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Originally Processed With FOIA(s): FOIA Number: S S FOIA MARKER This is not a textual record. This is used as an administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential Library Staff. Record Group/Collection: George H.W. Bush Presidential Records Collection/Office of Origin: Speechwriting, White House Office of Series: Speech File Backup Files Subseries: Alpha File, 1987-1991 OA/ID Number: 13847 Folder ID Number: 13847-003 Folder Title: Bush Vice-Presidential Speeches, [n.d.] [1] Stack: Row: Section: Shelf: Position: G 26 23 3 4 08/04/88 VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH SPEECHES AND STATEMENTS By Date and Locale AUGUST X 08/02/88 Foreign Policy American Role Mid-America Committee Revolutionary Changes Luncheon Program for the 1990's Chicago, Illinois 08/04/88 VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH SPEECHES AND STATEMENTS By Date And Locale JULY 07/06/88 Family Education Personal exp. Rep. vs Dem. Importance Economy 59th Annual Convention Politician's Employment of LULAC (League of Role Growth United Latin-American Hispanic Cabinet Citizens) Pledge Dallas, Texas 07/07/88 Christianity Greek-Americans Democracy Foreign Policy 29th Biennial Clergy-Laity Terrorism Afghanistan Congress Greek Family Cyprus Orthodox Archdiocese of North and South America Boston, Massachusetts X 07/08/88 Rep. vs Dem. Taxes Foreign Policy Arms Control Judicial Victory '88 Appointees Atlanta, Georgia 07/10/88 Soviet Union Baltic States Glasnost/Perestroika Lithuanian Festival Human Rights Kennebunkport, Maine 07/11/88 Drought Relief 1985 Farm Bill Bipartisan help GB's Farm Plan Agricultural Communicators Exports Trade barriers Congress Agricultural Alternative Fuels Washington, D.C. Summit Agr. research Rural dvlpment SPEECHES/JULY PAGE TWO X 07/12/88 Civil Rights Agenda Economy Broad Base Rep. Black Middle Support Class 79th Annual Convention of Education Welfare Reform the NAACP Head Start Housing Washington, D.C. OMBE [Two Versions: 1) Excerpts of Remarks 2) Proposed Remarks: NOT FOR RELEASE] 07/14/88 Persian Gulf Conflict Shipping United Nations Security Iran Air #655 Council U.S.S. Vincennes New York, New York Iran-Iraq War Resolution 598 [Also available: UN Press Release of V.P. 's speech; apparently a transcript.] 07/20/88 Captive Nations American Military East Germany Strength Baltic States Self- Captive Nations Banquet Vietnam Determination Warren, Michigan Persian Gulf Spheres of Afghanistan Influence Angola Human Rights Nicaragua Religious Freedom Poland 07/22/88 Environment Clean Water Act Law Medical Waste Enforcement Sewage Prevention Statement on Ocean Pollution Point Pleasant, New Jersey SPEECHES/JULY PAGE THREE 07/23/88 Drugs S. Florida Task Force Airborne Law Enforcement NNBIS Death Penalty Association Coast Guard Legal Tech. Tampa, Florida Four-Part War 07/24/88 Women in the Work Force Child Care Strategy National Fed. of Business Economic Opportunity & Professional Equal Pay Women's Clubs of the Children's Tax Credit United States [With FACT SHEET] 07/24/88 Energy Stimulate Domestic Prod. Announcement Deregulation National Policy for Alternative Fuels/Conservation Energy Security Strategic Petro. Reserves Environment Natural Gas Coal [With FACT SHEET] Nuclear Energy Oil Import Tax 07/26/88 Ethics Family Experience Law Enforcement White House Speech to Congressional Conflict of Ethics Office Interns Interest Laws Blind trusts Washington, D.C. "Revolving Door" [With FACT SHEET] 07/27/88 Recognition of American Contribution Statement Century of the Pacific 35th Anniversary of Korean Cease-Fire SPEECHES/JULY PAGE FOUR 07/29/88 New HHS Program to enable children with serious disabilities to Announcement receive additional benefits for Program to Aid Disabled home care. Children 07/29/88 Congressman Wolf Child Care Visit to Tyson's Corner Children's Tax Credit Play and Learn Center On-Site Care Tyson's Corner, Va. Liability Insurance Federal Revoling Pool [NOTE: Prepared Remarks Child Care for Fed. Employees not used: NOT FOR RELEASE] Comparison of GB's proposals with Dodd Bill 07/18/88 VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH SPEECHES AND STATEMENTS By Date and Locale JUNE X 06/05/88 Energy Alternate Fuels Methanol Pump Dedication Methanol Los Angeles, Calif. Farm Surplus Environment Foreign Dependence Offshore Drilling Calif. Coast 06/06/88 Support of bill to compensate Japanese-Americans interned Press Conference during WWII. Opening Statement 06/06/88 Drugs School Users Chaffey High School Education Rehabilitation Ontario, Calif. Penalties X 06/07/88 Education Economy Risk-Taking Capital Gains High Tech Awards Defense Budget Luncheon Rep vs Dem Trade Irvine, Calif. Arms Control X 06/09/88 Party Comparisons (GB vs MD) Economy Texas State Convention Foreign Policy Houston, Texas Defense Taxes Crime Drugs SPEECHES/JUNE PAGE TWO 06/09/88 Medicare Statement Catastrophic Care Legislation X [With FACT SHEET] X 06/10/88 Party Comparisons (GB vs MD) Economy Victory '88 Unity Dinner Foreign Policy Denver, Colorado Defense Taxes Crime Drugs Polls Mudslinging 06/10/88 VP Support for TV Marti Cuba Statement TV Marti 06/10/88 Drugs Support for D'Amato Death Statement Penalty Bill Sen. D'Amato Bill x 06/12/88 Entrepreneurs/ Risk-Takers Central State Univ. New Business Wilberforce, Ohio New Jobs Education Federal Assistance Teachers Drugs Civil Rights Minority Business SPEECHES/JUNE PAGE THREE 06/13/88 Cuba Foreign Policy Castro Freedom Cuban-American Angola Democracy National Foundation Savimbi Human Rights Congress Radio & Washington, D.C. TV Marti 06/14/88 Education Strategy Pres. Scholars & Teachers Fed Assistance Washington, D.C. Merit Schools [With Fact Sheet] Magnet Schools Experimental Fund Teachers College Savings Bonds X 06/15/88 Agriculture Drought Statement Drought Relief Program Washington, D.C. Drought Impact 06/15/88 Drugs Rep. Task Force Education House Republican Leader- Death Penalty Rehabilitation ship Task Force on Drugs Supply Legalization Washington, D.C. Punishment Testing SPEECHES/JUNE PAGE FOUR X 06/15/88 Fed Gov-Cities Child Care Relationship Fluoridating Statement Fed Role Availability Letter From VP Bush Urban Affairs Quality U.S. Conference Task Force Housing of Mayors Drugs Voucher Urban Agenda Program Penalties Tenant Control Sen. D'Amato Homelessness Int'l Strike Emergency/ Force Shelter/ Council of War Food/Medical Education McKinney Act Fed/State/ Food Stamps Local Role Families Savings Bonds Independence Pell Grants Keep Families Together Encourage Work 06/16/88 Drugs Impact Punishment 68th Annual Meeting of Prevention Demand the US JAYCEES Treatment Zero Tolerance Richmond, Va. Interdiction Testing 06/17/88 Ethics Defense Department Statement Press Conference 06/21/88 Drugs NNBIS Statement Seizures Washington, D.C. Intelligence Econ Summit Money Laundering SPEECHES/JUNE PAGE FIVE 06/21/88 VP Endorses the Fish Amendment Comments in Support of the Statement 1968 Fair Housing Act Fair Housing Amendments Act of 1987 X 06/22/88 Drugs Law Enforcement Econ Summit National Sheriffs Criminal Justice Demand Association Reform Act Zero Tolerance Prevention Budget Interdiction Congress Rehabilitation Safety [With FACT SHEET] 06/23/88 Agriculture Drought Aid Statement Disaster Relief [From Radio Address] 06/24/88 Party Comparisons Taxes Press Conf. Statement Mass. Tax Hike Cincinnati, Ohio Economy 06/24/88 Agriculture Drought Impact Statement Disaster Relief [Following meeting with Ag. Trade Sen Dole & Farm and Ranch Leaders, Cincinnati, Ohio] x 06/24/88 Party Comparisons Economy Defense Rep. Unity Dinner Taxes Crime Cincinnati, Ohio Mass Tax Hike Drugs Industrial Mass Furlough Foreign Policy Program SPEECHES/JUNE PAGE SIX X 06/26/88 Drugs Law Enforcement Budget Fraternal Order Criminal Justice Congress of Police Prevention Military Columbus, Ohio Interdiction Bases/ Treatment Prisons Demand Death Penalty Public Sentencing Attitude Guidelines Testing Habitual Zero Tolerance Offenders Criminal Justice Safely Reform Act [With FACT SHEET] X 06/28/88 Congratulates Commission on its report. Statement Comments on specific aspects of AIDS Commission Report report. X 06/29/88 Foreign Policy Ethics VP '83 Pentagon World Affairs Council Vienna Speech Defense San Francisco, Calif. Pre-INF Europe Industry El Salvador Packard Military Build- Commission Up 06/30/88 Rep. vs Dem. Economy Taxes Presidential Trust Employment Trade Luncheon Interest Rates Budget N.Y.,N.Y. Inflation Welfare X 06/30/88 Angola Negotiations Statement Reconciliation Dr. Jonas Savimbi Support for Savimbi 07/18/88 VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH SPEECHES AND STATEMENTS By Date and Locale MAY 05/03/88 Primary Election Bush Agenda "Over the Top" Celebration Washington, D.C. [Proposed Remarks: NOT FOR RELEASE] 05/03/88 Competitiveness Education Science & Tech Opportunity West Virginia Univ. Budget Federal Aid Morgantown, West Va. Investment Education Fed Research Grants [Proposed Remarks: NOT FOR RELEASE] 05/05/88 Education Teachers Garfield High School Students Los Angeles, Calif. Drugs 05/06/88 Bush Agenda Agriculture Southern Idaho Univ. Research Twin Falls, Idaho Farm Bill Water Alternative Fuels [Proposed Remarks: NOT FOR RELEASE] 05/11/88 Reagan Accomplishments Challenges The President's Dinner Washington, D.C. [NOT FOR RELEASE] SPEECHES/MAY PAGE TWO 05/12/88 Competitiveness Arms Control Electronics INF American Electronics Education MX Association Risk-Taking Midgetman San Diego, Calif. Capital Gains Nuclear Trade Testing [Proposed Remarks: NOT FOR RELEASE] 05/12/88 Arms Control INF MX Rotary Club Luncheon Gorbachev Midgetman Albuquerque, New Mexico START SDI 5/13/88 Economic Statistics Oil Pipeline Reg. News Release Reform Legislation VP Bush Endorses Natural Gas Initiatives Regulatory Reform CAFE Relief Legislation Legislation Export Control Reform x 05/13/88 Defense Industries R&D Hughes Aircraft - Ground Dukakis/Defense Systems Group Education Fullerton, Calif. Jobs Technology 05/13/88 Aerospace NSDD 1/5/88 Space Space Group NASA Pathfinder San Diego, Calif. R&D '58 Space Act Space Council Education [Draft Speech: NOT FOR RELEASE] SPEECHES/MAY PAGE THREE 05/14/88 Competitiveness Technology Intel Corp. Education Portland, Oregon USSR Afghanistan [Two Versions: 1) "Excerpts of Remarks", and 2) "Proposed Remarks" NOT FOR RELEASE] X 05/16/88 Environment Principles Clear Air Washington Business Agenda Acid Rain Luncheon Toxic Waste Int'l Coop- Seattle, Washington Solid Waste eration Ground Water Ozone Outdoors "Mission to Planet Earth" [With FACT SHEET] X 05/18/88 Drugs Progress Legalization L,A. Police Academy Problems Users Los Angeles, Calif. New VP Role Zero Tolerance Penalties Supply/Demand 05/25/88 Senior Citizens Health Care Catastrophic Leisure Knoll Social Sec. Illness Community Center COLAS Long-Term Care Lakewood, New Jersey [Proposed Remarks: NOT FOR RELEASE] 05/25/88 Foreign Policy Defense USSR New Weapons US Military Academy WW II Challenge West Point, N.Y. Bipartisan Arms Control Consensus INF Liberal Elite Proliferation 07/18/88 - VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH SPEECHES AND STATEMENTS By Date and Locale APRIL 04/07/88 Comments on memo prepared by the Commission on National Challenge Statement In Higher Education Meeting With U.S. Educators Washington, D.C. 04/08/88 Defense Peace through Strength Tour of General Dynamics Defense Cost Fort Worth, Texas [Proposed Talking Points: NOT FOR RELEASE] 04/11/88 Education Taxes Technology R&D Tax Credit Visit to IBM Education Competitiveness Capital Gains Center 4 R's Thornwood, New York [Proposed Talking Points: NOT FOR RELEASE] 04/13/88 Drugs Education Social and "Cities in Association for a Better Economic Costs Schools" New York South Florida New York, New York Task Force Seizure Coast Guard [Two versions: 1) Excerpts National Security of Remarks 2) Proposed Remarks Penalties NOT FOR RELEASE] Deterrence Federal Spending Education SPEECHES/APRIL PAGE TWO 04/15/88 Foreign Policy Principles Strength American Society of Remain Engaged Newspaper Editors Economic Strength Washington, D.C. Foreign Policy in the 90's Mexico Latin America [Four versions: 1) Excerpts Asia of Remarks 2) Transcript with Subcontinent Q&A 3) Proposed Remarks: IAEA NOT FOR RELEASE 4) Draft South Africa Speech: NOT FOR RELEASE x 04/18/88 Competitiveness Education Science & Tech Malpractice The Cleveland Clinic Govt Funding Foundation Cleveland, Ohio 4/19/88 Reagan Record Balanced Budget Taxes Taxes State Association of New jobs Spending Lid Township Supervisors "American Solution" Hershey, Pennsylvania Limited Govt IRS harassment [Proposed Remarks: NOT FOR RELEASE] x 04/25/88 Unemployment Steel Industry Unfair Trade Econ Recovery Greater Pittsburgh Area Job Training New Jobs C of C JTPA PA, TX Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania Capital Gains Tax Deficit [Two Versions: 1) Excerpts of Remarks 2) Proposed Remarks: NOT FOR RELEASE] SPEECHES/APRIL PAGE THREE 04/26/88 Business Economy Quality Jobs Trade Deficit Ohio Association of Taxes Broadcasters Cincinnati, Ohio [Excerpts of Remarks: NOT FOR RELEASE] 04/29/88 Campaign Trail "Invest Education Indianapolis" George Washington HS Role in Economy Indianapolis, Indiana "Bully Pulpit" [Draft Speech: NOT FOR RELEASE] 04/29/88 Quality Education MacBaldridge Competitiveness Award Magnavox Company Fort Wayne, Indiana [Draft Speech: NOT FOR RELEASE] 04/30/88 Long Term Care Social Security Medical Research SS COLA's Catastrophic Medicaid St. Raphael's Home for Health the Aged Chronic Illness Columbus, Ohio [Proposed Remarks: NOT FOR RELEASE] 07/18/88 VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH SPEECHES AND STATEMENTS By Date and Locale MARCH 03/10/88 Presidency Democracy Deficit Arms Control The Governor's Club Line Item Veto Education Chicago, Illinois Ethics Trade X 03/11/88 Economy Education Reagan Revolution South Suburban C of C New Jobs Harvey, Illinois Job Training 03/13/88 Poland Solidarity Popieluszko Religious Freedom St. Hyacinth Church Chicago, Illinois X 03/16/88 Israel & America Strategic partners Mutual Goals Dinner honoring Yitzhak Shamir of Israel Washingon, D.C. X 03/21/88 Education Early testing Head Start Values Cities in Schools Black Americans Salute to Civil Rights George Bush Grove City Washington, D.C. Economic Equality SPEECHES/MARCH PAGE TWO 03/22/88 Deregulation of Natural Gas Davis-Bacon Act Florida Demonstration Project Summary of Presidential Task Force Meeting Washington, D.C. 03/24/88 Drugs Natl Security Crime AIDS Task Force Hartford County Bar Ass. NNBIS Coast Guard Hartford, Connecticut Summit UN Involvement Death Penalty "No Tolerance" "Just say No" 07/18/88 VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH SPEECHES AND STATEMENTS By Date and Locale FEBRUARY 02/01/88 Deficit Energy Line Item Veto oil Import Fee Raising Taxes Alt. Fuels Nashua Rotary Club Nashua, New Hampshire 02/02/88 Education Energy Role in World Alt. Fuels Joint Session of the New Markets Task Force on Hampshire Legislature College Savings Reg. Relief Concord, New Hampshire Bonds oil Import Fee Economy INF [Excerpts of Remarks: Deficit NOT FOR RELEASE] Cap. Gains Tax Line Item Veto New Jobs 02/02/88 Same Speech as Above Forum of Women Leaders Concord, New Hampshire [Excerpts of Remarks: NOT FOR RELEASE-NOT USED] 02/02/88 Gun Control Hunting Licenses McClure- 2nd Amendment Volkner-Bill Forum of Gun Owners (?) Plastic Guns Concord, New Hampshire Contras Experience [Transcript of Speech: NOT APPROVED; NOT FOR RELEASE] SPEECHES/FEBRUARY PAGE TWO 02/03/88 Iowa Caucus Presidency Experience Cornell College Staff/Ethics Mount Vernon, Iowa Requirements [Excerpts of Reamarks: NOT FOR RELEASE] 02/03/88 Public Service Natl Goals Dubuque Jaycees Dubuque, Iowa [Excerpts of Remarks: NOT FOR RELEASE] 02/11/88 Presidential Leadership Experience Deficit Bob Dole Senior Citizens Complex Freeze Veto Nashua, New Hampshire Noriega Defense Spending [Remarks: NOT FOR RELEASE] 02/12/88 Presidential Leadership Bio Info Southern New Hampshire Ass. Bush vs Dole of Commerce and Industry Experience 07/18/88 VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH SPEECHES AND STATEMENTS By Date and Locale JANUARY X 01/05/88 Defense Foreign Policy INF Soviet Union SDI Human Rights National Press Club START Nicaragua Washington, D.C. Peace through Soviet Motives Strength China/Trade Nuclear Proliferation 01/06/88 Education Higher Standards Administrative Improve Home Life Reforms Manchester West High School Inner City Magnet Schools Manchester, New Hampshire Cooperation Head Start Illiteracy Govt Spending X 01/06/88 Long Term Care Medical Research Catastrophic Cutting Cost Health Medford Farms Community Lmtd. Govt. Center Intervention Goffstown, New Hampshire 01/07/88 INF Education Nuclear Values Proliferation Environment Johnston, Polk City, and Alt. Fuels Bldg. Incentive Urbandale C of C Deficit Cap. Gains Tax Johnston, Iowa oil Import Fee IRS Harassment Line Item Veto SPEECHES/JANUARY PAGE TWO 01/12/88 Economics Reagan Success Bush's Plan Regulatory Reducing Deficit Hampton Rotary Club Relief Cap. Gains Tax Hampton, New Hampshire Tax Reform Budget Reform Reduce Deficit Defense Trade Procurement Quality Prod. Free Trade Education 01/14/88 INF Further Reductions Luncheon Meeting With Negotiating from Strength Country Squires Defending Freedom New London, New Hampshire Personal Experience [Excerpts of Remarks: NOT FOR RELEASE] 01/18/88 Leadership Prosperity Des Moines Jaycees Des Moines, Iowa 01/18/88 Economy Employment Budget Reforms Farm Econ. Tax Reform Rotary Club Luncheon Deficit Cedar Rapids, Iowa Defense Procurement 01/19/88 Reagan/Bush Administration Successes Executive Forum Washington, D.C. [Delivered by Craig Fuller] SPEEECHES/JANUARY PAGE THREE 01/21/88 (?) Pres. Leadership Congress Experience Deficit Location Unknown Line Item Veto [Fax Copy of 3X5 Cards: NOT FOR RELEASE] 01/22/88 Health Care Long Term Care Rural Hospitals Need for More Professionals Iowa Methodist Hospital Des Moines, Iowa 01/23/88 Defense Natl Security INF U.S.S. San Jacinto Conventional Forces Houston, Texas [Excerpts of Remarks: NOT FOR RELEASE] 01/27/88 Limited Govt Oxygenated Fuels Business Incentives South Dakota Senate Pierre, South Dakota 01/28/88 Deficit Line Item Veto Taxes Portsmouth Rotary Club oil Import Fee Portsmouth, New Hampshire [Excerpts of Remarks: NOT FOR RELEASE] SPEECHES/JANUARY PAGE FOUR 01/29/88 Alternative Transportation Fuels Pres. Task Force on Reg. Relief Press Release Goals GB Announces Regulatory EPA Breakthrough on Alternative Fuels 01/29/88 Freedom Communism Poland Sertoma Club "Freedom Solidarity Banquet" Council Bluffs, Iowa 07/21/88 VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH SPEECHES AND STATEMENTS By Date and Locale DECEMBER 12/01/87 INF Verification Urge Support Statement by VP Bush Rapid City, South Dakota 12/04/87 INF Experience Verification Presidency Conventional Human Rights Mahaska County GOP Dinner Forces Glasnost Oskaloosa, Iowa [Proposed Remarks: NOT FOR RELEASE] 12/06/87 Human Rights Holocaust Glasnost National Summit for Soviet Jewry Washington, D.C. 12/12/87 Gorbachev INF Conventional Verification Forces Ratification University of Iowa Chemical and Iowa city, Iowa Biological Weapons 12/16/87 Procurement Reform Initiatives Endorsed by the Presidential Task Force on Regulatory Relief [STATEMENT] 07/21/88 VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH SPEECHES AND STATEMENTS By Date and Locale NOVEMBER 11/04/87 Executive VS Legislative Branch Foreign Policy War Powers Resolution Act The American Spectator Chadha Decision 20th Anniversary Nicaragua Washington, D.C. Joint Intelligence Committee 11/06/87 US-Soviet Relations Bush's Experience Chemical and Gorbachev Bio. Weapons Luther College Glasnost Religion Decorah, Iowa Human Rights INF 11/06/87 Deficit INF Taxes GB's Experience Trade Presidency Allamakee County GOP Dinner Waukon, Iowa 11/07/87 Budget Alternative Fuels Taxes Capital Gains Tax Trade Deficit Fundraising Dinner for Economic Summit Rep. Tom Tauke Cedar Rapids, Iowa 11/09/87 Space Program Education Challenger Center Dinner Washington, D.C. 11/10/87 Economy Taxes Trade Deficit Incentives Experience Lanconia, New Hampshire SPEECHES/NOVEMBER PAGE TWO 11/12/87 Agriculture Trade Barriers Govt Subsidies Embargoes Alternative National Association of Fuels Farm Broadcasters Kansas City, Missouri 11/12/87 Rural Economy Trade Barriers Competitiveness Govt Subsidies Research Future Farmers of America Smoot-Hawley Alternative Kansas City, Missouri Protectionism Fuels Environment 11/16/87 Republican Philosophy Limited Govt Ethics/Values Union League of Philadelphia Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 11/17/87 American Solution Task Force on IRS Harassment Reg. Relief Deficit New Hampshire Municipal Alternative oil Import Fee Association Fuels Congressional Manchester, New Hampshire Incentives Excesses 11/18/87 Alternative Fuels Carbon Monoxide Standard EPA Statement by VP Bush Acid Rain Waterloo, Iowa 11/18/87 Deficit oil Industry Taxes oil Import Fee Trade Deficit Alternative Fuels Butler County GOP Dinner Arms Control Parkersburg, Iowa SPEECHES/NOVEMBER PAGE THREE 11/19/87 Traditional Values AIDS Family Tax Reform Abortion/Adoption WIC Feeding Northwestern College Education Program Orange City, Iowa Head Start 4 R's [Two Versions 1) Excerpts of Remarks:MISSING LAST PAGE 2) Proposed Remarks: NOT FOR RELEASE] 11/20/87 Trade Free Trade Agrmt. with Canada Restrictive Tariff Legislation Sioux City C of C American Farmers Sioux City, Iowa Govt Subsidies Agricultural Embargoes New Incentives IRS Harassment Oil Import Fee 11/23/87 Deficit Defense Line item Veto SDI Traditional GB's Experience Missouri GOP Luncheon Values Presidency Springfield, Missouri Family "Bully Pulpit" Child Support [Excerpts of remarks: Abortion/Adoption NOT FOR RELEASE] 11/24/87 Cuomo Proposal Statement by VP Bush 11/24/87 Education Higher Standards Head Start Republican Governors Ass. College Savings Bonds Santa Fe, New Mexico INF SPEECHES/OCTOBER PAGE THREE 10/30/87 Budget New Jobs Capital Gains Tax IRS Harassment Arms Control Gorbachev Charleston Board of SDI Freedom Fighters Realtors Presidency Charleston, South Carolina SPEECHES/OCTOBER PAGE TWO 10/17/87 Taxes Ethics Working Women Incentives IRS Harassment Trade California Federation of Supreme Court Arms Control Republican Women Freedom Fighters Anaheim, California 10/22/87 Stock Market Deficit Organizational Meeting Miami, Florida 10/23/87 Agricultural Grain Standards Econ. Summit Alt. Fuels Incentives Shenandoah, Iowa 10/23/87 Stock Market Deficit Protectionism Agriculture Incentives Presidency Jefferson County Republican Central Committee Fairfield, Iowa [Excerpts of Remarks: NOT FOR RELEASE] 10/29/87 Space "Greenhouse Global Observation Effect" System George C. Marshall Space National Space Soviet Competition Flight Center Council SDI Huntsville, Alabama Mission to Planet Earth 10/30/87 Education Head Start Values Blueprint for Jack Reed for Governor Hope Homecoming Kickoff 07/21/88 VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH SPEECHES AND STATEMENTS By Date and Locale OCTOBER 10/12/87 GB's Vision Lmt Govt Sound Economy Prosperity Values Announcement Speech Education Arms Control Houston, Texas Experience Presidency 10/13/87 Taxes Ethics Prosperity Civil Rights Arms Control Chem/Bio Weapons Linn-Mar High School Presidency Cedar Rapids, Iowa 10/13/87 Same Speech as Above Announcement Celebration Des Moines, Iowa 10/14/87 Arms Control Gorbachev Taxes Education Alt. Fuels Free Trade Buckhead and Midtown Growth Incentives Lmt govt Business Associations Atlanta, Georgia 10/15/87 Budget Deficit Taxes Education Values Alt. Fuels Trade Sioux Falls C of C Arms Control Presidency Siuox Falls, South Dakota 10/16/87 "American Solution" Economic Growth Free Trade Global Economic Lmt Govt Western States Leadership Battle Arms Control Conference Seattle, Washington INC VICE PRESIDENT OFFICE OF THE PRESS SECRETARY FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Monday, September 28, 1987 CONTACT: 202/456-6772 EXCERPTS OF REMARKS FOR VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH VISIT TO THE GRAVE OF FATHER JERZY POPIELUSKO WARSAW, POLAND MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 1987 but so brutally his tortured and slain. His soul is in the hands of God, was It has been almost three years since Father Popielusko spirit lives on in the people of Poland and the world. Holiness, the United Pope John Paul II, upon the conclusion of his His visit to I had the deep honor nine days ago to meet with holds States. He expressed the deep personal feelings he for his homeland and the people of Poland. example like that of the Pope -- inspires us all -- for the -- cause of liberty. But his sacrifice was not in vain. fighter His In Father Popielusko, the world lost a courageous particularly the people of Poland -- to fight for the freedom as we wish. practice our religion, and to speak, write, think, and associate to prayed, not be forgotten. Here at the church where he lived, worked, must His voice rang like a bell throughout this land, and he good. let us pledge to carry on his quest to "overcome evil with and #### PRESS RELEASE THE VICE PRESIDENT OFFICE OF THE PRESS SECRETARY FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE CONTACT: 202/456-6772 Monday, September 28, 1987 EXCERPTS FROM REMARKS FOR VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH SIGNING OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY AGREEMENT WARSAW, POLAND MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 1987 Mr. Deputy Chairman and distinguished guests: It gives me great pleasure to conclude today, on behalf of my government, this agreement on cooperation in science and technology. This important step in the ongoing process of re-engagement between our two countries comes at a most opportune time. The international scientific community is faced with unprecedented challenges of a global nature -- the menace of environmental deterioration, of nuclear accidents, of terrible diseases such as AIDS -- and these challenges require even closer collaboration among scientists and engineers of all nationalities. At the same time, the scientific prospects grow ever brighter for technological innovation and more efficient use of human and natural resources. Through this agreement, we undertake, in modest but meaningful ways, to face these tasks together, for the benefit of both our peoples -- with exchanges and cooperation in such fields as medicine, agriculture, the environment, energy, transportation, and engineering. May the Polish-American cooperation which begins here today do justice to our shared tradition of scientific and technical excellence. Thank you. # # PRESS RELEASE THE VICE PRESIDENT OFFICE OF THE PRESS SECRETARY FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Saturday, October 3, 1987 Contact: (202) 456-6772 OPENING STATEMENT FOR VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH BRUSSELS PRESS CONFERENCE BRUSSELS, BELGIUM OCTOBER 3, 1987 Good morning. I am just completing a nine-day visit to Europe, which I undertook at the request of the President. I have had the opportunity to consult with Allied leaders in Italy, the Federal Republic of Germany, the Republic of France, the United Kingdom, nd the Kingdom of Belgium. I also met yesterday with Lord Carrington and other Allied epresentatives at NATO, as well as Mr. Jacques Delors and his colleagues at the EC. I undertook these consultations in part to reaffirm the unshakable American commitment to the Alliance and in part to solicit the views of Western European leaders on a range of issues. I am happy with the results on both counts. I was especially impressed by the deep sense of commitment to the common defense which I encountered in my meetings with Allied leaders. The clear and public determination of our NATO allies to defend our democratic societies has created the bedrock upon which a new East-West relationship is being built. In our discussions, I have sought to emphasize four main themes. First, the United States has no intention of "decoupling" from Western Europe. We will defend European soil as if it were our own. Second, it was the firmness and unity of the NATO allies that led to our INF breakthrough in Geneva. Further negotiations must proceed from a similar position of strength and solidarity. Third, we remain committed to frequent consultation with our lies on issues that relate to our mutual security. And finally, we seek assurances that our allies will pay their propriate share of the cost of defending Western Europe. At each stop I sought their views on three issues -- the security of Europe after INF; the need for cooperation in the Persian Gulf; and the future direction of East-West relations. -2- We found common ground on all three points. On INF, I received unanimous support for concluding the agreement we are negotiating in Geneva -- a step that would for the first time in the nuclear age reduce -- not just limit, but reduce -- the number of nuclear weapons in the world. At the same time, all agreed that we must now turn our attention to redressing the considerable imbalance that exists between NATO and the Warsaw Pact in conventional forces. I also received support for the proposal I laid down in Geneva in 1984 to verifiably eliminate all chemical and biological weapons from our arsenals. On the Persian Gulf, our allies are united in their resolve to bring about stability in that region -- by maintaining freedom of navigation, supporting an end to the Iran-Iraq war, and seeking sanctions against Iran through the United Nations Security Council. On the question of East-West relations, the allies endorsed our efforts to continue pressing the Soviets on human rights and on regional issues involving Afghanistan, Central America, and the Persian Gulf. I think it's safe to say that our differences on each issue were more tactical than strategic -- that is, focused more on how we get there than where it is we are going. Consultations of this sort are absolutely vital to the success of the Atlantic Alliance. They provide us with strength and solidarity, which are exactly the qualities that led to success on INF. I have also had discussions about our common problem of agricultural subsidies and surpluses, which have added to the threat of protectionism. We have discussed alternative fuels as one concrete way to fend off this threat, as well as to enhance our mutual energy security and protect our environment. This week, I also visited Poland, where I-met with government leaders, including the Chairman of the Council of State, General Jaruzelski, and prominent figures in Polish society, including Solidarity Leader Lech Walesa and Cardinal Glemp. My purpose in going to Poland was to learn firsthand from a ariety of sources about the situation in that country, to review .S.-Polish relations, and to lay the basis for future progress. My discussions with Polish officials were businesslike, realistic, and productive. I found my meetings with private Polish leaders fascinating and informative. I would be happy now to take your questions. Civil Rights George Bush for President CONTACT: Alixe Glen FOR *IMMEDIATE RELEASE 202/842-1988 Wednesday, October i, 1987 EXCERPTS OF REMARKS FOR VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH ST. ADALBERT'S CATHOLIC CHURCH PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 7, 1987 Leaders of Polonia, ladies and gentlemen: I am delighted to :e with you today. On Monday the President signed a proclamation designating October as Polish American Heritage Month -- a time for ail Americans to recognize and rejoice in the many accomplishments bf cenerations of Polish Americans and to express our pride in cur ountry Folish critage. told the people of Poland on national television, "The ties that bind the people of our countries are special ones. They are not weakened b: the differences between our governments, nor by the thousands of kilometers that separate us. "In Chicaco, in Detroit, in Milwaukee, and in a thousand other towns and cities across America, millions of Americans of Polish descent keep the memory of Poland close to their hearts. In their homes and churches -- in more than 800 Polish Catholic parishes -- Polish traditions and the great legacy of Polish history are passed down from generation to generation." Indeed, my official host in Poland, Deputy Chairman Barcikowski, called Americans of Polish crigin "a living bridge that links the two nations. I had candid and useful meetings with General Jaruzelski and other leaders of the covernment. We agreed to exchange ambassadors, to restructure some of Poland's debt, and to cooperate in science and technology. I also met with Cardinal Glemp, with leaders of independent thought, and with Lech Walesa and other leaders of Solidarity. Much mutual suspicion and bitterness remain from the events of December 1981, when martial law was imposed. But all wish Poland to be strong and independent and prosperous and to play its proper role as a great nation in the heart of Europe. 1 We have strong differences with the Polish government. But our objectives should be clear -- to find ways to help the Polish people, with whom we have such bonds of blood and affection. 2 Our interests converge on the need for improvement in the Polish economy Both the government and the people are ready for change change for the better. Economic reform is essential, and the government knows it. There may now be an opportunity to open up Polish society as Gorbachev is doing in the Soviet Union. But Jaruzelski resists any linkage with economic aid that might make it appear as if the U.S. is dictating the internal policies of Poland. He is careful about what he says, forceful and direct in how he says it, and very tough. Jaruzelski argued that Poland is engaged not just in small steps but in couraqeous movement forward. He promised solutions stressing political and human rights. But he said that recognition of Solidarity would be "suicidal." I told him that genuine economic progress would be impossible without meaningful movement toward pluralism and national reconciliation. Whatever steps are taken, they will require the participation and support of the Polish people if they are to succeed in revitalizing the economy. And without economic reform there will be no more assistance from the West. In my meetings with Walesa, I was struck by his obvious love of Poland and respect for his fellow Poles, who hold him in such high regard. He impressed me as a man who is down-to-earth, politically attuned, and dedicated to his cause. He communicates compellingly and makes you want to go the extra mile to help. Solidarity seeks dialogue and compromise and not revolution. But Walesa forcefully made the point that political reform is necessary in order for economic reform to work. And he pledged to continue the struggle until victory. The leaders of Solidarity are fighting for some of the same ideals that attracted their forefathers, Casimir Pulaski and Tadeusz Kosciuszko, to our cause in America more than 200 years ago -- freedom, equality, and a respect for human dignity. When I was in Krakow, I went to Wawal Cathedral to lay a wreath of the tomb of Kosciuszko, the great military engineer whose statue stands across from my office in the White House. And next Sunday we will celebrate General Pulaski Memorial Day, in honor of the gallant cavalry officer who sacrificed his life for our cause. In Warsaw I presented busts of our Founding Fathers -- Washington, Jefferson, and Franklin -- to the Royal Castle, which is slowly and painstakingly being restored from wartime rubble to its former glory. 4 His grave is evidence that Poles are still fighting and dying for the values in both our constitutions. In the spirit of Washington and Jefferson and Franklin, in the spirit of Kosciuszko and Pulaski, in the spirit of Fighting Warsaw, he dedicated his life and ultimately gave it -- to the struggle for freedom and human dignity. On Monday night I was allowed the unprecedented opportunity to address the Polish people for five minutes live on national television. Let me conclude by quoting a bit of that speech. Everyone recognizes these last few years have been difficult ones in Poland. We in America have watched and suffered with you. As you have so often in the past, you have endured with courage, faith, and determination. Your patriotism and deep sense of nationhood carried you intact through more than a century of partition, and gave you strength in the face of the brutal Nazi occupation. Oppression and defeat cannot kill the thirst for freedom within the Polish breast, and the spirit of 'Fighting Warsaw' lives on. 'Polak nie sluga. A Pole is not a serf. A Solidarity spokesman said it was the first time since martial law was imposed in 1981 that the names of Lech Walesa and Solidarity were mentioned on Polish TV in a positive way. As Vice President, I have been privileged to travel to all corners of the globe and I have met and seen wonderful people wherever I have gone. But the men and women of Poland I met last week have an undying spirit and fierce determination for freedom. Everywhere I traveled in Poland -- from downtown Warsaw to Lomianki to the royal city of Krakow -- I witnessed a spontaneous outpouring of affection for the United States of America that I will never forget. The people of Poland are keenly aware of their brothers and sisters in America. When I asked a crowd how many people had relatives in the U.S., it seemed as if half the people's hands went up. I told them, "We love you, we respect you, and you will never be alone." Along with cheers of "Long live Lech" and "Long live Solidarnosc," we also heard cheers of "Long live Reagan" and "Long live Bush" and "Long live America." I won't embarrass myself by trying it in Polish, but let me just say to you, "Long live Poland!" Thank you very much. # # # # George Bush for President FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE OCTOBER 12, 1987 CONTACT: BARBARA PARDUE 202/842-1988 EXCERPTS OF REMARKS FOR VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH ANNOUNCEMENT SPEECH HOUSTON, TEXAS MONDAY, OCTOBER 12, 1987 of the United States. I mean to run hard, to fight hard, to I am here today to announce my candidacy for the Presidency stand on the issues -- and I mean to win. should and must, to helping a president conduct the For seven years, I have devoted myself, as a Vice President much my candor; he never asked for, but received, my loyalty. I had difficult job on earth. The President asked for, and most received, to say to him, and I spoke with trust. But now I candidate to for President, and now it is my responsibility am to a turn intentions, and why I wish to lead. the American people and share with them my hopes and he Ronald Reagan returned dignity and good sense to the high office I am following a great Presidency -- and a great President. his to him -- and refound its spirit. I am proud to have again been turned holds. Seven years ago, a nation that needed to trust partner; I am proud to have been part of his great work. cold it was in '80. Seven years ago, our nation was rocked But there are those who forget, in the warmth of 1987, how and high winds and heavy seas -- an economy buffeted by incompetence by lost intrusion -- a military without morale -- and an America of stature in the world. ourselves. We have weathered the storm. Our economy has But now, after seven years of hard work, we have righted our recovered to become the strongest in history. And once again, flag is recognized as a force for good in the world. base the is stable -- and from this strong platform we can now again, launch the We have righted ourselves -- the platform is firm great endeavors of the future. need steady leadership. We don't need to remake society -- we just We don't need radical new directions -- we need strong and to remember who we are. -more- - 733 15TH STREET. N.W. SUITE 800. WASHINGTON. D.C. 20005 -- TELEPHONE (202) 42 1955 i.nd .... in George Bush for President 2 We are a great people in a great nation. We have earned our optimism, we have a right to our confidence -- and we have much to do. We mark next week the longest peacetime economic expansion in our nation's recorded history. We have made great strides in the economy, but there is new ground to be won. Our triumph is real -- but it is incomplete. There are those who need help, there are those who've been hurt -- and as far as I'm concerned, we will never be a truly prosperous nation until all within it prosper. I want a prosperity that we can rely on; I want a prosperity that stays, that broadens, that deepens and that touches, finally, all Americans, from the hollows of Kentucky to the sunlit streets of Denver, from the suburbs of Chicago to the coldest caverns of New York, from the farms of Iowa to the oil fields of Oklahoma and Texas. We must continue to remove the barriers to growth. For five years now, steadily and surely, we have been lowering the unemployment rate. I mean to continue our pursuit of those three little words -- jobs, jobs, and jobs. We must continue -- and accelerate -- our efforts to cut the federal budget deficit. There is much to be done in this area -- and an impasse to be broken. But I will not break it by breaking you. There are those who say we must balance the budget on the backs of the workers -- and raise taxes again. But they are wrong. I am not going to raise your taxes -- period. I want to add here that I do not hate government. I'm proud of my long experience in government. I've met some of the best people in the world doing the people's business in the Congress and the agencies. A government that serves the people effectively and economically, and that remembers that the people are its master, is a good and needed thing. Our government has a proper and legitimate role in the collection and dispersal of tax revenues. And we must all pay our fair share. But for too long the rules of the game have been cloaked in deliberate ambiguity. The rules about what the IRS can do -- and what the taxpayer's rights are -- are often unclear. I think it's time on this anniversary of our Constitution, for a taxpayer's bill of rights, a bill of rights that spells out explicitly what the limits of IRS power are. I will put the force of my Presidency behind this idea -- whose time has more than come. -more- 3 #### Jobs, growth, a sound government and a sound economy -- these are great and good goals. But they are not enough. For our prosperity means little if it lacks purpose. We diminish our triumph when we act as if wealth is an end in itself. The fact is prosperity is not an end, but a beginning. It has a point: It gives us time to think and care; it frees us up to learn, to grow, to be better than we are, to develop the things of the spirit and the heart. Prosperity with a purpose means giving back to the country that has given you SO much: It means helping a child from a dysfunctional home learn how to read, and teaching him through your presence that there is such a thing as healthy and reliable affection; It means taking your idealism and making it concrete by real action aimed at making life better for the people of our country; It means helping a church when it asks for volunteers; it means helping a civic group build a library or a local theater. It means pitching in and building up. And prosperity with a purpose means taking time after high school or college to serve and protect our nation in the armed forces of the United States. Prosperity with a purpose means, in short, helping your brothers and sisters whoever they are, wherever they are, whatever their needs. There are those who would say it's soft and insufficiently tough to care about these things. But where is it written that Republicans must act as if they do not care, as if they are not moved? I say to my fellow Republicans: We are the party of Lincoln. Our whole history was protecting those who needed our protection and making this a kinder nation. We were also formed to stand for justice, and personal decency. But increasingly we see those who have dropped their standards along the way -- as if ethics were too heavy and slowed their rise to the top. There's greed on Wall Street and graft in City Hall, there's influence pedaling in Washington -- and it's all so shameful. Have we forgotten who we are? We're the people who sundered a nation rather than allow a sin called slavery -- we're the people who together pushed past the snows and deserts of the West. And when we got there what did we build, what did we care -more- 4 about? You could see the answer as you rode toward a new town and saw the silhouette against the sky: You'd see just two buildings, a church and a schoolhouse. A place for the spirit, and a place for our children to learn the great thoughts of man. We weren't saints -- but we lived by standards. We celebrated the individual -- but we weren't self-centered. We were practical -- but we didn't live for material things. We believed in getting ahead -- but a narrow careerism wasn't our way. We were shrewd idealists, and we believed in big things. These days, some of us act as if we've forgotten who we are. The truth is we make ourselves small by pursuing small things. And I find myself saying to my children: You've got to live by values if you want to live a life of meaning. #### I have learned these past seven years that the Presidency provides an incomparable opportunity for moral leadership. A President must never intrude -- but a President can set a tone, an atmosphere, a mood. I mean to stand for a new harmony, a greater tolerance, and a renewed recognition that this country is and always has been a partnership. We need a new harmony, too, among the races in our country. The sadness of racial tensions in America should have ended completely by now. We are on a journey to a new century and we must, finally, leave the tired old baggage of bigotry behind us. For all our faults, America is still a magnet for those people of the world who want a chance, who need a job, or who just don't want to be anywhere else in this "American age." To those who have come to our country, to the Hispanics who have joined us, let me say: You are not only welcome, but needed. For who knows about family and faith better than you? We need your leadership. Nuestro partido es su partido. Estamos todos en familia. (Our party is your party. We are all family.) # # # # All our hopes for our children will mean little if we don't make sure that the education they're given is outstanding. The founders knew this -- 200 years ago, they used to say: To plan for a decade, plant a tree -- but to plan for a century, teach the children. -more- 5 We have made improvements, but it's not enough. The younger, hungrier nations are passing us by -- and we've got to compete and surpass. We support an expanded college scholarship program to help those who need it -- and deserve it. And if we have to spend a little more money on our schools -- well, what could be a better investment? There are two things that are permanent in this country, two things that we pass on from generation to generation without even speaking of our pride or their preciousness. One is the treasure of our minds and hearts. The other is the treasure of our land -- the environment, the terrain. I don't think we've done enough to protect it these past dozen years or SO. I don't think we've given the land its due. Sooner or later, we're going to pay the price of our distraction -- unless we act now and recommit ourselves to protecting the land we love. #### All of these things, these domestic concerns, mean a great deal. But one issue overwhelms the rest, and that is the issue of peace. It carries within it a host of challenges: how to make sure our yearning for calm does not become an acquiescence to injustice -- how to pursue péace wisely and deliberately and resist the clamor for a deal -- and how to avoid confusing stasis for stability. We must continue to face the challenges of our times with high resolve and high hopes -- but also with a strength that is not only real, but is recognized by the world as real. Today, we are on the verge of a historic arms agreement with the Soviet Union. It didn't come free, and it didn't come easy. We waited them out, we increased our strength, and we refused to budge until the agreement was good. Some people used that against us, saying we didn't really want a treaty at all -- when the truth was we just didn't want a bad one. If this treaty is finalized, we will, for the first time in the nuclear age, actually reduce -- not just limit, but reduce -- the number of nuclear weapons in the world. It is a beginning -- and it was born of the stability and strength of the Reagan era. But it's not enough. We must do more. We must view a final agreement on nuclear arms as a prelude to serious talks on strategic arms, conventional weapons, chemical weapons, biological -- all these things. -more- 6 And what is the proper attitude toward the Soviets as we pursue progress? Praise God -- and keep your guard up. There are those who say that all's well, all's fine, everything's changed over there. And maybe they're right and maybe they're wrong and history will tell; and as we wait for history to render judgment, a prudent skepticism is in order. We must recommit ourselves to a doctrine that expresses the best in our history and our heritage. We must be true to the knowledge that the interests of the world are best served -- and the cause of peace best served -- by not merely containing communism, but by spreading freedom. Let me be very specific: I intend to help the freedom fighters of the world fight for freedom. In the hills of Afghanistan -- we will help them. In the plains of Africa -- we are on their side. And in a place called Nicaragua, we will help the Contras win democracy. This doctrine -- this doctrine of democracy -- must thunder on. # # # # And SO we have much ahead of us -- a triumph to complete, challenges lead. to be met, and the essential question of who will Many this year will ask for your support; much will be made of our characters, our abilities, and our histories. And this is good. If I have learned anything in a lifetime in politics and government, it is the truth of the famous phrase, "History is biography" -- that decisions are made by peoplè, and they make them based on what they know of the world and how they understand it. This is true of everyone, including Presidents. So you must know us. As for me, I have held high office and done the work of democracy day by day. I am a practical man; I like what's real. I'm not much for the airy and abstract; I like what works. I am not a mystic, and I do not yearn to lead a crusade; my ambitions are perhaps less dramatic, but they are no less profound. I am a man who, as a Navy flier in World War II, was shot down by the enemy and rescued by an American sub that just happened to come by -- and so I am a man who has learned how precious life is, and how frail our hold on it. I am a man who 40 years ago threw everything he had into the back of a Studebaker and tooled on out to west Texas -- where I started a business and tried to meet a payroll and experienced the tensions and the satisfactions of having a business in America. I felt the deep joy of being able to provide for my wife and children; I felt joy when I was able to give a fellow a -more- 7 job and know that his children would be cared for. And so I am a man who knows in his heart that it all comes down to family -- that all our best endeavors come back to that core. I am a man who in two terms in Congress learned that democracy stays new by reinventing itself every day in the interplay between the Hill and the White House. I am a man who was chairman of a great political party at a painful time in our history; and SO I am a man who learned that fidelity and loyalty reach their truest expression when they are applied not to individuals, but to unchanging principles. I am a man who represented our country's interests in the oldest culture in the world, in China, when the door was newly open and our relations were as delicate as they were crucial. I am a man who, as the head of the CIA, learned the world is full of danger for the decent, but that we will be safe as long as we keep our eyes wide open and see the world as it really is. And I am a man who learned first hand in 7 years as Vice President that a modern president must be many things: He must be a shrewd, cool watcher of the world who looks first and foremost to protect American interests; And he must be an idealist who desires -- rightly -- to help those who move for a freer and more democratic planet. He must keep government as little intrusive as possible in the lives of the people; and yet remember that it is right and proper character. that a nation's leader take an interest in the nation's For seven years now, I have been with a President -- and I have seen what crosses that big desk. I have seen the unexpected crises that arrive in an urgent cable; I have seen the problems that simmer on for decades and suddenly demand a resolution. I have seen modest decisions made with anguish, and crucial decisions made with dispatch. The Presidency isn't like anything else. It isn't like the Senate, only more SO. And it isn't like a governorship. A presidency can shape an era -- and it can change our lives. A successful presidency can give meaning to an age; a failed presidency can give us problems it takes generations to undo. And SO I know what it all comes down to, this election -- what it all comes down to, after all the shouting and the cheers -- is the man at the desk. And who should sit at that desk. I am that man. -more- 8 I love my country too much -- I love my children and grandchildren too much -- to campaign for the job if I didn't think, if I didn't know that I am the best man for it. And so it begins. And I ask for your help. Will you join me? Will you help me complete our triumph? It's going to be a great adventure. Come -- and we'll do it all, with trust in the future, with trust in each other -- together, as one nation, under God. Thank you all -- thank you very much. # # # # PRESS RELEASE Qny THE VICE PRESIDENT OFFICE OF THE PRESS SECRETARY FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE CONTACT: 202/456-6772 Tuesday, January 5, 1988 EXCERPTS OF REMARKS FOR U.S. - SOUIET VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH NATIONAL PRESS CLUB RELATION WASHINGTON, D.C. TUESDAY, JANUARY 5, 1988 I would like to speak to you today about the pursuit of peace and the advancement of freedom -- two goals that are fundamental to us, as a people and as a nation. In recent months we have seen significant signs of hope in each of these areas. The INF treaty President Reagan signed in December was a major step forward in our relations with the Soviet Union. It is not the millennium. But it is something we can build on, and it is a victory of will and determination. The President first proposed the so-called "zero option" six years ago, when the Soviets had a monopoly on these intermediate-range missiles in Europe. They said no to our offer -- and so we countered their missiles with our missiles. Then they changed their mind. Just as important as our strength was our steadiness -- our refusal to be stampeded into. unwise concessions by our desire for peace. Now the President may go to Moscow this spring for another summit. We must maintain that same resolve. While we should be willing to take bold steps for peace, we must not do so under artificial deadlines. I believe the INF treaty will be looked upon some day as a watershed agreement -- the first to actually reduce -- not just limit, but reduce -- the number of nuclear weapons in the world; one that achieves a balance through asymmetrical reductions -- 1600 of their warheads to 400 of ours; one that breaks new ground or. verification and puts us on a new track toward a more stable and enduring deterrence. I hope the Senate gives the treaty its full support, and I am confident it will. What is significant is not just that we are eliminating a small percentage of our nuclear arsenal, but that we are reversing the patterns of the past -- away from more and more weapons and toward greater stability and safety. The verification requirements are a major achievement in themselves. The Soviets have agreed to a new level of openness -- openness we have sought for many years. Indeed, one of their negotiators said -- as he turned over highly sensitive -more- 2 information about the number and location of Soviet missiles -- that if he had done so a month earlier, he could have been shot for treason. Our scientists will now be allowed to visit Soviet weapons plants that were completely shut off to the West. Soviet inspectors will have equivalent access to our installations. These on-site, on-demand inspection procedures are major steps forward -- ones that will reveal far more about the Soviets than simply whether they are willing to abide by the terms of the treaty. They will, in my view, demonstrate just how far the Soviets are willing to go in seeking a new kind of relationship with us, and they may be the beginning of a whole new chapter in East-West relations. We have begun a test of whether the Soviets are restructuring not just their economy, but also their relationship with us and with the world. Such a change could mean a new opportunity for progress toward peace -- an opportunity we must pursue for the sake of future generations -- for your children and mine. But we must be realistic. From my days at the UN to the CIA to the White House, I have observed that the Soviets test every President and push every agreement to its limits and beyond. We must be vigilant, and we must be tough, and we must stand up for the values that define us as a nation. We are a nation that was founded for liberty and human rights -- for the freedom to speak and assemble and worship, each in our own way. This is our heritage -- one that we must never abandon for the expediency of the moment. It would be easier, safer, more diplomatic to remain silent about such matters -- to negotiate our treaties with the Soviets and never raise the question of Nicaragua or Afghanistan or human rights. But that would be untrue to ourselves and to the lessons of history. In September I visited the death camp at Auschwitz. I saw the mounds of human hair, the eyeglasses and the toothbrushes and the tiny children's shoes. I saw the empty canisters of poison gas. I came away from Auschwitz determined not just to remember the Holocaust, but determined to renew our commitment to human rights around the world. I found myself thinking, "If we in the United States are not strong enough, not courageous enough to stand up for human rights, who will?" General Secretary Gorbachev has embarked on a policy of glasnost, or openness, in the Soviet Union. Well, openness should begin at the borders. Let's see not five or six or 10 or -more- 3 20 refuseniks released at a time, but tens of thousands, hundreds of thousands. All those who want to go -- Christian and Jew -- should be free to do so. And let's not hear any more claims about protecting state security or about preventing a brain drain. The human rights issue has become a permanent part of the U.S.-Soviet agenda, and it will remain that way. I will not be satisfied until the promise of Helsinki is a reality. Nor can the cause of human rights be confined to a negotiating table. Our duty to our principles and values demands that we stand up for freedom and democracy around the world. Our forefathers, the authors of the Constitution, understood the danger and degeneracy of tyranny in every form. More remarkably, they saw the boundless potential of a free people protected by a democratic system of government. The 20th century's alternatives, fascism and communism, have been discredited everywhere they have been tried, while freedom's basic values and virtues endure and succeed. For the common man and the intellectual alike, the direction of change today is not leftward. The gloom of the West, the "malaise" we heard so much about just a few years ago, is in retreat, replaced by a healthy confidence in our ability to cope, to change, and to grow. If we continue on this course, the revolutionary concept of freedom embodied in Western democracy will surely prevail. A wave of hope and liberation is thundering across the globe, as freedom fighters everywhere battle the forces of oppression -- from the jungles of Nicaragua to Angola to the rugged mountains and unconquerable people of Afghanistan. We must never abandon their cause. We must help the Contras win democracy for Nicaragua -- the same democracy that the Sandinistas promised to the Organization of American States in 1979. Nicaragua is for the Nicaraguans. It is their country, and it is their fight. But we must support those who fight for freedom -- wherever it is threatened. We should not -- and in the years ahead, we must not -- simply cut and run. Daniel Ortega has openly acknowledged that even if the Sandinistas lose an election, they will never turn over power -- even as they plan a military force of unprecedented size -- the proportional equivalent of 45 million Americans under arms. We wish the Arias peace process well, but we must be skeptical -- because we know from history that dictators do not experience sudden conversions in the night and wake up transformed, into Jeffersonian democrats. Despots never give up power voluntarily. -more- 4 What we seek in Nicaragua is what we seek for people everywhere -- freedom and democracy. We should send the Contras our support, not our condolences. As long as they are willing to fight for the freedoms that are denied them, we should stand by their side, with aid of every kind. And if the Nicaraguans hold certifiably free elections, then we should recognize the results. Human rights and regional conflicts were both on the agenda at the summit, but on these issues we saw very little give from Gorbachev, who is a very tough customer when he wants to be. Many of you commented on the impression Gorbachev made in this country. He is self-confident, gregarious, and obviously intelligent, and he has a sense of humor and an almost Western style that makes him different from his predecessors. But make no mistake about it, he is no freedom-loving friend of democracy. He is reform-minded, yes, but he is also an orthodox, committed Marxist and a formidable and determined competitor for world power. Andrei Gromyko, the Soviet foreign minister for many years, accurately characterized Gorbachev at the time he took power. Gromyko said: "Comrades, this man has a nice smile, but he's got iron teeth." Gromyko meant that as a compliment; we should take it seriously as a warning. We are working toward a relationship with the Soviets that will allow us to discuss our differences honestly, yet work together to build better understanding and cooperation between our countries. We may be moving toward a situation like the one I saw emerging in China more than a dozen years ago -- a regime with which we had profound differences on foreign policy and human rights, but a set of leaders with whom we could deal in a frank and businesslike way to reduce the tensions and suspicions that divided us. Now, when you look at the trade opportunities we have with China, look at what's happening inside China with more incentives and much more openness, look at the exchange of students and scientists and businessmen, you have a hard time remembering the closed China that Barbara and I encountered during 1974 and 1975. Such an improvement with the Soviet Union will not come easily, but if the leaders of the two countries better understand each other, if we find opportunities to build trust, we can build a lasting peace. We must never confuse style with substance, and we must keep our eyes wide open. But we must never be afraid to talk. -more- 5 We have taken the first step toward a more stable nuclear balance. What is the next step, and how will it move us toward our destination? We have proposed to the Soviets that we cut in half the number of weapons in our strategic forces -- with a particular eye on the Soviets' destabilizing, multiple-warhead, land-based missiles. At the end of the summit, we issued a detailed joint statement that built on the INF breakthrough and instructed our negotiators to push for similar progress on the START treaty. Success in these talks would bring a measurably safer world. Such substantial reductions in our nuclear arsenals would move us away from a deterrence strategy of Mutual Assured Destruction, toward a more stable balance based on fewer missiles and the development of a strategic shield. The Soviets have been working on strategic defenses, including SDI-type technologies, much longer and harder than we have -- indeed, well before my time at the CIA in the mid-'70s. They don't like the fact that the United States has an SDI research program of its own. They want a monopoly on strategic defense, and they have made a major effort to achieve that at the bargaining table. But they will not succeed. I strongly support this research -- because SDI, when perfected, will put weapons at risk instead of people, and because it would reduce the threat of accidental attack turning into massive tragedy. It would be wrong -- even immoral -- to turn our backs on technology that could reduce the risk of annihilation. I learned in the United Nations, at the CIA, and again as Vice President that the Soviets' true intentions have always been the "X factor" of our relations -- the part that can only be guessed at, the part that cannot be seen by satellites in the sky. The INF treaty and a START treaty will give us a way to measure those intentions more concretely, and to reduce our forces, step by cautious step, without compromising our security. That's why the verification process is so important. We will be breaking down the Soviets' wall of secrecy and observing whether the reality matches the rhetoric -- laying the groundwork for future negotiations. In the coming months and years, we must seek reductions in the Soviets' substantial advantage in conventional and chemical weapons. The Warsaw Pact has half again as many combat divisions as NATO. It has more than twice as many tanks and artillery pieces. Our commitment to the defense of Western Europe is at the very heart of our defense strategy, and it is absolutely -more- 6 essential that we maintain a deterrent to aggression. To do so, we must properly equip and modernize our conventional forces, and that will not be cheap. There is a proven formula on dealing with the Soviets, and that formula is to negotiate from strength. I am one who firmly believes in talking with our adversaries -- of airing our differences across a table. But a President must never negotiate from a position of weakness. And I never will. We could achieve significant savings if the Soviets reduced their conventional forces so much that we could cut back, too. But any agreement we reach in this area should match the standards set by the INF treaty -- asymmetrical reductions, stringent verification, and the elimination of forces, not just their redeployment. We must also move toward the verifiable elimination of chemical and biological weapons. On the President's instructions, I put such a proposal on the table in Geneva in 1984, and it would be a top priority of my administration. Both our allies and the Soviets support the elimination of these weapons in principle. We can start by reducing their numbers to much lower levels. We must develop stringent new verification techniques to prevent cheating a very difficult assignment, but a critical one. Ultimately, these terrible weapons should be banned from the face of the earth. Overshadowing this arms control agenda, however, is the inescapable fact that the threat of nuclear attack comes not only from the Soviets. In the 1990s, more and more countries will have the capability of building a nuclear bomb. Many of us have concluded that such weapons are more likely to be used in a regional conflict or in a terrorist attack than in a standoff between the superpowers. Yet any use poses enormous dangers to us all. Nuclear proliferation is even tougher to restrain by negotiation than the arms race. But it is our moral obligation to do everything we can to keep nuclear blackmail out of the hands of madmen like Qaddafi or Khomeini. Realistically, we can do only so much in a world of sovereign nations and rapidly advancing technology. What only a handful of nations could accomplish 20 years ago can be duplicated by many today. But the situation is not hopeless. In fact, the record indicates that we have a pretty sound approach. Our strategy depends on multiple sources of nuclear restraint. Bilaterally, we have a very effective process in place to screen U.S. technology exports for nuclear-related -more- 7 technology. Indeed, some businessmen would say it is too restrictive. But I will insist that these provisions be enforced rigorously and reviewed regularly. Our participation in multilateral non-proliferation agreements, even with our adversaries, has also been a model of effective restraint. We can exercise through our formal agreements very effective impediments to proliferation. We should spearhead a new effort to commit every nation to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, and we should push more countries to be open to on-site inspection. We must also strengthen the International Atomic Energy Agency -- one U.N. agency that does its work well. Clearly, however, self-enforcing domestic pressure, as exists in Japan, is the ideal form of nuclear restraint. In the final analysis, we must work to remove the motive for other countries acquiring and deploying nuclear weapons. We must promote the perception among populations and leaders of non-nuclear countries that nuclear weapons are simply not useful to them. Their acquisition requires an expensive and difficult cycle of maintenance and testing and gives them no security benefit commensurate with the costs or dangers. It is this last negative aspect of proliferation that I think is the most persuasive. That it is well understood accounts, I believe, for most of our success to date in restraining proliferation. In the years ahead, we will face challenge and change in our dealings with the Soviets. If Gorbachev can transform Soviet society -- not just economically, but in terms of human rights as well -- we will be waiting for him, at the door of a new century, ready to move from an era of confrontation to one of cooperation. In the meantime, we must remain ever watchful. We must act with high resolve as well as high hopes -- with a strength that is real and that is recognized by the world as real. As we move ahead, the question remains unanswered: What will prevail -- the voices of hostility and fear that counsel us never to bargain, the voices of trust and faith that tell us to deal at any price, or the voices of confidence and hope that call us to seize the opportunity to make the world safer for generations to come? I promise you, I will be a voice for freedom and for peace. Thank you very much. # # # # heisth George Bush for President FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE CONTACT: 202/456-6772 Wednesday, January 6, 1988 EXCERPTS FROM REMARKS FOR VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH MEDFORD FARMS COMMUNITY CENTER GOFFSTOWN, NEW HAMPSHIRE WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 6, 1988 Over the coming decades, the proportion of the population over 65 will double, and the proportion over 85 will quadruple. This has enormous implication for our health care system. If we are not careful, the financial demands could overwhelm us. Medical technology has made dramatic advances that have increased our ability to prolong life, but there are costs that go with this progress. Who does not worry about their ability to pay for their health care needs in their later years? Currently, out-of-pocket payments account for about half of long-term care expenditures. Medicaid and other government programs pay about 48 percent of the bill, and private insurance less than two percent. Most home and community care is provided by family, friends, and volunteers. We should try to reduce the need for care by devoting significant research attention to the prevention and cure of debilitating illnesses -- illnesses like Alzheimer's, arthritis, and osteoporosis -- that can keep us from caring for ourselves. We can also provide protection against catastrophic acute medical expenses, and legislation to accomplish that goal is nearing approval in Congress. But the legislation does not address the need for long-term care for the elderly -- whether at home or in a nursing facility. What should we be doing today to address this problem? We have three basic choices before us. We could simply rely on people to perceive the problem and to provide appropriately for their needs. Many, however, would fail to do SO. Alternatively, we could call on the government to take care of the problem and impose the taxes that would be required. This "Big Brother" approach would discourage self-reliance and lead inevitably to bureaucratic excess. I believe the best approach is to use the government to educate people about the problem and encourage them to provide for themselves to the extent they can, and we should be helping those who truly need help. 733 15TH STREET. N II... SUITE 800, WASHINGTON D.C. 20005 ILLEPHONE (202) 1955 Pard for ky George Bush for President 2 Our objectives should be, first, to increase awareness much as possible; second, to allow and assist members of families as to help one another; and, third, to create stronger incentives for individuals to provide for their own long-term care needs. to: These objectives imply that the plan should be structured -- Obtain as much participation as possible, -- Encourage family unity and minimize costs, -- Make the best use of government funds, and -- Be voluntary rather than mandatory. The key is to get people to allocate more of their should income do to that: future long-term care needs. Here are some ways own we -- First, we should eliminate penalties incurred in meeting long-term care needs. converting life insurance, IRAs, and other savings plans to in life insurance benefits, plus an $11 monthly premium, to Federal workers will soon be able to convert up to $25,000 long-term care insurance policy covering home care and to a 3 model for other employers. years of nursing home care. We hope this plan can serve up as a buy long-term care insurance early in life, and incentives to -- Second, to keep costs down, we should encourage people to Long-term care insurance should be given the same favorable tax offer and to buy group plan insurance should be strengthened. of treatment as life and health insurance. Today, more than 425,000 private long-term care insurance policies It's are in effect, up from just 50,000 three years ago. a small number, but it's a start, and we should seek continued growth. We should also encourage more managed care. -- Third, we should rethink Medicaid requirements that require people virtually to bankrupt themselves before their spouses can qualify for benefits. -- And finally, we should continue to explore to provide more humane care and to help families care ways for their loved ones. Most important, we must awaken people to the need for will long-term care in their own lives. One out of every four of us need such care at some point, and it might not be when we are older: Severe injuries often result in the need for long-term care. -more- 3 And we must always remember that the need for long-term care is a family issue, first and foremost, and our efforts should help families weather the storm together, not drive them apart. This is an ambitious agenda, but one that I am confident we can tackle. The aging of America demands no less. Thank you very much. # # # # PRESS RELEASE THE VICE PRESIDENT OFFICE OF THE PRESS SECRETARY FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE CONTACT: 202/456-6772 Monday, January 25, 1988 EXCERPTS OF REMARKS FOR VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH IOWA METHODIST HOSPITAL DES MOINES, IOWA FRIDAY, JANUARY 22, 1988 Undoubtedly, the three biggest challenges facing America's health care system as we prepare for the 21st century are affordability, availability, and quality. Here at Iowa Methodist I know you're working hard on all of these issues. There is a cost problem -- anyone who's ever been hospitalized knows that -- and we need to address it. Our Administration has made a good start. The prospective payment system instituted in 1983 has finally permitted us to get a handle on hospital costs. But the system is not perfect. For one, it's unfair to rural hospitals. When Congress decided to institute a differential scale for payment to rural and urban hospitals, it hurt rural hospitals. Rural hospitals do have more costs than Medicare assumes. The rural hospital is the backbone of its community. When you lose the hospital, the community has a tough time keeping, let alone attracting, industry. As President, I will support efforts to correct this differential payment problem in a way that will not bankrupt the federal budget. We need first rate health care professionals to fill those hospitals and we have to attract and keep physicians in rural communities. One of the reasons for the decline in the number of doctors serving our farm communities is the terrible cost of malpractice insurance. And I was in the trauma unit just a minute ago. One of the doctors was helping me understand that more clearly -- he and his two assistants being right on the front line in that area. In December, the Iowa Medical Society polled the state's 500 doctors who performed obstetrics services. 150, half in rural counties, said that they had stopped delivering babies because the cost of malpractice coverage had doubled in just two years. Today, if you are pregnant in a rural county, you might have to travel a long way to have a baby delivered. The potential health risks to mother and child are alarming. -more- 2 Now if we are going to stop this erosion of medical care in rural communities, we've got to restore common sense and fairness to the medical malpractice system. And one way to do that, and a way I strongly endorse, is tort reform. A lot of this is a state responsibility, but the federal government does have a role in it. I think we ought to restore fault as a standard of recovery. We ought to eliminate this joint and several concept where somebody who is just peripherally there on the scene might have to do all the paying if the prime person to blame can't make it good. So we have to do something about that. And the Congress has been reluctant to move on it; there is some strong opposition to it in various quarters of the House and Senate. But one good thing that can come out of the election is getting a mandate to the Congress to take some action on questions that have just sat there dormant. And this is one of them, and I would like to have a hand in pushing to see that we can take some corrective action back there in Washington. * * * Another issue I want to mention is long-term care. This is a big concern of mine. The problems of affordability and availability are particularly acute when it comes to long-term care. This issue takes on added importance here in Iowa because you have the second highest elderly population per capita in America. And the need for long-term care is not exclusive to seniors -- people of all ages can be struck by chronic illness. Long-term care is very expensive. It costs an average of $22,000 a year to stay in a nursing home. Several weeks ago, I outlined a proposal to deal with the cost, of long-term care -- by providing incentives for people to buy long-term care insurance, while ensuring that seniors who cannot afford this coverage do not have to exhaust their life's savings before their spouses are eligible for Medicaid assistance. But the best solution to the high cost of long-term care will mean nothing if there are not enough professionals to care for the elderly. Currently, patients in more than 40 percent of all nursing homes get no more than 6 minutes of RN time apiece per day -- and almost a quarter of all homes have no RNs at all. Those are startling statistics, but as all of you already know, we have a shortage of professional nurses in this country. ve got to get more and more people interested in nursing, and that includes not just women but men, minorities, and people who want to re-enter the workforce in mid-career. There are great opportunities for nurses all across America -- and those opportunities are expected to grow and expand. -more- 3 As our health care system diversifies, professional nurses will be needed in ever-growing numbers to work in HMOs, ambulatory surgery centers, and home health groups. Those patients who need to be hospitalized will require the sophisticated care that must come from professional nurses. Since 1983 there has been a 25 percent drop in enrollment in nursing schools. By the year 2000, the American Hospital Association estimates that we will have only half of the nurses we need. Obviously, we need to do better than that. We can begin by promoting a better awareness of what nurses actually do. I think the nursing profession suffers from a lot of misunderstanding. You've got strong nursing activities here at Iowa Methodist; it deserves to be emulated by other hospitals. I've always believed in deregulation and decentralization, and I like the idea of your head nurses being able to hire and fire and set their own budgets. I also believe in providing people with incentives. Your clinical ladder seems like a good way to reward excellence in nursing. We need other hospitals to follow your lead. #### C010100 AID TO THE POOR/WELFARE "The answer to welfare is a concept called work. We've got to compel people to work rather than paying them to do nothing." " -- Council Bluffs Nonpareil, March 7, 1987. Bush suggested that work could be required in exchange for welfare, with appropriate exceptions. "This is not a punitive measure," he said, but "a measure to increase the self-esteem of those who may never have worked." -- (?), December 2,1988. C011400 AID TO THE POOR/POVERTY RATE RISE/FALL "As president I would certainly do my level best to see that people who were born with that handicap (poverty), and not having a fair start, would be taken care of," Bush said. -- Washington Post, December 14, 1987. "The best answer to poverty is a job in the private sector keep the recovery going," he said. -- Oklahoma City (AP), February 20, 1988. Peturn DPM PRESS RELEASE IOWA HOSPITAL THE VICE PRESIDENT OFFICE OF THE PRESS SECRETARY FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE CONTACT: 202/456-6772 Monday, January 25, 1988 EXCERPTS OF REMARKS FOR VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH IOWA METHODIST HOSPITAL DES MOINES, IOWA FRIDAY, JANUARY 22, 1988 Undoubtedly, the three biggest challenges facing America's health care system as we prepare for the 21st century are affordability, availability, and quality. Here at Iowa Methodist I know you're working hard on all of these issues. There is a cost problem -- anyone who's ever been hospitalized knows that -- and we need to address it. Our Administration has made a good start. The prospective payment system instituted in 1983 has finally permitted us to get a handle on hospital costs. But the system is not perfect. For one, it's unfair to rural hospitals. When Congress decided to institute a differential scale for payment to rural and urban hospitals, it hurt rural hospitals. Rural hospitals do have more costs than Medicare assumes. The rural hospital is the backbone of its community. When you lose the hospital, the community has a tough time keeping, let alone attracting, industry. As President, I will support efforts to correct this differential payment problem in a way that will not bankrupt the federal budget. We need first rate health care professionals to fill those hospitals and we have to attract and keep physicians in rural communities. One of the reasons for the decline in the number of doctors serving our farm communities is the terrible cost of malpractice insurance. And I was in the trauma unit just a minute ago. One of the doctors was helping me understand that more clearly -- he and his two assistants being right on the front line in that area. In December, the Iowa Medical Society polled the state's 500 doctors who performed obstetrics services. 150, half in rural counties, said that they had stopped delivering babies because the cost of malpractice coverage had doubled in just two years. Today, if you are pregnant in a rural county, you might have to travel a long way to have a baby delivered. The potential health risks to mother and child are alarming. -more- 2 Now if we are going to stop this erosion of medical care in rural communities, we've got to restore common sense and fairness to the medical malpractice system. And one way to do that, and a way I strongly endorse, is tort reform. A lot of this is a state responsibility, but the federal government does have a role in it. I think we ought to restore fault as a standard of recovery. We ought to eliminate this joint and several concept where somebody who is just peripherally there on the scene might have to do all the paying if the prime person to blame can't make it good. So we have to do something about that. And the Congress has been reluctant to move on it; there is some strong opposition to it in various quarters of the House and Senate. But one good thing that can come out of the election is getting a mandate to the Congress to take some action on questions that have just sat there dormant. And this is one of them, and I would like to have a hand in pushing to see that we can take some corrective action back there in Washington. * * * Another issue I want to mention is long-term care. This is a big concern of mine. The problems of affordability and availability are particularly acute when it comes to long-term care. This issue takes on added importance here in Iowa because you have the second highest elderly population per capita in America. And the need for long-term care is not exclusive to seniors -- people of all ages can be struck by chronic illness. Long-term care is very expensive. It costs an average of $22,000 a year to stay in a nursing home. Several weeks ago, I outlined a proposal to deal with the cost of long-term care -- by providing incentives for people to buy long-term care insurance, while ensuring that seniors who cannot afford this coverage do not have to exhaust their life's savings before their spouses are eligible for Medicaid assistance. But the best solution to the high cost of long-term care will mean nothing if there are not enough professionals to care for the elderly. Currently, patients in more than 40 percent of all nursing homes get no more than 6 minutes of RN time apiece per day -- and almost a quarter of all homes have no RNs at all. Those are startling statistics, but as all of you already know, we have a shortage of professional nurses in this country. We've got to get more and more people interested in nursing, and that includes not just women but men, minorities, and people who want to re-enter the workforce in mid-career. There are great opportunities for nurses all across America -- and those opportunities are expected to grow and expand. -more- 3 As our health care system diversifies, professional nurses will be needed in ever-growing numbers to work in HMOs, ambulatory surgery centers, and home health groups. Those patients who need to be hospitalized will require the sophisticated care that must come from professional nurses. Since 1983 there has been a 25 percent drop in enrollment in nursing schools. By the year 2000, the American Hospital Association estimates that we will have only half of the nurses we need. Obviously, we need to do better than that. We can begin by promoting a better awareness of what nurses actually do. I think the nursing profession suffers from a lot of misunderstanding. You've got strong nursing activities here at Iowa Methodist; it deserves to be emulated by other hospitals. I've always believed in deregulation and decentralization, and I like the idea of your head nurses being able to hire and fire and set their own budgets. I also believe in providing people with incentives. Your clinical ladder seems like a good way to reward excellence in nursing. We need other hospitals to follow your lead. #### PRESS RELEASE THE VICE PRESIDENT OFFICE OF THE PRESS SECRETARY FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE CONTACT: 202/456-6772 Friday, March 11, 1988 EXCERPTS OF REMARKS BY VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH SOUTH SUBURBAN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE HARVEY, ILLINOIS FRIDAY, MARCH 11, 1988 I've been crisscrossing America. People talk about the differences between the regions, but what I notice are the similarities. We might sound a little different or dress different, but when it comes right down to it, we all want the same things. We want our children to turn out well and to have a future as bright as the one we had. We want prosperity, but not only for ourselves We want it to spread so it touches every citizen in the land. And we want peace A prosperous nation in a peaceful world. What can we do to help people who aren't part of the current prosperity? Well, the next President's going to have a big part in answering that question. The next President will decide whether we build on what we've accomplished and go forward -- or go back, turn back, run back to the old answers and the old remedies. We mustn't turn back. But neither can we be complacent. I am proud to have been part of a major change in public policy. They call it the Reagan revolution because it was revolutionary It made a fundamental change in how we view the fundamentals how much of your money the government should get in taxes, and what you should expect of the government in return. You know the results. The longest peacetime expansion ever. Inflation down. Interest rates down. Personal income up. The top tax rate cut in half. The liberal myth-makers would have you believe that only the rich have prospered. That's nonsense. We've created more than 15 1/2 million new jobs. The Europeans call it "the American miracle" -- and with good reason: That's more jobs created in the last five years than Europe and Japan have created in the last 20. -more- 2 And don't buy the baloney that those jobs are bad jobs. Nearly two-thirds of them have been in skilled occupations, and over 90 percent are full-time. We added more than 100,000 manufacturing jobs last year alone. I could go on, but I remember what Mrs. Robert A. Taft, the wife of the great Ohio Republican, once said, "I always find that statistics are hard to swallow and impossible to digest. The only one I can ever remember is that if all the people who go to sleep in church were laid end to end, they would all be a lot more comfortable." Opportunity is what our country's all about. I get sick and tired of hearing the liberals on the other side bash Republicans about not having compassion Let me tell you, they promise compassion but they deliver hardship. The way I see it, maintaining a strong economy that enables the private sector to create jobs is one of the most compassionate things the government can do. The best answer to poverty is a job, with dignity, in the private sector. If a worker needs retraining, we ought to help. If a worker needs to upgrade his skills to get a better job, we ought to help. We can't simply discard good, hard-working men and women because time has passed them by. They need us, and we need them. Jim Thompson knows this well. He told me about Tony Rousonelous, who was laid off at Caterpillar after 22 years. With in-house training, thanks in part to funds from the state -- Tony became a shop laborer and is now a machine specialist. Upgrading skills is also going on at the Ford stamping plant near Chicago Heights. Since January, more than 500 employees have taken computer training sessions voluntarily, on their own time. To train its workers in more advanced areas like robotics, Ford has converted half of its executive garage into a Technical Training Center Too bad for the executives but good for the workers. Ford's plant manager, Ron Wallace, was one of the driving forces behind these efforts, and I'm told he's here tonight. What Ron and other business leaders understand is the importance of education. They understand that the key to success in this increasingly competitive world is our people -- how well they're educated, how well they're trained and managed, how well they do their jobs. It's not acceptable to have public schools where our children don't learn to read and to write. -more- 3 We need a total commitment to wipe out illiteracy. It's a crime that 13 percent of our 17-year-olds are functionally illiterate. My wife, Barbara, has made a crusade of this issue, and believe me, she can get her point across. It's a tough world out there, from factory worker to CEO. With computerization and advances in technology, even today's skilled workers are potentially unemployable tomorrow. We need a nationwide public-private partnership to make sure the skills being taught in the classroom are the skills that are needed in the work place. And we must help retrain workers. If we can spend billions on the young people of our country -- as we should -- surely we can spare something for our, working men and women. The federal government is now spending nearly $1 billion a year under the Job Training Partnership Act, which has helped more than two million young people and adult workers find new jobs since 1983. This year a big chunk of that money will be used to fund a program called WRAP, the worker readjustment program, aimed at dislocated workers -- the casualties of an economy that changes faster every day. Some say American workers can't compete any more, but I don't buy that for a minute. American workers are the best in the world. If we give them the tools, they can compete, and they will prevail. Better quality workers mean better quality products. And when it comes to competing in the world economy, quality sells itself. Tonight I've touched on only one part of the economic agenda before us. The biggest item clearly is reducing the federal deficit. I'll not stretch your patience any more by spelling out my plan on that except to say that it's simple in concept, and it will work Hold the line on taxes, get the line-item veto, and get spending under control at last. Thank you very much. #### : 2-18-88 4:52PM : 00 36987:# 3 MAR 21 '88 15:43 PAGE 03 PAESS RELEASE THE VICE PRESIDENT OFFICE OF THE PRESS SECRETARY FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: CONTACT: (202) 456-6772 Wednesday, March 16, 1988 TOAST BY VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH AT DINNER HONORING PRIME MINISTER YITZHAK SHAMIR OF ISRAEL WASHINGTON, D.C. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 16, 1988 Mr. Frime Minister, Mrs. Shamir, it is a great personal pleasure to welcome you back to Washington. You know meetings between the President of the United States and the Prime Minister of Israel have become so routine, we tend to forget that only 40 years ago, there was no State of Israel, and Israel did not know who its friends would be. But America was there as, its first friend. Much has happened in the world since 1948, and nowhere more so than in Israel. And America is still there as a friend. In fact, as I said in the Knesset nearly 2 years ago, Israel and America share a common spirit. We are both nations of immigrants. We were founded by people fleeing religious persecution. We were both born of revolution. We both have a frontier heritage. We are both established on the values embodied in the Holy Scriptures. We are democracies, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. We cherish the same fundamental rights of man -- freedom of speech, freedom of the press and freedom of worship. In the past 40 years, Israel has moved from a pioneer nation to a regional power. We are proud to be Israel's friend, as it celebrates this happy anniversary. As an early celebration of the occasion, and to mark your visit to Washington, I want to present to you, on behalf of President Reagan, a facsimile copy of the instrument of recognition which President Harry Truman signed on May 15, 1948. With it the United States was the first country to welcome Israel into the family of nations. I am proud of how close our 2 countries have grown in the past 7 years. We are and will remain strategic partners -- politically, militarily, and economically. It is my hope that our mutual trust during the Reagan Administration will continue in the years ahead. And if I have anything to say about it, it will. EFUX TELECOPIER 7010 2-18-88 4:53PM 36987;# 4 MAR 21 '88 15:44 PAGE 04 -2- This cooperation reflects our mutual interests and serves the cause of peace. It signals to all in the Middle East that no wedge will be driven between the United States and Israel because Israel is our friend and strategic ally. It also serves as a reminder that America is committed to a strong and secure Israel East. as a necessary precondition for achieving peace in the Middle Peace in the Middle East is our mutual goal. It will not result from pressure and threats -- or from PLO terrorist attacks on, buses. It will come only through reconciliation and the recognition of Israel's right to exist as a free and secure state. It cannot be imposed by us or anyone else, and it can only be reached by direct negotiations between Israel neighbor states. Today, we are embarked on an initiative to extend peace beyond the Egyptian-Israeli border. The Secretary of State has gone to the region, held discussions, and developed a proposal for starting negotiations. We hope, that Secretary Shultz's efforts will lead to a lasting peace hetween Israel and its neighbors. Secretary Shultz knows I strongly support the initiative. Mr. Prime Minister, we have faith in you and faith in the wisdom of Israel's people. We are like brothers, our two countries, friends and allies forever. Our friendship is deep and it is permanent. As we raise our glasses to you, we are proud to call ourselves Israel's oldest, strongest, and most trusted friend and ally at this, Israel's 40th anniversary. We recognize that the road to peace is not easy. In the history of mankind, the democracies have always gone the extra mile in the search for peace. And we know that Israel will do SO. You have fought for Israel's freedom. Your generation made extraordinary and heroic sacrifices so that Israel could live and fulfill the Zionist dream of Jews living free in their own land. If this be the moment to achieve a breakthrough for lasting peace and security for Israel, who better than you to lead your people to it? The United States Government and all of Israel's American friends wish for you strength, wisdom, and courage. Be strong and of good courage. in ... CIVIL RIGHTS George Bush for President CONTACT: Alixe Glen FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE 202/842-1988 Monday, March 21, 1988 EXCERPTS OF REMARKS FOR VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH BLACK AMERICANS SALUTE TO GEORGE BUSH WASHINGTON, D.C. MONDAY, MARCH 21, 1988 When I was in New Jersey today, I'm happy to say, I picked up the support of Governor Tom Kean. He has done a remarkable job of reaching out not only to fellow Republicans, but to traditional Democrats -- black voters in particular. His success is an inspiration for what we can accomplish nationally as a party. Tom Kean is one of the nation's most successful and popular governors. There's a reason for that. He's not just an outstanding governor he's an outstanding politician. He symbolizes what we must strive for -- the politics of inclusion. If I am the Republican nominee, and I believe I will be, I want to attract to this party, the party of Lincoln, the broadest base of Americans possible and that includes blacks, Hispanics, and all minorities. And why not? We are the party of hope and opportunity. We are the party of economic growth and freedom. If I'm elected President, my administration will stand for better educational opportunity, more training, better jobs. We must help those who are trapped in poverty break out and break free. There are principles that our party should stand for, and that is why as National Chairman, with the help of Art Fletcher, Stan Scott, and so many others, we worked to open the Republican Party's door to all minorities. And under a Bush Administration, opening up the party to all will be a key priority. Success in government and politics calls for straight talk, the establishment of principled objectives, and the courage to lead. The future of our nation depends almost solely on how well educated are our young people, how disciplined they are, what values they hold, and what ideals they establish as standards to lead America. And it all begins with basics. -more- 2 I believe that everyone should have a chance to take part in all that's good about this country. I believe any individual should be able to rise and prosper on the basis of talent and grit. I believe everyone should have an equal place at the starting line. The starting line begins with education. Our children need schools where they can learn places where discipline is in and drugs are out places where they will acquire not just the knowledge but the values that will prepare them for the future. We should demand more from students -- higher academic standards, with more emphasis on core courses like English, math, science, and history -- and more homework. We should test students, early and often, to make sure they are learning what they should. We should put a stop to automatic promotion and graduation. By demanding these things, we will provide more opportunity for all students, but particularly for those who have the farthest to go -- because the poor are not served by meaningless diplomas. They are served by real preparation for the real demands of real life. At the same time, we should provide more -- more support for Head Start, and more assistance to the disadvantaged through Chapter I. We can reach more than 80 percent of the black children in this country by targeting just four percent of the school districts. And we should undertake a major assault on illiteracy. Every kid in America should be able to read and speak English. Will this be expensive? Well, consider this: The chairman of Xerox estimates that businesses spend $25 billion each year to train workers who "can't read, can't write, and can't count." The best investment we can make is in our children. Coupled with education is the necessity of teaching values -- values of respect, of faith and family. There is nothing as important as the family structure to a child looking for stability, guidance, example. These values must be inculcated into our children not just in school, but in our churches, our communities, and especially in our homes. And we must lead our nation in this direction. And where family is split, divided, federal law must insist that the absent parent fulfill his responsibilities to his kids and spouse. And where family is so weak that a kid literally has no chance at home, we must support programs like Cities in Schools; we must support good teachers, good principals, so that every kid has someone who knows his name -- who really cares. -more- 3 Coupled with the importance of education is the protection of your freedom your civil rights. To me, this is not just a matter of social policy, but of fundamental right -- the inherent equality of all men and women. Who we are as a people can be measured by how we uphold and defend the rights of all. And it is our willingness to respect these rights even when it is difficult that sets America apart from every other nation on Earth. I will have a positive civil rights agenda. I guarantee you, I will personally get involved in protecting the civil rights of every American. This effort will be at the top of the agenda of my attorney general, and he or she will be directly accountable to me for results. Let me be very frank with you: The legislation on Grove City is imperfect, and the imperfections should be corrected. Having said that, however, the federal government must require that organizations that get tax dollars comply with our civil rights laws. That's fundamental. But just protecting civil rights does not assure equality of economic opportunity. We must knock down the walls of indifference and other barriers that result in economic exclusion. Our society -- historically, politically, and economically -- is built on inclusion. We have grown to greatness precisely because we have accepted the contribution of all who have come to our shores. Now we need to bring in those who are already here, but who have been left out. We must bring black Americans and other minorities into the free enterprise system, into the government, into the Republican Party -- not just because it is right, but because it is good for us -- all of us. As we prepare for the year 2000, America will have to field a full team if we're going to remain competitive. It's not just in the interest of blacks it's not just in the interest of Hispanics it's not just in the interest of women it's in the interest of America to help economically empower all. A strong and growing economy is the key to this effort one that turns loose the power of the private sector to create jobs and new opportunities. We have turned that power loose in this Administration, and the result is more than 15 million new jobs since the recovery began. The longest peacetime expansion ever. Inflation down. Interest rates down. Personal income up. -more- 4 Some would have you believe that only the rich have prospered. That's nonsense. We've seen explosive growth in the black middle class. A third of all black families today earn more than $25,000 a year. But these gains are fragile, and there's much more left to do. It's been nearly 20 years since President Nixon issued an executive order to establish the Office of Minority Business Enterprise at the Commerce Department. In the years ahead, I aim to restore and reinvigorate the vision that originally led to the creation of OMBE. I want to help more black Americans and other minorities experience the pride and dignity of ownership, of building something in the private sector. Government cannot do it alone. But government certainly can lead in this area. Government can work with the private sector to provide technical assistance, loan guarantees, and new capital sources. A Bush Administration will help build the bridge of capitalism and entrepreneurship to the black community. Let's commit ourselves tonight to building that bridge. I was a businessman before I was a politician. I started a business from scratch, and I know how tough it can be to take risks, to meet a payroll, to produce. But you know that. You've been out there on the cutting edge -- getting the job done, providing opportunity for others. You can tell me what we need to do to even up the odds, to help you get the access to the money and the people that can get new businesses off the ground. What I am saying tonight -- to those of you who have the courage and the conviction to be with me tonight and to stand with the Republican Party -- and I know it hasn't always been easy -- what I'm saying tonight is that I will listen. In my Administration, I will have high-level black and minority men and women of excellence to tell it as it is -- to help me understand, to help me lead. To reach these goals, I will need your help and the help of all black Americans. You will be called upon, and you will be heard. By working together -- and only by working together -- we can finally achieve the dream of one nation, under God, with liberty and justice for all. We can make America truly free. Thank you very much. #### REMARKS OF VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH AT THE CONFERENCE OF THE AMERICAN SOCIETY OF NEWSPAPER EDITORS 10:20 A.M. EDT FRIDAY, APRIL 15, 1988 WALTER MEARS: When Vice President Bush won the New Hampshire primary two months, he said that reports of his death in Iowa had been greatly exaggerated. That seems only fair, because it was certain that we would also exaggerate reports of his revival in New Hampshire. We would have, too, except that it proved impossible. It couldn't have been exaggerated. In one remarkable month, the Vice President went from a faltering start to a lock on the Republican presidential nomination. He has done all of this without benefit of voodoo and without changing his style. To quote' him, "It's important for the Vice President not to upstage his boss, and you don't know how hard it has been for me to keep my charisma in check for the past seven years.' (Laughter.) We hope that you' let it out of check today for us. The Vice President of the United States. VICE PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you. Well, I'm delighted to be here. It's a pleasure to have this opportunity to speak to this distinguished audience, the editors of America's finest newspapers, and also those that carry Doonesbury. (Laughter.) I -- dealing with some of your employees during this campaign -- and please don't interpret this as a vicious assault on the press, because I've learned a lot in the last few years -- I've felt like the javelin competitor who won the toss and elected to receive. (Laughter. Let me give you an unsolicited political prognostication. The economy is thriving, and it's going to continue to thrive. And there's going to be more --- no more important issue in the fall election, if I'm correct in that first prognostication, than experience in foreign policy. And that's what I want to talk to you about today, before responding to your questions. The foremost responsibility of any president has got to be the national security of the United States of America, and I would also add, the encouragement of peace and freedom around the world. And beyond that, the growing importance of international trade means that foreign policy and economic policy are becoming more and more intertwined. / And when I look at the other side --- and I've tried to stay out of the nominating process on the Democratic side, feeling it would be gratuitous and presumptuous to get into that process too much -- CONTINUED ON PAGE 2-1 FEDERAL NEWS SERVICE 202-347-1400 COPYRIGHT (C) 1988, FEDERAL INFORMATION SYSTEMS CORPORATION ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ASNEYBUSH-04/15/88 2-1 but as I look at it on group, it does worry me. The foreign policy of the modern Democratic Party is embodied by the voices we hear on the other side. I think it's dangerous, I think it's naive, I think there's an awful lot of wishful thinking. And I've dealt with our allies and our adversaries for most of the last -- off and on for most of the last 17 years: the United Nations, in China, head of the Intelligence Community, and as Vice President. And I've learned a lot along the way. As we look at the '90s, into the '90s, and just 12 years short of the 21st century, I believe that our foreign policy should be guided by a few central principles. Number one, we must operate from a position of strength. We achieved this historic INF Agreement by rebuilding our defenses, by responding to the Soviet missile buildup on INF weapons in Europe, by remaining resolute at the bargaining table for verifiable and asymetrical arms reductions. I remember taking the case for deployment to Europe in 1983, the case for deploying our Pershing II missiles there, in the face of violent protests by the so-called "peace movement." And the European leaders, then, ultimately the public, recognized the moral strength of our position, which was based on -- as you'll remember in those days -- the zero option, the elimination of these weapons altogether. When I returned later that year, I'll never forget it, sitting with Helmut Kohl in the garage of this place where we'd just been making an appearance. And we delayed and delayed and delayed, I thought -- said to him, "What's going on?" He said, "Well, there's a major demonstration. And sure enough, we tried to reroute the motorcade -- German security doing a good job, but one young man broke through the police lines -- I'll never forget his face. He was really vividly filled with hate, leather jacket filled with rocks -- some of them throwing them through the bus that was following with our staffs, scaring the dickens out of everybody -- slamming this rock-filled jacket against the car that the Chancellor and I were in. And if we'd listened to those, at home and abroad, who said the answer was the nuclear freeze, how in the world would we ever have obtained that when, remember, we had a thousand Soviet weapons --- warheads deployed then, and zero US -- how in the world would we ever have gotten where we are now? It was only our determination to counteract that Soviet monopoly that brought progress in Geneva. And even today, CONTINUED ON PAGE 3-1 FEDERAL NEWS SERVICE 202-347-1400 COPYRIGHT (C) 1988, FEDERAL INFORMATION SYSTEMS CORPORATION ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ASNE/BUSH-04/15/88 3-1 as you listen on the other side of the aisle, in the campaign, you hear many recommendations for unilateral cuts in the muscle of our defense effort -- MX, Midgetman, carrier battle groups -- unilateral; nothing, no concession on the part of the Soviet Union. And judging from that campaign rhetoric, they haven't learned anything out of the experience of the last seven years. Principle number two: The United States must remain engaged around the world. If we're to support those who strive for freedom and democracy, and I believe we must, we can't do it with words alone. The Soviets have agreed to withdraw from Afghanistan and end that cruel and barbaric invasion of the country because of our willingness to stay engaged, supply arms to the mujaheddin. And as a result, I think the world will be able to celebrate a triumph for freedom. I think this lesson also applies to Nicaragua. Unfortunately, the opposition disagrees. They have not learned that. Principle number three: The United States can't withdraw from the world economic arena any more than we can withdraw from the world political arena. We've got to be a force for open markets, at home and abroad, not cower behind protectionist barriers that proclaim our inability to compete. And I have traveled a lot around this country in the last couple of years, and I am concerned about the protectionist pressures. I understand them in some places, but I am very much concerned about them. And when the President was over here on Wednesday, he talked about -- broadly about foreign policy. And I don't want to go over some of that same ground, but let me just tick off some areas that are of great concern to me, and that are going to be demanding our attention in the nineties. If these areas are neglected, they could become a source of increasing tension and trouble for the United States. And if they're handled with sensitivity and with skill, they could equally become the locus of the next American triumph. First, in Mexico. You can't live in Texas as long as I have and not have a special feeling for our proud and fiercely independent neighbor to the South. The rapid growth of the Hispanic population and culture in the whole Southwest --- indeed, even it's touched my own family, and I do feel doubly blessed, I might say -- has greatly enriched the melting pot called America. We've had a long close, even fraternal relationship with Mexico -- I mean, with Canada to the North, capped by a free trade agreement, that I believe is going to rank as a very significant achievement for our administration. CONTINUED ON PAGE 4-1 FEDERAL NEWS SERVICE 202-347-1400 COPYRIGHT (C) 1988, FEDERAL INFORMATION SYSTEMS CORPORATION ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ASNE/BUSH-04/15/88 4-1 I'd like to see that same kind of relationship with Mexico, a relationship of economic competition, strategic cooperation, mutual trust; a recognition of our differences, of course, and yet moving towards common goals, greater prosperity and individual freedom. Last year I went down to Loreto, in the Baja, and met in a quiet way with President de la Madrid -- no note-takers. We were out there for about four hours on this boat. And interesting -- we have SO much in common with Mexico, and yet all we read about are the areas of confrontation. I hope to visit soon with the victor of the Mexican presidential election being held in June. In fact, our staff has met twice with representatives of Mr. Salinas, who is the pre-candidate, the leading candidate, to talk about the future. And I'm impressed with his economic agenda, with its themes of the modernization of Mexico. And I think that if he follows through on that, I think it means that we can do what I'm suggesting here, not take for granted our own front yard, but work more closely with Mexico. I want to -- I'd like to work towards the creation of a free trade zone, embracing Mexico, Canada and the United States. This North American compact would take years to achieve. I believe it would be of benefit to everybody -- Canadians, Mexicans and North Americans -- by spurring economic growth throughout the continent. We share a lot of bilateral interests with Mexico -- interdiction of narcotics, management of Mexico's debt, immigration, energy, the environment, trade. But there's none more important than our own national security. With this long and porous southern border, we've got to do whatever we can to bolster the strength of democracy and free enterprise in Mexico. Democracy really, in spite of the points of conflagration, is on a roll in this hemisphere. Since we came into office, the following countries have changed from military to democratic rule, some trying to perfect their democracies, some trying to hold onto them, but here they are: Argentina, Ecuador, Peru, Honduras, Grenada, El Salvador, Brazil, Uruguay and Guatemala. Ninety percent of the population of this hemisphere now living -- of Latin America -- now living under democracy. This pattern of political evolution suggests that once the current leadership of Chile and Paraguay passes from the scene that it may be possible for these countries also to move closer to democracy. We've got CONTINUED ON PAGE 5-1 FEDERAL NEWS SERVICE 202-347-1400 COPYRIGHT (C) 1988, FEDERAL INFORMATION SYSTEMS CORPORATION ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ASNE/BUSH-04/15/88 5-1 to stand up to protect these sometimes fragile democracies. As when a country now -- Sandinista leaders vowing a revolution without borders, and when they're building up an army of unprecedented size, or when Cuba attempts to subvert the tiny nation of Grenada. And yet, we've got to be sensitive as we approach these problems to the scores of the past. Currently we're in an effort to protect civilian rule in Panama against Noriega, an indicted drug trafficker. And 50 far, he's stood up to this considerable economic pressure that we've applied, and I can tell you one reason why. Several reliable sources indicate that he's receiving millions of dollars in support from Libya. And we support democracy in Panama, as we do througout Latin America. And I'm convinced that if we handle it correctly, Noriega will go, democracy will prevail, and we can do it without exacerbating tensions of the past. Let me turn now to Asia, where we continue to enjoy the benefits of postwar reconstruction in Japan. Our defense of South Korea, the renewal of out ties to China, a country that Barbara and I lived in, whose leaders I know. A relationship -- I can't think of a relationship out in the Pacific that's more important than how we handle the relationship with China in the future. The United States enjoys its best relations with both China and Japan in a long, long time, since the days of Sun Yat-sen, the Portsmouth Treaty of 1910. And our quiet diplomacy in South Korea seems to have nudged that country much closer to full-fledged democrary. In the light of our enormous trade imbalance, there is growing tension within the United States, within our own country, about the free ride that Japan is getting on defense. Listen for the words in the campaign of "burdensharing," you're going to hear a lot about it. I want to see this prosperous country, Japan, do all that it possibly can, within its constitutional constraints, to help defend itself, to help defend the rest of the world. I don't believe, however, that Japan should be pushed to go beyond its current rate of expansion for its own national defense. Japan's neighbors, more than 40 years after World War II, they still remain sensitive to that issue of Japanese imperialism, Japanese rearmament. It's there. We've got to be sensitive to that. Instead, I would ask the Japanese and the Koreans, though, to help us support freedom and democracy and development in other ways. An example, a good place to look for that and to try to help that as we move into the '90s, is the Philippines. The most important bases in the Pacific are located there, Clark and Subic. And negotiations have just begun about the future of those bases. CONTINUED ON PAGE 6-1 FEDERAL NEWS SERVICE 202-347-1400 COPYRIGHT (C) 1988, FEDERAL INFORMATION SYSTEMS CORPORATION ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ASNE/BUSH-04/15/88 6-1 President Aquino and her government face an extremely difficult economic situation, dangerous insurgency, and there's a need for increased foreign aid. And such assistance from Korea and Japan could help bolster our position, a position which helps guarantee, not only the freedom of the Philippines, but the freedom of the ASEAN countries and other friends in the Pacific as well. I don't know if my friend, Lee Qwan Yu(sp?), talked about the Philippines and his perspective on it, but he is most eloquent on that subject, and we should listen to him, in terms of the United States continuing interests in that part of the world. It's the kind of burdensharing that I believe in, South Korea and Japan helping there, not just tit for tat balancing of costs, but a mutual, cooperative effort based on discussion and shared responsibility. We've got to also redouble our efforts to convince our friends around the world that American bases are there to protect the vital interests of the free world. It angers me when elements in some friendly countries mindlessly attack our bases as in some way threatening the sovereignty of those countries. And frankly, I am convinced that all that does is play into the hands of isolationists at home, "If they don't like us, we ought to get out. And you're going to hear more of that as we go along, and as that question of the Philippine bases gets more in the forefront. And you've heard it as it relates to Spain. Turning now to the subcontinent, the Soviets have promised to get out of Afghanistan, SO far only a promise. Proof is in the pullout. Keep your eyes open, wide open, in dealing with this new regime, hope that they go through with what it looks like now they will do. Our next challenge will be to work with the countries of the region and others, to insure that the Soviet withdrawal is followed by reconstruction and development, SO that the region finally does have a chance at peace and freedom. And the key is to do all we can to improve relations between two friends of ours, who are not friends with each other: India and Pakistan. An effort which we've been involved in for the past seven years, flares up once in a while, but it's of enormous concern as I look to the problems that will engage us in the '90s. The stability of the subcontinent is threatened by nuclear competition between these two nations. And India has exploded a device, Pakistan is not far behind. And I believe it's in the interest of neither country to move further in this direction. In a 1985 trip to China, I raised this question with Deng Xiaoping, who fully endorsed our efforts to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. The cycle of nuclear proliferation must end. It's in response to the Chinese nuclear capacity that the Indians originally developed CONTINUED ON PAGE 7-1 FEDERAL NEWS SERVICE 202-347-1400 COPYRIGHT (C) 1988, FEDERAL INFORMATION SYSTEMS CORPORATION ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ASNE/BUSH-04/15/88 7-1 their capacity, and now the Pakistanis say they must match the Indians. Because regional tensions underly each country's desire for weapons, if I'm Fresident what I'll do is all I can to move Islamabad and New Dehli toward a bilateral agreement that would verifiably constrain any further development of nuclear weapons there. A fundamental hallmark of our foreign policy for the future must be to contain the spread of nuclear weapons. It appears quite clear that such weapons are more apt to be used, it looks like, in a regional conflict or even in a terrorist attack, than some standoff -- than in a standoff between the superpowers. As I President, I would push for more progress in this area, more support for the International Atomic Energy Agency, with a more visible Presidential interest in containing this threat in every way possible. I believe in the IAEA. I applaud. efforts, but we've got to press now for more on-sight inspections, more agreements to control proliferation, and here at home I think we've got to insist that our safeguards against the transfer of nuclear technology are enforced rigorously and reviewed regularly. And lastly, South Africa. Our goal there is clear: the complete end to apartheid. And to achieve that goal, we simply have to stay engaged. We've tried economic sanctions. We've tried disinvestment. So far, they haven't worked. I don't support breaking diplomatic relations. I don't support a retreat from the Sullivan principles through complete American disinvestment. Disinvestment has hurt the black workers, the very people that we in our moral indignation are trying to help. Increased economic development would require more trained workers from among the black population, and it's only these workers, many working for American firms, who've begun to enjoy C? audio break) a tiny amount of the freedom that they deserve. So, I would work actively to cause South Africa to free Nelson Mandela, no conditions; although, I'd like to encourage Nelson Mandela to do that which he's been unwilling to do: renounce violence and walk in the path of Martin Luther King and Gandhi; encourage an immediate dialogue between the government of South Africa and Mandela and Buthelezi and Bishop Tutu and other leaders. There's no easy answers to the problem of South Africa, but I would work vigorously to end apartheid there, also work to see that our own strategic interests are not diminished by the emergence of a pro-Soviet, radical regime. Peaceful change based on racial equity and democracy's got to be the goal. So, by keeping our country strong and engaged in the world, even in these areas that get much less attention than the ones you've been hearing about here. Now, we can do more than be just an example, more than just an inspiration, we can be a force for change, a force for freedom in Latin America, Asia, Africa, and throughout the world. CONTINUED ON PAGE 8-1 FEDERAL NEWS SERVICE 202-347-1400 COPYRIGHT (C) 1988, FEDERAL INFORMATION SYSTEMS CORPORATION ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ASNE/BUSH-04/15/88 8-1 So, these are some of the areas that you can be looking for to be on the front burner in the future. I hope I've had the experience: I know I have the commitment about our innate decency, honor, generosity, strength to be able to lead towards insuring the peace in these areas. Thank you all very much. Be glad to take some questions. (Applause). MR. MEARS: The usual rules. And once again, I want to ask the first question. In 1980, the embassy hostages in Tehran were a major issue throughout the campaign. In 1988, there are hostages in Beirut, one of whom is Terry Anderson of the Associated Fress; and they are very seldom mentioned in the campaign. What is the Reagan administration doing at this point, and what would a Bush administration do to end that situation? VICE PRESIDENT BUSH: Let me comment on the difference. One, you actually had an acquiescence in a government in holding the United States Embassy hostage. That's quite different than the clandestine terror, where you can't even find where these people are. We are pursuing every lead. We're going down every rabbit trail. running into dead ends. I can tell you that our sources are far less in the Middle East than they would have been if we hadn't decimated the intelligence community awhile back. We have lost sources in the Middle East. People don't want to be a source if their names are going to be printed in the newspapers. And so, therefore, we're in a much more difficult position, and also this whole radicalization -- this whole Hezbollah and Jihad thing has gotten more force that makes it extremely difficult to locate a man like Terry Anderson --- to try to effect by force or any other way the change, except a way that we should find unacceptable, and that is to acquiesce in the demand to free the Dawa prisoners. So, I think what we should do is just keep on trying, run down every lead we can, set an example when we can make an example of grabbing a terrorist, and a couple of those things have happened: the extradition of Hamadei to Germany -- didn't get extradited to here. That helped a little bit. I think punishing Gaddafi when he had his fingerprints on international terror --- international state sponsored terror in that discotheque bombing, I think that has helped. But, beyond that, there isn't any easy answer to it. And we've got a good anti-terrorist policy, and it's -- I think the incidents involving Americans are down, even though as I speak -- while we're concerned about the USO incident and what's happening in the hijacking, but just keep on trying. But I'd make the distinction between a holding of a US Embassy with acquiescence of a government, and selective sporadic, cowardly terrorits acts. Q Mr. Vice President. Jim Hampton of the Miami Herald. Throughout your campaign, Sir, you have claimed to have CONTINUED ON PAGE 9-1 FEDERAL NEWS SERVICE 202-347-1400 COPYRIGHT (C) 1988, FEDERAL INFORMATION SYSTEMS CORPORATION ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ASNE/BUSH-04/15/88 9-1 taken a substantial leadership role in the adminstration's war on drugs. That role, of course, includes being the titular head of the South Florida Task -- the Vice President's South Florida Task Force on drugs throughout its history of some six years. ,In 1986, the US Ambassador in Panama urged the State Department to repudiate General Noriega because of his drug trafficking activity. And yet, a month or so ago, when General Noriega was indicted in Tampa, first in Miami and then in Tampa, if my memory serves, you said that you were unaware, until approximately the time of that indictment, of General Noriega's activities. So mine, Sir, is a circular question. If you truly were that active in the fight on drugs, how come you didn't know about Noriega? And, if you didn't know about Noriega, were you that active in the fight on drugs? VICE PRESIDENT BUSH: Yes, I've stopped beating my wife. First place, we have known about Panama's involvement, or its involvement of some of the institutions there, in money laundering. Indeed, I made a representation to the Panama -- to the President of Panama some time ago down there, before 1986, about that. It is this administration that has brought Noriega to justice, if you will, or at least taken a first step on that, by his indictment. I did not know about Noriega's personal involvement until this legal proceeding came to fruition. And, I would like to point out that many in Miami feel that the South Florida Task Force has had a beneficial effect. We're still a long way from perfection, but I would ask you to take an honest look at what would have happened if we'd never created the South Florida Task Force, bringing together various elements of the federal bureaucracy, changing the posse comitatus laws SO we could use military assets as we have in trying to interdict. And SO we're in a campaign where you hear a lot of demagogic statements that nothing has been done. A lot has been done. A lot of people have given their lives in your city trying to interdict and go after the drug pushers and the kingpins. And 50, I'm proud of our involvement there, but I think there's much, much more that needs to be done. I might add, I don't think we're going to solve this problem simply through interdiction, but in terms of Noriega those are the facts. Yeah? CONTINUED ON PAGE 10-1 FEDERAL NEWS SERVICE 202-347-1400 COPYRIGHT (C) 1988, FEDERAL INFORMATION SYSTEMS CORPORATION ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ASNE/BUSH-04/15/88 10-1 Q Mr. Vice Fresident, Lou Urenick(?) from the Portland, Maine, Press Herald. The Reagan administration, rightly or wrongly, does not have a strong reputation for protection of the environment. I'm wondering, if you're elected Fresident, what initiatives and programs would you undertake to protect the environment. VICE PRESIDENT BUSH: I think we can do better on the environment. I don't know that it's a matter of being able to afford to spend "jillions." I'm all for this clean coal technology. That's two and a half billion program that is just getting started that do'll a lot. I'm proud of the fact that we are involved in the treaty on the ozone layer, and now I -- salute the commercial people who are going to do away with the agents that, you know, deplete the ozone. I think we -- I'm a supporter of the President's Task Force on the Great Outdoors which includes beltways between the cities and doing better in the parks. I think we've got a better record -- this administration, in terms of cleaning up the parks and preserving that part of our environment. But I think your premise is right. I don't think we are getting the proper, you know, credit. And I'm not suggesting that all has been done that should be. I think the problem of acid rain is real and I think we're on the right track when we repeal the Fuel Use Act and use gas instead of coal. That's a good step for the environment. But we've got to do more. I kinda like the Teddy Roosevelt approach. Next to the national security it's the kind of earth that you leave the generations to come. And some of it is exhortation on business and others to go the extra mile. A lot of it is clean-up. But, again, we're living within the confines of the number one fiscal problem, being how do you get this Federal deficit down? How do you keep the economy going SO that local governments and others can do their thing, cleaning up their local problems. So we're in a little bit on the horns of a dilemma in terms of an open checkbook to do all the things that I'd like to see done on the environment. Sir? Q Mr. Vice President, Edward Seaton (?), the Mercury, Manhattan, Kansas. At our luncheon yesterday, President Arias of Costa Rica told us that he intended to propose to you later yesterday that a meeting of the five Central American foreign ministers and Secretary Shultz take place before the Summit. I also note that Assistant Secretary Abrams is -- has been meeting with his counterpart from the Soviet Union in Rome. I am wondering, first, whether you will push for such a meeting of Central American foreign ministers with Secretary Shultz and what you think is CONTINUED ON PAGE 11-1 FEDERAL NEWS SERVICE 202-347-1400 COPYRIGHT (C) 1988, FEDERAL INFORMATION SYSTEMS CORPORATION ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ASNE/BUSH-04/15/88 12-1 up pretty substantially. And I think that's important. And so, let's hope that this isn't some new trend. I don't believe it is a new trend. I believe that the dollar-yen relationship is going to guarantee an amelioration of the trade deficit without a lot of protectionist legislation. I also believe that protectionist legislation would shrnk markets and, you know, make it worse. So and what was the other part of that one? Q Do you think the dollar should decline vis-a-vis the yen? VICE PRESIDENT BUSH: I think we ought to -- you know, I am not one who believes that we ought to set the dollar, or speculate, as a public official, as to what level it should be. I, again, will confess where I've been wrong. I'll give it to you this way. I had one of the most prominent industrialists in this country come to see me when the yen was 240. And he said, "If it gets below 200 to the dollar, that will take care of," I think he said 60 percent, but let me just say 40, because I can't remember it too -- "of our trade problem." It never stopped at 200. It went plummeting on. And 50 --- or, it went strengthening itself, and the dollar was less and less. What happened was, as you know and I think others do, Japanese absorbed profit, they absorbed cash flow, they kept trying to hold market share. And they can't do it forever. So, I don't know whether it's a buck-26, or 126, or what it is. And I don't think it's the role of us to set a specific figure. But I think, in this range you're going to see an amelioration of the trade deficit. Sir? Q Mr. Vice Fresident, I'm John Levine from the Chippewa Falls, Wisconsin, Herald Telegram. One high priority of this organization is to get more minorities into our newsrooms. In the campaign on numerous occasions, you've said that if elected, you would be the "Education President." And because higher education represents almost the sole source of the next generation of minority employees, could you tell us some of the details of the programs that you would put in place, and how much new spending you would put towards that end? VICE PRESIDENT BUSH: I can't tell you the total amount of spending. I've proposed the college savings bond. Incidentally, it is also getting wide sponsorship from both sides of the aisle in the Senate, which gives a tax credit -- or gives a credit on the interest. So you don't pay interest, 50 it's like an IRA account. You don't pay interest, and that gets families to save money to be able to educate their kids. Continuation of the Fell grants, full funding for student loans, work-study programs. We had to make some tough cuts there. We made some revisions in the means-testing, SO that -- and frankly, I think, properly so. A rich guy shouldn't have to -- you know, shouldn't necessarily have FEDERAL NEWS SERVICE 202-347-1400 COPYRIGHT (C) 1988, FEDERAL INFORMATION SYSTEMS CORPORATION ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ASNE/BUSH-04/15/88 12-2 the federal government pay his way through college. So, I would retain all of those. Strong support and encouragement of the private sector approaches, such as you mentioned the minority education. I think we can do much better. We've had the highest level of funding for the Negro College Fund, for example. But it's small compared to the overall -- the overall problems. I don't know what the total expense --- what the levels are. A lot of what I'm talking about doesn't engage the federal government in spending more money. CONTINUED ON PAGE 13-1 FEDERAL NEWS SERVICE 202-347-1400 COPYRIGHT (C) 1988, FEDERAL INFORMATION SYSTEMS CORPORATION ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ASNE/BUSH-04/15/88 13-1 A lot of it is an exhortation on things like values and stuff that Bill Bennett has been talking about in terms of accountability, and in terms of discipline, in terms of the four R's. A lot of it's public-private. I was at a public school in Harlem two days ago: A very impressive program called Cities in Schools, working hand in hand with city officials, private sector, and committed teachers and principals in this school that are doing a great job on keeping -- and they're mostly minority kids. I'd say 75-percent black and 25-percent Hispanic in this particular school -- and really working. And that doesn't cost the federal government anything, but it -- the Fresident can do more, it seems to me, to encourage that kind of participation. I had a visit from some presidents of colleges. I do think the R and D area is an area which particularly effects our colleges where we can do more. Some of that is the continuation of the tax credit. A lot of it is the simplification, and we've started on that, of regulations affecting the way research is conducted. We've made it inefficient by imposing a lot of regulations on these people. So, I have not come up, yet, with what the budget is going to be in each one of these departments. But those are just some of the things that I think would be very helpful. A lot of it is emphasis. What are your priorities? Education has got to be the answer to poverty, competitiveness, all these things. Yeah. Q Jerry Sepos (?) from the San Jose Mercury News. I believe that you referred to Prime Minister Lee of Singapore as "a friend." As you know, he spoke to us yesterday. VICE PRESIDENT BUSH: Yeah, SO I got a little flack over here. Q Well, it was a fairly remarkable address. He spoke about the evils for his country and much of the rest of Asia of a free press. And there were also references to his remarkable string of election victories and SO forth. I think by the end some of us, at least, were wondering whether in a few years he'll be our next Marcos or Somoza or Shah of Iran. Are we still picking our friends the wrong the way, or do you think that's not the case with him? VICE PRESIDENT BUSH: I would vigorously suggest that if you're suggesting that the Prime Minister of Singapore is another Marcos or Iran -- or. Shah -- that you're wrong. Those who have dealt with him have a very different assessment of him. I don't think we're "picking" our friends wrong at all. Sometimes you go with who happens to be in power, whether it's in China, whether it's in the Soviet Union, or whether it's in some small Asian countries. We have some differences with the Prime Minister. We have many things in common. I think he has a CONTINUED ON PAGE 14-1 FEDERAL NEWS SERVICE 202-347-1400 COPYRIGHT (C) 1988, FEDERAL INFORMATION SYSTEMS CORPORATION ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ASNE/BUSH-04/15/88 14-1 tremendous grasp of the world as it really is. I think his urging -- his putting into perspective for those in the administration as he did the importance of a democratic Philippines is very, very helpful, especially when he has the respect. I can speak for myself and I think of everybody I know, every interlocutor with the prime minister. Now, does that mean that we think everything is fine on every way he runs that country or the way that country is run? No. We've got differences. Q Mr. Vice President, David Macomber (?) from the Santa Barbara News Press. Dan Rather won't be the last person to ask you about your role in the Iran-contra affair during this campaign -- VICE PRESIDENT BUSH: Listen, I'd like to make a confession before I get my first Iran-contra question. Somebody said, "Do you feel kind of personal -- something about Dan Rather?" This is probably a good forum to lay it all out. I feel no tension at all. He did his thing, and I did mine. And I don't know what the jury is going to say, the American people felt about that. But just to put you at ease on it, anytime Dan wants to ask a question, hopefully without a lot of preambulatory prejudicial billboards being flashed on the screen (laughter), why I'd be delighted to talk to him. But, go ahead. (Laughter and applause.) Q What effect do you think the so-called sleaze factor will have on your campaign and Mr. Meese's problems? And can you give us a little preview of how you intend to handle it? VICE PRESIDENT BUSH: Yeah. I think the Democrats are going to be like a bunch of flies -- you know -- jumping out after -- a bunch of fish jumping out at a dry fly, going wild on it. They're going to be talking about the executive branch, not the legislative branch that they control. They're not going to be talking about the fact that these special investigators are assigned only to the executive branch and not to the legislative branch. They don't want to talk about local government where many of the, many of the departures from the highest ethical standards are -- are -- come under the label of Democrat. They're going to be going after me. And I've already heard it on this sleaze factor. And I'm going to be saying a couple of things. I've been in public life for 20 years. Probably made some mistakes, none of them having to do with conflict of interest, or integrity on the way I've conducted myself, full disclosure ---- battled for that, back way back in the 60s. Don't just lay it out there in terms of "Hey, I've got more than $3,000 but less than $5 million." These forms that they all fill out -- much more detailed and been out in front on that. And what I'm saying is, "Look." And I get criticized --- where's Gerry Trudeau? -- because I happen to think public service is honorable. And my Dad served in it before me. Might disagree with him on an issue. Always with a sense of honor. FEDERAL NEWS SERVICE 202-347-1400 COPYRIGHT (C) 1988, FEDERAL INFORMATION SYSTEMS CORPORATION ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ASNE/BUSH-04/15/88 14-2 I'm going to say highest possible standards. Want a people to come to serve, not to profit. Long before Ed Meese appeared to be in any trouble, CONTINUED ON PAGE 15-1 FEDERAL NEWS SERVICE 202-347-1400 COPYRIGHT (C) 1988, FEDERAL INFORMATION SYSTEMS CORPORATION ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ASNE/BUSH-04/15/88 15-1 I gave a speech at Bob Peters' alma mater last year, and I feel very passionate about this subject. I am not going to go in to passing judgment on somebody who is under investigation. I learned something from Ray Donovan, and I think people in this room learned something. Criticized, abused, convicted. And he gets through the trial and he says, "What office do I go to to get my good name back?" It made a profound impression on me. The guy was innocent. And I --- I don't want to jump into the middle of something. But -- and I think the Democrats will be after me on it. They've got so little else to talk about. They're going to be out there trying to -- trying to impugn my integrity in some way, or suggest something is wrong, if they can pinpoint a case that has been, you know, where somebody's been found guilty. But, I don't think it should be a partisan thing, and I'll be -- I'll be kind of going after them in that way. "Hey, let the system work on this thing. But here's what I stand for --- here's the kinds of people, here's the standards I'll have to bring people into government.' And hopefully, with a record to back it up., And I know they're going to go after me. Yes? Q Do you have time for one more? George Navalle (?) of the Wichita Eagle-Beacon in Wichita, Kansas. Mr. Bush, would you give us any insight into your current thinking as to whom your vice presidential choice might be? VICE PRESIDENT BUSH: This won't count as a question, because I'm not going to answer it. (Laughter.) I -- and here's where -- you know, I just don't want to go into speculation on it. It's too early. We have the benefit, it looks like, of seeing what the Democrats do. Criterion: which man or woman best able to take over if something to -- happens to the president. And without sounding too self-serving, I would like the person to feel reasonably compatible with what I was doing if I were elected president, SD you wouldn't have the vice president calling little clandestine meetings with -- well -- leave out the -- (laughter). But no, saying, listen -- the old president, old Bush is screwing it up by the numbers over there. You don't need that. The president doesn't need that. And if he does, if he gets that, that's his reward for choosing wrong. Vice president's going to sit in splendid isolation, either in the Senate or the Executive Office Building, without being prepared to be president if something happens. Why? Because the president won't want him around. So it has to be a certain compatibility. Geography is still important -- in my view, less important than it was in the days of less rapid communication. P.S. -- please don't press me to answer the question any further, because I honestly --- and for those who work with some of the national magazines, please let me say with all respect to who FEDERAL NEWS SERVICE 202-347-1400 COPYRIGHT (C) 1988, FEDERAL INFORMATION SYSTEMS CORPORATION ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ASNE/BUSH-04/15/88 15-2 wrote the story, I have not met with my aides and advisors about this question. And I'm not going to. And I've asked them, please don't speculate about it. And yet, I know that it's -- you know, with this thing taking a good bounce for me in the primaries and all, CONTINUED ON PAGE 16-1 FEDERAL NEWS SERVICE 202-347-1400 COPYRIGHT (C) 1988, FEDERAL INFORMATION SYSTEMS CORPORATION ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ***** CORRECTED PAGE ***** ASNE/BUSH-04/15/88 16-1 that it's understandable speculation. But I really don't want to go any further, and here's the last one. Yes? Q Mr. Vice President, Dave Offer (?) of the Newport, Rhode Isand Daily News. Yesterday, the United States frigate, the Samuel Roberts, struck a mine in the Persian Gulf. Ten American sailors were injured. How long do you think we'll be continuing our policy of escorting ships in the Gulf, and do you think that policy justifies the risk to the American sailors? VICE PRESIDENT BUSH: Yes, I do. And the policy should continue because it is correct: We have been in the Persian Gulf for 40 years. We have a commitment to the keeping the Straits of Hormuz open and innocent passage is something fundamental. We have a disproportionate responsibility because of our status, although we're not there alone. In the primaries, I'd go around -- "Hey, what are we doing all this heavy lifting for?" But we forget that the French were in there, and the British were in there with a greater percentage of their fleet, and the Dutch are there and the Belgians are there. Germans can't be there because of our -- Italians had a role. And SO -- SD we're doing the right thing. I am hopeful -- I was hopeful after the first UN resolution that Iran would be more reasonable. I'd like to see a second resolution. I am not one who thinks that we can turn to the United Nations to fulfill its diminished role of peace-keeper. In this area, the United Nations has a role. And if we can get, effect some kind of a cease-fire and a diminution of tension there -- hopefully, a peace --- of course then the US role and the role of our allies will be reduced. But we must not permit one recently planted mine to deter our presence there. We have a lot at stake there. We've got a lot at stake on the passage. We'd like to see a solution to the war. We have a lot at stake in terms of the stability of the Persian Gulf. The worst thing that I could project short-run for our worldwide interests would be for the --- for Iran to prevail and have Shiite radicalism swing right down -- Kuwait, Bahrain, the Emirates, Oman and all around to the destabilization of Saudi Arabia and up in the other way with a struggling little country like North Yemen who's just coming out of --- So I ---- I think we have a legitimate role there. I'm very upset, of course, about the threat to American life there; that we cannot be driven out by one vessel hitting a mine of this nature. We can't do it. And if we did it, we would be back in a state of much lost credibility in that area, and we would --- we would not be fulfilling what I think is a legitimate role of our own national security interests. It isn't just helping all these other people. It is the national security interests of the United States that dictates our presence. Thank you all very, very much. (applause) END FEDERAL NEWS SERVICE 202-347-1400 COPYRIGHT (C) 1988, FEDERAL INFORMATION SYSTEMS CORPORATION ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

nara / coll_gb-spe / doc

Bush Vice-Presidential Speeches n.d. [OA 8487] [1]

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