
EUROPE AND THE SOVIET UNION
Romania
FOREIGN POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE, to assist the London-based Michai Eminescu Trust in
providing assistance to individuals in Romania conducting independent cultural activities. The Trust sup-
plies material aid as well as books, journals and videos containing information not available in Romania.
$ 15,500
FOREIGN POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE, for the continued publication of the Romanian language
cultural quarterly, Agora. Edited by a group of prominent Romanian emigres, Agora seeks to bridge the
gulf between intellectuals living inside and outside Romania. The journal includes samizdat works by
writers who remain in Romania, as well as by prominent dissidents and emigres outside Romania, and
commentary on Western intellectual trends and their impact on Romanian intellectual life.
$35,000
Soviet Union
ALLIANCE FOR SELF-DETERMINATION OF ARMENIA, to assist in the publication of two inde-
pendent journals and a series of books published by the Union for National Self-Determination. One of
the journals, Fatherland, was originally the Armenian-language version of Glasnost, a magazine published
in Moscow by a group of human rights activists. These publications discuss ecological and ethnic
problems, culture, and politics from an Armenian perspective.
$ 25,000
AMERICAN FRIENDS OF FREE SPEECH ABROAD, to assist the Russian-language literary journal
Syntaxis, edited and published in Paris by Andrei Sinyavsky. In its ten years of publication, Syntaxis has
established a reputation in both the East and West for incisive commentary on the Soviet Union. Its
editors have fashioned the journal to appeal to reform-minded Soviet intellectuals, providing translations
of Soviet samizdat literature as well as relevant Western commentaries on the reform movement in the
USSR.
$ 15,000
AMERICAN FRIENDS OF FREE SPEECH ABROAD, to enable Atheneum, a Russian-language publish-
ing house located in Paris, to embark upon an unprecedented joint venture with four Soviet institutions.
The enterprise is dedicated to restoring previously unpublished official and private archival material and
offering a broad analysis of Russian and Soviet culture. Eight to nine volumes will appear each year and
will be equally divided between the work of Soviet and Western scholars. They will be sold along with
other works in a bookstore in Moscow run by the new venture. The grant will also fund Minuvsheye, an
historical almanac drawing its material from previously closed archives.
$25,100
AMERICAN FRIENDS OF MEMORIAL, to assist the Kiev Memorial Society, a branch of the All-Union
USSR Memorial Society, formerly headed by Andrei Sakharov. Technical aid will further the Society's
mission of exposing the truth about the Stalinist era and its political and social legacy. The Society will
focus primarily on Stalinism in the Ukraine, the Ukraine famine of 1933, and the destruction of the
Ukrainian Catholic and Autocephalous Orthodox Churches. It will also explore the persecution of other
communities and cultures of the Ukraine, including the Jewish community, during the Stalinist period.
$25,000
AMERICANS FOR HUMAN RIGHTS IN UKRAINE, to assist Ukrainian human rights activists and to
support attempts by independent Ukrainian groups in the Soviet Union to retrieve and develop an inde-
pendent culture. Material assistance is provided to various groups which organize discussions on histori-
cal, philosophical, literary and other subjects.
$ 20,000
-24-
EUROPE AND THE SOVIET UNION
AMERICAN LATVIAN ASSOCIATION, to assist independent democratic groups in Latvia working to
promote human rights and independent culture. Information about Latvian history and culture, Western
democratic processes and similar democratic movements in other Soviet bloc countries will be provided.
Independent publishing and video production will also be supported.
$25,000
CENTER FOR DEMOCRACY IN THE USSR, to assist the Crimean Tatar movement for human and na-
tional rights in the USSR by producing the first major study of the movement and compiling a bibliog-
raphy of the extensive literature on the situation of the Crimean Tatars. The study and related documents
and materials will be published in Russian and Tatar-language editions for distribution in the USSR.
$ 20,000
CENTER FOR DEMOCRACY IN THE USSR, to fund a May 1989 meeting among many of the inde-
pendent groups and movements, especially among the national minorities, that have emerged in the
Soviet Union in the past two years. Leaders of these groups, which adhere to principles of democracy,
pluralism, tolerance for other nationalities and a moderate approach to solving the Soviet Union's politi-
cal and economic problems, discussed common concerns and planned future activity.
$ 30,000
CENTER FOR DEMOCRACY IN THE USSR, to continue its broad program of technical assistance to in-
dependent groups and publications which monitor and publicize the abuse of human and civil rights in
the Soviet Union. More sophisticated and comprehensive computer and communications systems will be
provided in order to ensure accurate and thorough coverage of events and to meet the demand for un-
biased reporting on the West. The Center will continue to prepare the English-language version of the
Moscow-based magazine Glasnost.
$145,000
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to provide funding for two projects designed to aid the trade
union movement in the Soviet Union. The grant will enable the Center for Democracy to provide assis-
tance to independent trade unionists who are active in Uzbekistan and the Krasnodar territory of the
Soviet Union. It will also allow trade unionists in the Soviet Union to purchase computer equipment
needed for the preparation of publications on worker rights, occupational health and safety and other
workplace issues.
$ 9,000
FREEDOM OF COMMUNICATIONS, to continue its efforts to improve postal communications be-
tween the Soviet Union and the West by preparing reports on Soviet compliance with international postal
regulations, publicizing Soviet violations of international postal regulations and publishing advice to
mailers. The group also conducts test mailings to the Soviet Union and surveys mailers in the U.S. to
determine the nature and the extent of Soviet efforts to interfere with communications between citizens of
the two countries.
$ 40,000
JOINT BALTIC AMERICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE, to assist the Sweden-based Relief Centre for
Estonian Prisoners of Conscience in the USSR. The Centre provides support for human rights activists
and the independent press in Soviet Estonia to strengthen democratic ideas and reestablish an inde-
pendent culture.
$ 25,000
LITHUANIAN CATHOLIC RELIGIOUS AID, to support independent democratic movements inside
Lithuania. The program, which includes direct material assistance to independent publishers, will in-
crease the flow of ideas and information between Lithuania and the West.
$35,000
-25-
EUROPE AND THE SOVIET UNION
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NDI), to conduct a sys-
tematic review of the administrative and legal procedures relating to the March 1989 elections to the Con-
gress of People's Deputies. Due to unforeseen circumstances, the study was not completed prior to the
elections, and most of the funds originally earmarked for this project were reprogrammed to other
projects in Eastern Europe.
$ 4,089
TIME AND WE PUBLISHING HOUSE, INC., to publish the Russian-language bi-monthly Time and We,
a journal of politics, culture, history and religion. The editors plan to increase their print run in order to
reach a wider readership, especially within the Soviet Union, where official tolerance for the journal is
enabling it to provide influential readers with new ideas for bringing democratic change to the USSR.
$25,000
TWENTIETH CENTURY HUMAN RIGHTS RESEARCH FOUNDATION, to assist human rights
activists and independent groups in Soviet Ukraine in their attempts to build civil society. Material sup-
port will be given to publish and distribute the documents of these groups as well as for other publica-
tions that promote the aims and ideals of the Helsinki process.
$ 20,000
WORLD WITHOUT WAR COUNCIL, INC., to assist the VISA Project, which seeks to facilitate visits be-
tween family members from the USSR and the United States by bringing about public pressure on the
Soviets to liberalize travel policies. Potential travelers and hosts are given information on visa procedures
and advised on possible difficulties they may encounter in the Soviet bureaucracy.
$ 20,000
Yugoslavia
INSTITUTE FOR DEMOCRACY IN EASTERN EUROPE, for the continued publication and distribu-
tion inside Yugoslavia of the London-based monthly Nasa Rec (Our Word). This Serbo-Croat newspaper
publishes statements, discussions, petitions and protests of Yugoslav dissidents and civil rights activists.
$ 15,000
HARVARD RUSSIAN STUDIES CENTER, to assist in the production of a collection of essays in
Serbo-Croatian on Serbian nationalism and its impact on the prospects for democratic development in
Yugoslavia.
$ 20,000
Regional
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to produce a manual and accompanying video explaining
basic printing techniques for independent publishers in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. The
material will be produced in Russian, Ukrainian, and Czech versions. Emigre groups well-acquainted
with dissident movements in these countries will serve as the conduit for the information and technology
to ensure the widest possible distribution. Materials written by fellow Eastern European independent
trade unionists detailing their activities will also be disseminated.
$ 21,000
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NRIIA), to assist the
Democratic Youth Community of Europe to initiate the formation of regular and permanent contact be-
tween independent youth organizations in Western and Eastern Europe, as well as institutional coopera-
tion between young Europeans and U.S. political leaders.
$ 25,000
- 26-
EUROPE AND THE SOVIET UNION
POLISH AMERICAN CONGRESS, to enable the Multinational Fund for Friendship and Cooperation in
Central and Eastern Europe to foster independent trans-national cooperation among Eastern European
countries, based on the principles of the two organizations which established the fund, New Coalition
and Polish-Czechoslovak Solidarity. A multi-national board of directors will oversee a wide variety of
multilateral initiatives, including intellectual centers, journals and publishing houses, trade union groups,
political parties and youth organizations.
$ 27,000
PROBLEMS OF EASTERN EUROPE, INC., to publish the Russian language journal, Problems of Eastern
Europe, which contains analyses of current developments based particularly on the experiences of dissi-
dents and democratic reformers.
$25,000
- 27-
LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN
Argentina
AMERICAN COUNCIL OF YOUNG POLITICAL LEADERS, to assist the University Foundation of the
Rio de la Plata (FURP) in sponsoring a two-week leadership training program. The program brings
regional youth leaders to Buenos Aires to meet with key political, labor, business, media and education
leaders and study Argentina's federal structure.
$ 25,000
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE ENTERPRISE (CIPE), to assist the Mediterranean
Foundation's Institute for Economic Studies of Latin American and Argentine Reality (IEERAL) in
continuing its economic advisory service for Argentine legislators. The Institute distributes legislative
analyses of economic issues to legislators, journalists, business associations and advocacy groups in an
effort to strengthen the Congress's policy-making role within a democratic Argentina and promote
market-oriented economic policy.
$100,000
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE ENTERPRISE (CIPE), to enable the Action for Private
Initiative Foundation to develop a curriculum of ten seminars for high school and university students
on market economics and democratic governance and processes. The seminars, which will be introduced
into 40 high schools and eight universities throughout Argentina, will stress the importance of private
enterprise for economic recovery and the reinforcement of democratic processes.
$ 60,000
DELPHI INTERNATIONAL, to provide continued assistance to Conciencia, a nonpartisan Argentine
women's organization, to conduct activities designed to prepare Argentine citizens for the 1989 presiden-
tial elections and to underscore the role of the citizen in a democratic society. The funds will also be used
to coordinate activities among other Latin American women's groups devoted to providing civic educa-
tion and promoting citizen participation in their respective countries.
$129,300
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NDI), to conduct a two-
part program encouraging Argentina's military and civilian political leaders to develop mechanisms to in-
tegrate the armed forces into civilian society. NDI sponsored a week-long workshop in Washington, D.C.
in April for six Argentine political and military leaders on U.S. management of civil-military relations. In
July, a conference in Montevideo, Uruguay brought together legislators, political and military leaders,
and civil-military experts from Argentina, Uruguay, Brazil, Israel, Spain, Paraguay, and the United States
to explore the role of the military in a democratic government.
$ 93,730
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NRIIA), to support the
Institute for Market Economics (IESM) of Argentina in advancing democracy through the advocacy of
individual rights, constitutional order and private enterprise. Through publications, seminars, and youth
essay contests, the IESM actively engages political leaders, government leaders and the general public.
$88,000
- 29
LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN
Bolivia
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NRIIA), to assist the
Bolivian Foundation for Democratic Training and Research (FUNDEMOS), a public policy research
institution devoted to Bolivian democratic development and the application of free market solutions to
economic problems. FUNDEMOS will continue to conduct a series of democratic educational seminars
and leadership programs for a broad segment of Bolivian society.
$ 88,000
Brazil
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to support the Brazilian General Confederation of Labor in
its nationwide union organizing campaign. The program also supports activities designed to ensure that
the interests of workers are taken into account in national decision-making.
$157,800
Chile
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE ENTERPRISE (CIPE), to assist the Foundation of
Economics and Administration of the Catholic University of Chile (FEAPUC). FEAPUC educates students
entering the work force on the importance of a free enterprise system in fostering economic growth and
supporting stable democracies. FEAPUC has designed a course on free market economics taught at the
National Foundation for Labor Education commercial schools. An annual seminar for teachers of the
course is also planned.
$ 60,470
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE ENTERPRISE (CIPE), for support to the Chamber of
Production and Commerce of Concepcion to organize a series of seminars throughout Chile to
demonstrate to the business community the importance of good relations with labor.
$83,730
DELPHI INTERNATIONAL, to assist Education for Citizen Participation (PARTICIPA) in conducting a
series of national and regional candidate forums prior to the December 1989 presidential and congres-
sional elections. In addition, PARTICIPA will work with the School of Social Work of the Catholic Univer-
sity of Chile to assist Chile's major political parties in developing social policies that are responsive to the
nation's current needs.
$ 40,000
DELPHI INTERNATIONAL, to assist the Committee for Free Elections (CEL), a group of prominent
Chileans from a broad range of political backgrounds in providing a nonpartisan forum for the debate of
salient issues in Chile during the transition to democratic government. In addition, the CEL worked with
Chile's electoral service to produce and distribute a poll watcher's training manual in preparation for the
December 1989 elections.
$ 25,000
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to fund labor education courses in Chile conducted by the
Democratic Workers' Central (CDT) and democratic unions which are members of the Single Workers'
Central (CUT) in Chile. Political education through various training seminars will be an important
component of the unions' activities as the nation works toward return to representative government.
$ 112,000
- 30
LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN
FREEDOM HOUSE, to assist Editorial Andante in sponsoring a series of public forums on key issues
related to the December 1989 Chilean presidential and congressional elections. Transcripts of the proceed-
ings will be published by Editorial Andante and distributed by a major independent newsweekly.
$ 47,300
GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY and the Catholic University of Chile, to co-sponsor a conference in
August 1989 on "Options for Democratic Development in Chile," aimed at strengthening the process of
peaceful democratic transition. The conference, which constituted the final phase of a two-part project,
focused on the relationship between institutional forms of governance and democratic stability in Chile.
$25,000
GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY, to assist two prominent Chilean public-policy centers, the Center for
Public Studies (CEP) and the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences (FLACSO), in conducting a series
of structured discussions between foreign and Chilean democratic activists. These discussions will focus
on Chile's transition to democracy and will seek to reinforce the commitment to the democratic system of
elements on both the right and the left of the political spectrum.
$ 44,000
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NDI), to support a
public opinion survey project of a consortium of Chilean research institutes. The consortium gathered
information on the Chilean public's attitudes toward democracy and plans to conduct an international
seminar on the role of public opinion polls in a democratic society.
$99,757
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NDI), to assist the
Committee for Free Elections (CEL) in its efforts to promote debate and consensus on key legislative,
administrative, electoral and constitutional reforms as a means of ensuring free and fair elections and a
peaceful transition to democratic government.
$ 25,000
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NRIIA), to support the
Center for Public Studies (CEP) in Chile for its public opinion surveys. The publication of the results of
various polls has provided vital information about the political attitudes and expectations of the Chilean
electorate. Results of CEP's surveys are used by decision makers from all sectors of the political spectrum
and are helping to facilitate Chile's transition to democracy.
$120,000
Colombia
RESEARCH FOUNDATION OF THE STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK, to assist the Department
of Political Science of the University of Los Andes in its continuing efforts to strengthen democracy in
Colombia. National sectoral forums will bring together a diverse range of political and civic leaders to dis-
cuss the problems confronting Colombia's democratic institutions.
$ 50,000
RESOURCES FOR ACTION, INC., to enable Conciencia, a private, nonpartisan women's organization,
to strengthen its internal structure, upgrade its documentation and information center on democracy, and
continue democratic training and leadership programs. The grant will also allow Conciencia to design a
mass media campaign to enhance citizen awareness of civic responsibility and participation and to create
new chapters throughout Colombia.
$ 50,000
31
LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN
Costa Rica
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NRIIA), to assist the
Costa Rican Association for the Defense Liberty and Democracy, an educational and training foundation,
to carry out programs of legislative research and conduct seminars on Central American issues.
$ 88,000
Cuba
CUBAN AMERICAN NATIONAL FOUNDATION, for continued assistance to the International
Coalition for Human Rights in Cuba for its efforts to broaden public awareness of human rights
violations there. Endowment support will be used to expand and strengthen the Coalition's network of
citizen's committees in Europe and Latin America, continue its publications, enhance the coordination of
activities among its existing committees and continue the work begun in 1988 with the United Nations
Human Rights Commission.
$110,000
CUBAN AMERICAN NATIONAL FOUNDATION, to support an American counterpart to the Havana-
based Cuban Committee for Human Rights in its efforts to compile, reproduce, and broadly disseminate
human rights information and ideas inside Cuba and abroad.
$ 20,000
Dominica
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NRIIA), to allow the
Freedom in Democracy Committee in Dominica to continue its program to promote democratic values
through citizen participation in a series of seminars, lectures, publications and community development
projects.
$ 54,500
Dominican Republic
DELPHI INTERNATIONAL to assist the Dominican Association of Women Voters (ADOMUVI), a
private, nonprofit organization patterned after the U.S. League of Women Voters, in conducting a civic
and electoral educational campaign designed to familiarize the population with the voting process.
Training will be provided to women throughout the country to work at the election tables during the
May 1990 national elections.
$ 40,000
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to provide support to the National Confederation of
Dominican Workers (CNTD) for a program of seminars, publications and organizing. CNTD plans 14
seminars on political development for its affiliates. Training will be supplemented by publication of the
confederation's monthly newspaper.
$36,000
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LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN
Ecuador
RESOURCES FOR ACTION, to assist the Vicente Rocafuerte Foundation, a nonpartisan, non-profit
organization located in Guayaquil, in providing civic education and organizational support to
democratically-oriented community groups in that city's poor urban areas.
$ 33,000
Guatemala
AMERICAN UNIVERSITY, to assist the Atanasio Tzul Institute, a nonpartisan Guatemalan institution
established in 1988, in conducting a series of seminars and conferences for representatives of the political,
social and economic sectors of Guatemalan society on the basic elements of a democratic system, the
Guatemalan Constitution and the human and civil rights it guarantees.
$ 40,000
AMERICAN UNIVERSITY, to assist the National Reconciliation Commission of Guatemala, a non-
governmental institution created in 1987 in compliance with the Esquipulas II peace accords, to initiate
and monitor the process of national reconciliation in Guatemala. The Commission will support the ple-
nary sessions and working groups of the Permanent Assembly for National Dialogue, a neutral, nonpar-
tisan forum created to promote dialogue among the various sectors of Guatemalan society. In addition,
the Commission will produce publications on the progress of the national reconciliation efforts, empha-
sizing those areas in which concensus has been reached among competing sectors.
$ 60,000
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to extend assistance to the political education committee of
the Guatemalan Confederation of Labor Unity (CUSG) to continue organizing seminars for union leader-
ship and the rank-and-file. The seminars focus on democratic values and worker participation in the
political process.
$32,000
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NRIIA), to support the
Center for Social Economic Studies (CEES), a Guatemalan research and educational organization. CEES
promotes free market economics and democratic values within business, educational and political circles.
It also conducts research and analyzes policy for the legislative branch.
$36,000
Haiti
AMERICA'S DEVELOPMENT FOUNDATION, to assist the Haitian International Institute for Research
and Development (IHRED) in promoting democratic values and processes and encouraging cooperation
and dialogue among private sector groups committed to democracy in Haiti. The program consists of a
series of national and regional forums in Haiti's major cities focusing on issues related to the attempt to
revive the electoral process and restore constitutional rule.
$ 99,000
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to help Haitian workers become aware of their rights and
how to defend them. The project subsidizes the administrative costs of the Federation of Trade Unions
and the Independent General Organization of Haitian Workers and assists in maintaining their offices in
Port-au-Prince. Both organizations plan to issue publications, use commercial media to inform members
of their rights, and conduct seminars to develop a group of instructors to conduct labor training courses
at the local level throughout the country.
$ 64,000
-33-
LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NDI), for a research
project and party-building seminar. The research project will produce an in-depth analysis of the struc-
ture, objectives, procedures, activities, and future plans of the key actors in Haiti's transition process. A
follow-up seminar based on the research results will be held to help strengthen the role of political parties
in Haiti's transition to civilian government.
$ 46,229
Honduras
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to provide support to the Confederation of Honduran
Workers (CGTH) to conduct training and organizing activities. Assistance to the CGTH will help
democratic labor to continue its participation in nonpartisan political education.
$36,000
Mexico
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE ENTERPRISE (CIPE), to assist the Mexican Entrepre-
neurial Development Program (DESEM) in carrying out its "University Impact" program, which seeks to
increase Mexican university students' understanding of private enterprise. DESEM, in cooperation with
the Technological Institute of Monterrey, one of Mexico's leading private universities, will sponsor a
course on private enterprise and entrepreneurial activity covering practical instruction on how businesses
are formed, how they operate and their importance to economic growth and democratic development in
Mexico.
$ 40,000
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NRIIA), to support the
activities of the Institute for Democracy, Solidarity and Social Peace (DEMOS PAZ), an organization
devoted to fostering democratic development and pluralistic institution building in Mexico. The project is
designed to increase popular understanding of human rights, citizen responsibilities, political participa-
tion and international cooperation.
$ 48,000
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NRIIA), to convene a
conference in Mexico on democratic development. Participants at the July 1989 conference included
leaders of Latin American political parties, representatives of research foundations, European and North
American political experts, journalists and others. Topics of discussion included the development of
democratic language, the use of public opinion surveys and consolidation of democracy in Latin America.
$ 50,000
Nicaragua
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE ENTERPRISE (CIPE), to enable the Superior Council of
Private Enterprise (COSEP), the umbrella organization representing the six major private sector business
organizations in Nicaragua, to step up its monitoring and analysis of the economic and regulatory condi-
tions in the country. The funds will allow COSEP to keep the issues of sound economic policies, fiscal
responsibility and respect for personal property before the public.
$100,000
34
LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN
Funding for the following programs was made possible by the special appropriations made by the U.S. Congress in
October 1988 and June 1989 "for the promotion of democracy in Nicaragua."
AMERICA'S DEVELOPMENT FOUNDATION, to assist the Centro de Asesoría para la Democracia
(CAD), a private, nonpartisan Central American institution based in Costa Rica, in conducting a civic
education and training program designed to improve communications among the organizations of the
Nicaraguan democratic opposition and to promote regional solidarity for the nonviolent struggle for
democracy in Nicaragua.
$247,500
CENTER FOR DEMOCRACY, to conduct a comprehensive election monitoring and observation project
in Nicaragua for the period leading up to and including the February 1990 elections.
$75,000
DELPHI INTERNATIONAL, to assist the Coordinadora Democratica Nicaraguense (CDN), a coalition of
trade unions, business associations and political parties in Nicaragua, in strengthening its institutional
base and continuing its public outreach activities aimed at promoting a democratic future for Nicaragua.
$22,000
DELPHI INTERNATIONAL, to assist La Prensa, an independent newspaper in Nicaragua, with the hard
currency costs of imported supplies, replacement parts, equipment and staff training needed for the
paper's continued publication.
$470,000
DELPHI INTERNATIONAL, to assist four Nicaraguan independent radio stations with the hard
currency costs of purchasing and shipping urgently needed replacement parts, supplies and equipment.
$95,000
DELPHI INTERNATIONAL, to support nonpartisan democratic civic education activities designed to
promote the participation of Nicaraguan women in the electoral process.
$55,000
DELPHI INTERNATIONAL, to support nonpartisan democratic civic education activities designed to
promote the participation of Nicaraguan youth in the political life of Nicaragua.
$ 55,000
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to organize a series of information and education programs
designed to assist Nicaraguan trade unionists in developing their organizing skills and ties of solidarity
with other trade union organizations in the hemisphere.
$397,345
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to provide assistance to Nicaragua's affiliated agrarian
unions and cooperatives to enable their members to plant and harvest in 1989.
$80,207
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to assist Nicaragua's independent labor movement in
mobilizing workers and their families for full participation in the electoral process and to strengthen the
ability of democratic trade unions to support human rights and workers' rights.
$415,000
FREEDOM HOUSE, to support the publication and distribution of El Pez y la Serpiente, a Spanish-
language cultural magazine of poems, short stories, and scholarly works by independent Nicaraguan
writers. In addition, a book of literary works by Nicaraguan authors will be published. These publications
will enlarge the limited possibilities that exist for independent thought in Nicaragua today.
$ 25,000
-35-
LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN
INTER-AMERICAN BAR FOUNDATION, to co-sponsor with the Independent Nicaraguan Bar Founda-
tion and other appropriate bar organizations an international seminar in Managua on the Nicaraguan
electoral process.
$38,808
INTERNATIONAL FOUNDATION FOR ELECTORAL SYSTEMS, to provide assistance to the
Nicaraguan democratic civic movement formed to promote voter registration and participation through
civic education activities and training at the grass-roots level.
$340,000
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NDI), to assist the
efforts of Nicaraguan democrats to promote free and fair elections. In July 1989, NDI sponsored a seminar
in Managua on electoral participation with leaders of the 14 political parties that make up the civic op-
position coalition. The grant was also used to support the Institute for Electoral Promotion and Training,
an electoral training institute created to promote participation and instill confidence in the electoral
process.
$290,140
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NDI)\ NATIONAL
REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NRIIA), to conduct a joint project to
assist Nicaraguan democrats in carrying out programs to encourage participation and instill confidence
in the electoral process and promote free and fair elections. Activities include voter registration, civic
education, election-monitoring, get-out-the-vote drives, and training of poll watchers.
$450,000
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NRIIA), to enable two
conservative educational institutes in Nicaragua to undertake civic education projects designed to
promote an understanding of democratic principles among political activists and youth leaders and
provide instruction in job skill development.
$85,000
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NRIIA), to sponsor an
international electoral training seminar for Nicaraguan political leaders and to bring international youth
organization representatives to Nicaragua for a fact-finding visit.
$107,000
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NRIIA), to cover the
partial costs of installing a fully-equipped television production facility in Nicaragua and to produce a
series of news and information programs for broadcast on Nicaraguan television.
$252,000
Panama
AMERICA'S DEVELOPMENT FOUNDATION, to assist the National Civic Crusade for Panama in
strengthening its local grassroots network and in promoting mass participation in the May 1989 elections.
The grant will also enable the Crusade to broaden its membership within Panama and its support in Latin
America, as well as provide reliable information to the Panamanian people on current events and the re-
quirements for a transition to democracy.
$ 99,000
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NDI), to carry out a
series of seminars and workshops for Panamanian political parties and democratic activists. Led by
Venezuelan, Chilean, and U.S. electoral experts, the seminars are designed to assist the efforts of
36
LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN
Panamanian political party leaders and civic activists in bringing about peaceful democratic change.
Assistance also enabled the political parties and civic groups to conduct civic education programs and
to establish an independent election-monitoring system for the May 1989 elections.
$ 99,665
Paraguay
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE ENTERPRISE (CIPE), for support to the Paraguayan
Foundation for Cooperation and Development to enable it to continue promoting the integration of the
informal sector into Paraguay's formal economy and consolidating the microenterprise segment of the
economy into a united advocate for private enterprise. The Foundation will establish a chamber of
microenterprise to serve as a voluntary organization representing small business.
$ 95,000
FREEDOM HOUSE, to assist Radio Nanduti, an independent news service both within Paraguay and
abroad, in maintaining its broadcast capabilities. This assistance will enable Radio Nanduti to purchase a
new AM transmitter, continue broadcasting on its FM station and maintain its operational infrastructure.
$86,900
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NDI), to assist the
Center for Democratic Studies (CED), a non-partisan institute based in Asuncion, in its program to
promote civic education and democratic development.
$ 45,000
UNIVERSITY OF MIAMI, to support the Paraguayan Institute for Geopolitical and International Studies
(IPEGEI), a nonpartisan social science institute located in Asuncion, in providing a forum for the discus-
sion of ideas relating to Paraguay's transition to democracy.
$ 16,500
Funding for the following programs was made possible by a grant from the U.S. Agency for International Development:
DELPHI INTERNATIONAL, to assist Women for Democracy (MPLD) in producing a series of civic
education messages aimed at preparing Paraguayan citizens for the May 1989 elections. The messages
were broadcast on Paraguayan radio and published in local newspapers.
$ 66,000
DELPHI INTERNATIONAL, to support the Paraguayan Center for Sociological Studies (CPES) in con-
ducting an intensive civic education campaign aimed at increasing awareness of and participation in the
May 1989 elections among the rural sections of Paraguay.
$27,500
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to provide year-long assistance to the Workers' Inter-Union
Movement (MIT) to strengthen Paraguay's free trade union movement and to monitor workers' rights.
$ 92,668
FREEDOM HOUSE, to enable Radio Nanduti to continue its activities, including the publication of
books, production of a monthly compendium of news events in Paraguay and maintenance of a press file
that also serves as an historical archive.
$ 41,000
INTERNATIONAL FOUNDATION FOR ELECTORAL SYSTEMS (IFES), to provide more than 11,000
bottles of indelible ink for use during the May 1989 balloting.
$ 32,832
-37-
LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NDI), to assist the
Center for Democratic Studies (CED) in its program to promote civic education leading up to the May
1989 elections. Activities included poll-watcher training seminars, a mass media civic education cam-
paign, a public opinion poll and the establishment of a "quick count" system. In addition, funds were
used to finance the election-monitoring activities of an international observer delegation.
$131,500
NORTHEAST CATHOLIC HISPANIC CENTER, to assist the Comite de Iglesias, a Church-affiliated
human rights organization, in conducting civic education courses and monitoring human rights viola-
tions.
$ 30,000
NORTHEAST CATHOLIC HISPANIC CENTER, to assist Radio Caritas, a Catholic Church-affiliated
radio station, in conducting a year-long civic education program consisting of "free forum" interviews,
the production and distribution of radio programs on the electoral process and a training seminar for
journalists sponsored in cooperation with the Catholic University of Asuncion.
$ 40,000
UNIVERSITY OF MIAMI, to assist the Paraguayan Institute for Geopolitical and International Studies
(IPEGEI), a nonpartisan social science institute located in Asuncion, in conducting a series of poll-watcher
training classes for representatives of Paraguay's registered political parties. Funding also supported
production of five television and 15 radio spots encouraging voter participation in the May 1989 elections.
$38,500
Peru
CAPACITAS INTERNATIONAL, to provide renewed assistance to Conciencia, a private nonpartisan
women's organization, for its democratic civic education program. The grant will enable Conciencia to
create additional chapters throughout Peru and strengthen its internal structure.
$ 44,000
CAPACITAS INTERNATIONAL, to assist the Peruvian Center for International Studies (CEPEI) in
conducting a seminar and a series of roundtables on the role of the military in a democratic Peru. These
efforts will continue the dialogue previously begun by CEPEI between civilian and military leaders to
strengthen Peru's prospects for a stable democratic future.
$33,000
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE ENTERPRISE (CIPE), to assist the Institute for Liberty
and Democracy (ILD) in expanding its program advocating the peaceful evolution of Peru from a mercan-
tilist state to a modern, participatory democracy with a market economy open to all. Established in 1980,
the ILD program seeks to stimulate public debate and generate positive change of the legal and institu-
tional structure in Peru by developing new legislative and regulatory proposals and acting as regulatory
watchdog to ensure that laws are implemented and economic rights protected.
$280,000
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to support the political education and labor training pro-
gram of the Confederation of Peruvian Workers (CPT). The CPT will engage the part-time services of
newspaper correspondents to ensure adequate coverage of its activities and its position on key political
and economic issues. Union members also will be trained in political ideologies, trade union activity and
the fundamentals of democracy.
$25,000
-38-
LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN
Uruguay
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE ENTERPRISE (CIPE), to assist the Center for the Study of
Economic and Social Affairs (CERES) in conducting a program using recent research on the economy to
advocate market-oriented changes in Uruguay's economic policies. In addition, a symposium will be held
for business representatives, political leaders, journalists, top-level public administrators and other
private sector research organizations, following which CERES will publish a series of conference reports
and legislative proposals.
$65,140
DELPHI INTERNATIONAL, to assist Encuentro, a Uruguayan women's organization, in conducting
civic education activities including a public information campaign on themes related to the November
1989 elections, programs on civic leadership training and political participation and workshops on civic
education in primary schools and private high schools.
$ 30,000
Regional
CARIBBEAN PUBLISHING AND BROADCASTING ASSOCIATION to support its year-round
training program for Eastern Caribbean print media designed to strengthen the professional level and
effectiveness of newspapers in the region. The Association provides a forum for Caribbean journalists
to share ideas and promote their mutual interest in a free press.
$ 45,000
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE ENTERPRISE (CIPE), to support the Latin American
Association of Business Organization Executives (ALEOE), based in Mexico City. Formed by the first
graduating class of the CIPE-sponsored Latin American Institute for Organization Management, ALEOE
was created to take over the management of the Institute from the U.S. Chamber of Commerce's Center
for Leadership Development, which created and managed the program for four years. The Institute,
which conducts an annual training course in Costa Rica for business organization executives, seeks to
strengthen the role of voluntary business organizations in the political and economic sectors of their
respective countries.
$ 60,000
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to provide program support for the Service Employees Inter-
national Union and the Bricklayers and Allied Craftsmen International Union to enable them to cooperate
with respective international trade secretariats in their work with trade unions throughout Latin America
and the Caribbean.
$112,000
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to provide funds for U.S.-trained instructors and educational
materials for regional trade union courses on political economy. An education manual on trade issues
will be completed, and an older manual on democracy in developing countries will be revised and up-
dated.
$74,400
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to continue the exchange activities of U.S. trade unionists to
Central and South America. Delegations of six to eight trade unionists will travel to Latin America to
learn and report on the situation and lend U.S. labor support to workers in the region.
$189,040
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to enable the Inter-American Committee on Human and
Trade Union Rights to monitor worker rights violations and take appropriate action. The committee is
-39- -
LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN
sponsored by the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions and its hemispheric affiliate, the Inter-
American Workers' Organization (ORIT). The funds will support a staff coordinator in ORIT's Mexico
City headquarters as well as information centers in various countries. The project produces a monthly
newsletter, Update, which is distributed to confederation affiliates throughout the international human
rights community.
$ 92,000
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to support activities designed to strengthen democratic
trade unionism in the French-speaking Caribbean in cooperation with the French democratic trade union,
Force Ouvriere (FO), and to help insure the survival of independent unions in the French-speaking
Caribbean nations.
$32,000
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to provide assistance to nonpartisan committees on political
education in the democratic labor federations in Guatemala, Honduras, Panama and the Dominican
Republic. The committees are working to raise the political consciousness of union members through
educational conferences, training seminars and public forums.
$ 35,000
FREEDOM HOUSE to provide assistance to Libro Libre, a nonprofit association based in Costa Rica, to
continue its program of dissemination of democratic thought in Central America. Through the publica-
tion of books and magazines and the organization of seminars and lectures, Libro Libre serves as a
catalyst for the spread of democratic values in the region.
$215,000
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NRIIA), to support the
activities of the Jamaica-based Secretariat of the Caribbean Democratic Union (CDU), an organization of
ten moderate and conservative democratic political parties in the English-speaking Caribbean. The CDU
hosts seminars on democracy and political participation, publishes a quarterly newsletter and is building
a data base of issues pertaining to the Caribbean Basin.
$175,705
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NRIIA), to assist the
Central American Academy, a cooperative effort of four political foundations in Costa Rica, Guatemala,
Honduras and Nicaragua dedicated to strengthening democratic principles in Central America. Regional
training seminars on topics such as institution building, communications and party building are offered
by the Academy to intermediate and grass roots civic groups along with a broad spectrum of rural in-
habitants.
$136,000
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NRIIA), to assist the
Colombia-based Inter-American Forum of the Simon Bolivar Foundation in its program of exchanges and
the dissemination of literature on democratic development among moderate and conservative democratic
political parties in Latin America. These activities help to build stronger democratic institutions through
improved communications, organization and public opinion surveys.
$88,000
- 40
MULTIREGIONAL
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE ENTERPRISE (CIPE), to conduct an in-depth survey of
economic reforms in key developing countries. The survey will identify the extent to which these
countries are moving toward reform programs capable of generating economic growth and provide
guidance on the strategy of reform.
$ 93,700
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE ENTERPRISE (CIPE), for continued publication and
international distribution of English, Spanish and French editions of the quarterly Journal of Economic
Growth. The Journal advocates free market/limited government principles and includes information on
international business conditions, country economic performance and economic growth indicators.
$225,000
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE ENTERPRISE (CIPE), to conduct a conference in
Washington, D.C. on market-oriented reforms. The conference, which was held in February 1989, was
addressed by specialists in privatization, deregulation, foreign assistance, structural adjustment and
conditionality, fiscal, monetary, and trade policy, and the global economic environment. The participants
included approximately 100 U.S. Agency for International Development, State Department, World Bank,
International Monetary Fund, congressional and think tank staff. A report is forthcoming on the proceed-
ings of the conference and the follow-up research on the questions raised.
$ 28,372
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE ENTERPRISE (CIPE), to monitor and evaluate the
progress and results of CIPE grants and to develop new projects.
$ 26,080
FREEDOM HOUSE, to continue and expand the Exchange program, a network of democratic opinion
leaders in the developing and developed world launched in 1984 with Endowment support. The network
currently consists of over 400 individuals in 50 countries who circulate materials from Exchange mailings
and share with others on the circuit writings on democratic themes.
$ 60,000
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to continue the International Trade Secretariats program
begun by the American Federation of Teachers. The project monitors teachers' rights and academic
freedom in dictatorial countries in cooperation with the AFT's international trade secretariat, the Interna-
tional Federation of Free Teachers Unions. The project coordinator will monitor activities in four
countries with various forms of dictatorship.
$ 50,000
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), to assist the AFL-CIO in expanding the circulation of
mainstream democratic thought throughout the world by distributing editorial features to newspaper
editors, especially in Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean. The service sends three or four 750-
word opinion pieces each week to a growing number of newspapers (currently about 220).
$100,000
FREE TRADE UNION INSTITUTE (FTUI), for a special program fund enabling it to meet urgent re-
quests for trade union assistance and supplement existing programs as necessary.
$73,323
41
MULTIREGIONAL
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NDI), to assist the Inter-
national Institute for Women's Political Leadership with the formulation of its program activities and
operational structure, including the arrangements for research facilities at Radcliffe College, Harvard
University.
$54,936
NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NDI), for program
development in the areas of party-building workshops, electoral systems and election observation, civic
education and research and conferences.
$ AU 000
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NRMA), to assist the
International Institute for Women's Political Leadership in its international program of political education
and leadership training for women in established and emerging democracies.
$ 20,000
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (NRIIA), for research and
program development activities, including the sponsorship of forums, publication of materials and
academic research into contemporary issues of democratic development.
$ 52,000
- 42 -
Deloitte
Haskins Sells
Suite 350
1001 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20004-2505
(202) 879-5600
ITT Telex: 4995732
INDEPENDENT AUDITORS' REPORT
National Endowment for Democracy:
We have audited the accompanying balance sheets of the National
Endowment for Democracy (the Endowment) as of September 30, 1989 and
1988 and the related statements of revenues and expenses and changes
in fund balance and of cash flows for the years then ended. These
financial statements are the responsibility of the Endowment's
management. Our responsibility is to express an opinion on these
financial statements based on our audits.
We conducted our audits in accordance with generally accepted
auditing standards. Those standards require that we plan and
perform the audit to obtain reasonable assurance about whether the
financial statements are free of material misstatement. An audit
includes examining, on a test basis, evidence supporting the amounts
and disclosures in the financial statements. An audit also includes
assessing the accounting principles used and significant estimates
made by management, as well as evaluating the overall financial
statement presentation. We believe that our audits provide a
reasonable basis for our opinion.
In our opinion, such financial statements present fairly, in all
material respects, the financial position of the Endowment at
September 30, 1989 and 1988 and the results of its operations and
its cash flows for the years then ended in conformity with generally
accepted accounting principles.
Delaitte Haskins + All
November 29, 1989
-43-
NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR DEMOCRACY
BALANCE SHEETS, SEPTEMBER 30, 1989 AND 1988
NOTES
1989
1988
ASSETS
CURRENT ASSETS:
Cash
11
$ 2,199,902
$ 1,447,596
Grants receivable (including
restricted grants: 1989,
$2,783,092; 1988, $751,419)
2,4
10,985,668
9,589,035
Pledges receivable
2,6
255,000
Prepaid and other assets
15,502
27,724
Total current assets
13,456,072
11,064,355
PROPERTY, NET
2,3
212,298
230,258
TOTAL
$13,668,370
$11,294,613
LIABILITIES AND FUND BALANCE
CURRENT LIABILITIES:
Accounts payable and accrued
liabilities
12
$
209,553
$ 103,365
Grants payable
2,5
10,015,454
10,234,921
Deferred revenue - USAID
6
2,786,187
673,423
Other deferred revenue
6
410,446
Current obligations under capital
lease and notes payable
8
16,696
17,820
Total current liabilities
13,438,336
11,029,529
CAPITAL LEASE OBLIGATIONS AND NOTES
PAYABLE - long-term portion
8
50,975
67,671
FUND BALANCE
179,059
197,413
TOTAL
$13,668,370
$11,294,613
See notes to financial statements.
NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR DEMOCRACY.
STATEMENTS OF REVENUES AND EXPENSES AND CHANGES IN FUND BALANCE
FOR THE YEARS ENDED SEPTEMBER 30, 1989 AND 1988
NOTES
1989
1988
REVENUES
Grant revenue
1,2
$20,937,195
$20,316,673
Contributions
164,703
31,800
Total revenues
21,101,898
20,348,473
EXPENSES
Program grants
1,2,7
19,485,128
18,977,840
Salaries, wages and benefits
10
899,719
821,154
Professional fees
78,606
58,602
Occupancy
8
145,454
121,923
Consultants
65,436
65,163
Communications
116,630
92,773
Travel and transportation
121,359
72,434
Supplies and equipment
35,846
29,406
Insurance
23,218
21,627
Depreciation and amortization
2
63,578
55,597
Conference and meetings
40,758
22,516
Other
10,988
11,303
Periodical - production and
marketing
33,532
Total expenses
21,120,252
20,350,338
DEFICIENCY OF REVENUES OVER
EXPENSES
(18,354)
(1,865)
FUND BALANCE, BEGINNING
OF YEAR
197,413
199,278
FUND BALANCE, END OF YEAR
$
179,059
$ 197,413
See notes to financial statements.
NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR DEMOCRACY
STATEMENTS OF CASH FLOWS
FOR THE YEARS ENDED SEPTEMBER 30, 1989 AND 1988
1989
1988
CASH FLOWS FROM OPERATING ACTIVITIES:
Deficiency of revenue over expenses
$ (18,354)
$
(1,865)
Adjustments to reconcile deficiency
of revenue over expenses to net
cash provided by operating activities:
Depreciation and amortization
63,578
55,597
Changes in assets and liabilities:
Grants receivable
(1,396,633)
2,203,395
Pledges receivable
(255,000)
Prepaid and other assets
12,222
1,282
Accounts payable
106,188
1,500
Grants payable
(219,467)
195,410
Deferred revenue - USAID
2,112,764
(940,895)
Other deferred revenue
410,446
Net cash provided by operating activities
815,744
1,514,424
CASH FLOWS FROM INVESTING ACTIVITIES:
Purchase of property
(45,618)
(81,440)
Disposal of property
11,409
Net cash used in investing activities
(45,618)
(70,031)
CASH FLOWS FROM FINANCING ACTIVITIES:
Principal payments under capital
lease obligations and notes payable
(17,820)
(27,511)
Net cash used in financing activities
(17,820)
(27,511)
Net change in cash
752,306
1,416,882
CASH AT BEGINNING OF YEAR
1,447,596
30,714
CASH AT END OF YEAR
$2,199,902
$1,447,596
See notes to financial statements.
NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR DEMOCRACY
NOTES TO FINANCIAL STATEMENTS
FOR THE YEARS ENDED SEPTEMBER 30, 1989 AND 1988
1. ORGANIZATION
The National Endowment for Democracy (the Endowment) is a
private, not-for-profit corporation headquartered in Washington,
D.C. The Endowment was established coincident to a grant
awarded by the United States Information Agency (USIA) as
mandated by the National Endowment for Democracy Act (the Act)
of the United States Congress. The Endowment also receives
funding from the United States Agency for International
Development (USAID). The purpose of the Endowment is to
encourage free and democratic institutions throughout the world
through activities which promote individual rights and
freedoms. The Endowment awards grants to organizations with
programs consistent with its objectives.
2. SUMMARY OF SIGNIFICANT ACCOUNTING POLICIES
Accrual Accounting - The accounts of the Endowment are
maintained and the financial statements have been prepared on
the accrual basis of accounting. The Endowment reports to the
U.S. Government on the basis of obligations incurred and cash
expenditures made.
Revenue Recognition - Grants received from government agencies
specify the periods in which monies are to be expended.
Additionally, certain government grants restrict the use of
funds for programs in specific countries. Revenues from
government grants are recognized as earned in the year in which
the granting organization indicates the funds are intended for
use, provided the Endowment incurs valid obligations which are
in accordance with the purposes set forth in the grant agreement.
Grants received from sources other than government agencies are
recognized as revenue in the period when expenditures are
incurred for the purposes specified by the contributor.
Program Grants - The Endowment records as expense the full
amount of a program grant at the time an agreement is signed
committing funds to the grantee. A corresponding grant payable
is recorded at that time.
Property and Equipment - Property and equipment are carried at
cost and are depreciated or amortized on the straight-line
method over their estimated service lives or the terms of the
lease, as applicable, ranging from 3 to 10 years.
Grants and Pledges Receivable - At the time a grant agreement is
awarded/signed, a receivable and deferred revenue are recorded.
When payments are received, the receivable is reduced. The
deferred revenue is recognized as revenue in accordance with the
Endowment's revenue recognition policy.
3. PROPERTY
Property less accumulated depreciation and amortization as of
September 30, 1989 and 1988, is as follows:
1989
1988
Furniture and equipment
$ 263,794
$219,771
Equipment under capital lease
110,219
110,219
Total
374,013
329,990
Less accumulated depreciation
and amortization
(161,715)
(99,732)
Property, net
$ 212,298
$230,258
4. GRANTS RECEIVABLE
Grants receivable are from the U.S. Government and represent
balances of Federal Reserve Letters of Credit and direct funding
established by USIA and USAID grant agreements.
The Endowment collects U.S. Government funds by filing requests
for direct funding and by presenting payment vouchers against
letters of credit when it disburses cash for program grants and
administrative costs.
5. GRANTS PAYABLE
Grants payable represent the undisbursed balances of funds
obligated to the Endowment's grantees. Grantee organizations
are entitled to collect grant funds as needed by presenting
requests for funds to the Endowment.
6. DEFERRED REVENUE
Deferred grant revenue
The following schedule summarizes the changes in deferred grant
revenue from USAID for the years ended September 30, 1989 and
1988:
1989
1988
Balances, beginning of year
$
673,423
$ 1,614,318
Grants awarded to the Endowment
7,250,000
500,000
Obligations incurred by the Endowment
(5,137,236)
(1,440,895)
Balances, end of year
$ 2,786,187
$ 673,423
The balances at year end consist of the following amounts:
1989
1988
Restricted for use in:
South Africa
$ 751,187
$673,423
Nicaragua
1,450,000
Poland
330,000
Hungary
255,000
Balance, end of year
$2,786,187
$673,423
The deferred grant revenue at September 30, 1989 will be
recognized as revenue when the Endowment incurs valid obligations
in accordance with the purposes set forth in the grant agreements.
Other deferred revenue
In fiscal year 1989, the Endowment commenced work to produce and
publish a quarterly periodical to be entitled the Journal of
Democracy. No issues of the periodical have yet been published.
The Endowment has received support to fund the periodical from a
number of private sources. Commitments for future support of the
publication are recorded as pledges receivable. Contributions
restricted for support of the publication are deferred and
recognized as revenue in the period in which expenses related to
the publication are incurred.
Also included in other deferred revenue at September 30, 1989 is
a contribution of approximately $20,000 for support of a general
internship program in fiscal year 1990.
The following schedule summarizes the changes in other deferred
revenue:
Pledges and cash contributions
received in fiscal year 1989
$469,488
Less: Expenses incurred
(59,042)
Balance at September 30, 1989
$410,446
7. RELATED PARTIES
The Endowment awards grants to various organizations to be used
for programs which the Board of Directors determines are
consistent with the purposes of the Act. Some of the
organizations which submit proposals and are awarded funds have
members of their Board of Directors represented on the Board of
Directors of the Endowment.
Article VI, Section V of the Endowment's bylaws provides that any
board member who is an officer or director of an organization
seeking to receive grants from the Endowment must abstain from
considering and voting on such grant. This provision shall not
prevent any director from supplying factual information the Board
requests.
8. COMMITMENTS
Minimum future payments under capital leases of equipment as of
September 30, 1989 are as follows:
Year ending September 30,
1990
$24,616
1991
22,218
1992
22,218
1993
18,516
Total minimum lease payments
87,568
Less amounts representing
interest
19,897
Total obligations
67,671
Less current portion of
obligations
16,696
Long-term Obligations
$50,975
The Endowment has noncancelable operating leases for office
space and equipment. The lease for office space includes a
provision for rent escalations to compensate for increases in
operating costs. Lease expense was approximately $147,000 and
$122,000 for the years ended September 30, 1989 and 1988,
respectively. The approximate minimum future lease payments
through the end of the lease terms are as follows:
Year ending September 30,
1990
$175,000
1991
175,000
1992
58,000
Total
$408,000
9. INCOME TAXES
The Endowment is exempt from federal income taxes under Section
501(c)(3) of the U.S. Internal Revenue Code and has been
classified as an organization that is not a private foundation
under Section 509(a).
10. RETIREMENT PLAN
The Endowment has a defined contribution annuity plan for all
its employees under which the Endowment contributes a percentage
of eligible employees' annual earnings to individually owned
tax-deferred annuity contracts. The Endowment's contribution to
the plan is based on 10% of an eligible employee's annual
earnings. Costs of the plan for the years ended September 30,
1989 and 1988 were approximately $58,138 and $44,645,
respectively.
11. RESTRICTED CASH
The cash balances at September 30, 1989 and 1988 include
approximately $1,869,000 and $1,260,000 of restricted cash from
USAID appropriations for use as specified in grant agreements
with USAID. In addition, the cash balance at September 30, 1989
includes approximately $135,000 of restricted cash for
production and publication of the Journal of Democracy.
12. TRANSFERS TO USIA AND USAID
Commencing in fiscal year 1987, the U.S. Government established
a policy whereby recipients of federal funds are required to
deposit grant funds in interest bearing accounts. Interest
earned in excess of $100 per fiscal year must be remitted back
to the U.S. Government. Total interest earned in fiscal year
1989 and 1988 was approximately $144,000 and $90,000,
respectively. Interest earned has been netted against transfers
of interest to USIA and USAID for financial statement purposes.
Interest payable to USIA and USAID at September 30, 1989 and
1988 of $47,971 and $27,580, respectively, is included in the
balance of accounts payable and accrued liabilities in the
accompanying financial statements.
Rule of Law Program
Democracy Corps
BOB x5732 Hutchings.
+
ANNOUNCE
ExIM LINE
5
SONOF
of CREDIT,
out of ,SEED
PRIVATE ENT.
stimule channel
+
make test use of
vule oflaw.
pol. parties.
priv ate sector
infra Sopress of News.
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- 53 -
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ABA
narvow
on Cmite. induntroned frade.
should be broadened.
pravate sector. -
supplementing what
we dor on
you If level.
Carol Edelman
to
million: AID
Understand
role of free pilss. MEDIA.
I
radio, print, TV.)
private sector - from
w/in the country
Gov't owned- frain them
on role
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41H STORY or Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Lopyright (C) 1990 Chicago irioune company;
unicago Irioune
April y, 1990, monoay, NURTH SPORTS FINAL EDITION
SECTION: PERSPECTIVE; Pg. 15; ZUNE: L
LENGIH: /38 words
HEADLINE: incentives for people, not suosioies to governments
BYLINE: By James B. Burnnam; James B. Burnnam 15 an adjunct fellow at the Lenter
for the Study of American Business at wasnington university in St. LOUIS. He IS
a former U.S. director of the world Bank, was statt director ano special
assistant to the chairman or the president's Council of Economic Advisers and
serveo on the statt of the Federal keserve System's Doaro or governors
BUDY:
Judging by the calls for foreign alo to neip emerging democracies in
Nicaragua and tastern Europe, It sounos as though a necessary step for all these
countries 15 to tino a preferred place in the U.S. foreign alo Duaget. Sen.
BOD voie, for example, warns that the electoral oefeat of the Sanoinistas in
Nicaragua 1S going to cost the taxpayers "Dig DUCKS."
in tact, one or the worst things the U.S. ano other countries coulo 00 for
the economic well-oeing or Polano, Hungary ano the others 15 to lavisn tax
dollars on government-to-government support and suosidy programs.
The record 15 aistressingly clear. LOOK at the economies of Egypt and israei,
the two largest recipients of U.S. foreign 210. because of massive U.S.
assistance, governments in these countries nave Deen a01e to avoio taking the
naro oecisions about putting their nouses in order. And their economies are
probably more dependent on foreign assistance today than they were TU years ago.
The essential key to a strong economy 15 the set of incentives INDIVIOUALS
face in deciding to work, save or invest. "HOW naro snould 1 work!" "HOW mucn,
ano in what form, snoulo 1 saver" "HOW mucn, and wnere,
snouto 1 invest!" inese are the key questions that make the altterence Detween a
SICK, siuggish economy ano a viorant, growing one.
An economy 15 not going to grow, no matter now much foreign alo It receives,
when INDIVIOUALS cannot keep the wages they earn Decause of nign rates of
taxation. It cannot grow oramatically when people Tall to earn a real rate of
return on savings Decause or artificially LOW interest rates. And an economy
WILL not t lourism when local or foreign Dusinessmen cannot invest Decause
government agencies 00 not want competition or IT government reguiations stitle
enterprise.
10 their credit, some or the leaders in tastern Europe (particularly Polano
seem alert to the importance of empnasizing incentives for inoiviouals insteao
or suosioies for their governments. But in the naste to welcome these late
converts to the free-market system, some western governments tnink they are
001ng them a tavor by assemoling large alo and government loan programs.
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(C) 1990 Chicago rinune, April y, 1990
The U.S. government, even in a perioo or nuge ougget deficits, nas assemoled
a $928 million program under the Support for tast European vemocracy ACT, or
SEED. However, the Busn aoministration nas made an effort to reduce the
nanoouts that snow up in so many foreign alo programs. much of the SEED program
15 centered on private-sector initiatives, sucn as loans and loan guarantees for
Polish ano Hungarian private enterprises. But even these types or programs can
encourage foreign Dorrowing instead or aomestic saving - the type or Denavior
that prought griet to Latin American Dorrowers.
ine most important steps Polano, Nicaragua, zechoslovakia and the others can
take rignt now to spark their economies 00 not require financial resources. They
need laws that permit indiviouals to start up or acquire ousinesses from the
state without any cloudy ownership issues. They need a financial system that
WILL permit indiviouals to earn a market rate on their savings, ano they need a
political environment that tosters confloence in property rignts so investment
WILL DE productive ano local savings Will stay in their own countries.
The most important step the United states government ano western Europe can
take also 0025 not require massive tunas. we can remove traoe Darriers that
oiscriminate against the newly emerging democracies las the United states nas
started, in a small way, to 001. wnetner It 15 Nicaraguan sugar or Eastern
European manufactured goods, we snouto remove quotas, taritts ano other
impediments to imports from these struggiing democracies. "Irade, not ald" 1S
STILL the Dest guide to neiping other nations develop strong economies.
At the same time, It 15 nice to near about Americans, particularly those with
an tast European neritage, seeing now they can participate as inoiviouals in
these newly open economies. ney Dring not Just traditional investment out
"numan capital" as well - knowledge about accounting and legal systems, banking
ano organizing for truly oemocratic election.
The evidence suggests that the emerging democracies nave pienty or talented
ano enterprising people. The real issue 15 not now much foreign ald they are
going to get, It 15 now mucn treeoom people WILL nave to work, save ano invest.
TERMS: EURUPE; EAST; FUREIGN; AIV; UNITED STATES; RELATION
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61H STURY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright ICI 1990 The wasnington POST
marcn 14, 1990, inursoay, Final Edition
SECTION: OPINIUN EDITURIAL; PAGE AZ6
LENGTH: 36U words
HEADLINE: A10 to Britain ano irelang
SERIES: uccasional
BUDY:
THE U.S. foreign a10 Duaget tunnels the 110n's snare of tunas to nait a
oozen nations ano stignts some or the poorest countries, those in Africa in
particular. with new demanos for American assistance to panama, Nicaragua and
tastern Europe, some rearrangements are clearly in order. in the aosence or
adoitional tunos to meet increasing neeas, some 010 assistance programs may nave
to DE reviewed. une candidate 15 the International Funa for irelano.
in November or 1985 the Britisn ano the Irisn Republic signed an agreement to
cooperate on matters concerning Nortnern irelano. inis nas Decome a valuable
D1-national effort dealing with Justice issues, terrorism and the economic
oitticulties that nave piagued uister.
rom the the start there was a question about pieoging a large amount or
American money to support this cause, nowever wortny, when the countries
involved nave significant resources themselves. But congress authorized the
appropriation or $ 1ZU million over three years to the international Funa for
irelano. IT 15 aoministered by the Britisn ano irisn, and It tunas economic
development ano reconciliation programs. inree-quarters or the money 15 spent in
Nortnern ireland ano the rest in SIX Doroer counties of the Repudiic. wnile the
tuno 15 international, the United states contributes about 8U percent. Atter the
three year autnorization ran out, neitner the Reagan nor the Busn
aoministrations sought adoltional tunos, DUT congress continues to make
appropriations. The total 50 tar 15 $ 15U million.
inere 15 a concerted effort on the part of some irisn-Americans - those wno
want to see cooperation Detween breat Britain ano ireland tall -- to disparage
the accomplishments or the tuna. in fact, responsiole American Officials say
that ITS accomplisnments are significant, as measured in the 8,000 permanent
JODS created, the nign quality or management ano the "singuiar" commitment or
staff. It American resources were unilmiteo, this program COULO well DE
continued. But It cannot De oetenoed against the reality of the Duaget Oeticit
ano the demanos of other countries tar needier than these TWO western European
frienos.
TYPE: EDITURIAL
SUBJECT: IRELAND, NURTHERN / ULSTER; GUVERNMENT AID IV FUREIGN NATIONS; ireland,
REPUBLIC Ut; GREAT BRITAIN
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81H STURY or Level 1 printed in FULL format.
copyright LCJ 1990 keuters
marcn 28, 1990, weanesday, BC cycle
LENGTH: 661 woras
HEADLINE: BUSH SEEKS FLEXIBILITY IN ALLUCATING FUREIGN AIU
BYLINE: By william scally
VATELINE: WASHINGTON
KEYWURD: BUSH -AID
BUDY:
with new democracies steadily emerging in Eastern Europe and Latin America,
President Busn taces the proolem or now to a10 a lengtnening 11st or wortny
claimants at a time of extreme pressure on the rederal Duoget.
H15 aoministration Delieves congress snoulo give It more tiexidiiity in
managing foreign a10 by abanooning the practice of setting specific amounts of
alo for certain countries.
in frequent trips to congress, Secretary or state James Baker and other
Officials nave argueo the need to CUT alo to all current recipients to tree
funas for the new oemocracies.
"WE cannot conduct the foreign policy of the United States In a manner we
consider in the national interest unless you nave +1ex10111ty in aoministering
foreign assistance," Baker recently tolo Longress.
HE compiained that in the current year, 82 percent of economic a10 ano 42
percent or financing for foreign military sales were earmarked for specific
countries or regions.
A recent proposal oy senate minority leader Kobert voie or kansas to cut 5
percent of israel's $3 011110n annual a10 package and transter the tunos to
emerging oemocracies was rejected DY congressmen who rusnea to israel's defense.
But the proposal, which a150 called for a cut in a10 to the tour other
largest recipients of U.S. a10- Egypt, the Pnilippines, lurkey ano Pakistan-
underscorea Busn's ollemma.
Since vole's January proposal to cut tunas to the "Big Five", which gooose up
two-thiros or the U.S. foreign alo Duoget, more countries nave Joineo the
ranks of prospective recipients.
in Nicaraguan elections on FED. 25, a U.S.-Dackeo coalition defeated the
Sanoinistas ano Nicaragua Joineo Panama, invaoeo by U.S. troops last December to
oust military strongman ben. manuel Noriega, as a legitimate a10 claimant.
un marcn TU, ben. Prosper AVril was oustea from power in Haiti, and repiaced
by a provisional government 120 by Ertna pascal, who promised general elections.
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(C) 1990 keuters, march 28, 1990
The Busn aoministration 15 proposing $800 million for Nicaragua ano Panama
this year following approval of an earlier $500 million a10 ano trade package
for Panama. Authorization of more than $20 million in new alo to Halti 15
pending Detore a House committee.
meanwniie, vemocrats in congress are calling for increased a10 to Eastern
Europe and there 15 widespread sentiment that It 15 in U.S. interests to nelp
the new democracies there.
For Sen. Kooert Byro, powertul chairman or the senate Appropriations
committee, the oramatic developments in Eastern Europe require congress to
throrougniy review ITS foreign ald priorities.
"uur foreign a10 Duaget nas taken on a new ano suddenly ennanced importance
as an instrument of our goals ano policies in the world," ne tolo nis
colleagues.
Rejecting the Busn proposal to a00115n congress' earmarking of a10 for
certain countries, Byro salo:
"NO one can seriously presume that we are going to nano over some $15 011110n
or 50 to the aoministration and say: have lt. Let us know who you gave It to and
for what purpose."
Byra acoeo, nowever, that some of the largest alo recipients could probably
take cuts of up to ZU percent. "NO foreign country nas earned the rignt to our
money or resources."
Dante ascell, chairman or the House Foreign Attairs LOMMITTEE, salo It was
unrealistic to expect Longress to give the aoministration a Iump sum witnout
guidance.
But ne said ne was prepared to seek an accommodation Detween congress ano the
aoministration to provide more tiexidility on foreign 210.
kep. vavio voey, D-W15., chairman or a KEY House foreign a10 subcommittee,
also salo ne was willing to give the aoministration some tiexidility in managing
foreign a10 It It 010 not allow automatic oudget cuts as It 010 last year.
in setting earmarks, members or congress often react to constituent pressure.
israel's alo 15 Dacked DY washington's most powertul 1000y ano a Greek 1000y nas
ensurea that Greek a10 15 regulary set at /U percent or the level for lurkey.
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14TH STURY of Level I printed in FULL format.
Copyright (C) 1990 inter press Service;
inter press Service
march zu, 1990, Tuesday
LENGIH: 1035 words
HEADLINE: AFRICA: LUWER priuriit, LUWER AID DULLARS FUR U.S.
BYLINE: DY JIM LODE
VAIELINE: WASHINGTON, marcn ZU
BUDY:
un the day that U.S. President George Busn reiterated to congress the
urgency or approving some $800 million in casn assistance to Panama ano
Nicaragua to consolidate "democratic" gains, Secretary or State James baker
celebrated the Dirtn of the worlo's newest democracy DY announcing pians to
provide Namioia with $500, UUU this year.
The symoolism COULO not DE clearer.
Baker IS set to Tell Namiola's new President, sam Nujoma, that it WILL try to
300 a coupie or million dollars on to that in the course or the year It some
cuts are made eisewnere, out that ne cannot promise anything yet.
He nas nowever askeo congress to approve $/.8 million for Nam101a next year
-- about as mucn as wasnington spent on elections in Nicaragua in the first two
months of this year.
And It IS a traction of what the United states intenos to spena in alo to
eastern Europe whose populations are throwing Ott communist governments ano
moving, like Namioia, towards western-style governments and market economies.
washington's meager contribution to Namio1a's future 15 emolematic or a clear
treno in U.S. assistance to sub-Sanaran Atrica - It 15 failing.
in 1988, for example, the United states spent $/80 million in economic ano
Development ald in Atrica. Next year, the Busn ADministration 15 asking
congress to approve 114 million 001125.
in 1984, washington spent 66/ million dollars in economic a10 -- - or about 14
percent or total U.S. economic a10 to foreign countries that year, according to
the "wall Street Journal." inis year, economic a10 15 set at $575 million, about
11 percent or the total.
"Every year It's a struggle to tino money for development a10 to Atrica,"
says Kobert Browne, a congressional a10e who specializes on Atrica.
" inen you see the alacrity with which money for eastern Europe can 02 touno.
"1 was astoundeo,' salo Browne wno was referring to the approval last TAIL
atter only one week or congressional 02022 or YUU million dollars in
development a10 for poiano ano nungary over the next three years.
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(C) 1990 inter press Service, march zu, 1990
The contrast IS action striking given the cnanges made in many Atrican
economies over the last five years.
Since 1984, ano largely at the Denest or the United states and other western
countries, many Atrican governments nave engageo in major economic retorm of the
Kind advocated DY the International monetary Funo (IMF) and the world Bank.
inese retorms have exacted a neavy cost on their populations.
while washington, like other western capitals, nas provideo some 0200 relief
to ease the adjustment, a10 levels promised DY the west when the retorm programs
were undertaken nave simply not kept pace.
The reasons for washington's disappointing performance are many, Dut analysts
offer a tew key expianations.
The oeciine of the COLO war ano superpower competition in Africa generally
neads the 115t.
with the exception or Angola, where Dotn wasnington ano MOSCOW provide
millions of 00113rs to their respective allies, the Soviet union 15 no longer
seen as a threat to U.S. interests on the continent.
Lacking any other "enemy" in the region, wasnington no longer 5285 Africa in
"strategic" terms as a result of which one important reason for providing
assistance to Atrican allies talls away.
inis nas Deen particularly oramatic in the norn or Atrica, where washington
and MOSCOW were LOCKEO in intense competition 1U years ago, each one Didding
tens of millions of dollars for the alliance of local states.
Both superpowers no Longer see the region as strategic nor their allies there
as trustworthy. AS a result, washington's alo to Sudan ano Somaiia, which were
seen as counter-weights to Soviet-Dackeo Etniopia, nas piummeted to virtually
notning, and the Dao numan rignts record or DOTN countries 1S taking priority
over other consigerations.
A secono major reason for oeciining assistance 11es with the new oemanos made
on the U.S. foreign a10 Duaget which 15 aiready severely constraineo Dy the
nuge tiscal oeticits run up by the aoministration or former President Konaio
Reagan.
Foreign a10 15 notoriously unpopuiar in the united States, ano thus the size
of the foreign a10 "ple" rarely expanas in real terms.
inus, as eastern Europe, Panama, and Nicaragua clamor for assistance in the
wake of the sweeping cnanges that have recently taken place there, they are
competing for the same tunos that WOULD otherwise De available for Atrica.
50 are the Anoean countries or Latin America to which wasnington nas given
priority in ITS fight against orug- trafficking.
in each case, Atrica 105es out. vrugs are considerea a more potent political
issue than anything in Africa. washington nas poureo too mucn money and arms
into Lentral America to risk "1051ng" It for lack of economic a10.
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(C) 1990 inter press Service, march zu, 1990
And the oramatic cnanges in eastern Europe seem tar more compelling for
102010gical reasons than Atrica.
inat takes us to one final reason: the 155ue of race.
A10 to eastern Europe 15 not only ideologically more gratifying than
assistance to Africa, out ITS people, like the majority group nere in the United
States, are white.
"It Nam101a were populated DY America's majority group, we'd pay more
attention to It," Kep. Howard wolpe, thairman of a congressional subcommittee on
Atrica, recently tolo the "Journal."
inis, ne adoeo, gives rise to the "perception that we have a racial 00001e
standard," a point ecnoea DY kanoall KODINSON, airector of Transarrica.
kooinson, after meeting with Baker last week, tolo reporters, "We snould not
care 1855 for NamiDian democracy, African democracy, than we care for Nicaraguan
democracy, 50viet democracy, eastern European democracy.
while others like RODINSON nave tried naro to modilize the almost 35 million
U.S. citizens or Atrican descent into a tormioable 1000ying power on Denalt or
a10 for Africa, they nave not Deen nearly as successful as the tar more
politically powertul white etnnic groups, including Jews and eastern Europeans.
Jewisn organizations in the United States, neip persuade congress to provide
more than $3 Dillion dollars a year in assistance to israel - that 15, more
than $/UU nunoreo per israeli.
Atrican citizens, by contrast, receive 1855 than two 0011275 per year in U.S.
a10.
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251H STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (C) 1990 ine NEW York Times company;
The New YORK Times
marcn 8, 1990, inursday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section A; Page 14, COLUMN 1; Foreign wesk
LENGIH: 11/6 words
HEADLINE: UPHEAVAL IN THE EAST;
Longress, Hoping to A10 NEW vemocracies, Finos itselt Snackied DY Budget
BYLINE: By SUSAN t. KASKY, Special to ine New York Times
DATELINE: WASHINGTON, march /
BUDY:
AS democracy 0100ms in capitais from managua to prague, policy makers in
washington are struggiing to muster the foreign a10 0011ars and the political
WILL to Dolster a new world order.
But they are taceo with three politically unattractive choices: Enlarge the
foreign a10 ouoget at the expense or domestic programs; cut a10 to current
recipients to make room for new ones, or accept a greatly alminisnea role for
the United States in snaping events aoroad. many in congress tear that the third
choice 1S Deing made DY default.
I'm emparrassed as an American when 1 see our inability to aooress these
issues, 5210 Representative wave mccuray, a vemocrat from UKLANOMA who serves
on the House intelligence LOMMITTEE. nere IS a growing sense or poweriessness
nere Decause or the incredible Dino we are in with the Duoget.
Snortfall Even Before Nicaragua
Foreign alo spenoing, which WILL amount to $14.6 DILLION this year, accounts
for only 1 percent of the $1.2 trillion reoeral Duaget. And the Longressional
committees that 0012 It out compiained about serious snortfalls long Defore
Nicaragua Joineo the growing appeais for assistance in moving from Communism to
democracy.
But spending aoroad mas rarely Deen a nign priority in congress, particularly
when pressure to reduce the Duaget deticit nas squeezea many popular domestic
programs.
NOW some internationally minoeo Lawmakers watch in trustration and even
Ditterness as prosperous allies like Japan ano west Germany plunge aneao with
government and private assistance for Eastern Europe while the domestic Duaget
crisis siaelines the United States. 'iney lectured us about our oeficits wnile
we were paying their aetense costs,' said Representative Mickey towards of
vklanoma, the senior Republican on the House subcommittee that oversees foreign
a10.
Some in congress 100K to anticipated savings in the military Duaget as the
solution to the foreign alo prodiem, Dut Mr. towards, in a view ecnoea by
vemocrats as well as Republicans, 15 skeptical. He cites the pent-up oemano
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(C) 1990 ine NEW York limes, marcn 8, 1990
for aomestic spending.
YOU can' Blame people'
while the politics may nave cnanged in central America ano central Europe,
they naven' cnanged in central UKLANOMA or central iowa, mr. towards 5310.
YOU can't Diame people outside the wasnington Beltway who say that It there 1S
going to De a peace oivideno, we ougnt to De using It to redullo our own
nignways.
ine House majority Leader, Kicnaro A. Gepnarot or missouri, gave partisan
voice to that trustration on nesday in a speecn Diasting President Busn for
lacking 'eitner the vision to know what steps we must take, or the courage to
take them.
Last year, as Polano ano Hungary Decame the first Eastern European countries
to Dreak Soviet ties, congress useo creative accounting to scrape together a
mooest assistance package. But this year, with new demanos in Panama, new
opportunites to nurture free-market economies througnout Eastern Europe and new
promises by the Busn AdmInistration to compat arug production ano trafficking
in Latin America, the options for money snuttling nave Deen exnausted.
vemocrats ano Republicans who serve on the foreign-aid committees doubt that
the United States can nonor existing commitments, 1et alone undertake new ones.
may nave pieogeo a review of current a10 allotments, raising the possidility of
cutbacks for major recipients like israel, Egypt, Turkey, the Philippines and
Pakistan.
we are overpromisea and undertunded and there are going to 02 some very red
taces, 5310 Senator Patrick J. Leany, the vermont vemocrat who neads the
senate Appropriations suocommittee on foreign operations. The most giaring
example, ne salo, 15 the $500 million in immediate a10 that the Administration
nas promised Panama.
$10 Million in wiggle ROOM'
The tact 15, a10 for Panama IS not going to 02 anywnere near $500
million, Mr. Leany 5210. ' Ano It you 100K at the AdmiInistration's request for
tastern Europe, there IS all of $10 million in wiggle room to cover
czecnosiovakia, tast Germany, komania and suigaria. The paperwork alone WILL eat
that up.
Senator Robert W. kasten Jr. or wisconsin, mr. Leany's Republican counterpart
on the foreign operations panel, pointed to the tempest last month when members
outside the toreign-policy committees learned that the tirst small portion of
Panama a10 would DE financed DY taking money allotted for the Sudan and Somalia.
ine plan was approved only after congressional leaders promised that they WOULD
tino a way to replace the money for Atrica in the 1991 Duoget.
Panama was the eno, mr. kasten salo. 'WE'VE gone as far as we can go
playing Off one region against each other.
mr. kasten tavors an increase in the foreign alo Duaget, a position that
puts nim at 0005 with some or nis party colleagues. Republicans, neretofore
skeptical about the value or foreign aid programs in general, nave Deen
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(C) 1990 The NEW York !imes, march 8, 1990
increasingly vocal in warning that American influence aproad IS threatened
unless the foreign a10 pie 15 enlarged.
General Tax increase Ruleo out
in nearings on capitol HILL last week, a number of Republicans made that
clear to secretary Of state James A. Baker 30 as ne outlined the modest
increases the ADmInistration IS seeking in the fiscal 1991 foreign a10 budget.
Mr. Baker salo ne was open to suggestions, out 20020 that the Administration was
not prepared to see a general tax increase to expano foreign a10.
1 know you're not used to naving people considered ID DE on the right or
this committee say we snoulo ensarge the foreign a10 budget, Representative
Jerry Lewis, a conservative california Republican, tolo the secretary when ne
appeared Defore the House Appropriations suocommittee on foreign operations.
IT we can't use this opportunity to raise the level Of contributions
generally, then we are missing an important Det, Mr. LEWIS salo. don't
know where we go from nere.
Mr. baker got precisely the opposite message at another House nearing today
when vemocrats on a panel that oversees comestic programs complained that the
united States was spending too much aoroad and neglecting important priorities
at nome.
Senator Kooert L. Byra, the west virginia vemocrat who neads the senate
Appropriations Lommittee, salo Federal dollars are not the only means or
asserting American influence aproad.
The American entrepreneur needs to get in on the ground floor, ne 5210.
surely the American Dusinessman IS as ingenious as the German or Japanese
Dusinessman
Representative 511V10 U. Lonte or massachusetts, the senior Republican on the
House Approriations Lommittee, urgeo Mr. Baker and the Administration to go back
to the drawing Doaro on foreign a10 and tino the Kino of vision that inspired
the authors or the marsnall Plan at the eno of world war 11. Alluding to vaciav
Havel, the LZECNOSLOVAK President and playwright who acoressed a joint meeting
of congress last month, Mr. Lonte salo, ''It It you need nelp, go back and read the
speech from that playwright.
SUBJECT: FINANCES; BUDGETS AND BUDGETING; UNITED STATES INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS;
REFURM AND REURGANIZATION; FUREIGN AID
NAME: RASKY, SUSAN t
GEUGRAPHIC: UNITED STATES; EUROPE, EASI
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2ND STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1982 The New York Times Company;
The New York Times
January 18, 1982, Monday, Late City Final Edition
SECTION: Section C; Page 13, Column 1; Cultural Desk
LENGTH: 1595 words
HEADLINE: MILAN KUNDERA: A MAN WHO CANNOT FORGET
BYLINE: By MICHIKO KAKUTANI
BODY:
IT was during the Stalinist era of the late 40's, when he was a student in
Czechoslovakia, that Milan Kundera says he first learned the value of humor.
He learned he could recognize a person who was not a Stalinist by his laughter -
the ability to laugh was a sign that someone could be trusted, for it signified
irreverence, a refusal to take history and its policemen seriously Ever since -
humor then, he says, he has been 'terrified by a world that is losing its sense of,
Mr. Kundera, who has been living as an emigre in France for the last six
years, has learned that humor can have sobering consequences as well. Since the
1968 Russian invasion of Czechoslovakia, his books - which refuse to dignify
either the authorities or their solemnity - have been removed from Czechoslovak
libraries and his plays banned from theaters. When his most recent novel, ''The
Book of Laughter and Forgetting,' was published in France in 1979, the
Czechoslovak Government tried to erase the last vestiges of his nationality: it
revoked his citizenship.
If he is persona non grata in his native country, however, Mr. Kundera, at
the age of 52, has won international recognition. His books have been translated
into some 20 languages, he has won such awards as the Prix Medicis in France,
and he recently came to New York to accept the $11, 000 Common Wealth Award for
Distinguished Service in Literature.
More Erotic Than Political
By turns amusing and grave, introspective and exuberant, Mr. Kundera speaks
in Czech and French with a few sentences of recently learned English thrown in
for good measure; his wife, Vera, serves as his English translator. As Mr.
Kundera is quick to point out, he does not see himself as a dissident writer,
and his books, for all the controversy they have elicited, tend to focus more
directly on erotic and psychological matters than on matters of political
import. They are regarded as ''subversive,' he says, only insofar as they raise
questions of moral and social ambiguity - something that is not encouraged by
the Czechoslovak authorities.
In another sense, of course, nearly all of Mr. Kundera's work is animated by
a concern with politics - that is, politics as manifested in the ironic, even
absurd, conditions of life in a totalitarian regime. In ''The Book of Laughter
and Forgetting, a man named Clementis lends his hat to a party leader, as they
stand posing for a picture; years later, having fallen out of official favor,
Clementis is airbrushed out of the photograph; al 1 that remains of him is his
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hat, sitting on another's head. And in a shor t story in ''Laughable Loves, a
young man feigns religious fervor in order to seduce a pious girl, only to find
himself in trouble W ith the state's atheistic leaders.
Mixing History With Fantasy
Playfully mixing history with philosophy and fantasy, Mr. Kundera creates a
world in which routine expectations are undercut, ideals and reason mocked. It
is a world similar in many respects to Kafka's - a world, as Mr. Kundera notes,
seen from the point of view of a small country that has been a victim of
history.
''Small countries like Czechoslovakia could never adore the cult of
history, Mr. Kundera explains. ''One cannot imagine Hegel, for instance,
coming from Prague. On the other hand, in Russia both the authorities and the
dissidents regard history as something comprehensible, and they take it very
seriously. They are convinced they are part of a grand, positive evolution; or
they are convinced they live in a great tragedy - either way, they are convinced
they are to live in greatness. The point of view of Central Europe is quite
opposite. For us, there is no historical mission; rather, one sees the grotesque
side of history. Our obsession isn't with a grand future, but with the
possibility of our end and the end of Europe.'
In terms of culture, Mr. Kundera points out, Czechoslovakia has never been
part of Russian-dominated Eastern Europe, but belongs instead to Central Europe,
with its legacy of Freud's psychoanalysis, Schonberg's dodecaphony and the
novels of Kafka and Hasek. The occupation of Czechoslovakia, he believes, is as
much a cultural tragedy as it is a political one: By proscribing Czechoslovak
writers and inhibiting artistic expression, the Soviet Union is trying to
implement what he calls organized forgetting'. - they are intent on eras ing
Cz echoslovak traditions and replacing them with their own.
'Maximum Nonconformity'
Clearly Mr. Kundera's own work represents an attempt to preserve his own past
and his memories of a country he will probably never return to. The son of a
well-known pianist, Mr. Kundera was born in Brno, Czechoslovakia, and in the
wake of World War II he enlisted in the Communist Party, which represented for
him, as it did for so many of the bright young people of the day, ''the
expression of maximum nonconformity. ''All the Czech avant-garde were
Communists, he has said, ''all the people I admired, the painters and writers.
There was a certain beauty and poetry to the revolution.'
He was quickly disabused of these ideals, however. Expelled from the party in
1948, he spent several years working as a laborer and jazz musician, and
eventually ended up teaching at the Prague Institute for Advanced
Cinematographic Studies. Although it seemed, for a while, that a new era of
'socialism with a human face'' might be possible in Czechoslovakia - ''The
Joke, Mr. Kundera's satirical novel about life under Stalinism, was published
during a period of increased freedom in 1967 - these hopes quickly expired with
events of the following year.
Although his novels have resulted in the revoking of his Czechoslovak
citizenship, they have made him something of an intellectual celebrity in the
West, where he has even been featured in Vogue magazine. It is an irony that
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(c) 1982 The New York Times, January 18, 1982
is not lost on Mr. Kundera. In the West, he notes, where artists can become rich
and famous, art is often taken for granted as entertainment; in the East, where
art remains ''the one domain where you can express yourself with relative
liberty, it carries ''a social importance that is much greater.
There is another thing I've become persuaded of as well,' he continues.
''I am convinced that a great novel is always linked with historical events that
throw man into situations which de-mask him. And I think that today on our
planet there are two such places - Central Europe and Latin America. I find a
lot of significance in the fact that these are also two regions where the novel
is extremely alive. Unexpected and new political situations enable us to pose
all sorts of metaphysical and anthropological questions.
'Very Sad to Leave'
In his own case, Mr. Kundera says, Czechoslovakia's recent history has
compelled him to re-examine his relationship with his former country and its
relationship with the rest of Europe. ''It was naturally very sad to leave, he
says. 'Whenever you leave something and know you cannot go back, it is sad, and
when the town you leave is as beautiful as Prague is, it is especially sad. On
the other hand, the Prague which was once a cosmopolitan city no longer exists.
Europe no longer exists in Prague, and I, who live in Paris, am perhaps less of
an emigre from the real Prague than the people who remain behind.
After several years in Rennes and several years in Paris, Mr. Kundera now
considers France his home. He has made a new life for himself in the Paris
intellectual community, and says he has no plans to return to Czechoslovakia -
''even if one day it becomes absolutely free. France, after all, has given him
a sp ecial vantage point from which to view his former home: its tradi tion of
classicism provides a fitting counterpoint to the Baroqu E traditions of Prague;
and its language, he says, has enriched his n ative tongue.
Prague, 'an Imaginary Country'
And yet Mr. Kundera remains a man who cannot forget. Although he writes
essays and letters in French, he continues to write all his fiction in Czech and
to set all his stories in the city where he grew up. ' ' I always write of Prague,
but Prague has become for me a kind of imaginary country, he says. ''To write
a novel, you must be true to your obsessions, your ideas and your imagination,
and these are things with roots in your childhood. It is the images from your
childhood and youth which form the imaginary country of your novels, and this
imaginary country, in my case, is named Prague.
Since finishing ''The Book of Laughter and Forgetting, Mr. Kundera has
started another novel tentatively concerned with Goethe and focused on "the
confrontation of Prague and the world. The book, he says half in jest, will be
his last.
I believe you must write each book as though it were the last, he says.
'You must never put anything aside for the next book. I have always had the
impression that the book I am working on will be my epilogue, that I will write
no more. But I cannot stop -I am condemned to go on.''
GRAPHIC: Illustrations: Photo of Milan Kundera
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3RD STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1980 The New York Times Company;
The New York Times
November 30, 1980, Sunday, Late City Final Edition
SECTION: Section 7; Page 7, Column 2; Book Review Desk
LENGTH: 3100 words
HEADLINE: THE MOST ORIGINAL BOOK OF THE SEASON
BYLINE: By PHILIP ROTH; Philip Roth's most recent book is ''A Philip Roth
Reader. His novel 'Zuckerman Unbound' will be published in the spring.
BODY:
HIS interview is condensed from two conversations I had with Milan
Kundera after reading a translated manuscript of his ''Book of Laughter and
Forgetting'' - one conversation while he was visiting London for the first time,
the other when he was on his first visit to the United States. He took these
trips from France; since 1975 he and his wife have been living there as emigres,
in Rennes where he taught at the University, and now in Paris. During our
conversations, Kundera spoke sporadically in French, but mostly in Czech, and
his wife Vera served as his translator and mine. A final Czech text was
translated into English by Peter Kussi.
PR: Do you think the destruction of the world is coming soon? MK: That
depends on what you mean by the word ''soon.'
PR: Tomorrow or the day after.
MK: The fee ling that the world is rushing to ruin is an ancient one.
PR: So then we have nothing to worry about.
MK: On the contrary. If a fear has been present in the human mind for ages,
there must be something to it.
PR: In any event, it seems to me that this concern is the background against
which all the stories in your latest book take place, even those that are of a
decidedly humorous nature.
MK: If someone had told me as a boy: One day you will see your nation vanish
from the world, I would have considered it nonsense, something I couldn't
possibly imagine. À man knows he is mortal, but he takes it for granted that his
nation possesses a kind of eternal life. But after the Russian invasion of 1968,
every Czech was confronted with the thought that his nation could be quietly
jerased from Europe, just as over the past five decades 40 million Ukrainians
have been quietly vanishing from the world without the world paying any heed. Or
ithuanians. Do you know that in the 17th century Lithuania was a powerful
European nation? Today the Russians keep Lithuanians on their reservation like a
half-extinct tribe; they are sealed off from visitors to prevent knowledge about
their existence from reaching the outside. I don't know what the future holds
for my own nation. It is certain that the Russians will do everything they can
to dissolve it gradually into their own civilization. Nobody knows whether they
will succeed. But the possibility is here. And the sudden realization that
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such a possibility exists is enough to change one's whole sense of life.
Nowadays I even see Europe as fragile, mortal.
PR: And yet, are not the fates of Eastern E urope and Western Europeradically
different matters? MK: As a concept of cultural history, Easte rn Europe is
Russia, with its quite specific history anchored in t he Byzantine world.
Bohemia, Poland, Hungary, just like Austria h ave never been part of Eastern
Europe. From the very beginning they have taken part in the great adventure of
Western civilization, with its Gothic, its Renaissance, its Reformation - a
movement which has its cradle precisely in this region. It was here, in Central
Europe, that modernculture found its greatest impulses: psychoanalysis,
structuralism, dodecaphony, Bartok's music, Kafka's and Musil's new esthetics of
the novel. The postwar annexation of Central Europe (or at least its major part)
by Russian civilization caused Western culture to lose its vital center of
gravity. It 15 the most significant event in the history of the West in our
century, and we cannot dismiss the possibility that the end of Central Europe :
marked the beginning of the end for Europe as a whole.
PR: During the Prague Spring, your novel ''The Joke'' and your stories
'Laughable Loves'' were published in editions of 150,000. After the Russian
invasion you were dismissed from your teaching post at the film academy and all
your books were removed from the shelves of public libraries. Seven years later
you and your wife tossed a few books and some clothes in the back of your car
and drove off to France, where you've become one of the most widely read of
foreign authors. How do you feel as an emigre?
MK: For a writer, the experience of living in a number of countries is an
enormous boon. You can only understand the world if you see it from several
sides. My latest book, which came into being in France, unfolds in a special
geographic space: Those events which take place in Prague are seen through West
European eyes, while what happens in France is seen through the eyes of Prague.
It is an encounter of two worlds. On one side, my native country: In the course
of a mere half-century, it experienced democracy, fascism, revolution, Stalinist
terror as well as the disintegration of Stalinism, German and Russian
occupation, mass deportations, the death of the West in its own land. It is thus
sinking under the weight of history, and looks at the world with immense
skepticism. On the other side, France: For centuries it was the center of the
world and nowadays it is suffering from the lack of great historic events. This
is why it revels in radical ideologic postures. It is the lyrical, neurotic
expectation of some great deed of its own which however is not coming, and will
never come.
PR: Are you living in France as a stranger or do you feel culturally at home?
MK: I am enormously fond of French culture and I am greatly indebted to it.
Especially to the older literature. Rabelais is dearest to me of all writers.
And Diderot. I love his Jacques le fataliste'' as much as I do Laurence
Sterne. Those were the greatest experimenters of all time in the form of the
novel. And their experiments were, 50 to say, amusing, full of happiness and
joy, which have by now vanished from French literature and without which
everything in art loses its significance. Sterne and Diderot understood th E
novel as a great game. They discovered the humor of the novelisti C form. When I
hear learned arguments that the novel hasexhausted its possibilities, I have
precisely the opposite feeling: In the course of its history the novel missed
many of its possibilities For example, impulses for the development of the
novelhidden in Ste rne and Diderot have not been picked up by any successors.
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PR: Your latest book is not called a novel, and yet in the text you declare:
This book is a novel in the form of variations. So then is it a novel or not?
MK: As far as my own quite personal esthetic judgment goes, it really is a
novel, but I have no wish to force this opinion on anyone. There is enormous
freedom latent within the novelistic form. It is a mistake to regard a certain
stereotyped structure as the inviolable essence of the novel.
PR: Yet surely there is something which makes a novel a novel, and which
limits this freedom.
MK: A novel is a long piece of synthetic prose based on play with invented
characters. These are the only limits. By the term synthetic I have in mind the
novelist's desire to grasp his subject from all sides and in the fullest
possible completeness. Ironic essay, novelistic narrative, autobiographical
fragment, historic fact, flight of fantasy: The synthetic power of the novel is
capable of combining everything into a unified whole like the voices of
polyphonic music. The unity of a book need not stem from the plot, but can be
provided by the theme. In my latest book, there are two such themes: laughter
and forgetting.
PR: Laughter has always been close to you. Your books provoke laughter
through humor or irony. When your ch aracters come to grief it is because they
bump against a world that has lost its sense of humor.
MK: I learned the value of humor during the time of Stalinist terror. I was
20 then. I could always recognize a person who was not a Stalinist, a person
whom I needn't fear, by the way he smiled. A sense of humor was a trustworthy
sign of recognition. Ever since, I have been terrified by a world that is losing
its sense of humar.
PR: In your last book, though, something else is involved. In a little
parable you compare the laughter of angels with the laughter of the devil. The
devil laughs because God's world seems senseless to him; the angel laughs with
joy because everything in God's world has its meaning.
MK: Yes, man uses the same physiologic manifestation -laughter to express
two different metaphysical attitudes. Someone's hat drops on the coffin in a
freshly dug grave, the funeral loses its meaning and laughter is born. Two
lovers race through the meadow, holding hands, laughing. Their laughter has
nothing to do with jokes or humor, it is the serious laughter of angels
expressing their joy of being. Both kinds of laughter belong among life's
pleasures, but when it is carried to extremes it also denotes a dual apocalypse:
the enthusiastic laughter of angel-fanatics, who are 50 convinced of their
world's significance that they are ready to hang anyone not sharing their joy.
And the other laughter, sounding from the opposite side, which proclaims that
everything has become meaningless, that even funerals are ridiculous and group
sex a mere comical pantomime. Human life is bounded by two chasms: fanaticism
on one side, absolute skepticism on the other.
PR: What you now call the laughter of angels is a new term for the ''lyrical
attitude to life'' of your previous novels. In one of your books you
characterize the era of Stalinist terror as the reign of the hangman and the
poet.
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MK: Totalitarianism is not only hell, but also the dream of paradise - the
age-old dream of a world where everybody would live in harmony, united by a
single common will and faith, without secrets from one another. Andre Breton,
too, dreamed of this paradise when he talked about the glass house in which he
longed to live. If totalitarianism did not exploit these archetypes, which are
deep inside us all and rooted deep in all religions, it could never attract 50
many people, especially during the early phases of its existence. Once the dream
of paradise starts to turn into reality, however, here and there people begin to
crop up who stand in its way, and 50 the rulers of paradise must build a little
gulag on the side of Eden. In the course of time this gulag grows ever bigger
and more perfect, while the adjoining paradise gets ever smaller and poorer.
PR: In your book, the great French poet Eluard soars over paradise and gulag,
singing. Is this bit of history which you mention in the book authentic?
MK: After the war, Paul Eluard abandoned surrealism and became the greatest
exponent of what I might call the ' ' poesy of totalitarianism." He sang for
brotherhood, peace, justice, better tomorrows, he sang for comradeship and
against isolation, for joy and against gloom, for innocence and against
cynicism. When in 1950 the rulers of paradise sentenced Elu ard's Prague friend,
the surrealist Zavis Kalandr a, to death by hanging, Eluard suppressed his
personal feelings of friendship for the sake of supra-personal ideals, and
publicly declared his approval of his comrade's execution. The hangman killed
while the poet sang.
And not just the poet. The whole period of Stalinist terror was a period of
collective lyrical delirium. This has by now been completely forgotten but it is
the crux of the matter. People like to say: Revolution is beautiful, it is only
the terror arising from it which is evil. But this is not true. The evil is
already present in the beautiful, hell is already contained in the dream of
paradise and if we wish to understand the essence of hell we must examine the
essence of the paradise from which it originated. It is extremely easy to
condemn gulags, but to reject the totalitarian poesy which leads to the gulag by
way of paradise is as difficult as ever. Nowadays, people all over the world
unequivocally reject the idea of gulags, yet they are still willing to let
themselves be hypnotized by totalitarian poesy and to march to new gulags to the
tune of the same lyrical song piped by Eluard when he soared over Prague like
the great archangel of the lyre, while the smoke of Kalandra's body rose to the
sky from the crematory chimney.
PR: What is 50 characteristic of your prose is the constant confrontation of
the private and the public. But not in the sense that private stories take place
against a political backdrop, nor that political events encroach on private
lives. Rather, you continually show that political events are governed by the
same laws as private happenings, 50 that your prose is a kind of psychoanalysis
of politics.
MK: The metaphysics of man is the same in the private sphere as in the public
one. Take the other theme of the book, forgetting. This is the great private
problem of man: death as the loss of the self. But what is this self? It is the
sum of everything we remember. Thus, what terrifies us about death is not the
loss of the future but the loss of the past. Forgetting is a form of death ever
present within life. This is the problem of my heroine, in desperately trying to
preserve the vanishing memories of her beloved dead husband. But forgetting is
also the great problem of politics. When a big power wants to deprive a small
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country of ts national consciousness 1 truses the method of organized
forgetting. This is what is currently happening in Bohemia. Contemporary Czech
literature, insofar as it has any value at all, has not been printed for 12
years; 200 Czech writers have been proscribed, including the dead Franz Kafka;
145 Czech historians have been dismissed from their posts, history has been
rewritten, monuments demolished. A nation which loses awareness of its past
gradually loses its self. And so the political situation has brutally
illuminated the ordinary metaphysical problem of forgetting that we face all the
time, every day, without paying any attention. Politics unmasks the metaphysics
of private life, private life unmasks the metaphysics of politics.
PR: In the sixth part of your book of variations the main heroine, Tamina,
reaches an island where there are only children. In the end they hound her to
death. Is this a dream, a fairy tale, an allegory?
MK: Nothing is more foreign to me than allegory, a story invented by the
author in order to illustrate some thesis. Events, whether realistic or
imaginary, must be significant in themselves, and the reader is meant to be
naively seduced by their power and poetry. I have always been haunted by this
image, and during one period of my life it kept recurring in my dreams: A person
finds himself in a world of children, from which he cannot escape. And suddenly
childhood, which we all lyricize and adore, reveals itself as pure horror. AS a
trap. This story is not allegory. But my book is a polyphony in which various
stories mutually explain, illumine, complement each other. The basic event of
the book 15 the story of totalitarianism, which deprives people of memory and
thus retools them into a nation of children. All totalitarianisms do this. And
perhaps our entire technical age does this, with its cult of the future, its
cult of youth and childhood, its indifference to the past and mistrust of
thought. In the midst of a relentlessly juvenile society, an adult equipped with
memory and irony feels like Tamina on the isle of children.
PR: Almost all your novels, in fact all the individual parts of your latest
book, find their denouement in great scenes of coitus. Even that part which
goes by the innocent name of ''Mother'' is but one long scene of three-way sex,
with a prologue and epilogue. What does sex mean to you as a novelist?
MK: These days, when sexuality is no longer taboo, mere description, mere
sexual confession, has become noticeably boring. How dated Lawrence seems, or
even Henry Miller with his lyricism of obscenity! And yet certain erotic
passages of George Bataille have made a lasting impression on me. Perhaps it is
because they are not lyrical but philosophic. You are right that with me
everything ends in great erotic scenes. I have the feeling that a scene of
physical love generates an extremely sharp light which suddenly reveals the
essence of characters and sums up their life situation. Hugo makes love to
Tamina while she is desperately trying to think about lost vacations with her
dead husband. The erotic scene is the focus where all the themes of the story
converge and where its deepest secrets are located.
PR: The last part, the seventh, actually deals with nothing but sexuality.
Why does this part close the book rather than another, such as the much more
dramatic sixth part in which the heroine dies?
MK: Tamina dies, metaphorically speaking, amid the laughter of angels.
Through the last section of the book, on the other hand, resounds the contrary
kind of laugh, the kind heard when things lose their meaning. There is a
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certain imaginary dividing line beyond which things appear senseless and
ridiculous. A person asks himself: Isn't it nonsensical for me to get up in the
morning? to go to work? to strive for anything? to belong to a nation just
because I was born that way? Man lives in close proximity to this boundary, and
can easily find himself on the other side. That boundary exists everywhere, in
all areas of human life and even in the deepest, most biological of all:
sexuality. And precisely because it is the deepest region of life the question
posed to sexuality is the deepest question. This is why my book of variations
can end with no variation but this.
PR: Is this, then, the furthest point you have reached in your pessimism?
MK: I am wary of the words pessimism and optimism. A novel does not assert
anything; a novel searches and poses questions. I don't know whether my nation
will perish and I don't know which of my characters is right. I invent stories,
confront one with another, and by this means I ask questions. The stupidity of
people comes from having an answer for everything. The wisdom of the novel comes
from having a question for everything. When Don Quixote went out into the world,
that world turned into a mystery before his eyes. That is the legacy of the
first European novel to the entire subsequent history of the novel. The novelist
teaches the reader to comprehend the world as a question. There is wisdom and
tolerance in th at attitude. In a world built on sacrosanct certainties the
novel is dead. The totalitarian world, whether founded on Marx, Islam or
anything else, is a world of answers rather than questions. There, the novel has
no place. In any case, it seems to me that all over the world people nowadays
prefer to judge rather than to understand, to answer rather than ask, 50 that
the voice of the novel can hardly be heard over the noisy foolishness of human
certainties.
GRAPHIC: Illustrations: drawing photo of Milan Kundera
TYPE:
interview
SUBJECT:
BOOKS AND LITERATURE; WRITING AND WRITERS
L Cc
given in
after,
ures in
LEXIS® NEXIS® LEXIS®
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sit us,
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10/18/89
Rare advice to the
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august group from
of the
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an elder
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Washington Talk
statesman.
ed to
Powell
last
woman's constitutional right to ob-
eriod,
tain an abortion. Stare decisis," he
North
wrote in the majority opinion in the
all
To Court:
as
1982 Akron case, is a doctrine that
ut
the
demands respect in a society gov-
ortion-
erned by the rule of law
The
ocoming three months after the
A Caution
equity
"It sell
Court's new anti abort ion jority,
and
in the Webster case, paid bare lip
the
service to Roev, Wade, a lecture by
With Love
less
Justice Powell on the topic of stare
decisis promised to be of special in-
terest
risen
It was, but not because Justice
ear,
Powell set off any fireworks. He
1.000
By LINDA GREENHOUSE
made only a passing reference to last
a
Special to The New York Times
ed
July's abortion ruling, noting that
WASHINGTON,
1175
given his support for Roe V. Wade,
Oct. 17 - During
in
"there is nosecret as to how I would
his 15 years on the
is.
have voted in Webster. In the next
Supreme Court,
breath; he added, "I do not say this as
Justice Lewis F.
a criticism of the Court.
Powell Jr. rarely spoke from the
Rather, the talk was a prime exam-
bench. When he did, he phrased his
ple of Justice Powell in his elder
questions gently, his voice barely
statesman's role, monitoring the in-
above a whisper.
stitutional health of the Court and
But often these were the questions
suggesting, usually through indirec-
that penetrated to the heart of a case.
tion and always gently, that there are
He commanded attention, and this
some symptoms that need attention.
quiet, courtly man had a substantial
The tone of the Court, for example:
impact on the institution he still
Other commentators have deplored
clearly reveres
the vituperative and personal terms
In his third year of an active retire-
in which Justices battled one another
ment, Justice Powell has not(stopped
in some of the opinions issued last
asking the gently pointed questions
summer. But none of these critiques
that go to the heart of the matter. But
could have the force of Justice Pow-
now his focus is not individual cases.
ell's quiet observation that "unhappi-
It is the Court itself.
ly, some opinions on both sides of
Justice Powell, now 82 years old,
issues - included language that in
has emerged in retirement as an
time the authors may regret."
elder statesman for the Court. That
Or the splintered nature of many
would be an unusual role even in ordi-
opinions He noted that in 18 cases
nary times, given that the Court's
last term - more than 10 percent of
ssociated Press
/life-tenured members typically re-
all the cases decided, there was no
main until death or disability ends
opinion joined by a majority of the
their active service. But in these
ing
Court Although I have written my
elphia as
times; with the Court sharply
ved
share of separate opinions," he said,
e driven
polarized, it is all the more striking to
to
"in hindsight I would urge the Court
illed, the
hear, over the din of ideological strug-
to look carefully at the effects of this
house,
gle, the loving but concerned voice of
Judge
practice on respect for the Court as
a
noncombatant.
eir re-
an institution. He said Justices
nown.
Today Justice Powell was in Man-
action.
should try harder to "harmonize
hattan to give a lecture at the City
their views
oncern
Bar Association. His title, "Stare
domes-
Decisis and Judicial Restraint," had
athority
ard
a special resonance for his audience.
His theme was really the Court's
"Stare decisis is Latin translating
the Viet-
continual need to earn and retain the
as 'let the decision stand." It refers
for up to
public's respect. This "public legiti-
to a court obligation to adhere to
ment of
macy" is the most important argu-
precedent, a rule that the Reagan and
ment for adhering to precedent, he.
months
said.
such
Bush Administrations urged the
vernment
fornians
Court to disregard with respect to
and come
"The respect given the Court by the
ings to
Roe v. Wade, the precedent that es-
ut warn-
public, and by the other branches of
ame to
tablished the constitutional right to
/se people
government, rests in large part on the
abortion
en unlaw-
knowledge that the Court is not com-
ere re-
which
have been
posed of unelected judges free to
ents in
usiness be-
write their policy views into law,
romote
It was Justice Powell who, in the
ement."
Justice Powell said, adding, "An im-
ondrous
face of the Reagan Administration'
yer for the
portant aspect of this is the respect
first effort to persuade the Court to
en's Associ-
living
the Court shows for its own previous
back away from Roe V: Wade, wrote
htiffs, said he
opinions.'
McCall
an opinion rongly reaffirming a
idge's ruling.
Change is inevitable, he said, but
that
thern Califor-
must be tempered by "stability and
ers and their
moderation. It was a doctor's pre-
1 out of work
scription for a favorite patient whose
health matters too much to be taken
for granted,
Photo Copy Preservation
DRAFT
Chun waters (speech
see
THE WHITE HOUSE
Rostinkowski pa 5.
Office of the Press Secretary
Internal Transcript
March 12, 1990
REMARKS BY GOVERNOR JOHN SUNUNU
DURING VISIT TO THE CAPITOL HILL CLUB
The Capitol Hill Club
Washington, D.C.
9:40 A.M. EST
GOVERNOR SUNUNU: Thank you very much. Obviously, this
can't be a very tough job if I can come out and spend some good time
with folks such as yourselves. So I -- I keep telling people it
beats work. (Laughter.)
Please don't tell Senator Bentsen about the statistics of
of the crowd. It will probably ruin our chances of getting capital
gains tax cuts. (Laughter.) And I will resist the temptation of
saying that only within the Beltway will people -- people define
Beltway. (Laughter.)
I thought I'd come down today and talk about everything
you already know, which is usually the easiest thing to do. That
way, we're on the same wavelength, I think. But sometimes, talking
about the obvious is a very important thing to do in any case,
because quite often the first thing people forget is the obvious.
I used to make a reasonably good living as a consulting
engineer. And one of the things that I would be asked to do is to
come in and solve a problem that the company itself was best equipped
to solve. And quite often, I've found that the difficulty was that
they really had not just structured themselves to deal with the
problem and to take full advantage of what they already knew.
To me, there are three things that you have to do if you
want to accomplish something. Number one, you have to decide where
you are. And then you decide where you'd like to go. And then, you
lay out the path to get there -- three very obvious, very
straightforward principles. But all three are absolutely necessary,
and very frankly, I think you've got to do it in that sequence.
In Washington, people like to decide where they'd like to
go -- never take the time to look at where -- first -- they never,
then, take the time to look at where they are, and heaven forbid they
should have to make a commitment on whatever path they want to take
to get there.
But the fact is, is that understanding where we are at
any given time is a very crucial part of dealing with issues. In
terms of economy, in terms of fiscal policy, in terms of budget -- in
terms of all those things associated with the financial side, both in
terms of where the country is and in terms of where we are vis a vis
the countries around the world, it is important sometime to talk to
ourselves about the very obvious reality of what the facts associated
with the status of the American economy.
Believe it or not, the numbers are not what a lot of the
press has been suggesting. And at the risk of being accused of being
euphoric -- and I am not trying to be euphoric, I'm trying to at
least point to the reality of where we are, because that is what we
will build a goal from, define a goal from and build a scenario to
achieve that goal -- and it is just as bad to underestimate where we
are as it is to overestimate where we are.
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The first point I'd like to emphasize, then, is the
reality of the size of the American economy. We have about five
percent of the world population. We represent over a quarter of the
world's economy.
Our economy is, in fact, two and a half times -- two and
a half times larger than the next largest economy, Japan. And yet,
if you read the press, you would think that the Japanese economy had
overcome the U.S. economy in terms of size.
Now, one reason that's an important fact is that it
underscores, in my opinion, a great deal of the difficulty we have in
terms of trade. It takes absolutely no intelligence at all, if
you're a foreign manufacturer, to decide that you want a market in
the U.S. economy. It's a no-brain decision. Yet I guarantee you
that for each one of your companies it is probably still a tough
decision to decide which one of the foreign markets you might want to
get into. And I'll wager that if you just sit down and do it in
terms of short-term impact, intermediate-term impact, it's still an
easier decision for your companies to decide to send a sales group to
Peoria than it is to send them to Tokyo, or to send them to Dallas
instead of sending them to Hamburg. The fact of the matter is that
that kind of an analysis is a very critical part of the millions of
decisions which reflect national policy in terms of what our private
sector is doing as a whole and in terms of the components of that
private sector.
And we cannot forget it. That it is still the best
market in the world is the U.S. market. It is the market that drives
succes, not only for our own companies but for companies around the
world. And it is the best market because by at least a factor of two
and a half it is the biggest market for just about everything.
Secondly, the number one exporter in the world is the
United States. And we seem to forget that. I say the reason that is
important is it underscores why we are SO desirous of establishing a
true and maintaining a true free-trade environment. Because a great
deal of the strength of our economy comes from a trading climate.
Third, our standard of living is about a third higher
than our nearest competitor. And a sidebar to all of us is something
we forget, and that is the fact that our productivity is still number
one in the world. Still those that might have higher rates of
improvement than ours, but they haven't even come close to catching
up.
Now with that in mind it at least defines the base from
which policy ought to be established or some of the base data from
which policy ought to be established, from which goals are to be
defined and from which we ought to decide how we would like to get
where we would like to go.
We are very much committed to a set of economic policies
that sustain strong economic growth. And as you hear the
administration debate on the Hill, around the country, those issues
that are critical to us, you will always see us try and bring it back
to the reality of policies that create growth, that maintain that
growth, that are contributing to that aspect of what we think is so
critical. It is critical, and in fact, impacts our capacity to do
just about anything. That's why our policy is built on programs
designed to produce deficit reduction; designed to cut the tax rate
on capital gains; designed to make permanent, and expand, the R & E
tax credit; designed to get significant reform both in terms of
regulatory reform and reform in terms of product liability in tort,
legal reform; to unchain, if you will, some of the constraints
imposed on the private sector; focus and target resources in
education to maintain a competitive population in the work force; and
in fact, to make sure that the level of federal R & D spending, which
this year is the highest it has ever been, continues to grow and
reflect the commitment of this country to the higher technology side
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of the competitive sector.
With all of that we look at what is happening today and
although we're pleased with the long-term trend looking back, as we
are in a continuation of a long growth we are looking at some signs
that indicate a softening. And we feel that this economy certainly
needs commitment on the part of the private sector and the public
sector to keep that level of growth going. Obviously everybody has a
whole host of shortcut formulas for taking care of it and sometimes
you've got to balance the capacity to get a jump start in the
short-term for its long-term negative impact. And what you are
seeing, I think, is a balancing act of trying to maintain the
continuity of the growth cycle we're in without doing it in such a
way that it creates a backlash intermediate or long-term that hurts
the capacity of the country to continue to grow, continue to compete.
We are committed to the programs as defined in the budget
the President sent up. That budget, we think, includes all those
growth components I talked about. It includes a continued moving
down of the deficit for example, projects it to flatten out about
1993. But we can't get that if what we get out of Congress are
budget packages that do not reflect the significant balance of cuts
and leveling off of growth and allocation of resources that the
President sends up.
Last year we were about to have that fall apart, that we
were about not to get the savings we needed, and the President was
willing to take sequester. It had been assumed in this town that
sequester was too painful for an administration to accept. That it
was unmanageable, that it couldn't be handled, that no administration
would ever accept sequester. Well, we accepted sequester and were in
no hurry to get out of it until they provided back a budget
resolution package that gave us the kinds of savings that were
necessary to keep moving down that deficit reduction line.
I think you will continue to see the kind of tug of war
that has been taking place on the budget, but I do think the debate
is taking place with a lot more focus on the kinds of things that can
really make a difference. If nothing else, the level of rhetoric in
terms of whether it can be done with no new taxes is at least talking
now about trying to address it in a much more constructive way.
There is even debate up there now in terms of tax cuts. We are not
recommending that at this stage, but the fact is that having gotten
their attention on having to keep growth going in the economy, at
least the debate is focusing in terms of general direction on the
right side of that issue.
We do think that the world markets that have been closed
to us ought to be open. And the President, in his meeting with Prime
Minister Kaifu of Japan in California about a week ago, emphasized
that. He made it very, very clear that we are not in these
discussions to discuss details, progress is not going to be measured
on whether one detail gets taken care of or another, but the only
measure is the measure in terms of the trade balance. There'l be
another meeting today with former Prime Minister Takeshita, and I
guarantee that the President's message was and will continue to be
extremely clear that this has to be results oriented. That the
debate and the dialogue in terms of dotting this i and crossing that
t and having that drag out over a long period of time is not how we
will measure whether or not there has been a response.
I think last year's 301 action got their attention. I
think the President's comments have gotten their attention, and I do
think for the first time in a long, long time we have the possibility
of getting a response out of our major trading partners that open up
the process for American firms. Having said that, I will also say
that as we look around the world we see other countries, again major
trading partners, EC for example, as having at least contained within
itselves some discussions that do raise some concerns. And I can
assure that we have expressed our dissatisfaction with some of the
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internal debate that has taken place, urging them not to use EC as a
mechanism for stalling freer trade structure but one that should be,
and was originally intended, and should be one that is designed to
maximize exchanges amongst Western trading partners.
These are exciting times. Certainly what is happening in
Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union are significant not only because of
their movement towards democracy in political implications, but they
are significant because it is clear that over a reasonable period of
time there will be much more participation in world commerce by a
major portion of the population that had been excluded from that for
a long, long time. How we handle that, how the private sector takes
advantage of investment opportunities, how we in the public sector
create public policy that makes that easy, how we establish
relationships that continues the unfettering of their economies
without doing it in such a way that they are wracked by internal
splintering that creates problems in the long-run is the challenge.
The question that was put at the very beginning was how
will the historians in 2030 look back at this administration. I hope
that the -- the only thing I would suggest and hope for -- is that
they look back at it with a little bit more of an analytic
perspective than some of the current press who seems to suggest that
everything is an accident. If you are part of that group that thinks
that all these things that happen around the world are accidents,
then in my opinion, you've really missed the reality of where we are,
the definition of where we'd like to get and somehow then aren't
going to be able to enjoy watching the laying out of the scenario and
the progress that is made in trying to get there.
They are critical times. They're times where the
private-sector, public-sector partnership which is so much the
strength of America is an important part of where we go, and I just
hope that as you and your representative institutions, your
companies, take a look at what you have to do on a daily basis to
fulfill your own goals, that you keep in mind that there are some
national goals that make some sense and perhaps together we can make
this a period of time to really deliver on what everyone perceives is
a tremendous opportunity for restructuring that will make a
difference not only for this generation but for the next, and the
next, and the next.
I thank you for the chance to come and visit with you.
I'll be happy to answer questions, talk about whatever you'd like.
(Applause.)
Q Governor, you talked about the trade deficit. Is
there either a formal or informal target within the administration as
to when you expect to see -- you particularly talked about resolves
-- when do you expect to see the trade imbalance corrected?
GOVERNOR SUNUNU: Well, I must tell you of all the things
we have to target, that's the one that's the most illusive in trying
to lay out a scenario. Because frankly as you lay it out and look at
it with the assumptions of what might be happening, it is very
difficult to find assumptions that keep that thing moving the right
direction over any significant period of time. And the question we
have to ask is whether zero is the right target or not. And I must
say that there are some folks that make some very persuasive
arguments that what we want to do is make sure that we get it down to
a manageable range. But unlike the budget deficit there is nothing
magic about the trade balance over the long-term having to go down to
zero, but we really do think that we are looking at a 10-year battle
at the very least to get that trade deficit down. It is not going to
happen overnight, it is not going to happen any faster than the
budget deficit. Our budget deficit target is 1993. If you extend
that out a little bit, you see that that's the timeframe that we're
talking about.
Q
Governor, what's your reaction to Chairman
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Rostenkowski's proposal over the weekend?
GOVERNOR SUNUNU: Well I think, first of all, that the
Chairman of the Ways and Means, Chairman Rostenkowski, does deserve
some credit for putting together what is, amongst a lot of rhetoric
that has occurred in the last few months, some serious and
comprehensive proposals. I don't think it's a surprise to anyone
that the administration finds some components of what he has in his
plan not consistent with programs we've -- policies -- we've laid
out. There are some parts of it, we cannot support.
But I think if you look at it, the interesting thing
about what Chairman Rostenkowski did is that his plan is in very
specific contrast with some of the other Democratic approaches.
Certainly Senator Moynihan's plan would have increased the deficit by
about $55 billion so there's that divergence. Representative
Gephardt, who's been talking about what he would want to do with the
peace divident, decided to give the peace divident to the Soviet
Union and not use it for deficit reduction, so obviously there's a
conflict there. Actually I'm not sure if he was just using the peace
divident or whether he was also going to raise taxes and give that to
the Soviet Union as well. (Laughter.)
Within the Democratically controlled budget committees
they're working on pieces but haven't come together with any broad
package, so that's a significant contrast. So I think Chairman
Rostenkowski deserves credit for doing it quite differently than a
lot of the hot rhetoric that's been flying around from the other
side. Some of the fundamental problems we had with it, though, is
that it does not -- either in terms of its individual pieces or in
terms of the total, it does not stimulate economic growth. And in
fact, it has some components that are downright antigrowth within it.
And as I said in the presentation I made, we are very
concerned that whatever gets done, gets done in such a way that
maintains the incentives for growth and the reality of growth that we
think is appropriate in the economy. And whatever is done to deal
with the deficit, for example, must be done in such a way that it
increases rather than decreases economic growth.
And the last of the concerns that I'll raise here is that
we do get concerned that anytime anybody wants to get rid if the
Gramm-Rudman discipline, and in particular the sequester tool in
Gramm-Rudman -- as I say, up until last year everyone thought it was
not going to be used and never paid much attention to it -- a
sequester is a very important tool in keeping the unlimited growth of
the process and being able to turn back a budget and stand firm with
some discipline in the system. So we have a little concern that he's
included an elimination of that within this package as well.
But it's thoughtful, it has pieces in it that we
obviously don't support, but at least he deserves some credit for
having done it in this comprehensible way --
Q
To follow up on that Govenor, what parts of Chairman
Rostenkowski's package do you like, and in particular, what do you
think about his proposal for a freeze on all spending increases,
including the non-Means-tested goals?
GOVERNOR SUNUNU: Well, I met with Darman this morning,
and Dick is going to sit down and take a line-by-line look at what
has been proposed. And rather than jump into it right now, endorse
any of the pieces that are there, let me take a look at the analysis.
But anytime you get something thoughtful, it deserves a thoughtful
rather than off-the-cuff response -- let defer that until we get some
better ideas.
Q
Governor, there's been a lot of discussion that the
administration would be willing to take a sequester as a way of
raising defense spending above the level that Congress might
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appropriate, and yet, I hadn't heard that in the administration --
GOVERNOR SUNUNU: Well, when we took sequester last time,
we took the cut in both defense and the domestic side and showed that
we could manage it. Sequester this time will also cut defense
spending significantly. So it's not -- we're not taking a sequester
to raise defense spending, it will be significantly lower than the
package we sent up. I think -- Congress decides what it's going to
do with the budget, it will find that its own hot rhetoric of $10
billion, $20 billion, $30 billion cut capacity in defense is not
achievable with anything that makes any sense. And as they sit down
and look at the specific changes they have to make, they will find
that it just is not that easy to make those cuts if you've fulfilled
the responsibility of this country -- the country has to itself, to
be able to deal with the kinds of uncertainty and instability that
still exists as we go through change.
As you look at what happened, for example, with Lithuania
declaring its own independence, the fact that people kind of take a
deep breath and are watching that very carefully underscores the
concerns that people have about instability and uncertainty. So when
there's a more responsible look at defense, you'll find that
sequester is still a defense cut relative to what we're going to get
-- rather than an increase.
Q
Governor, there's a lot of discussion this year
about environmental fees which some of us consider taxes. And I'm
wondering what the administration's point of view on fees for
cleaning the air, fees for solid waste and things like this.
GOVERNOR SUNUNU: Well, we're great believers in the
market system, and total cost of the market includes cost of -- we
are opposed to fees such as the one being proposed now in the House
side, at least in one of the subcommittees. That doesn't mean that
there is not a fee structure for some pollutants --
pollutant-specific that might not be considered. But I haven't seen
the list that makes any sense yet that we would jump on and say that
that's a great idea and we're going to go that way.
There are some things included in the clean air bill that
we felt very minor numbers that are there for dealing with some of
the administrative costs associated with regulating and monitoring
and so on. But even on the major pollutants such as in acid rain, we
really tried to create a system where the major transfers would be
market-oriented and would be determined by the marketplace
themselves, and I think that's probably the way we'll go for
virtually all of the major issues.
That doesn't mean that somebody who is making amendments
in the legislation may stick something in there that we might have to
be forced to accept and we're going to try and avoid it if we can.
By the way, I have to say we are absolutely opposed to a
national utilitie tax, if that's the question. We're absolutely
opposed to fees under the current House subcommittee structure on
industrial emmisions that are trying to be used as a "cautionary
mechanism." So those major ones we're still currently opposed to.
Q
There seems to be growing support, on the House side
in particular, certainly a lot more rhetoric and support that we're
finding even among some of the Democrat proponents of the capital
gains provision last year for eliminating the bubble in the context
of doing a capital gains provision package this year. Would the
administration still consider that to be an unacceptable tax
increase?
GOVERNOR SUNUNU: Yes. Why not?
Q
Looking at putting together a package, whether that
might end up being something you'd have to accept?
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- 7 -
GOVERNOR SUNUNU: No, that's a tax increase -- not only
is it a tax increase, it's an antigrowth tax increase. As I said, we
have to look at a package that is a growth stimulus, not a growth
inhibitor. And they're not eliminating the bubble; they're making
the bubble bigger. They're extending it all the way out. That's not
eliminating the bubble.
Q
Governor, we're importing 54 percent of our oil
requirements now, and it seems that demand is really outstripping
supply because production is declining in the U.S. and the Soviet
Union -- in the U.S. mainly because the government is shutting down
key areas like the OCS. We had a committee hearing last week and the
environmentalists wanted the entire OCS shut down. Do you see a
beginning misery index as a result of this, with rapid increases in
the price of oil?
GOVERNOR SUNUNU: There have been some increases. oil
was at one point down around $11 or $12 a barrel. I guess it's up
around $20, $21, $22 -- I don't know that the latest number is. But
there's been a significant enough increase that at least there's a
slightly more relaxed look amongst the producers, but has not been
large enough to inspire any major domestic drilling. The number of
rigs is still a fraction of what it used to be -- the number of rigs
being used.
It is a concern -- particularly the import side. And the
difficulty is that you have to look at the reality of trying to deal
with an issue that is awfully tough to keep foolish legislation from
being written on. And what you have to do is balance getting through
a period of time where there is a likelihood that if you overreact to
that need that you're going to end up with foolish legislation and
still not shut yourself out in such a way that you can't recover from
it as the pressure of the need creates a better environment -- no pun
intended -- for response.
It's a very fine line, and I suspect that when the
President puts his OCS decision out, it will be designed to walk that
fine line.
I'll take one last one and then go to you.
Q
In January, Budget Director Darman indicated the
$20-per-ton fee on virgin materials to produce paper, glass, metals
et cetera would be considered a new tax by the administration. Yet
last week the Treasury Department testified that they were currently
studying a virgin materials-type tax. They set forth some criteria
that they would look at, including amount of the fee, whether or not
it could be administrable and what the odds were for collectability
and that sort of thing. I wonder if that indicates from your
perspective a change in the administration's position that that kind
of a tax is a new tax?
GOVERNOR SUNUNU: Well, they might have found a way to
give it two more legs, and I guess I've never seen a four-legged
duck. (Laughter and applause.)
UNIDENTIFIED SPEAKER: Thank you very, very much,
Governor. We see Burt Solomon's words were very well put.
Let me add just one thing on the capital gains thing. We
were delighted last week when the administration came out swinging on
the revenue estimates. We appreciate that very, very much.
GOVERNOR SUNUNU: Well, it's just the beginning.
(Laughter.)
UNIDENTIFIED SPEAKER: Thank you very much. (Applause.)
END
10:06 A.M. EST
Winston Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1946
7285
ations. This would
education invaluable to the formation of character and to the development of those
e academic atmos-
qualities by which freedom and justice are preserved in strong nations and by the
inother moral with
strong for weak nations. They must also be given the wider view, in outline at any rate,
girl should ever be
of the treasures which mankind has gathered in its long, chequered pilgrimage across
atly and faithfully
the centuries. You do well to provide, as you are doing, on this prodigious scale for the
sentiment which I
baptism of such as are of riper years.
ill all be cordially
This is an age of machinery and specialisation but I hope, none the less-indeed
all the more-that the purely vocational aspect of university study will not be allowed
ledge and learning
to dominate or monopolise all the attention of the returned Service men. Engines were
essure of life and
made for men, not men for engines. Mr. Gladstone said many years ago that it ought
great majority of
to be part of a man's religion to see that his country is well governed. Knowledge of
ty. These are great
the past is the only foundation we have from which to peer into and try to measure
easures of learning
the future. Expert knowledge, however indispensable, is no substitute for a generous
ids, elevating their
and comprehending outlook upon the human story with all its sadness and with all its
free and wealthy
unquenchable hope.
her graduates of
May I not also advance the claims of literature and language. The great
and certainly any
Bismarck-there were great Germans in those days-said at the close of his life, that the
fore them and has
most important fact in the world was that the British and American peoples spoke the
nplain if he or she
same language. Certainly we have a. noble inheritance in literature. It would be an
enormous waste and loss to us all if we did not respect, cherish, enjoy and develop this
arters. Not only is
magnificent estate, which has come down to us from the past and which not only
ation may be even
unites us as no such great communities have ever been united before, but is also a
e later teens. The
phies, humanities
powerful instrument whereby our conception of justice, of freedom, and of fair play
ntense than at an
and good humour may make their invaluable contribution to the future progress of
mankind.
nory, the earnest-
be greater in the
me application at
terrupted by the
st make sure that,
THE SINEWS OF PEACE
cular form of the
March 5, 1946
med, spurred, by
Westminster College,
al bodies of the
Fulton, Missouri
these young men
ave lost by their
This speech may be regarded as the most important Churchill delivered as Leader of
facilities almost
the Opposition (1945-1951). It contains certain phrases-"the special relationship,"
host of whom are
"the sinews of peace"-which at once entered into general use, and which have
hoped that four
survived. But it is the passage on "the iron curtain" which attracted immediate
rt. I suppose, Mr.
international attention, and had incalculable impact upon public opinion in the United
ments on a great
States and in Western Europe. Russian historians date the beginning of the Cold War
all them, though
from this speech. In its phraseology, in its intricate drawing together of several themes
who come back,
to an electrifying climax-this speech may be regarded as a technical classic.
n the land from
Rhine. Men who
I am glad to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and am complimented
hers, have had an
that you should give me a degree. The name "Westminster" is somehow familiar to me.
7286
Speeches of Winston Churchill
I seem to have heard of it before. Indeed, it was at Westminster that I received a very
large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things.
In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred
establishments.
It is also an honour, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced
to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy
burdens, duties, and responsibilities-unsought but not recoiled from-the President
has travelled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to
give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own
countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has
told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to
give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly
avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private
ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my
wildest dreams. Let me, however, make it clear that I have no official mission or status
of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.
I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over
the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try
to make sure with what strength I have that what has been gained with so much
sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a
solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also
joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must
feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below
the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining for both our
countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long
reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of
purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall guide and rule the conduct of the
English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall,
prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
When American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to
write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept." There is
wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic
concept which we should inscribe today? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare,
the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in
all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes
where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his
wife and children from privation and bring the family up in the fear of the Lord, or
upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.
To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded from the two
giant marauders, war and tyranny. We all know the frightful disturbances in which the
ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner
and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its
vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of
wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame
ton Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1946
7287
of civilised society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they
eceived a very
cannot cope. For them all is distorted, all is broken, even ground to pulp.
other things.
When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualise what is actually
rate, kindred
happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine
stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of
be introduced
human pain." Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people
id his heavy
from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.
the President
Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all
to-day and to
strategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next
as my own
President has
step-namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organi-
sation has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war, UNO, the
full liberty to
successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and
shall certainly
all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful,
se any private
that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a
d beyond my
frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many
ssion or status
nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel.
what you see.
Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation
to play over
we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but
ms, and to try
with so much
upon the rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and
f mankind.
also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars-though not,
alas, in the interval between them-I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common
power. It is a
power is also
purpose in the end.
I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and
you, you must
magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables.
you fall below
The United Nations Organisation must immediately begin to be equipped with an
for both our
international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must
us all the long
persistency of
begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to delegate
conduct of the
a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organisation. These
elieve we shall,
squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move
around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniform of
their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act
ey are wont to
cept." There is
against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world
ver-all strategic
organisation. This might be started on a modest scale and would grow as confidence
ty and welfare,
grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust it may be
and women in
done forthwith.
artment homes
It would nevertheless be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge
fe to guard his
or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, Great Britain, and Canada
now share, to the world organisation, while it is still in its infancy. It would be
of the Lord, or
criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one in
H
from the two
any country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method
es in which the
and the raw materials to apply it, are at present largely retained in American hands. I
do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and
e bread-winner
if some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolised for the time being these dread
pe, with all its
the designs of
agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian
areas the frame
systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human
7288
Speeches of Winston Churchill
imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing
space to set our house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then,
if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose
effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others.
Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in
a world organisation with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective,
these powers would naturally be confided to that world organisation.
Now I come to the second danger of these two marauders which threatens the
cottage, the home, and the ordinary people-namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to
the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the British Empire
are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful.
In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of
all-embracing police governments. The power of the State is exercised without re-
straint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged
party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so
numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not
conquered in war. But we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great
principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the
English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, the Habeas
Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression
in the American Declaration of Independence.
All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have
the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to
choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that
freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the
executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad
assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title
deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the
British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practise-let us prac-
tise what we preach.
I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the homes of the people:
War and Tyranny. I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many
cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there
is no doubt that science and co-operation can bring in the next few years to the world,
certainly in the next few decades newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an
expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human
experience. Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and
distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may
pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which
should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I
have often used words which I learned fifty years ago from a great Irish-American
orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran. "There is enough for all. The earth is a
generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if
they will but cultivate her soil in justice and in peace." So far I feel that we are in full
agreement.
Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1946
7289
least a breathing
Now, while still pursuing the method of realising our overall strategic concept, I
and even then,
come to the crux of what I have travelled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of
as to impose
war, nor the continuous rise of world organisation will be gained without what I have
by others.
called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special
and expressed in
relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States.
it effective,
This is no time for generalities, and I will venture to be precise. Fraternal association
requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two
threatens the
vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relationship
be blind to
between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the
British Empire
similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers
very powerful.
and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present
various kinds of
facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the
without re-
possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobil-
a privileged
ity of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the
ifficulties are so
British Empire Forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to
we have not
important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more
tones the great
may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
heritance of the
The United States has already a Permanent Defence Agreement with the Do-
the Habeas
minion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and
expression
Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have often been
made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all British Common-
and should have
wealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be
secret ballot, to
secure ourselves and able to work together for the high and simple causes that are dear
they dwell; that
to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come-I feel eventually there will
lependent of the
come-the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to
ceived the broad
destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
are the title
There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special
message of the
relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent
tise-let us prac-
with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organisation? I reply that, on the contrary,
it is probably the only means by which that organisation will achieve its full stature
of the people:
and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada which I
are in many
have just mentioned, and there are the special relations between the United States and
removed, there
the South American Republics. We British have our twenty years Treaty of Collabora-
to the world,
tion and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign
of war, an
Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years Treaty so far as we are
in human
concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration. The British
the hunger and
have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since 1384, and which produced fruitful
pass and may
results at critical moments in the late war. None of these clash with the general interest
crime which
of a world agreement, or a world organisation; on the contrary they help it. "In my
age of plenty. I
father's house are many mansions." Special associations between members of the
Irish-American
United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which
The earth is a
harbour no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being
her children if
harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.
we are in full
I spoke earlier of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build
that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old
7290
Speeches of Winston Churchill
friends, if their families are inter-mingled, and if they have "faith in each other's
purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings"-
to quote some good words I read here the other day-why cannot they work together
at the common task as friends and partners? Why cannot they share their tools and
thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple
may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we shall all be proved again
unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war,
incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The
dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and
what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even
bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take
the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a
fraternal association of the kind I have described, with all the extra strength and
security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great
fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilising the
foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than cure.
A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied victory.
Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organisation
intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive
and proselytising tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant
Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy
and goodwill in Britain-and I doubt not here also-towards the peoples of all the
Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing
lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western
frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to
her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon
the seas. Above all, we welcome constant, frequent and growing contacts between the
Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty
however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you, to
place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has
descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient
states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest,
Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them
lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not
only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in many cases, increasing measure of
control from Moscow. Athens alone-Greece with its immortal glories-is free to
decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The
Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and
wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a
scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which
were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence
and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian
control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in
Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.
Vinston Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1946
7291
in each other's
Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims
shortcomings"-
which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow
work together
Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a
their
tools
and
quasi-Communist party in their zone of Occupied Germany by showing special favours
else the temple
to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the
be proved again
American and British Armies withdrew westwards, in accordance with an earlier
a school of war,
agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred
released. The
miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory
of science, and
which the Western Democracies had conquered.
kind, may even
If now the Soviet Government tries, by separate action, to build up a pro-
not
let
us
take
Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the
there
is
to
be
a
British and American zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting
strength and
themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever
that that great
conclusions may be drawn from these facts-and facts they are-this is certainly not
stabilising the
the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials
than
cure.
of permanent peace.
Allied victory.
The safety of the world requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation
organisation
should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in
their expansive
Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times,
for the valiant
have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their
deep sympathy
wishes and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not
coples of all the
to comprehend, drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the
fs in establishing
victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation had
on her western
occurred. Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men
elcome Russia to
across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may
me her flag upon
dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a
acts between the
grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in
It is my duty
accordance with its Charter. That I feel is an open cause of policy of very great
them to you, to
importance.
In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety.
ron curtain has
In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the
of the ancient
Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head of the
enna, Budapest,
Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot
ons around them
imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I have
or another, not
worked for a strong France and I never lost faith in her destiny, even in the darkest
asing measure of
hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the
ories-is free to
Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established
observation. The
and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive
e enormous and
from the Communist centre. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United
of Germans on a
States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns
st parties, which
constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilisation. These are sombre
to pre-eminence
facts for anyone to have to recite on the morrow of a victory gained by so much
btain totalitarian
splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we
so far, except in
should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.
The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The
7292
Speeches of Winston Churchill
Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favourable
to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German
war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the
Japanese war was expected to last for a further 18 months from the end of the
German war. In this country you are all so well-informed about the Far East, and such
devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.
I have felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east,
falls upon the world. I was a high minister at the time of the Versailles Treaty and a
close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at
Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very
strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with
that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded
confidence that the wars were over, and that the League of Nations would become
all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or even the same hopes in the
haggard world at the present time.
On the other hand I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that
it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and
that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I
have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia
desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their
power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here to-day while time remains, is
the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and
democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not
be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to
see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is
needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and
the greater our dangers will become.
From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am
convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing
for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For
that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we
can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If
the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles of the
United Nations Charter, their influence for furthering those principles will be immense
and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided or falter in their
duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe
may overwhelm us all.
Last time I saw it all coming and cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and
to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935,
Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we
might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. There never was
a war in all history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just
desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief
without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and
honoured to-day; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the
Vinston
Churchill
A Time of Triumph: 1946
7293
emely favourable
awful whirlpool. We surely must not let that happen again. This can only be achieved
that the German
by reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points with Russia under the
and
when
the
general authority of the United Nations Organisation and by the maintenance of that
the end of the
good understanding through many peaceful years, by the world instrument, supported
East, and such
by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is
there.
the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the
and in the east,
title "The Sinews of Peace."
Treaty and a
Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Common-
delegation at
wealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply,
but I have a very
of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in
contrast
it
with
restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do
and
unbounded
not suppose that we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have
would
become
come through the glorious years of agony, or that half a century from now, you will
ame hopes in the
not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world and united in defence of
our traditions, our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If
still more that
the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the
own hands and
United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the
out
now
that
I
globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering,
Soviet
Russia
precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the
xpansion of their
contrary, there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully
time remains, is
to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength
of freedom and
seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the
dangers will not
thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined
mere waiting to
with your own in fraternal association, the high-roads of the future will be clear, not
asement. What is
only for us but for all, not only for our time, but for a century to come.
cult
it
will
be
and
the war, I am
there is nothing
THE ENGLISH-SPEAKING PEOPLES
weakness. For
not afford, if we
March 8, 1946
of strength. If
principles of the
General Assembly of Virginia
will be immense
or falter in their
I was deeply moved by the glowing terms of the Joint Resolution of both
catastrophe
branches of the Legislature inviting me here to address the General Assembly of
Virginia. I take it as a high honour to be present here this morning to discharge that
-countrymen and
task. I always value being asked to address a Parliament. I have already on two
or even 1935,
occasions in the war addressed the Congress of the United States. I have addressed the
taken her and we
Canadian Parliament. I have addressed a Joint Session of the Belgian Legislature, more
There never was
recently, and there is a place of which you may have heard across the ocean called the
which has just
House of Commons, to which, invited or uninvited, I have, from time to time, had
ted in my belief
things to say. I have also had invitations, couched in terms for which I am most
prosperous and
grateful, from the State Legislatures of South Carolina, Kentucky and Mississippi. It
sucked into the
would have given me the greatest pleasure to accept and fulfil all these. But as I have
TR+ Speechmaking
"Talks m John J. Leary J. Leary
HIS HOLD ON THE PUBLIC
M
ANY have asked the secret of Roosevelt's
wonderful hold on the public, and his ability
to carry a crowd with him. Presumably the question
will be discussed long after those who heard him
have crossed the Great Divide, and with as wide, if
not as great, a difference of opinion as when he was
in the flesh.
His own explanation may be given in one word:
"Sincerity."
This, he maintained, was the real secret, though
he admitted that other qualities in his speeches were
contributing factors.
The discussion in which the Colonel declared him-
self on this point came one night when he and a
party of three were returning to New York from a
red-hot Roosevelt meeting - two meetings, in fact,
one in a hall, the other outside.
It was precipitated by a remark by A. Leonard
Smith of the New York Times, to the effect that the
Colonel "certainly had that crowd."
"What seemed to get them?" asked the Colonel.
It was a question none in the party could answer,
for the crowd, like most Roosevelt crowds, was
enthusiastic from the start, and one could not say
HIS HOLD ON THE PUBLIC
71
that this, that, or the other point had been the most
effective. Smith ended this phase of the discussion
HIS HOLD ON THE PUBLIC
by declaring the Colonel "always got the crowd."
NY have asked the secret of Roosevelt's
"My observation," said he, "has been that the
onderful hold on the public, and his ability
result is the same whatever you talk upon - you
crowd with him. Presumably the question
get the crowd just the same."
iscussed long after those who heard him
"What," asked the Colonel, "is the explanation?
sed the Great Divide, and with as wide, if
It certainly is not because I am an orator - for I
eat, a difference of opinion as when he was
am not. I have n't the voice to be an orator. What
sh.
is it?"
n explanation may be given in one word:
Smith submitted, "Probably because your words
y."
lways carry a punch," as his answer. Another in
e maintained, was the real secret, though
the group thought it might be because the Colonel
ed that other qualities in his speeches were
"always had something to say."
ing factors.
"Isn't it because the crowd always knows I am
cussion in which the Colonel declared him-
sincere?" asked the Colonel. "I think it is. Other-
is point came one night when he and a
wise - bah!" (this with a wave of his hand) "it
:hree were returning to New York from a
surely must be that in the years I have been in public
oosevelt meeting - two meetings, in fact,
life, folks have always found me sincere. Men do not
all, the other outside.
always agree with me; in fact" (this whimsically)
precipitated by a remark by A. Leonard
"many have been known to differ with me very seri-
he New York Times, to the effect that the
ously; but my worst enemies do not, I believe, ques-
certainly had that crowd."
tion my sincerity. Men who do not know me may
seemed to get them?" asked the Colonel.
doubt my sincerity, but no one who knows me does.
question none in the party could answer,
At bottom, I do not believe any of the "Old Guard,"
rowd, like most Roosevelt crowds, was
Bill Barnes included, would question my sincerity.
ic from the start, and one could not say
They know better.
72
TALKS WITH T.R.
"What you say about my having the punch is,
perhaps, a factor; but my speeches would never get
over if people did not believe I was sincere. An
orator, which I am not, would get a crowd, perhaps,
but he could not hold them if he lacked sincerity, or
if the people thought he did.
"We have all seen orators come and go, but none
ever retained a hold on any perceptible part of the
public who at least did not carry the impression of
sincerity.
"I have never hesitated to say a thing because it
might be unpopular any more than I have ever found
it at all necessary to say things I did not believe
merely because they might be popular. In the end,
as Emerson says, truth, however unpleasant, is the
safest travelling companion. I have never found it
at all necessary to pussyfoot or indulge in pleasing
sophistries to hold any crowd.
"On the other hand, I have never hesitated to
tell folks unpleasant things I thought they should
be told, any more than I have been afraid of heck-
lers."
Far from being afraid of hecklers, Colonel Roose-
velt rejoiced in them. Again and again, in the 1916
campaign, local leaders, fearful he might offend
somebody, would ask that he go slow, lest hecklers
disturb him.
TALKS WITH T. R.
HIS HOLD ON THE PUBLIC
73
.t you say about my having the punch
Once, a United States Senator asked that he con-
a factor; but my speeches would never get
fine his talk to the tariff.
people did not believe I was sincere. An
"My dear Senator," said he, "you will pardon me
/hich I am not, would get a crowd, perhaps,
for saying I will do nothing of the kind. I did not
ould not hold them if he lacked sincerity, or
come here to talk tariff, the crowd did not come here
ople thought he did.
to hear me talk tariff, and I'll be hanged if I do talk
lave all seen orators come and go, but none
tariff. I'll talk what is in me."
ined a hold on any perceptible part of the
"But, Colonel," persisted the local man, "we
no at least did not carry the impression of
know that there is an organized plan to heckle you
if you talk war and preparedness."
e never hesitated to say a thing because it
"So!" said the Colonel, "so?"
unpopular any more than I have ever found
"Yes, Colonel, there will be many hecklers there."
necessary to say things I did not believe
Roosevelt, annoyed for an instant, suddenly broke
ecause they might be popular. In the end,
into a grin.
on says, truth, however unpleasant, is the
"Jack," he called to me in much the same manner
velling companion. I have never found it
that a small boy would announce ice-cream would
essary to pussyfoot or indulge in pleasing
be served at dinner, "did you hear that? The Senator
$ to hold any crowd.
here promises us that we'll have some hecklers to-
e other hand, I have never hesitated to
night! Is n't that bully?"
unpleasant things I thought they should
There were hecklers that night - just two of
ly more than I have been afraid of heck-
them. Their efforts served to emphasize the Colonel's
points, both giving him openings he was quick to
n being afraid of hecklers, Colonel Roose-
take advantage of to the delight of his audience. On
ed in them. Again and again, in the 1916
the way to the train I remarked that the dreaded
local leaders, fearful he might offend
questioners had not made much progress.
would ask that he go slow, lest hecklers
"Of course they did n't," he replied. "They sel-
n.
dom if ever do. A man with an honest question has
74
TALKS WITH T.R.
no terrors for a speaker who is honest himself. A dis-
honest heckler has no chance with an honest speaker.
"But if a man is sincere - he has nothing to fear.
If he is n't sincere - he has no business speaking. In
the long run, sincerity must be the test of any public
man."
The Washington Times
Photo Copy Preservation
MONDAY, MAY 7, 1990 / PAGE F3
KEN ADELMAN
"I
'll say it," said University of
to get even
Virginia law scholar E.
Dick Howard. "For some-
body who couldn't be there
Better by
the world?
in 1787, this is the nearest thing to it."
Constitution-crafting is the rage
nowadays. James Madisons are
Madison's
sprouting up in Czechoslovakia,
South Africa, Israel and elsewhere.
Jewish courts have ruled always in
They would be wise to learn from the
basics
favor of the historical separation of
real James Madison.
opened at St.
the religions, for only that sep-
For our Constitution, the world's
ospice
has
aration kept religious peace. Al-
oldest, is still the world's wisest -
though Israeli police have abused
sion counts "the whole number of
especially in its handling incendiary
a
kind
of
the inviolateness of mosques, never
issues of race, ethnic identity or gen-
persons" to determine representa-
before have they allowed such a fla-
der. Our Founding Fathers handled
tion in Congress - that includes
the
radical
grant incursion into holy Christian
them brilliantly, by not handling
men and women, blacks and whites,
of Yitzhak
sites. And so it sets an uncommonly
them explicitly.
Catholics, Protestants and Jews.
dangerous precedent.
Such provisions were written
Professor Howard was in Czecho-
government.
The Bush administration is en-
slovakia last week, one among a
when state constitutions commonly
raged by Mr. Shamir's lying and by
flock of lawyers, law professors and
confined politics to white males. A
the concomitant expectation that we
similar provision in the Northwest
judges from eight nations who met
will continue to give two-thirds of
with local counterparts to sketch
Ordinance - issued the same year
our foreign aid to Israel, no matter
that country's new constitution. The
far-right
Likud
what insults occur. The Bush people
touchiest issue there concerns eth-
the
ever
more
ag-
even talk about a "new Cold War" at
nic identity; Slovaks comprise one
is
challenging
ev-
the turn of the century between the
Mr. Goldwin shows
third of the country, Czechs the rest.
this
original,
idealis-
United States and Israel.
Meanwhile, in South Africa, Nel-
that our Constitution
vision
of
the
Israeli
But that does not have to be. The
son Mandela prepares to meet with
so
grandly
upon
choice, now, is really Israel's. If it
President F.W. de Klerk, who an-
crafters dealt with
Shamir and his set-
continues to choose the momentar-
nounced his wish to negotiate "a new
normalize but to "get
ily exalting joys of "getting even"
constitution which is fair and just to
racial, ethnic and
resolution.
with the whole world, then its future
all the people of South Africa." The
is dark indeed. The frightful thing
gender matters most
key issues there are race and then
sectors
of
Jerusalem
about this watershed moment is that
ethnicity within each racial group.
adroitly by not
Jewish, Arme-
it looks very much as though that is
And in Israel, citizens are up in
been inviolate by
what Mr. Shamir's government is
arms to demand basic electoral re-
mentioning them.
quo agreements,
choosing.
form. Nearly one-fourth of all Israeli
voters just petitioned to change the
political system.
the Constitution was written, 1787
"Now we are sitting on a canister
provided that only "male inhabi-
of compressed air," Israel's largely
tants" be counted for representa-
ceremonial president, Chaim Her-
zog, said. "All it needs is a match, and
tion. And by not singling out Jews,
the U.S. Constitution, Mr. Goldwin
we're going to have one hell of an
writes, "made Jews full citizens of a
explosion." Israel is one of the few
nation for the first time" in modern
nations - along with Great Britain
history.
- without a written constitution.
Sure, masculine pronouns are
Constitutions can be neglected -
found in the Constitution, but they
as in communist countries and dicta-
apply to both men and women. And,
torships - or discarded. More than
sure, state and federal courts have
half the world's current constitu-
discriminated against women, but
tions were written after 1970.
not on constitutional grounds.
Ours is the world's earliest and
For instance, in a 1873 case (Brad-
best. In a fascinating new book -
well vs. Illinois), Judge Joseph P.
"Why Blacks, Women, and Jews Are
Bradley wrote of the "wide differ-
Not Mentioned in the Constitution,"
ences in the respective spheres and
published by the American Enter-
destinies of man and woman."
prise Institute - constitutional
Hence, "man is, or should be, wom-
scholar Robert A. Goldwin shows
en's protector and defender. The nat-
that our Constitution crafters dealt
ural and proper timidity and deli-
with racial, ethnic and gender mat-
cacy which belongs to the female sex
ters most adroitly by not mentioning
evidently unfits it for many of the
them.
occupations of civil life."
"The Founding Fathers focused on
Judge Bradley justified that de-
individuals rather than groups.
cision with references to "the civil
They reflected both where their so-
law," "nature herself," "the divine or-
ciety was and where it should be.
dinance," the nature of things," "the
To be just and lasting, a constitu-
law of the Creator" and "the general
tion has to both fit the historical sit-
constitution of things." The sole
uation and transcend it. "A good con-
thing he could not ground his ruling
stitution," Mr. Goldwin writes, "is
in was, quite strikingly, the Constitu-
designed to make the political soci-
tion of the United States!
ety better than it is and the citizens
better. people."
For constitution scribes in in-
Our Constitution is neutral on sex,
flicted nations today - those with
race and ethnic group identity, and
serious racial or ethnic tensions -
thus paved the way toward a non-
Mr. Goldwin offers his own rule:
discriminatory society. One provi-
"Rights have been most secure
where the constitutional list of
rights is short, negative, free of
guarantees, and not linked to duties."
Ken Adelman is a nationally syn-
Seems strange. But it also seems
dicated columnist.
to work.
delay was embarrassing and frus-
anteed defeat of a floor vote, and
trating.
gency assistance Mr. Bush sought a
both sides said the real decisions
month ago.
But when Mr. Bush finally gets
will be made
Along
with
POLAND QUOTES
"You cannot prevent them swallowing you, but at least make sure
you give them indigestion." Jean Jacques Rousseau
"A land where the air is healthy, the soil fertile, the forests
flowing with honey, the reviers stocked with fish
...
" Gallus
Anonymus (1110-13)
"History bears witness to the independent development of Poland
which has been both a bridge and a beacon between the Slavs,
Germany, and the East." Cesare Lombroso, 1900
Poland is "an inspiration to the nations." President Roosevelt
(which one?)
Quote
file
New York Times, editorial page, December 31, 1899
While armaments and defenses have been increased, they have
become avowedly a means of preserving peace by deterring
from war, and the tendency toward a settlement of
international disputes by arbitration resulted in a
conference at The Hague a few months ago, in which all the
great powers were represented at the invitation of the Czar
of Russia. Small as the practical result seemed to be, it
is a promising sign for the new century.
Friction matches did not exist until 1827. Torches,
candles, rushlights, and rude oil lamps were not superseded
by the argand burner until 1830, and petroleum and gas as
illuminants are still later.
We step upon the threshold of 1900 which leads to the new
century, facing a still brighter dawn for human
civilization. Through agitation and conflict European
nations are working toward an ultimate harmony of interests
and purposes, and bringing awakened Asia into the sweeping
current of progress. Light has been let into the "Dark
Continent" beyond the ancient borders and is rapidly
spreading. America is facing westward and beginning to take
its part in carrying the regenerating forces of popular
government to the uttermost parts of the earth.
Notwithstanding the bloody conflicts through which some of
the steps of progress must still be made, the "vision of the
world" grows clearer toward the time when --
The war-drum throbbed no longer, and the
battle-flags were furled
In the Parliament of man, the federation of
the world.
There the common sense of most shall hold
a fretful realm in awe,
And the kindly earth shall slumber, lapt in
universal law.
New York Times, editorial page, January 1, 1901
"XIX Century"
If we say, as we are prompted to say, for we think it is
true, that the growth and spread of liberal institutions,
the onward march of freedom, has been the noblest
distinction of the 19th Century, some seeker after perfect
truth and ultimate origins instantly reminds us that the
chief help to shackle-breaking is enlightenment, of which
science is the industrious handmaid.
we renew the expression of our belief that the sum of
human happiness has been most largely augmented in the last
hundred years by the transfer of the control over the
destinies of nations from the hands of Princes to the hands
of the people.
Republics had flourished and liberty had been enjoyed by men
in times anterior to the beginning of that century, but no
man could then say with confidence what we now say in the
deep tone of conviction, that freedom was never again to
perish from the face of the earth.
Quotes - Am.
"The freeman, casting with unpurchased hand,
The vote that shakes the turret of the land."
-- Oliver Wendell Holmes
"Those who expect to reap the blessings of freedom must,
like men, undergo the fatigues of supporting it."
-- Thomas Paine
"If I can only live to see the American Union firmly fixed
and free government established in our western world and can
leave to my children but a crust of bread and liberty, I shall
die satisfied."
-- George Mason
"To live under the American Constitution is the greatest
privilege that was ever accorded to the human race. "
-- Calvin Coolidge
"We seek a peaceful world, a prosperous world, a free world,
a world of Good Neighbors, living on terms of equality and mutual
respect.
"
-- Harry S. Truman
"The will of the people is the only legitimate foundation of
any government, and to protect its free expression should be our
first object."
-- Thomas Jefferson
"The ball of liberty, I believe most piously, is now so well
in motion that it will roll round the globe, at least the
enlightened part of it, for light and liberty go together."
-- Thomas Jefferson
"Every man and every body of men on earth, possesses the
right of self-government. They receive it with their being from
the hand of nature. Individuals exercise it by their single
will; collections of men by that of their majority; for the law
of the majority is the natural law of every society of men."
-- Thomas Jefferson
"The election of a President of America, some years hence,
will be much more interesting to certain nations of Europe than
ever the election of a King of Poland was. "
-- Thomas Jefferson
"It is more honorable to repair a wrong than to persist in
it. "
-- Thomas Jefferson
"Stagnation is the price of tyranny, prosperity is the
reward of freedom. "
-- William Safire, NYT, 10/4/88
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
SOU Quotes
"Civilization cannot go back; civilization must not stand
still. "
-- January 3, 1934
"Ours was the task to prove that democracy could be made to
function in the world of today as effectively as in the simpler
world of a hundred years ago. Ours was the task to do more than
to argue a theory. The times required the confident answer of
performance to those whose instinctive faith in humanity made
them want to believe that in the long run democracy would prove
superior to more extreme forms of Government as a process of
getting action when action was wisdom, without the spiritual
sacrifices which those other forms of Government exact. "
--- January 6, 1937
"I have recently visited three of our sister Republics in
South America. The very cordial receptions with which I was
greeted were in tribute to democracy. To me the outstanding
observation of that visit was that the masses of the peoples of
all the Americas are convinced that the democratic form of
government can be made to succeed and do not wish to substitute
for it any other form of government. They believe that
democracies are best able to cope with the changing problems of
modern civilization within themselves, and that democracies are
best able to maintain peace among themselves."
-- January 6, 1937
"We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of
other people's freedom.
-- January 6, 1941
"In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look
forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere
in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his
own way -- everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want -- which, translated into
world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to
every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants --
everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear -- which, translated into
world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a
point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a
position to commit an act of physical aggression against any
neighbor -- anywhere in the world.' "
-- January 6, 1941
"The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free
countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.'
-- January 6, 1941
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
"Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere.
Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or
keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory."
-- January 6, 1941
"In the future we must never forget the lesson that we have
learned -- that we must have friends who will work with us in
peace as they have fought at our side in war. "
-- January 6, 1945 (radio address also)
"If we do not keep constantly ahead of our enemies in the
development of new weapons, we pay for our backwardness with the
life's blood of our sons. "
-- January 6, 1945
"Ours [the United Nations] is an association not of
Governments but of peoples -- and the peoples' hope is peace." "
-- January 6, 1945
"Peace can be made and kept only by the united determination
of free and peace-loving peoples who are willing to work together
-- willing to help one another -- willing to respect and tolerate
and try to understand one another's opinions and feelings."
-- January 6, 1945
"
in a democratic world, as in a democratic Nation,
power must be linked with responsibility, and obliged to defend
and justify itself within the framework of the general good.'
-- January 6, 1945
"But it is a good and a useful thing -- it is an essential
thing -- to have principles toward which we can aim. "
-- January 6, 1945
"The aroused conscience of humanity will not permit failure
in this supreme endeavor [post-war recovery].
-- January 6, 1945
"We believe that the extraordinary advances in the means of
intercommunication between peoples over the past generation offer
a practical method of advancing the mutual understanding upon
which peace and the institutions of peace must rest, and it is
our policy and purpose to use these great technological
achievements for the common advantage of the world.'
-- January 6, 1945
"We Americans have always believed in freedom of
opportunity, and equality of opportunity remains one of the
principal objectives of our national life. What we believe in
for individuals, we believe in also for Nations."
-- January 6, 1945
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
"We pray that we may be worth of the unlimited opportunities
that God has given us. " (closing line)
-- January 6, 1945
"We stand at the opening of an era which can mean either
great achievement or terrible catastrophe for ourselves and for
all mankind.' "
-- January 5, 1949
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
What everyone 'knows'
about Atwater isn't true
Obviously, Republican National
Committee Chairman Lee Atwater
/9/22/89
make a valid inference that liberal
was being hypocritical in encourag-
Dukakis appointees would take sen-
ing blacks to join the Republican
sible liberal policies and carry them
Party during his appearance in Mil-
to ridiculous extremes, with Dukakis'
waukee last week, because every-
approval.
body knows that Atwater was the
Political
"The furlough issue, far from be-
mastermind of the racist Willie Hor-
ing an appeal to racism or a mindless
ton ads in George Bush's presidential
campaign.
beat
distraction, instead pointed to central
defects in Dukakis' candidacy and
The problem is, what everybody
style of governance."
"knows" is wrong.
By KENNETH R. LAMKE
The Almanac's account squares
Sentinel staff writer
The Horton ads and the prison
with this reporter's memory of see-
furlough issue it highlighted were
ing the Horton ads and wondering
Gore Jr. of Tennessee, during a New
not racist.
for weeks whether Horton and / or
York presidential primary campaign
the victims were white or black.
The following account of the Hor-
debate.
ton issue comes from the new 1990
According to the Almanac, Duka-
The ads gave absolutely no hint.
edition of the non-partisan Almanac
kis refused to say at the debate that,
And careful attention to the national
of American Politics, considered the
by this time, he agreed with a change
news media provided no clue either
"bible" of state and national political
in the Massachusetts furlough law
for weeks, until the handful of inde-
reporters.
even though he did agree with it -
pendent committees supporting Bush
The text is written by Michael
"grudgingly saying only that the peo-
ran ads with Horton's picture in a
Barone, who also writes opinion
ple of Massachusetts and the legisla-
handful of states (not in Wisconsin).
pieces for the Washington Post, not
ture wanted it."
That gave the Democrats their op-
your average bigot newspaper.
In the debate, "his response to
portunity to cry racism.
The Almanac is endorsed in jacket
Gore was, "The trouble with you, Al,
blurbs by such other non-bigots as
is you've never run a criminal justice
By that time, everyone knew who
political columnist David Broder,
system."
Willie Horton was, what he had done
Common Cause President Fred
and what Dukakis' position was,
The Almanac continues, "With
Wertheimer, Sen. Bill Bradley (D-
even though they did not know Hor-
that bit of arrogance, Dukakis missed
N.J.) and Democratic Gov. Mario
ton's race.
his chance to dissociate himself from
Cuomo of New York.
a position that was morally and polit-
Now everyone "knows" that Lee
"On this (the furlough issue) it is
ically indefensible.
Atwater masterminded a racist cam-
confidently alleged that the Bush
"The Horton case and the Dukakis
paign.
campaign lied and that Dukakis
should have responded.
campaign's efforts to hide its record
There is a word for the willfully
were the subject of a Pulitzer Prize-
ignorant or malicious stereotyping of
"But in fact the Bush campaign
winning series by the Lawrence
people (in this case, not Willie Hor-
was careful to tell the truth (the
(Mass.) Eagle-Tribune" and also the
ton and blacks, but Lee Atwater and
more they told it, the more damaging
subject of a Reader's Digest article in
Republicans) and the word is bigotry.
the issue was), and the arguments on
July 1988.
the subject that were misleading to
According to the Almanac, At-
the point of falsehood were those
water, who already knew of the
made in Dukakis' ads and statements
Horton case through campaign re-
and articles by journalistic shills for
search, heard some people talking
the Dukakis campaign.
favorably about the Reader's Digest
"It is alleged that the Bush cam-
article in a Virginia bar and autho-
paign appealed to racism, although
rized the Bush campaign's Horton
ads.
the Bush campaign ads were careful
not to use the picture of Willie Hor-
"Some charged the ads were racist
ton but simply to mention that he
(because Horton is black). But Bush's
had been sentenced to jail for life
ads never showed Horton (though an
without parole for committing a bru-
independent committee's ads did),
tal murder, and that he had been
and the prisoners going through the
granted weekend furloughs numer-
revolving door were mostly white.
ous times under a policy Dukakis
"The episode showed how Dukakis
supported and defended for 11 years,
and that from one such furlough he
took a sensible and defensible policy
did not return but Instead went to
(granting furloughs to prisoners
Maryland where he raped and brutal-
scheduled to be released) and carried
Ized a young woman."
It to ridiculous extremes (granting
furloughs to prisoners sentenced nev-
The Horton issue was raised first
er to be released)."
in the presidential campaign not by
The Almanac says the issue pro-
Bush but by a Democrat, Sen. Albert
vided voters a basis on which to
Lee Atwater
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
Internal Transcript
January 22, 1990
INTERVIEW OF THE PRESIDENT
BY
BLACK ENTERTAINMENT TELEVISION
The Library
11:24 A.M. EST
Q
Mr. President, I appreciate you joining us.
THE PRESIDENT: Proud to be with you.
Q
Why don't we go over a couple of things that are of
interest particularly to the black community. But one of the things
that I want to ask you about is the mandate that you put forth to the
Republican Party to try to be more inclusive of minorities. Why did
you feel it important to do that?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, you look at election results --
short-term, over your shoulder, and you see us getting pounded in the
black community. It's not regional; it's national in a sense. And
then you go back into history and, prior to Franklin Roosevelt, you
see that the Republicans was the majority party -- some of that
stemming from the fact that Abraham Lincoln freed the slaves and that
the party showed more of an openness to blacks in the South,
particularly where the party was dominated by what they would call
conservative Democrats. And so I just think that our agenda merits
attention. But if you don't reach out people don't know you care.
And, secondly, I think that black voters have often been
taken for granted by the party that historically -- recent history --
they've been voting for over and over and over again. And thus, they
lose a certain leverage as if they'd -- the leverage they'd have if
they occasionally voted for Republicans. So one of it's purely
political and the other's equity. I think our party offers some
advantage in terms of jobs and opportunity and anticrime and things
that are of concern to black citizens.
Q
You've got about 12 percent of the --
THE PRESIDENT: Yes.
Q
-- the black vote and in '92 you've said that you
wanted about 20. What do you point to for back Americans to say,
look this is what I'm offering?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I point to the fact that general
progress has taken place under the Republicans, in terms of more
people at work, in better jobs in the black community. It still
doesn't mean there's equity, but moving along pretty well. The
unemployment rate -- much, much better. You see, it's my thesis that
a job in the private sector is the best antipoverty program there is.
And so you have that, plus this concept of individuals -- individual
choice. I happen to be for day care. But I don't want the federal
government to make the decrees. If a black grandmother wants to take
care of her grandchildren -- family, family, strengthening family --
in the day care environment, that person should be given the
wherewithal -- that mother and family should be given the wherewithal
to accommodate that arrangement, instead of having the federal
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government decree where every child has to go to day care and set
federal standards that would rule out that kind of home care that
really would foster family in these youngest kids.
So I have a philosophical difference with the Democratic
leaders, most of whom seem to favor the more centralized federal
control of all of that. I think we're more of a party of the
individual and less the party of the federal government, the view
that the federal government can do it all.
Q
I want to get into some specifics in just a minute.
but one other question about trying to gain more blacks. Recently, a
ABC-Washington Post poll came out and showed that 74 percent of black
Americans that took part in the survey approved of the job that
you're doing. With that, and the man that you've set out to help
mandate this, Lee Atwater, I would venture to say his approval rating
would probably be less than that among black Americans. Do you think
that this is the best salesperson for you?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I think he's a good salesperson,
and I think when he stepped forward and said he was willing to serve
on Howard's board at their invitation, I think he really meant it. I
think he thought he could really help. And then a handful of kids
out there at Howard -- I'm told it was a handful -- decided to make
this some kind of a federal case. I think Lee Atwater really cares
and I believe he's got a generational thing. He can really identify
with young, black, white whatever. So to the degree he gets a bad
rap, I think it comes out of the political process. I think it come
out of the political attacks.
Let's shift the field. I mean, I'm under real -- I would
say sometimes real pointed attack from the Chairman of the Democratic
Party. And that's politics. Mr. Ron Brown -- I think he feel his
agenda is to tear me down over and over again. But I've been around
the political trail. So you've got to separate out the political
rhetoric from what somebody really feels. So I hopefully will
continue to do a good job. But I understand why you asked the
question, because there's a perception in some quarters that he
doesn't care about this question. I know that he does -- from his
music right on to his politics.
Q Let's see if we can separate the true feeling from
political rhetoric with you. You said it's time to leave the baggage
of bigotry behind. You've said that for sometime. But I ask you:
Are we really doing that in this country? It seems we're a country
of contradictions. We've got Bensonhurst and mail bombings and the
Boston hoax. But on the other hand, we have David Dinkins and Doug
Wilder, Colin Powell. So where do you see the climate of --
THE PRESIDENT: I see the climate as mixed, and I see the
jury sitting there on the sidelines wondering: How are we going to
do this in the '90s? And I meant on January 22nd with a group of the
top NAACP leaders. They came to heighten my concerns, sharpen them
about this question of bigotry. And they brought two of the people
that had been open -- or been there when these letter bombs arrived.
And they're saying to me, use your office to speak out against
bigotry. We're worried that it's on the move. And that helped me,
because my own view is that the country has passed some major
landmarks in terms of bigotry and racial prejudice. And yes, there's
vestiges of it still, but I have had a feeling we're getting better.
They're warning me. They're saying this could turn
around. Please help us by using the White House as best you can to
warn the country against racism and bigotry. I accept that. And
I've been doing it, and I think they at least gave me credit for
that, and I will continue.
But as you look across the other side of the question,
you do have the first black governor in Virginia. The first black
governor not in Virginia, but first in the United States -- there
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in Virginia. And you see a mayor in New York and you see positions
that had not heretofore been held by blacks, held by blacks, and
where they're doing a very good job, these officials on the municipal
side or the governor's level.
So I think it's a mixed -- I think we're mixed. And I
don't want to act complacent about it, but I think certainly nobody
could deny that the country's come a long, long way.
Q
I'm curious. In retrospect as you look back on your
campaign and the whole Willie Horton incident, if you had it do do
all over again, would you have kept the ad campaigns and the use of
Willie Horton?
THE PRESIDENT: I'm glad you brought this up. I bet you
think - and if you don't, why, there's a lot of Americans out there
that do -- that we were advertising, showing Willie Horton --
Q No. Lee Atwater made it clear to me at one point
that it was not an official Republican --
THE PRESIDENT: That's right. And it got picked up by
the opposition. What we were trying to do is show that Governor
Dukakis was soft on crime; that here was a repeated offender who was
released on parole. I think that's bad for the black community. I
think the black community that is heavily impacted, as are certain
areas in the white community by crime, doesn't want that kind of a
coddling of a vicious criminal. And so it was done not related to
one person, Willie Horton, but to the whole concept of should you
parole a man like this who -- you know, the Lawrence paper won a
Pulitzer Prize for pointing out how the Governor had released this
man. And it wasn't a racial thing.
But the community and the campaign then picked it up --
the liberal community and started trying to turn it against me on
race. And I felt very uncomfortable about that. But it wasn't what
it was. It had nothing to do with that. It had to do with the
furlough program. And SO that's the way I would answer it, and yet
it lingers on in kind of the liberal mind as something that I did
that was egregiously wrong. And I don't agree with that, nor did the
American people agree with it when they overwhelmingly elected me
President.
Q
They certainly did. And though the Republican Party
didn't endorse the commercial that used the picture, let me ask you
this much: Do you think --
THE PRESIDENT: We had a commercial. But it wasn't
Willie Horton.
Q
But it wasn't Willie Horton. That was not the one
that used the picture. so, in fact, though, do you think if you had
it to do all over again that you might ask them not to run the
commercial and perhaps use the whole Horton incident a little less
than you did in speeches?
THE PRESIDENT: No, not necessarily. Because I know that
my heart was clear in terms of race. I couldn't care less about
that. What I cared about was the principle. And the American people
-- And I'm convinced in the black community support this concept
that killers of that nature ought not to be paroled so they can just
walk away. So the question is, how do you come down on crime? But
I'll say this: If doing it a different way, making the point a
different way would have avoided the ugliness that -- the accusation,
yes, I would love to have avoided that, because I know what's in
here, and I know that there wasn't any racism intended. But you
still hear about it. You still pick it up -- people talking about an
ad that didn't exist.
Q
You say you know what's in here. And I have to say,
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of the number of people that I've talked to when talking about you,
say, "I may not agree with all of his policies, but the man, George
Bush, beyond the President, has a kind heart. He's sensitive. He
understands."
With that, let's move on and touch on some of those
subjects, and see if we can get -- and I know it's hard to separate
-- but George Bush, the man, as well as the President, to talk about
some things. Civil rights and the Bush administration's role. Where
do you see that?
THE PRESIDENT: I see it as moving forward, not
necessarily with legislation, but with equal opportunity, and I see
it as a vigorous opposition to bigotry and racism. And much of that
is rhetorical. But where it's not, I see it saying to the Attorney
General and the Director of the FBI, find those killers, leave no
stone unturned, go the extra mile to go after, first of all, these
hate crimes. Set the priorities inside the Justice Department and,
thus, inside the FBI that hate crimes get priority attention.
A series of things we can do of that nature. I happen to
be for affirmative action. I always have been. I don't think we
need to have a bunch of new laws on it. I think we need to go
forward with it. But say what you believe -- what are your
motivating principles, and then address the legislative calendar as
you see fit.
Q
There are critics who say that you may be more lax
than you say you are in civil rights because you have yet to give the
division a head. What do you say?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I hate to tell my critics what I
say about it, which is I sent a pretty good man up there -- a good
man -- Bill Lucas. But he happened to be a conservative black guy,
and he got clobbered in the political process.
Q
And you think that's a reason, more so than --
THE PRESIDENT: I'm absolutely convinced of it. I am
absolutely convince that if he's have been a liberal or he'd have
been a Democrat, he'd have been approved. I mean, I don't even think
there's an argument on that. I know some will say, well he didn't
answer this technical question. But some of the people who say that
are the same ones who say, hey, wait a minute, let's watch some of
these very technical questions we ask the black people all across
this country. And we've gotten away from some of those
disqualifiers. Remember the old pole tax days? The trick questions?
And so I'm saying that the man was a good man, and from a good point
of view, as far as I'm concerned. A principled man, and he was done
in by the political process. We've got a man whose name is up for
judge -- a very important judgeship. And my heavens, the questioning
and the reams of detail being asked of that man is unprecedented,
really.
And so there's a political part of some of this. I'm not
saying that the Senate has no right to look into it. But they have
their right, and I've got the right to continue to send good names up
there.
Q
You mentioned a judgeship. Let me ask you a
question that may be a little unfair. I'm sure you'll let me know if
it is.
THE PRESIDENT: I'll try.
Q
There are a lot of blacks, particularly, who are
concerned about civil rights with the makeup of the Supreme Court
now.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes.
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Q
I'm sure you've heard that from your meetings with
many black leaders. If by chance Justice Marshall left the Court
while you are in office, would you feel that you need to put a black
there?
THE PRESIDENT: I wouldn't feel that I'd need to, but I
wouldn't -- in other words, I'm not one who categorizes the seats --
this is a woman's seat, this is a Jewish seat, this is a black's seat
-- but certainly I wouldn't rule that out.
Q
Black America might categorize it that way, they may
feel --
THE PRESIDENT: They might --
Q
-- would you --
THE PRESIDENT: But a President has an obligation to go
with who he thinks is the best person for the Court. And I would
understand it. But I also know there's a lot of groups out there
that say, what about a Hispanic on the Court? What about another
woman on the Court? What about another -- whatever it is. And I
understand that because the Court is so important. But the best
thing a President can do is get the best legal mind. Somebody who
brings to it no baggage, no litmus test and is there to interpret the
Consititution, not legislate from the bench. And that's what I've
said I'll do and that's what I will do. So I'm not ruling anything
in or out. And I --please, believe me -- I do understand the
sensitivity of this, because I think Mr. Justice Marshall has been a
great example. In fact, he's been a stalwart symbol of hope for
people who had been deprived of that representation.
Q
Let me move quickly to South Africa. The winds of
change are blowing all throughout the world, obviously -- Eastern
Europe, China. Why not -- people have said to you I'm sure -- step
up economic sanctions against South Africa?
THE PRESIDENT: I'll tell you -- first place, I don't
think sanctions have been particularly effective. I really don't
think they've been effective at all. We've got sanctions on there
and the reason they're not effective is because the frontline
countries in Africa who give lip service to sanctions cannot apply
sanctions. So the sanction doesn't do what it was intended to do,
which is economic isolation. It just doesn't work. Look all across
those frontline countries and you'll see what I'm talking about. I
also think you have an administration that's a little different there
in South Africa. I hope I'm right.
Q
The de Klerk administration?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes. I believe it's different. And I
believe the man is trying to make some long overdue accommodation.
And if that's true, I think you can set things back by punitive
sanctions that won't work in the first place. And so I'm not one who
wants to see additional sanctions. I am one who wants to see the
change that I think I sense continue. And again, I'm not saying
there would be no sanction of any kind added, but that's a general
view I have in my heart. I'm waiting to see now. Of course, I'd
love to see the freeing of Nelson Mandela. You hear a lot of talk
about it, recently. But if that happens, I think that will be a
strong signal to those of us who do care about equality in South
Africa that there's hope -- more hope.
Incidentally, on the sanctions, many countries that have
put on sanctions do not want to increase them. They've had several
groups that work very actively with other countries, not just the
United States, and they're saying essentially the same thing I've
just said.
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Q
Let me ask you -- as we wrap this up -- what do you,
as you look out, see as the biggest problem, the biggest stumbling
block that faces African-Americans?
THE PRESIDENT: Economic empowerment. And along with
that then goes housing and the antinarcotics fight -- keeping
neighborhood free of this. But I really think fulfilling the dream
of economic empowerment; jobs which then means that people can have
better housing and better medical care. And so it's a -- it comes
right back to me with what I think is a major responsibility of a
president, next to our protecting our shores and our national
security and all of that, and that is economic opportunity for all.
Q
What are you trying to do to assist that?
THE PRESIDENT: Continue with the program that I think
has helped it. I'm a little worried about the slowdown in the
economy, but we're in the midst of the longest recovery. Part of it
is a little bit of a contradiction, because to keep the economy
viable we are going to have to make more progress on the deficit.
And to make more progress on the deficit that means you have less
funds for a lot of new programs. So what I'm trying to do is sort
out the priorities. We've got a good housing program that I think
offers hope and economic empowerment to people. And go that way and
that's the name of it and it ought to be tried. And some people say
it's not enough. I say, well, give it a shot; you haven't done
anything with your programs where you build a lot of bricks and
mortar, and 30 years later there standing as a mute testimony to your
failure. Let's try something different. So we'll keep plugging away
on this.
Q
They're telling me to wrap up. Can I ask him just
the last question to wrap it up since the lights went out on me?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, that's right, you had about an
eight-second -- (Laughter.)
Q
So we get eight seconds.
THE PRESIDENT: Okay, go ahead.
Q
Lastly, Mr. President, as you sit here with me, and
February's Black History Month -- when you reflect on black history
and then look upon what you will do in the future and, hopefully, how
black historians will see you, what do you see? What do you hope
for?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, first, I think Black History Month
is a good thing, because I think there are a lot of kids -- mainly in
the black community, but not all of them -- who don't have any
concept of the culture and the roots, as Haley would call it, of
blacks in this country. They're familiar with the history, 100
years, the slaves, but they don't understand the pride that goes with
knowing who you are and where you came from.
So I salute black history for that. But what I'd like to
do, in a broader sense, is, if I could look back, I'd like people to
say, look he was a fair play guy. He gave us opportunity. And some
of us will make it and some of us won't, but cleared out the
underbrush of bigotry and of racism that's held this country back.
Stand clearly for that, but then, it gave me a chance to make it.
The guy gave us -- an economic situation, gave us a sense of
community in which I could make it. And you know there's another one
-- and this, you might say, well, this is peripheral -- I'm a lucky
guy in that I've been blessed by the strength that comes from family.
Traditional, ivy-league elitist -- all this they say
about me. And yes, we have a strong family. And somebody said to me
a long time ago, what do you pride the most, or something. And I
said, well, my kids still come home. I think if I had some way -- I
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don't know how I would do this, because this isn't government, this
isn't a Senate bill, or House bill -- could help strengthen the
family, the traditional sense of family, not just in the black
community, but across the country, I would take that as a major
accomplishment, because you see I really think that a lot of our
social problems, in the white community and the black community, stem
from the weakening, the diminishing of family values.
And I'm not going to try to legislate morality or give
some kind of a moral lesson to any community. But the strength of
the American family -- restrengthening the American family, I think
would do an awful lot to helping our kids. Read to them, love them,
care for them when they're down. Keep them out of the jungle of
drugs. And people are trying, but somehow we've gotten away from
this concept. And I don't know how I'm going to that, but I'd like
to think when I left office that somebody would say, hey, he cared
about that.
Q
Mr. President, thanks very much for being with us.
THE PRESIDENT: Nice to be with you. Nice to be with
you.
END
11:48 A.M. EST
TR Quotes
Mornings on Horseback, David McCullough, Simon & Schuster, New
York, 1981
TR Sr.: "All that gives me most pleasure in the retrospect, " he
preached to his older son, "is connected with others, an evidence
that we are not placed here to live exclusively for ourselves."
p.137
Once, in an effort to head off some stray calves, TR immortalized
himself along the Little Missouri by calling to one of his
cowboys, "Hasten forward quickly there!" pp.328-9
Describing cowboys: "Meanness, cowardice, and dishonesty are not
tolerated. There is a high regard for truthfulness and keeping
one's word, intense contempt for any kind of hypocrisy, and a
hearty dislike for a man who shirks his work." p.340
"Much has been given to us, and so, much will be expected of us;
and we must take heed to use aright the gifts entrusted to our
care." speech at Dickinson Fourth of July celebration, 1886, p.
349
"So it is particularly incumbent on us here today so to act
throughout our lives as to leave our children a heritage, for
which we will receive their blessing and not their curse." ibid
"It is not what we have that will make us a great nation; it is
the way in which we use it." ibid
"But we must keep steadily in mind that no people were ever yet
benefited by riches if their prosperity corrupted their virtue."
ibid
"We have fallen heirs to the most glorious heritage a people ever
received, and each one must do his part if we wish to show that
the nation is worthy of its good fortune." ibid
Edith Kermit Roosevelt: Portrait of a First Lady, Sylvia Jukes
Morris, Coward, McCann & Geoghegan, Inc., New York, 1980
letter from TR to Edith Carow; from Constantinople, April 7, 1873
(p. 40) :
I think I have enjoyed myself more this winter than I
ever did before. Much to add to my enjoyment Father gave me
a gun at Christmas, which rendered me happy and the rest of
the family miserable.
I killed several hundred birds with it, and then went
and lost it! I think I enjoyed the time in Egypt most, and
after that I had the most fun while camping out in Syria
we were on horseback for several hours of each day, and as
I like riding ever so much, and as the Syrian horses are
very good, we had a splendid time. While riding I bothered
the family somewhat by carrying the gun over my shoulder,
and on the journey to the Jordan, when I was on the most
spirited horse I ever rode, I bothered the horse too, as was
evidenced by his running away several times when the gun
struck him too hard. Our tent life had a good many
adventures in it. Once it rained very hard and the rain
went into our open trunks. Another time our tents were
almost blown away in a rough wind, and once I hunted a
couple of jackals for two or three miles as fast as the
horse would go. Yours truly,
T. ROOSEVELT, JR.
1884 -- loss of James G. Blaine, "the Continental Liar from the
State of Maine," brought to an end 24 years of Republican rule.
(p.77)
"If you fail to work in public life as well as in private
for honesty, and uprightness, and virtue, if you condone vice
because the vicious man is smart, or if you in any way cast your
weight into the scales in favor of evil, you are just so far
corrupting and making less valuable the birthright of your
children.'
TR, speech in Dickinson, Dakota, July 4, 1886
[Christmas Eve, 1896] afternoon he [TR] went down to Cove School
[near Sagamore Hill, where his son Ted was a student], and urged
the children to stand up for their rights, be kind to animals,
and do something worth while when they grew up -- a speech he was
to make there, with minor variations, for the rest of his life.
(p.164)
Reporter Richard Harding Davis of the Herald insisting that
British military observor Capt. Arthur Lee meet TR: "Good
heavens, don't you know Theodore Roosevelt? You must meet him
this very minute. He's the biggest thing here and the most
typical American living." Cuba, 1989 (p.177)
"It is absolutely impossible for a Republic long to endure if it
becomes either corrupt or cowardly
"
TR, Inauguration as
Governor of New York,
January 1899 (p.192)
The Roosevelts guineau pigs in Albany days were named after
real people without regard to sex. There was a Father O'Grady,
Admiral Dewey, and Fighting Bob Evans. One day young Archie
burst in on his parents and some guests, proclaiming, "Father,
Father, Bishop Doane has had twins!" (p.196)
President William Howard Taft, May 1910: "I don't suppose there
was ever such a reception as that being given Theodore in Europe
now. It does not surprise me that rulers, potentates, and public
men should pay him this honor, but what does surprise me is that
small villages, which one would hardly think had ever heard of
the United States should seem to know all about the man. The
receptions which are accorded him in small obscure towns and
hamlets are most significant. It illustrates how his personality
has swept over the world, for after all no great event transpired
during either of his administrations, and no startling
legislation was enacted into law. It is the force of his
personality that has passed beyond his own country and the
capitals of the world and seeped into the small crevices of the
universe (emphasis added) Archibald Butt, Taft and Roosevelt,
2 vols., Doubleday, 1930, p.332
TR: "never demand[] of knowledge anything except that it should
be valueless." (p.359)
Sir Edward Grey, British Foreign Secretary: to be with TR "was
to be stimulated in the best sense of the word for the work of
life." (p.360)
The phone at Sagamore Hill being out of order, a repairman was
sent for. A servant arrived to announce: "Colonel, the
telephone man has been here, sir, and he says you cut down all
the trees this morning which had the wires on them, and he said
too, sir, that you didn't even pull the wires out after the trees
fell." (p.375)
TR speaking to Progressive Party rally in Madison Square Garden,
October 30, 1912: " We here in America hold in our hands
the hope of the world, the fate of the coming years, and shame
and disgrace will be ours if in our eyes the light of high
resolve is dimmed, if we trail in the dust the golden hopes of
men. "
"Only those are fit to live who do not fear to die; and none are
fit to die who have shrunk from the joy of life. Both life and
death are parts of the same Great Adventure." TR, Works, XIX,
pp. 243-47
Talks with T.R., from the HOYSEn J. Leary Jr., Houghton
Mifflin, Boston and New YorkASH98GTON
"In my office in the White House there was a splendid portrait of
Lincoln. Ofttimes, when I had some matter to decide, something
involved and difficult to dispose of, where there were
conflicting rights and all that sort of thing, I would look up at
that splendid face and try to imagine him in my place and try to
figure out what he would do in the circumstances." p.viii
"
I wonder if you recall one verse of Micah that I am very
fond of -- 'to do justly and to love mercy and to walk humbly
with thy God' -- that to me is the essence of religion. To be
just with all men, to be merciful to those to whom mercy should
be shown, to realize that there are some things that must always
remain a mystery to us, and when the time comes for us to enter
the great blackness, to go smiling and unafraid." p.65
"To love justice, to be merciful, to appreciate that the great
mysteries shall not be known to us, and so living, face the
beyond confident and without fear -- that is life." p.66
"My, but I have no patience with those who attack, who would
destroy a man's belief in religion -- no patience with those who
would convert the Jew en masse, or the Catholic. More likely
than not, where they succeed at all they succeed only in
destroying something -- they take something real away and give
nothing in return, leaving the victim bankrupt. I am always
sorry for the faithless man, just as I am sorry for the woman
without virtue." pp.66-7
"All the trouble I ever have with the papers is of their ['the
headline fellows'] making. Friends come to me and say, 'Those
reporters.' But is isn't the reporters. Ninety-nine times out
of a hundred they are correct to a 'T'." p.137
TR at times liked to read popular magazines, especially when
travelling. An accompanying journalist (Leary) once remarked
that this was "rather low brow diet,' to which TR responded:
"True, but why feed entirely on the heavier stuff? I get all the
'high-brow' magazines at home. Lord! I don't read one half of
them. This low-brow stuff, as you call it, is good for a change.
I like a good detective story when I can get it. These things
may not be literature, but they interest and rest me. They make
up the salads of my reading." p.173
Loyalty: "The spirit of the clan is what we as AMericans lack.
We need one big American clan, with its members always for the
clan. I must confess that I have never been able to get the
viewpoint of those very excellent persons who object to the old
navy toast: 'My country right, my country wrong; but right or
wrong, my country.
I want my country to be right; I hope she always will be
right; but right or wrong, whatever she gets into I am going to
be with her until she gets out. Then if there is any correcting
to do, I'll try and do my share. And I am not prepared to
concede the possibility of error in that doctrine by agreeing to
debate it with anybody.
It is said to be bad ethics, just as it is said to be bad
ethics to teach a boy to defend himself, or his baby brother or
his sister or his mother. Some good people hold that a boy who
gets into a fight, whether he be right or wrong, should be
punished. I do not. If one of my boys was a bully, I'd try to
thrash it out of him. If he would not defend himself against a
bully, I'd thrash him until I had some degree of manhood in him.
He'd require but one thrashing." pp.177-8
New Blood in the GOP: "It is so silly to oppose the entrance of
new blood into the party. To do so is to fail to recognize that
there are new racial elements in the community that are coming to
the point where they must be considered politically, for they are
political factors.
The wise thing to do is to welcome all that are good in
these new elements into the party, make them feel at home, and
give them a share of the work that is to be done, and let them,
in time, work into the places that belong to them. Otherwise
your party is apt to become too exclusive to be of value when it
comes to a real test.' " pp.210-11
"It should not be possible to tell a man's politics by his name."
p.212
"In other words, every boy thinks his father is a pretty big man.
One of mine told a teacher once him father was 'it.' That
confidence is something no man can afford to lose, and if he can
make his boy see that the thing to do is to go to his father with
his troubles, he has a pretty good guarantee that the boy won't
get into any very serious messes. On the other hand, if the boy
knows that he is going to get a dressing-down every time his
parent hears of some venial sin of omission or commission,
boylike, he's going to try and conceal as much as he can. He
will, however, get advice abroad if he does not get it at home,
and he's mighty lucky if the kind he gets abroad is the kind he
should have. p.235