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Assorted As-Delivered Press Texts of [Presidential] Speeches [OA 6901] [5]
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Assorted As-Delivered Press Texts of [Presidential] Speeches [OA 6901] [5]
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Records of the White House Office of Speechwriting (George H. W. Bush Administration)
Carol Aarhus Alpha Files
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Assorted As-Delivered Press Texts of [Presidential] Speeches [5]
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19
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5
1
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Greensboro, North Carolina)
For Immediate Release
September 23, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO TRIAD BUSINESS COMMUNITY
Joseph S. Koury Convention Center
Greensboro, North Carolina
9:50 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, Tom. Thank you very, very
much, and what a wonderful welcome back to this state. Thank you
all, please be seated. It's an honor to be introduced by a
successful, honored, small businessman, Tom Coble. Thank you, sir,
for those kind words. I also want to salute the woman who's done so
much to advance the interests of American small businesses, our
Administrator of the Small Business Administration, Pat Saiki, former
member of Congress and now of our SBA in Washington. (Applause.)
And also to, of course, to salute the inimitable, marvelous Governor
of this state, Jim Martin. what a job he's done for the country and
for North Carolina. (Applause.) And salute, too, congressional
candidates Barbara Gore Washington of the 12th District and Richard
Burr of the 5th District. I'm glad to be with them. (Applause.)
And with us are our two national leaders of our
Independent Business Coalition, Pat Harrison and Miller Hicks -- both
here with us today -- here's Miller over here; and where's Pat?
Whoops, she didn't make the head table -- sitting out here.
(Laughter.) She should have; she's an outstanding business success.
Pat, stand up. And, Miller you've got to stand up and
let them see you. (Applause.) These people are pulling together
this national small business coalition -- Independent Business
Coalition, we call it.
Well, I've come here to Greensboro to talk about small
business -- and, really, to drive home for the nation the fact that
businesses, like the ones that come together in the Triad business
community, generate the hope and pride and the jobs that hold America
together.
Take Joe Koury -- a well-respected member of the Triad,
and the father of four beautiful daughters. Now, Joseph wasn't
always the one-man conglomerate that we see today. He started small:
began building his empire in the early years after World War II,
buying up the old Army barracks here in Greensboro and turning them
into housing -- sometimes for the same GIs who' trained there before
going off to war, now come home to start a family. And that
ingenuity -- that spirit of enterprise -- that drive and dream tells
us the meaning of opportunity, the meaning in America. And it's all
over this great -- I don't want to start singling people out, but my
friend, Jack Laughery is another one right here from this state who
exemplifies the American Dream -- starting, taking risk, building.
And it's a wonderful thing, and it's a wonderful epitome of the
spirit of this state, in my view.
Now today, America's economy is working its way through
a period. of profound change. And, incidentally, it's not just
America, it's international change. You saw the recent ups and downs
in the international currency market. Other countries even now look
MORE
to our economy as the envy of the world. And you see it here in
North Carolina, these changes, just the way you do all across the
country. Many of our larger companies have retrenched and, indeed,
they've restructured -- and I know that these changes have been
difficult for many working Americans. But America's small businesses
have shown a staying power -- creating new products by the
thousands -- new jobs literally by the millions.
Let me give you one statistic that will drive home just
what I mean. In the 1980s, the numbers of workers employed by
Fortune 500 companies actually went down. But in that same decade,
small businesses boomed -- adding 16 million new jobs.
The simple fact is, small businesses are often the first
to adapt to a changing world -- the first to turn change to advantage
-- the force at the leading edge of economic recovery. And that's
why it is absolutely critical that we do all we can to strengthen
small businesses -- remove obstacles that stand in their way, and
create incentives that unleash America's entrepreneurial genius.
Helping small business reach for its dreams is key to my Agenda for
America Renewal.
I've set a goal -- to make America the first -- the
world's first $10-trillion economy in the early years of the 21st
Century. And when we get to that goal -- not if, but when -- and it
is very achievable -- look at the numbers -- it won't be the chairmen
of the Fortune 500 we have to thank -- it will be the men and women
who run the small businesses that power America -- (applause) -- the
men and women, for example, of the Triad business community.
Right now, small businesses employ over half of our
nation's workforce. Small businesses create two-thirds of the new
jobs in America. Small businesses are hothouses for innovation, and
risk-taking, new ideas -- the very engine of entrepreneurial
capitalism that pulls this economy forward.
And I know because I've been there myself. I did, as
Mr. Coble said, run a small business -- started it from the ground
up, with a lot of help, obviously, from coworkers and partners. And
I know what it's like to sweat out a deal, and shop for credit, stay
up late worrying how you're going to meet the next payroll. And I've
even got the ulcers, or had them back then, to prove it. And that is
a fact.
so let me tell you: I happen to think that meeting a
payroll is not a bad qualification for being President of the United
States of America. (Applause.)
And I might peripherally make the point that the
contrast with my opponent couldn't be clearer. He's spent almost his
entire adult life in government. And when he wasn't in government,
he practiced law and taught law school. And he even worked in the
Congress -- for his part-time job. Not exactly the credentials we're
looking for these days: (Laughter.)
so it shouldn't surprise you that when it comes to the
economy, my opponent thinks government should lead -- all I ask you
to do is compare the plans -- directed by bureaucratic planners who
couldn't run a business anywhere but into the ground.
Now I believe government can play a role in helping
small business; no question. But it is a role of support -- not the
lead. Not to put the new bureaucracy of government planners in the
business of picking winners and losers -- but to help America do what
it does best: to make way for the American entrepreneur, the little
guy with the big idea. (Applause.)
So I've put together a program to strengthen small
business -- a program that will work, because it understands how
MORE
small businesses work. This is one important part of my
comprehensive Agenda for America Renewal.
I'm releasing the full program today in a report I call
"Encouraging Entrepreneurial Capitalism." NOW, here is the report,
and I hope we can make some, at least, available to people here
today. But we can get them to you. That's a fancy name for small
business savvy America is known for. some of the ideas are ones that
we've been pushing for, for years some are new: All of them are
solid, sensible ways to strengthen small business.
Now, let me detail -- and some of this is quite detailed
-- what my program does:
First, it will help small businesses get started. You
see, many new businesses literally begin at home -- when
entrepreneurs convert their own "nest egg" into capital. Germany
does not tax capital gains at America's punitive rates -- neither
does Japan. one of them, I believe, is zero percent; and the other,
I believe, is Japan, is on percent. If we want to compete and win,
it's time to reward the risk-takers who turn their dreams into
tomorrow's jobs. It is time to cut the tax on capital gains.
(Applause.)
The liberals continue to insist that that's a break for
the rich. It isn't. It is clearly an incentive to start new
companies and employ more people. (Applause.) And because you've
got to crawl before you can walk, we're also helping small businesses
with an aggressive micro-loan program -- from a few hundred dollars
up to $25,000 at the critical early stages when new ventures are, I
think we would agree, that at that stage, new businesses are most
vulnerable.
That's how we'll help entrepreneurs get their ideas off
the ground, get their businesses up and running.
But today, I want to take our efforts one step further.
I am proposing a five-year, s20-billion small-business initiative --
to lift tax and regulatory burdens off the back of small business,
and to cut the costs of capital.
We start by knocking down the corporate tax rate on
small businesses from 15 to 10 percent. (Applause.) And this new
initiative will smooth the way for small business start-ups -- by
increasing the small business deduction limit from $10,000 to
$25,000. And it will allow entrepreneurs to deduct $2,500 of those
start-up costs that most of you remember in the very first year.
My initiative includes steps to simplify tax laws for
small businesses -- (applause) -- changes that will result in almost
$5 billion a year in tax relief -- and should allow most small
businesses to file a one- or two-page tax return. And finally, it
eliminates capital gains on newly-issued small business stock. That
will serve as an incentive to create new businesses
Part three of this small business program is to help
existing small businesses find credit. The best idea in the world
cannot work without capital. Entrepreneurs simply can't do it alone.
They need credit to set up shop and to expand.
Right now, you and I know that the credit crunch has hit
small businesses hard. That's why we've been working with bankers
and regulators across the country to free up the flow of credit to
companies like yours. Our regulatory reform, for example, by the
SEC, has made it easier for small businesses to raise capital through
stock, through these offerings of stock -- and to help growing firms
get from Main Street to Wall Street.
MORE
And I've had the Small Business Administration -- I have
Pat saiki here working overtime to help credit-starved businesses.
This year alone, we have increased by more than 50 percent the loan
guarantees offered by her agency, the SBA -- more than $6 billion for
men and women with good ideas -- who want to turn those dreams into
jobs.
Small business is one of the most effective ways to
bring minority Americans into the economic mainstream. That's why
later today, Pat Saiki will release our plan to streamline the SBA's
Minority Small Business program to bring economic opportunity to
entrepreneurs all across America.
And tomorrow, Pat's going to go on to South Florida, to
kick off what we call the Green Line program -- a program that we
test-marketed up in New England -- to provide a revolving line of
credit to help small businesses bridge the gap between production and
payment. This Green Line initiative, incidentally, should be
especially helpful to small firms that are seeking to get back to
"business as usual" after Hurricane Andrew.
Now, fourth, we have got to help small businesses hire
new workers and increase productivity. Small businesses -- like
every employer in America -- will benefit from education reforms like
America 2000, our program from our expanded job training
initiatives, from enterprise zones, from legal reform that ends those
sky's-the-limit lawsuits that can drive a small business into
bankruptcy. We've got to do something about these crazy lawsuits.
Even all of that, though, is not enough.
That's why I support aggressive new export promotion
programs to help small businesses crack new markets abroad, and
create new jobs here at home. You see, in the 21st century, America
must be not just a military superpower, but an economic
superpower and an export superpower. And for a long time, it was
felt that small businesses were too little to sell abroad and compete
abroad. That' changed. And we want to facilitate more sales from
small business into this vast export market that lies ahead.
(Applause.)
Right now, a fraction of America's companies -- 15
percent -- account for 85 percent of America's exports. We've got to
open these new markets for America's small businesses -- we've got to
tap their explosive potential to make new customers not just down the
street, but around the world.
small business is already helping us pioneer new worlds
- leading the way, for example, in the bio-tech, the bio-technology
revolution. That's one key reason that I strongly support a 100%
increase in federal research and development funds to help small
businesses. generate the technologies of tomorrow.
And fifth, we've got to free small businesses from the
tangle of red tape and regulation. (Applause.) Vice President
Quayle has filled me in on a meeting that he had not long ago with
Richard Allen, who runs a furniture manufacturing company over in
High Point. Federal reporting rules have gotten so bad that he's has
to hire new staff just to read regulations. Now, frankly, that's one
kind of job creation we could do without. Filling out federal forms
should not be a full-time job.
That's why, in January of this year, I ordered a freeze
on federal regulations. You work long and hard for your success, and
you should spend your time doing business -- not doing paperwork.
(Applause.) And finally, we've got to help small businesses provide
for their workers, to help the 15 million Americans who are self-
employed. so I want to raise the deduction for health insurance from
25 percent to 100 percent. And I want to reform health insurance --
give small companies the same advantage that bigger companies have
MORE
when they shop for health care coverage, by encouraging small
companies to pool together to buy insurance.
We want to create tax incentives to help small
businesses offer their employees family leave -- not do what the
liberal Congress wants me to do -- slap another mandate on small
businesses' back. I'm not going to do that. (Applause.)
I believe in family leave, and I believe our approach to
facilitating family leave through tax credits is a far better way
than putting new mandates on a guy who is struggling to make ends
meet an would have to lay off people to meet the costs of that
program. We want to expand small businesses' ability to offer the
portable pensions people will need in a dynamic economy.
Taken together, that's a strong package -- a
comprehensive package -- to give real-world help, right now, to the
small businesses that make this economy grow. You'll notice a lot of
it, through tax relief, is removing the burden of government from the
back of small business.
Now, I think it's fair to say, and ask dispassionately:
What about my opponent? What is his plan for small business? The
difference could not be sharper. You see, I see small business as
the backbone of the American economy. Mr. Clinton, Governor Clinton
sees small business as the goose that lays the Golden Eggs.
Bill Clinton's got big plans for bigger government --
and to pay for it, he's got the tax plan for almost every day of the
week: Start with $150 billion in new taxes. That's not my saying
he's doing it; this is what he actually has proposed. And then add a
payroll tax for training -- he's already proposed that -- one-and-a-
half percent across the board for small businesses -- every business
-- and then add a health care plan that will lead to a 7 percent
payroll tax to finance the inevitable government takeover of health
care.
And I tell you, it's taxing just to talk about this
whole program ahead. (Applause.) Somebody said, that taxes my
memory. And Clinton says, that's a good idea, let's try it.
(Laughter and applause.) Now, I guess -- and yesterday - nobody
believes this, but I did make a subconscious slip. I spoke up when I
was going on about the different plans, and I called him "Governor
Taxes." And I quickly corrected it.
But now, "Governor Taxes" says, yes, he wants to raise
taxes -- and rolls out his standard "soak the rich" rhetoric. You
listen to him. But what he won't tell you is this: two out of every
three people hit by Governor Clinton's tax hike would be small
business owners or family farmers. And these folks are not
millionaires -- they are Mom and Pop, Inc., and we cannot let them
slap a tax on small business. (Applause.)
Take a look at what Governor Clinton's tax plan would
mean for small businesses right here in this state. If you're like
the typical small business you operate with a profit margin of about
2 percent. Some clearly do better; some are struggling to make it 2
percent. Your market is too competitive for you to pass on costs by
raising prices. That can happen in large companies that dominate the
market. You can't do it as a small businessman. You already feel
that you've already cut your costs, your operating costs, to the very
bone.
And so when Bill Clinton's new taxes kick in, you have a
choice -- a tough choice. His payroll taxes alone amount to 4
percent to 5 percent of your operating expenses. That's your profit
margin -- and then some.
MORE
so here's your choice: You can board up the windows --
or you can get out the pink slips. You can continue to operate, but
to do so you're going to have to lay off some on your rather small
workforce.
Now, I want to invite Governor Clinton and his advisors
to follow along for a little "business math." Just over half of all
small businesses with between 10 and 20 employees have annual sales
of $500,000 to S1 million. That's a 2 percent profit margin -- and
in the best case -- gives that business a -- say, a $20,000 profit.
Now, Governor Clinton's new taxes would cost that
company between $46,000 and $56,000 -- so after you've handed over
your profit to the government, the only way to pay the rest of the
tax is putting someone out of work, cutting down on your overall
payroll account.
And in the case of my example, that's two or three
employees -- two or three people out of less than a 20-person company
who lose their jobs.
NOW, just think about that. Those two or three people
aren't just numbers -- they're not some names on a payroll sheet.
They're real people -- they're friends and neighbors -- men and women
with families to feed and mortgages to pay.
Now, if that two or three still doesn't sound like much,
keep this one in mind. In North Carolina alone, 25 percent of the
workers -- of all workers -- 638,000 people -- work in companies the
same size as the one in my example, companies that will be crippled
by Bill Clinton's new taxes.
Across this state, North Carolina has thousands of
businesses with less than 10 employees. Grocery stores -- more than
3,000. More than 2,500 small furniture stores. Four out of every
five companies in the building trades. Book stores, beauty shops
laundries, video stores and TV repair shops. And the list goes on
and on and on. And for them, Bill Clinton's tax plan means one
thing: Misery on Main Street. (Applause.)
You see, I don't think these central planners understand
this. America is a nation of small businesses -- and to those small
businesses, they'll take a big hit under Governor Clinton's tax plan.
And my opponent could not do more damage to America's risk-takers,
entrepreneurs, if he'd declared war on small businesses. Well, if
you're like me, you've got to say: Small business should not be big-
government's piggy bank. (Applause.)
All I ask is that you people here and the people across
the country take a look for a moment at my approach -- and then
contrast that with Governor Clinton's. You see, I want to strengthen
small businesses across America by lowering taxes -- increasing R&D.
Bill Clinton wants to tax small businesses and small
business owners so he can give big government a raise
I want to cut red tape, eliminate excessive regulation
and reform the ruinous legal system that's crippling this economy and
killing small businesses. (Applause.) We really must get these
suits under control. We are suing each other too much and caring for
each other too little in this country. (Applause.) Now, Bill
Clinton wants to saddle these -- or, his plan would saddle these new
small businesses with new mandates; the old ones, too, the existing
ones. New or old, small businesses, all with new mandates. And he's
told the trial lawyers of America he wouldn't take away even one
little loophole.
How about health care? Job training? Family leave?
MORE
- 7 -
I want to reform our health care system -- extend
coverage to all Americans, and use the markets to drive costs down
while keeping quality -- the great quality of American health care
up. And as I said before, Bill Clinton's plan will mean a payroll
tax and more government control.
I want to give displaced workers a voucher to get the
training they want. And Bill Clinton wants to put a payroll tax on
employers.
I want to use tax credits to encourage businesses to
provide workers family leave. well, my opponent? You see the
pattern -- more government rules, more government red tape.
You know, they sent this family leave bill down to me
the other day. They sent it down just for fine timing in terms of
politics. And I vetoed it, and I sent it right back. I am for
family leave, but I am not for putting further mandates on small
business. Let's do it through tax relief, not through running people
out of business. (Applause.)
Bill Clinton's got a "Punt, pass and kick" plan: Punt
the problem over to business. Pass the costs along. And kick the
American worker -- right where he carries his wallet. (Applause.)
NOW, you've got a choice in this election. A choice
between two different philosophies -- two different directions to
take this great country. Bill Clinton puts his faith in the so-
called "best and brightest:" In his old Oxford cronies who believes
that "government knows best" -- just like the social welfare crowd
that pulled Britain down before Maggie Thatcher and John Major pumped
some life back in.
Well, I put my faith in the American people -- and I
want to see you keep control of the decisions that really matter in
life. And when Bill Clinton says "government knows best" -- I say:
You know better.
Let me sum it up this way: His plan is wrong for
America. And mine is right. (Applause.)
Here's what Bill Clinton and the "government first"
crowd just really don't get. They don't get it. They don't
understand: Government can print money -- but it simply cannot
create wealth. The great ideas that make this economy grow don't
begin in the marbled halls of some federal building back in
Washington, D.C. More great ideas -- more of our gross domestic
product, our GDP -- begins at a basement workbench, at a computer on
someone's kitchen table, with the savings you set aside to start a
business of your own.
And, America don't let them teach the American
people, particularly the young. that America is a nation in decline.
We are simply not. We are the most respected leader in the world --
militarily, and economically. (Applause.) And in spite of the
economic difficulties we've had and are enduring, America -- believe
me -- is the envy of the world: not because its government is
great -- but because its people are great. Because the American
people are builders and dreamers who build.
We need a government that understands that fundamental
fact. And my program -- my Agenda for American Renewal -- will make
the next American Century a new American Century, a time of peace and
prosperity for all.
Thank you once again for this warm North Carolina
welcome -- and may God bless the United States of America.
Thank you very much. (Applause.)
END
9:22 A.M. EDT
#9418
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Memphis, Tennessee)
For Immediate Release
September 22, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT MEMPHIS WELCOME
Craigmont High School
Memphis, Tennessee
7:45 P.M. CDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you
very much. What a wonderful welcome.
AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years!
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all very much. And may I
salute at first Congressman sundquist. You're lucky, you've got
a great member of the United States Congress. (Applause.) And
Barbara Bush off on some other part of the campaign trail sends
her love to Martha Sundquist, the great wife of Don. And may I
say how pleased I am to have been introduced by one of the truly
great members of the Cabinet, a man who served this country with
such distinction, a national leader for education, Governor Lamar
Alexander. What a class act. (Applause.)
And may I thank and salute Dr. House, the
Superintendent of the schools here in Memphis; Dr. Langsdon, the
Shelby County GOP and B/Q -- the Bush-Quayle Chairman in '92.
And may I single out Dr. Walters -- (applause) -- I didn't know
kids clapped that much for a principal, but you're right, she is
outstanding. (Applause.) And also Jakene Ashford, who greeted
me earlier, the student body president. You've got a class-act
president of this school, too. (Applause.)
You know, I left the White House at 6:40 a.m. this
morning. We started out on the campaign trail in Springfield,
Missouri. And this is the sixth state we've visited in just a
little over 12 hours. But, you know, I can't think of a better
place to finish this day than Memphis, Tennessee, home of the
blues -- (applause) -- home of the wet and dry ribs, the old
South and the new pyramid. And, of course, the home of Elvis
himself. (Applause.) Rest assured I'm talking about Elvis
Presley, not Elvis Clinton. (Applause.)
You know, for the past few weeks I've been all
across America stumping for the economic ideas I believe in. We
call it the Agenda for American Renewal. And I want to open new
markets for American products, create jobs for American workers
-- (applause) -- because -- don't listen to the other side --
Americans never retreat; we always compete and we always win.
That is the American spirit. (Applause.)
If you listen to that Clinton-Gore ticket, you think
everything is wrong. And this morning new figures came out.
Housing starts are up, the largest increase in a year and a half.
(Applause.) Inflation is under control. Interest rates remain
low. And I believe the stage is set after a long, begrudging
anemic growth set for an economic recovery if we make the right
choices in November. I need four more years to finish the job.
(Applause.)
AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years!
THE PRESIDENT: That's what we want.
MORE
- 2 -
You know, the choice before the American people is
really clear: Governor Clinton has already started with is
program. He wants more government and higher taxes. That is bad
for America.
AUDIENCE: Boooooo!
THE PRESIDENT: And I believe in something
completely different, and so does Don. I believe that government
is too big and spends too much of your money, and I want to cut
taxes and provide incentives to get this economy moving again.
(Applause.)
You know, small business will be the horse pulling
the wagon on our recovery economy. And so I want to give
small businesses relief from taxation and regulation and
litigation. (Applause.)
You know, parents don't coach Little League for
fear, people don't -- doctors don't deliver babies for fear.
Today Americans spend up to $200 billion a year on lawyers and
lawsuits. And I think it's crazy. As a nation we've got to sue
each other less and care for each other more. (Applause.)
But as I -- I have one wish above all others,
though, and as I look out at the young faces in this audience I
think of the potential of our great country and of the challenge
of our schools. And your great Governor, Lamar, puts our
challenge in education this way: when the fifth graders graduate
from high school they will have changed so much we will barely
recognize them. But for our young people to succeed our schools
will have to change so much that we barely recognize them either.
And that's why I am so excited about America 2000
movement -- the program to literally revolutionize education in
this country. (Applause.) And I am excited about our new
American schools, about our higher standard for students, about
freeing teachers from government bureaucracy, and about giving
every parent the choice to choose the best school for their child
to learn in. (Applause.)
And so one of the reasons I came here to this
wonderful institution is to say thanks to Memphis, because you
are the big part, a major part of America 2000. You are a leader
in a revolution that is changing America from the schoolyard
right on up. (Applause.) And so to the parents and the teachers
and the business leaders and the community activists, I say
thanks for caring about the kids; thanks for being loyal to
Memphis's future.
And of course, there's another reason I came here
today. As one or two of you may have heard, there's an election
coming up in November. And I have been traveling all across
America making my case for our renewal agenda. And while I've
been outlining my positive ideas for the future, Bill Clinton has
been chosen to focus his energy on the past. And literally --
you go back now -- a lot of you are students about government and
politics -- month after month, for the last 11 months, Governor
Clinton has persisted in attacking me, distorting my record. And
this week he unveiled the campaign's first negative commercial.
He's been saying, oh, wait until the Republicans go
negative. It is the Clinton-Gore ticket that has aired the first
national negative ads.
AUDIENCE: B000 --
THE PRESIDENT: NOW, I have a confession to make. I
haven"t talked much about h:is record because I think the American
people would rather hear a positive discussion about what we'll
do to renew America. (Applause.) But I will also admit that I'm
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a little tired of having my own record distorted, and I think
it's time we don't just listen to what he says, but take a look
at what Governor Clinton does. (Applause.)
And that is what I've been doing today. That's
exactly what I've been doing today, from Missouri to Oklahoma to
Texas to Louisiana to Mississippi; and now in the great state of
Tennessee, pointing out the facts -- (applause) -- pointing out
the facts, no exaggeration -- about Governor Clinton's record on
economic fairness, on civil rights or lack thereof; on the
environment; on health care. And over and over, you see the same
pattern emerging -- Governor Clinton promises the moon to America
while the sky is falling in on Arkansas. (Applause.)
And regrettably -- regrettably for the young people
in that state -- the wonderful young kids across the way in
Arkansas -- education is no different. In his new book,
candidate Clinton says America has failed to provide its children
with either the best education or adequate protection from
violence. And I disagree. I am proud of what we've done to
promote America 2000. (Applause.) And I am especially proud of
the leadership of that great son of Tennessee, Lamar Alexander.
(Applause.)
And, yes, sure, Governor Clinton -- candidate
Clinton -- is critical of our record. But what has Governor
Clinton done? And here are the facts. Let me give it to you.
You're not going to like it, on behalf of your friends in
Arkansas, but here's the record. Here are the facts, pure and
simple.
During the 1980s, Arkansas fell from 47th to 48th
place in percentage of adults with a high school diploma.
Arkansas's rankings on its primary college entrance exam, the
ACT, have declined. Twenty-eight states use the ACT as their
primary college entrance test. The New York Times reported that
in 1979, Arkansas ranked 20th out of those 28. In its latest
ranking, it's down to 25th out of 28. While we're going up in
the nation, he's going down in the state of Arkansas.
AUDIENCE: Booo.
THE PRESIDENT: And it is not fair to the young
people there. It is not fair to the young families across the
way. And we know that more than three-quarters of Arkansas high
school graduates require remedial instruction when they get to
college. Think about that. Three out of four Arkansas college
students spend their first year of college relearning what they
missed in high school. That is not fair to the families of
Arkansas.
And when it comes to the percentage of adults with a
college degree, Governor Clinton's Arkansas still ranks 50th --
50th in the entire nation.
Now, these are facts, pure and simple. And you can
see there's a grand canyon by what candidate Clinton says about
improving education and what Governor Clinton has actually done.
And if you believe as I do -- if you believe
education is important, I ask you to look beyond the rhetoric.
Look at the record. And I have fought for higher standards. I
have fought for less regulation. I have fought to reinvent our
schools. And I have fought for parental choice. These ideas are
not popular in all places. But if you care about education, I
think you must look at the two candidates and ask yourself a
simple question: When it comes to reforming our schools, which
candidate will tell America what it wants to hear, and which will
tell America what it needs to hear? (Applause.)
Enough talk -- enough talk of politics for the day.
It's been a long, long day. It's been a wonderful day. And as
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you can imagine, campaigns can be grueling. And once in a while
I'll get home, you know, after midnight, after being attacked in
the press and the craziest mood I've every seen out there. And
Barbara will ask me this simple question: You know, we've got a
good life; we've got a wonderful family. Why do you put up with
it? And I'll tell you why I put up with it, why I want four more
years: I want it for the children, for the bright-faced kids I
see on their parents' shoulders at rallies all across the nation.
(Applause.) For the young people right here tonight.
(Applause.)
Don Sundquist tells me that there are six young
people from Russia with us this evening. (Applause.) And
they're part of an exchange program. And think about it. Think
about how 10 years ago such a program might never be possible.
Think about how five years ago, these very kids sat halfway
around the world knowing nothing of our world, but fearing,
as our own families, our own kids did, that the world they knew
might be destroyed in a moment with the mere press of a finger on
a button. Well, that terrible, awful, nightmare has receded from
our children's minds. And today -- (applause) -- and today these
Russian kids can join with Memphis kids and they can read stories
together and play basketball and laugh at the same jokes and
share the same sweet memories and think of all that has happened
to make this possible.
In another time, in another age, Thomas Paine wrote
these simple words: "We have the power to begin the world
again.' Well, we have begun our world again. And our new world
is a world of hope, it's a world of promise, a world of peace, a
world of unprecedented opportunity. And I want our children to
realize the magic of this new world, to believe in miracles, just
as we can look at. our Russian friends here tonight and say
"Miracles have finally come true." (Applause.)
And if we can renew the world -- and I take great
pride in the fact that our administration has literally changed
the world, made peace a reality and not a dream: made democracy
on the march, made tranquility around the world something real
and something we can touch and feel -- and if we can change the
world, then I have no doubt that we can renew America. And we
can strengthen our economy, we can reinvent our schools.
And there is much work to be done, and I believe I
am the leader to do it. (Applause.) And that is why I am
running for reelection, and that is why I ask for your support.
And don't ever let the Governor from across the way convince you
that we are a nation in decline. We are the most respected,
freest, greatest nation on the face of the Earth, and I want to
lead you for four more years. (Applause.)
Thank you, and may God bless the United States of
America. Thank you very, very much. (Applause.)
END
8:02 P.M. CDT
#9394
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Basking Ridge, New Jersey)
For Immediate Release
September 18, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO EMPLOYEES OF AT&T
AT&T Corporate Headquarters
Basking Ridge, New Jersey
2:54 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Please be seated and thank you very
much, Dr. Mary Stewart. Thanks for the welcome. (Applause.)
Thank you very much, and good afternoon. What a wonderful
introduction by such a wonderfully experienced person. Dr.
Stewart, thank you very, very much. And good afternoon to
everyone.
I want to first recognize she who came up with me on
the airplane today, Secretary Lynn Martin. She is doing a great
job for this country as Secretary of Labor. I'll have more to
say about her own labors in the context of this speech. But I
want to thank her for being with us. She is a former member of
Congress. She is now leading this enormous department and doing
a first-class job.
As to Tom Kean, your former Governor, my longtime
friend, I couldn't be more pleased. He is heading up our
campaign effort here. And I can't think of any better formula
for success in this state, because of his own record, the respect
with which he's held. It is just a wonderful thing. And Barbara
and I are just delighted to have him at our side in this fight.
Another one is Congressman Dean Gallo, who has been
a leader for me and who's helping this state and this community a
great deal in the House of Representatives. If we had more like
him, we wouldn't hear everybody yelling at me, "Clean House"
everyplace I went. (Applause.) So that was nice.
And of course, I'm grateful to the Chairman, Bob
Allen, and to everyone at AT&T. I think it's a good thing that
you provide a forum for political people to bring their views to
a community. A lot of communities duck it, they dodge it. Then
they end up writing me letters griping about how things are.
This one is out front. Bob Allen has always been willing to take
a position. And he stands for something, and so do the people
that work with him. And so I want to express my thanks to not
only those that are in this room, but those that might be plugged
into some fancy, high-tech AT&T communications system around
here. (Applause.) But the company does good work and certainly
is a great corporate citizen of this wonderful community.
I want to thank the Speaker who's here, Chuck
Haytaian. He is leading the New Jersey legislature. All states
are caught up in enormous battles. And I'm very, very proud of
him.
With me today also are two women that came up with
us from Washington. One of them -- both of them standing there.
Connie Horner is an Assistant to the President in terms of
personnel. She gave up an enormous job as number two in the
largest department in the federal government. And she's over now
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working with us in the White House in charge of all of our
personnel. You all know the size of the federal government --
so, believe me, that's a major assignment. And I'm delighted she
came.
And next to her, some of you may know our household
word, our household symbol now -- Marlin Fitzwater. Well,
Marlin's able Deputy is Judy Smith, standing over next to Connie.
And you may have seen her on television fencing with, or
supporting the press, depending what kind of mood she's in --
(laughter) -- as we go around this country. But I just am so
pleased that they're here with us today.
You know, I remember standing in the Rose Garden
just last year and awarding a prize, Environment and Conservation
Challenge Award, to AT&T for your world-class work in reducing
air pollutants. It's great to be here and see firsthand the
folks who made it happen. That was a national honor, well
deserved by you and those who work with you.
But there's something also sad, and Tom touched on
it, about being in this neck of New Jersey today, and I'd like to
just take a minute or two to explain why.
You lost one of your most remarkable citizens on
Wednesday, when Congresswoman Millicent Fenwick died, at the age
of 82. she was an incredible person. And many portrayed her as
the "pipe-smoking grandmother." But she preferred "hard-working
grandmother." She said it had the same number of syllables --
typical of Millicent. (Laughter.) And she spent her whole life
climbing obstacles and helping others do the same.
Yes, she was born to a life of privilege. But in
the early '30s, her marriage split up and she moved to New York
alone, deep in debt, with a couple of kids. And she wanted to
get a job selling stockings at a department store, but they
turned her away --she hadn't earned a high school diploma. She
stuck with it finally rising to be an editor of Vogue
Magazine.
Her kids grown up, Millicent came home to New Jersey
and started to get involved in town politics. She was the first
member -- woman member -- of the Bernardsville Borough Council.
She ran then for the State Assembly and won, and served as State
Consumer Affairs Director.
And then at 64, when most people are settling down,
Millicent was just starting to make this fantastic reputation in
Congress. I was honored to know her very, very well indeed. She
helped run my campaign here in this state in 1980. She was
deeply principled in politics for all the right reasons, to
fulfill a deep and burning desire to achieve justice for all
people.
Her commitment to the underdogs of the world was
matched only by her wit. Once a state legislator said to her:
"I've always thought of women as kissable, cuddly and smelling
good." And Millicent replied: "That's the way I feel about men,
too." (Laughter.) "I only hope for your sake that you haven't
been disappointed as often as I have." (Laughter and applause.)
Well, who but Millicent? Enough said. (Applause.)
Well, Millicent Fenwick lived during interesting
times. She saw a world transformed outside our borders, and she
helped lead that transformation. You remember her assignment
after she left the Congress was to go off into a marvelous agency
helping people in the food area. But while these remarkable
changes took place overseas, here in America a quieter and even
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more profound revolution has been unfolding. And Millicent was a
part of that, too.
I'm talking about a move toward human justice at its
most basic level -- the movement toward equality of the sexes. A
movement that cuts across social and ideological boundaries --
and touches all our lives. of course, before we all get carried
away with the congratulations, we have to admit -- and Lynn and I
were talking about this coming up here on the plane -- that we
have a ways to go. I did not come here today just as one more
man, but I'm here as a President whose policies affect your
lives.
And last week I unveiled -- and Dr. Stewart very
generously talked about this -- my Agenda for American Renewal.
Answers to the questions that Americans are asking around their
kitchen tables.
And the Agenda is a comprehensive strategy to
guarantee that by the early part of the 21st Century, America
will enjoy the world's first $10-trillion economy. And I have
several priorities, most are well underway. And I want to open
new markets and new customers for the products you produce. I
want to create new schools for a new age. And I want to sharpen
businesses' competitive edge -- with relief from taxation,
regulation and certainly from litigation. (Applause.) And I
want to reach out to all Americans; and I want to dramatically
reduce the size and the scope of the federal government.
And that's my agenda. But today, I'm here to talk
about a special priority on my agenda -- providing economic
security for American working men and women. The first order of
business, as I said, is to admit that there is still unfinished
business. Women work as hard as men and still earn less. And
that's not acceptable. And most working women do more than equal
work -- on the job, and at home. And that's not acceptable,
either.
And many women are trying to do it all alone. Look,
divorce happens. And I know it from my own family -- my own
daughter. And I've seen what single mothers are up against --
the kind of pressures, trying to do 36 hours of work in a 24-
hour day.
And as a nation, we must confront these challenges
head-on. Not talk, not slogans, not political rhetoric -- we
need government policies that help men and women meet their
responsibilities at home. And that means child care. It means
family leave policies. It means child support enforcement. It
means cheaper health care.
Both candidates in this election are talking about
these issues. But we offer entirely different solutions.
The other side puts their faith in government --
government mandates. On issue after issue, their solution comes
down to giving more power to government. And I put my faith in
you; I want to give you the power to help yourself. The other
side's ideas sound very enticing. But you have to ask: Will
they work for me? Will they make a difference in my life? And
in thinking about this, I refer you to a story about William II,
the Emperor of Germany. And he saw himself as a man's man --
which I guess means he was the kind of Kaiser who, when he got
lost, would refuse to ask anybody for directions. (Laughter and
applause.)
Well, the Kaiser got in his head that he could
design a better battleship. And so he drew up plans and sent
them to the naval architect for him to study.
And the architect said the Kaiser's battleship would
be absolutely the finest one on earth. It would be as fast as a
speedboat. Its range and its power would overwhelm the enemy.
And everybody on board would feel like they were lounging in
their living room.
There was only one teeny, tiny problem: If the boat
were built, and actually placed in the water -- it would sink.
Well, I'm afraid a lot of policies like that have
been coming out of Capitol Hill the past few years do that. All
are designed to use government to achieve great things on your
behalf. But look closely, and I suggest that they just might not
float in water.
And let me give you a few examples. You decide for
yourself.
This week, Congress sent me what's called -- "family
leave" legislation. The bill has the noble goal of allowing a
mom or dad to leave a job in order to take care of a new baby,
maybe care for a sick parent. The bill would require companies
to keep the job open for three months until the employee could
come back to work.
Now, I believe family leave is necessary, and our
families need it. And a lot of companies are providing it. This
one right here does -- AT&T is one. And you should be proud of
your farsighted leadership on this. But the bill Congress sent
me this week would force every company with more than 50
employees to provide family leave. And if companies don't foot
the bill, they break the law. And, now, that's one approach.
And I offer another one. I want to give all businesses
incentives in the form of credits -- tax credits -- to offer
family leave.
It's an election year, so congressional leaders have
sent me their mandatory approach -- they've been sitting on it
all year long, I might add. NOW, with two weeks to go in this
session of the Congress -- or three -- sent it to me and dared me
not to sign it. And I want to explain why I can't support their
approach.
First of all, our economy is sluggish. And here in
New Jersey and all across the country it's sluggish. And think
of the ad agencies, the printing companies -- other suppliers in
your neighborhoods and people that you work with every day.
They're still cutting budgets and payrolls; and I don't want to
load on more federal mandates that will force them to lay off
people.
And you might say, you're protecting the rich. But,
you know, entrepreneurs aren't all rich. In fact, more and more
people are taking their pensions and starting their own small
businesses. And by the year 2000, women will run the majority of
these businesses.
And here's another point to consider: You and I
know, the best benefit packages often come from the largest
employers. They're the ones that can provide the benefits --
small companies are usually where parents have to make the tough
choice between work and family.
But, the other side's approach exempts the smallest
employers. And my approach offers incentives to those companies,
and it will cover the 40 percent of American workers who won't be
covered by the other side's plan.
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And one more thing. Think of the impact mandated
family leave has on hiring decisions. I know it's not supposed
to happen, but how many employers will think, why not hire a man
instead of a woman? He won't leave to have a child. He won't
leave to care for his family. And this is illegal, and we must
enforce the law. But mandated family leave could encourage this
subtle kind of discrimination.
And I don't think you'll hear these kinds of details
discussed in the media. But I'm going to take a stand. Because
to me, it's not worth putting politics ahead of progress.
Let me talk just about another job-related issue --
something that's called the "glass ceiling". Today, companies are
promoting some women in greater numbers, but not fast enough. And so
a lot of talented women are going into the businesses for themselves.
This isn't just a corporate problem, we're seeing the
same thing happen in government. And I'm proud of our record in
promoting women. But I'm especially proud that these talented women
-- that we've put talented women in important economic positions --
running the Department of Labor, running the Department of Commerce,
or the Small Business Administration or handling all of our trade
negotiations. The women I work with tell me they don't want any
special opportunity they just want the right to succeed or
fail -- to be measured by the same standard as men.
We want to see the Lynn Martins of corporate America
succeed, too. That's why this Secretary of Labor, Lynn Martin has
made shattering the glass ceiling a top priority. She's making sure
that companies who receive your tax dollars -- through federal
contracts -- make career opportunities available to women.
Let's talk child care for a moment. You see a
difference in philosophies here. Congress wanted a government-run
child care program, a mandated program emanating from some
subcommittee and then working its way through the Congress. And I
heard from parents who wanted the right to choose the best child care
for their children. It might be a public school. It might be a
church or a synagogue, an aunt's house. And the point is, you want
to make the choice, not be told where to go by some county clerk.
(Applause.)
Congress wanted to give the money directly to county
agencies, and limit the family's alternatives. And I fought for
giving vouchers directly to parents, so you can choose the best care,
regardless of who provides it. And our way was better, and on this
one we won. Now we're having a similar debate -- major national
debate -- over health care. Costs are rising at more than ten
percent a year. It's putting pressure on families. It's the
fastest-growing item in this enormous federal budget.
And once again, the other side wants the government
alone to solve the problem -- either by directly taking over our
health care system, or by indirectly getting involved in setting
prices and mandating benefits. Now, that idea sounds appealing to
some, but it will end up meaning longer lines and less flexibility
for you and for your families.
And I offer an entirely different approach, sitting up
there now in the United States Congress, awaiting action. I want to
give companies incentives to provide coverage and use competition to
drive down costs. I want to get at the root cause of raising prices,
including skyrocketing malpractice insurance. And I want to let
small businesses pool their coverage, insurance coverage, so they can
get the same price breaks as larger companies do. My plan will lower
costs through competition, extenMOREverage to the poorest of the poor
- 6 -
-- insurance coverage -- extend coverage to 30 million Americans who
cannot afford it today, and build on the strengths of our system --
which already provides the highest quality care in the world. Again,
You see people coming from all over the world to come to
America for health care. Why? because we have the highest quality
care. And if you take it out of the private sector and you put it in
the public sector, you can guarantee that it will no longer be that
beacon for quality. I believe my approach is right, I believe it's
right for the citizens of this country, and I believe it's right when
it comes to a philosophy of government. (Applause.)
Now, here's something that really bothers me. Five
million women today in America are entitled to child support from ex-
husbands. Now, you know how many of those women get all they are
entitled to? About half. About half. And I think it's outrageous
that a father in Pennsylvania can be shopping for a new Corvette,
while his ex-wife in New Jersey is struggling to shop for food.
(Applause.) And I think it's time that the long arm of the law taps
every deadbeat dad on the shoulder and says: Pay up, or else.
(Applause.)
And there's a lot more in this agenda. We've made it so
you can take a pension from job to job. Our health care proposal,
the health care goes from job to job. We've provided incentives for
student aid. Today one out of two students at a college or
university gets a federal loan or grant. And the purpose is the
same: to protect working men and women. To make it easier to raise
a family.
But listing the exact details of every program isn't as
important as the philosophy behind them. A philosophy that says:
ultimately, the only way to make people more secure is to give you
more power -- give you, the individual, more power over the decisions
that affect your jobs and family budgets.
And if we're going to use the power of government to
move us forward, we need to use the power of government to help, not
hinder. Not to add new barriers to opportunity, but to remove old
ones. I started by talking about the economic challenge before
America, and I'd like to close the same way.
Because, ultimately, that's what this election is about.
Who has the ideas that can help America win the global economic
competition. When you stop to consider all the challenges we face in
this nation, let's not ignore some of the advantages.
Here in America, we send more of our students to higher
education -- more than any other nation. Twice as many as Germany,
and more than twice as many as Japan. More than half of these
American students are women. And, basically, we have twice as many
educated people as our competitors. It's because America is the only
nation that really tries to base opportunity on character and talent
alone. (Applause.)
The changes of the past few decades have improved the
lives of all Americans. But more than that, they've improved our
society. They've made us stronger, as we face the stiff challenges
ahead. The policies that I've outlined today are designed to build
on our strengths. To help us take advantage of the talents of every
American. To strengthen all our families so that we can make America
safer and more secure.
I have seven granddaughters. Maybe I better rephrase
that: Barbara and I have seven granddaughters. (Laughter.) I don't
want to be killed when I get down to Maryland. (Laughter.) And the
oldest is 15 years old. And the world that she enters today will to
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7
much different than the world Barbara and I entered many years ago.
And if my granddaughter wants to go out to Texas and start an oil
company, she can do it. And if she wants to write the Vogue Book of
Etiquette, she can do that, too.
And if she chooses another line of work, if she chooses
to stay home and raise her kids, well, I'll give her love and
support. And she won't have to answer to anyone about the choices
she's made. And if she wants to try and run for President, she can
do that, too. And I hope she does. (Laughter and applause.)
And I'm very glad that my grandchildren face these
opportunities, but they will only be able to take advantage of them
if America remains the most dynamic place on this great earth.
I think the path to economic security lies with less government, less
regulation, more freedom and respect for families and individuals.
And so what I offer in this election is simple. A new
path to a renewed America, based on some tried and true values. And
that's how we're going to build a safer, more secure America for all
of us -- and, certainly, for our kids, your kids and my grandkids.
And thank you for listening. (Applause.) And may God
bless the United States of America. Thank you all very much.
(Applause.)
END
3:30 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
office of the Press Secretary
(Englewood, Colorado)
September 15, 1992
For Immediate Release
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO 114TH GENERAL CONFERENCE OF THE
NATIONAL GUARD ASSOCIATION OF THE UNITED STATES
Salt Palace Convention Center
salt Lake city, Utah
9:03 A.M. MDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all so much. And may I
first thank General Ensslin, for being my host here today, and
all of you for that wonderful reception. And, of course, I want
to single out Utah's Governor, Norm Bangerter, who's just done a
superb job for this -- (applause) -- I see we have some Utah
Guard folks here. And while you're clapping, Jim Hanson, a
member of the United states Congress, doing a great job for our
country. (Applause.)
And may I salute all the leaders of the National
Guard.
I understand -- with some embarrassment, I
understand that some of you may have had to go through room
changes to -- (laughter) -- sorry about that. I really feel
badly about that. And I apologize for any inconvenience. But I
really am very, very pleased to be here with you.
I was thinking of giving a political speech, a real
stemwinder with catchy sound bites, the usual biting insults.
Then I got to thinking -- I'm not going to do that -- you've
already sacrificed enough for your country. (Laughter and
applause.)
Instead, I'd like to talk about a more serious
subject -- America's national defense and really our place in the
world. I firmly believe that just because we face stiff
challenges at home -- and we do -- it doesn't mean that America
can pull in its wings and ignore the world outside our borders.
Think of the world of change that we've seen the past few years.
Today, the Berlin wall, the Warsaw Pact, the Soviet Union itself
-- Soviet empire -- all are gone, swept away by the most powerful
idea known to man: the undeniable desire of every individual to
be free. Remember the communists' claims that history was on
their side? Well, today, the "dominoes" all fall in democracy's
way.
We must recognize these events for what they were:
a vindication of our ideals -- but also, a victory for the men
and women who fought for freedom. (Applause.) Because this
triumph didn't just happen. Imperial communism didn't just fall
-- it was pushed. And the National Guard was pushing every inch
of the way. (Applause.)
From Concord and Lexington Green to the sands of
Desert storm, Guardsmen or their forefathers have served with
distinction in every major war that America ever fought.
In August of 1990, within days of my decision to
draw a line in the sand -- more than 4,000 volunteers from
National Guard units all across America were activated, airborne
and ori the way to the Persian Gulf -- the first of 767 National
- 2 -
Guard units called up during Desert Storm. And when American
troops rolled across the Iraqi border -- and I'll never forget
that day -- the National Guard was among the very first to cross.
Here at home, when riots ripped South Central,
ripped Los Angeles, the California Guard answered the call --
2,000 in just the first six hours. You went into the streets to
protect the innocent against the outlaws, to restore the peace.
Late last month, when Hurricane Andrew roared in --
again, the National Guard answered the call -- delivering 215
tons of food, water, and supplies to Miami in the first 24 hours
alone, helping bring hot meals and comfort to people who had lost
their homes. And Guardsmen are working right now to bring
comfort to the island of Kauai.
You've all seen the pictures of people hugging the
Guardsmen in their fatigues. You know one thing for sure, it
wasn't to thank them for their cooking. But nevertheless --
(laughter) -- what the Guard is doing in Homestead and Hawaii and
in Lafayette Parish is a God-send. It shows us the true meaning
of service, of leadership, of love of country.
This is an important task for which the Guard has,
and will continue to have, the primary responsibility -- and
where we only turn to our active forces for back-up. Indeed,
that happened in the Miami situation, as you know. It's
happening now out in Kauai as well.
We need to know that the Guard is there. There for
the crises at home -- there for the challenges abroad. There
when a nation in need looks to you to protect life and liberty.
As all of you know, our Cold War victory means a
downsizing in our national defenses -- active, Reserve and Guard
alike. But we remain committed to our total force concept: the
smallest standing army consistent with our national security, and
yet large enough to deal with any likely threat. And for that
total force policy to be effective a strong Army and Air National
Guard are essential. (Applause.)
Let me be clear -- maintaining strong, capable
Reserve and Guard forces will remain essential to our military
strategy. You are part of the flexible forces we will need to
meet our new military challenges. In fact, we can move certain
units or functions from active forces to the reserves to lower
costs. And at the same time, we recognize the need to be
sensitive to the demands placed on individual National Guardsmen,
Reservists and really to their families. As true citizen-
soldiers, our Guardsmen must devote time to their families,
civilian occupations or education. If we intrude upon you for
every trouble, we may find it hard to keep the very best soldiers
that characterize the Guard today.
I know that my opponent will be following me today.
so you can expect to hear stories about my administration's
cutback of the Guard. of course, the new National Guard will be
smaller -- just as our active forces are being reduced. Anyone
who tells you different is simply not leveling with you. But as
long as I am President of the United States, the National Guard
will be well-trained and well-equipped. And as Commander-in-
Chief I can assure you, we will never short-change the National
Guard. (Applause.)
Yes, I'm cutting back defense spending with the end
of the Cold War -- through orderly and deliberate downsizing.
But don't forget the facts. My opponent proposes to cut nearly
$60 billion -- beyond which my civilian and military experts
believe is responsible -- $60 billion more than the cuts that I
have proposed. Now, let me say this: You cannot cut $60 billion
more from defense and not touch the armed forces. You simply
cannot do it.
MORE
- 3 -
We have to be very careful with our defense
downsizing. At other times in our history, political leaders
rushed to carve apart our military -- we remember that -- leaving
only a hollow shell. And then other Americans paid a big price
-- paid even with their lives for those mistakes.
The defense budget is more than a piggy bank for
folks who want to get busy beating the swords into pork barrels.
(Applause.) The President has got to stand up for an America
second to none: And he must be able to say: America is safe --
as long as America stays strong.
I learned the value of military strength the hard
way -- and some of you might identify with this -- commanders of
the Guard units. I learned it the hard way -- by sending our
troops into battle. And I am proud of our accomplishments --
thankful that I've been able to give the order so many Presidents
longed to give, for many of our nuclear forces to "stand down"
from alert. Proud to be the first President in 50 years to lead
an America that's not at war, hot or cold. But the fact is: For
all the great gains we've made for freedom; for all the peace of
mind that we've secured for the young people in this country --
the world remains a dangerous place.
The Soviet bear may be extinct -- but there are
still plenty of wolves in the world. Dictators with missiles
narco terrorists trying to take over whole countries. Ethnic
wars. Regional flashpoints. Madmen we can't allow to get a
finger on the nuclear trigger. And you have my word on this: I
will never allow a lone wolf to endanger American security. we
must remain strong. (Applause.)
No, our work in the world did not end with our
victory in the Cold War. Our task is to guard against the crises
that haven't caught fire, the wars that are waiting to happen,
the threats that will come with little or no warning. I make
this promise: As long as I am President, our services will
remain the best trained, the best equipped, the best led fighting
forces in the world. This is the way we guarantee the peace.
(Applause.)
And let me add something else that's really close to
my heart. Even as we respond to the new challenges, we must
never forget those who flew and fought in face of the old. The
one hero we must never forget, is the hero who has never come
home. And I pledge to every American family awaiting word of a
loved one: We will continue to demand the fullest possible
accounting for every POW and MIA. (Applause.) And we will not
have normal relations with Hanoi until we are satisfied on that
account. (Applause.)
I speak of these matters this morning to this very
special group because they are important -- they're important to
America, they're important to the world.
Like every nation, America today is challenged by a
global economic transition. I have outlined my Agenda For
American Renewal -- it's a comprehensive series of actions that
we must take to match our military supremacy -- by remaining the
world's leading export superpower and economic superpower.
Yet I hope that in our zeal to concentrate on these
problems here at home, we do not forget America's unique role
abroad. Other nations still look to us for leadership --
military leadership, moral leadership, and economic leadership.
And as one who has held this office for four
years -- I hope that when evaluating the two men who want this
job -- Americans will not ignore the President's role as
Commander-In-Chief.
MORE
- 4 -
There's been a lot of controversy swirling around
about service to country, about using influence to avoid the
military. And I've read a great deal of speculation saying that
I was going to come out here and use this forum to attack
Governor Clinton. I want to tell you, I do feel very strongly
about certain aspects of the controversy swirling around Governor
Clinton, but I didn't come here to attack him. I came to defend
and support the National Guard and those who serve in it.
(Applause.)
Four years ago, Dan Quayle was savagely attacked and
ridiculed by the national press for going into the National
Guard. His critics attacked the guard as a haven for draft
dodgers.
Those critics are wrong. Dan Quayle spent six years
in the Indiana National Guard. (Applause.) He was not sent to
Vietnam, but some of his fellow Guardsmen were -- and four of
them never came back.
NO candidate has ever been attacked more
unmercifully than Vice President Quayle, but he stood his ground,
and he answered every question calmly and with candor. He told
the truth. This is service to country, and I am very proud of
the Vice President, and I am very proud of the National Guard.
(Applause.)
But why do these questions even matter? why are
they part of our national debate? They matter, because despite
all our problems at home, we can never forget, that we ask our
Presidents to lead the military -- to bear the awful authority of
deciding to send your sons or daughters in harm's way.
I remember the night of Desert Storm. Barbara and I
had Dr. Billy Graham over for dinner there in the White House.
And our family -- we still say the blessing at night. so we said
a little prayer together, enjoyed some conversation -- but my
mind, I will confess, was thousands of miles away.
And after dinner -- I don't know if you can picture
the White House Complex -- I went down the elevator in the White
House and then walked across by the Rose Garden over to the Oval
Office, waiting to hear the results of the initial strike, And I
remember walking along the Rose Garden -- and thinking. I
wondered -- I was wondering if our military estimates were really
accurate, General McPeak having briefed me in detail -- an
amazing briefing of what he was confident the Air Force could do
-- wondering if it was accurate -- if our smart bombs were as
smart as Tony McPeak and other experts told me they were. But
mostly, I wondered how our young men and women in the sands of
Kuwait felt -- and about their parents back home.
And in the months after that fateful night, I
received letters from proud parents, and I tried to read as many
as I could. But I lingered longest on the occasional note from
the parent whose son or daughter had not returned.
This summer, I got a letter from a woman in
Illinois. And her son had been lost in a helicopter accident, no
body ever discovered. And on the day she received word. she
received a letter from her son. And he said: "Mom and Dad, don't
worry about me -- I love the Marines and I love my country." And
this July, the mother wrote to me: "As a Gold star mother it is
difficult to accept my son's death, but he is alive in my heart.
And I could be bitter with the military and God, but my son would
never want me to." (Applause.)
I know the commanders here know I feel a little
emotional about this. But you get letters like these -- and you
can almost see the faces -- faces of youth and innocence. And
you feel the weight of the job. Sending a son or daughter into
combat, believe me, is the toughest part of the presidency.
MORE
- 5 -
Most Presidents never learn that lesson because,
thank God, most don't have to ask others to put their lives on
the line. But every President might.
And does this mean that if you have never seen the
awful horror of battle -- that you can never be Commander-In-
Chief? Of course not. Not at all. But it does mean, that we
must hold our Presidents to the highest standard, because they
might have to decide -- if our sons and daughters -- should knock
early on death's door.
I hope that I am reelected President this November.
And like my opponent, I believe I'm best qualified. But I wish
for something else -- even more. I hope that whomever is elected
to this office, at whatever time in the future, he doesn't have
to face the awful decision that I had to face twice. And I hope
that the next four years will pass -- indeed, I hope that the
next four decades will pass -- without the blood of young
Americans being shed on foreign shores.
And today, we can say this future is possible, but
no one can say for sure it will happen. And so I commit to you,
the proud members and families of the National Guard -- that as
long as I am fortunate to hold this office, I will fight for a
strong defense, for a strong America, for an America that --
despite our troubles at home -- remains the last beacon of hope
and strength around the world.
The Guard has always been part of America's world
leadership, and I know you'll continue to help us lead -- in this
new world that we have forged together.
Thank you all, and may God bless the United states
of America. Thank you very, very much. (Applause.)
END
9:23 A.M. MDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Colville, Washington)
For Immediate Release
September 14, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO EMPLOYEES OF VAAGEN BROTHERS LUMBER COMPANY
Vaagen Brothers Lumber Company
Colville, Washington
1:09 P.M. PDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all very much. what a wonderful
welcome. (Applause.) And may I thank your very special Senator,
Senator Slade Gorton, for that introduction, and much more for all he
does for this great state back in Washington, D.C. You have an
outstanding Senator. (Applause.) And thanks to Dwayne Vaagen, and
all of the rest of you for letting us visit here today. I know we've
disrupted not only this wonderful facility, but a lot of things around
town. And I'm grateful to the Mayor, Mayor Scott, and the police
officials and everybody else who assist in the planning and the success
of a visit like this.
I'll tell you, I really enjoyed flying in here in that
helicopter. And for those of you who haven't been up there, there are
a lot of trees around here. so don't listen to some of the critics --
(applause.)
You know, last week out in Detroit, I released an Agenda
for American Renewal. I see a sign back there on that. And the agenda
was based on a fundamental premise: that the challenges America faces
-- foreign, domestic and economic, and, yes, environmental -- are
connected, they're linked. And the solution to one cannot be divorced
from the solution to the other. We need an integrated approach.
We need to bring this integrated approach to the
relationship between the economy and the environment. Environmental
protection and economic growth must go hand in hand, they can't be
divorced from each other. This morning down in southern California,
I spoke about ways to bring them together. But frankly, I believe that
when it comes to the Endangered Species Act and its application here
in the Northwest, the balance has simply been lost.
Like many of you, I love to hunt and hike and fish. And
I love the outdoors. (Applause.) And like you, I have learned through
a lifetime of experience to appreciate and respect the wilderness. I
know that you, and you who have chosen to live in this beautiful part
of the country -- respect and revere these forests as others never can.
(Applause.) And you resent the implication that earning your
livelihood here -- with sound management of the forest -- makes you
less of a conservationist than the city dweller or the suburbanite.
(Applause.)
For the past -- and I'm proud of this record, although I
don't have the endorsement of some of the extreme environmental groups
-- but for the past four years, we've worked hard to protect our
precious environment -- and we've accomplished a great deal. Four
years ago, I promised Americans a new Clean Air Act. For over a
decade, no one could get it done. But we did. My Clean Air Act
reduces smog in our cities, and gets toxic pollutants out of the air
and will cut acid rain in half.
MORE
Four years ago, I promised I would protect the
environmentally sensitive areas off our coasts from the excesses of
offshore drilling. And today, there will be no drilling off the coast
of California or Washington and Oregon not far from here, off the
Florida Keys, off the New England coast. We have banned ocean drilling
until the year 2000.
Four years ago, I promised to be a good steward of our
public lands. And we've added thousands of miles of trails for
Americans like you who love the outdoors. We're reopening and
upgrading campsites all across America. And we've added a million and
a half acres to our national parks, wildlife areas, forests and
recreation lands.
The fact is that every American cares about the
environment -- and most consider themselves environmentalists. That
is particularly true here in the Pacific Northwest. And yet Americans
today realize that we can protect our lands while also using them for
people's benefit. (Applause.) They understand the need for wilderness
and recreation areas, as well as the need for paper for our schools and
offices and timber for new homes.
Being out here in the great Pacific Northwest, I'm
reminded of Teddy Roosevelt -- the very first President to focus the
attention of the nation on the condition of our natural resources.
Teddy Roosevelt once said this: "Wise forest protection does not mean
the withdrawal of forest resources from contributing their full share
to the welfare of the people." What President Roosevelt had in mind,
and what the American people have always wanted, is balance.
(Applause.)
Not far from here is a timber town called Forks. Like
Colville, Forks supported a mill, and the mill supported a community.
Because of a lack of timber, the mill had to close. Today unemployment
in Forks is at 20 percent. The car dealership has closed. The
clothing store -- gone. The movie theater -- shut down. Domestic
violence complaints have doubled, just in the past year.
Forks is in crisis for a simple reason: the balance that
I was talking about, that balance has been lost. I've come here
because we must restore the balance. (Applause.) Listen to Oregon's
Senator Mark Hatfield, who was a cosponsor of the original Endangered
Species Act back in 1972. This year, he wrote: "There is no question
that the act is being applied in a manner far beyond what any of us
envisioned when we wrote it 20 years ago."
The Endangered Species Act was intended as a shield for
species against the effects of major construction projects like
highways and dams -- not a sword aimed at Jobs and families and
communities of the entire regions like the Northwest. (Applause.)
But today, when harvesting on federal timberland is
stopped outright by 13 different lawsuits, under seven different
statutes, each inconsistent with the other -- the balance has been
lost. It's time to fight for jobs, families and communities.
(Applause.)
The time has come to talk sensibly. When hundreds of
mills have been shut down, thousands of timber workers thrown out of
work, and revenues for schools and other local services have been
slashed, the balance has been lost. And it's time to fight for jobs,
families, and communities. (Applause.)
And so, as I say, we must talk sense about the Endangered
Species Act, about the spotted owl, and about the management of our
forests. Because it is my firm belief that people and their jobs
deserve protection, too. (Applause.)
AUDIENCE: What about AIDS? What about AIDS?
MORE
- 3 -
THE PRESIDENT: Let me digress for one minute -- let me
digress. This man has asked a question here. I hadn't planned to
discuss this. His question is -- if you'll listen, sir, I'll b plain
to you what about AIDS. AIDS is a serious problem. Under my
administration we've appropriated $4.3 billion, ten times as much per
victim as for cancer. We've asked for $4.9 billion. We are the
leaders in research, and we're going to keep on fighting until we get
this thing whipped. (Applause.)
Now, let me go back to the Endangered Species Act. And
let me be clear: The basic purpose of the Endangered Species Act 10
good and noble -- to save the rare and threatened species of this
country. But today, the act and other laws are being used by people
with extreme views, particularly here in Washington and Oregon, to
achieve in the courts what no sane official would ever have voted for
-- the complete lock-up of the most productive forests in the entire
United States.
The Endangered Species Act, as rigidly interpreted by some
courts and as driven by the congress, has forced an extreme approach
and created an unnecessarily tragic situation here in the Northwest.
Massive areas of federal land are being set aside for the owl --
virtually ignoring the fact that two-thirds of the Northwest's old-
growth forests are already designated as parks, wilderness, or other
classifications. (Applause.) other classifications that prevent
harvesting. And each pair of owls -- listen, America -- gets 3,500
acres to itself, while jobs, families and communities are being wiped
out in the process. (Applause.)
And the other side has been talking about a false choice.
They claim that this timber crisis is just politics, and the simple
fact is this: The false choice is being driven by extremists who are
twisting the Endangered Species Act and its application to the Northern
Spotted Owl. (Applause.) So I came up here to set the #ecord
straight. And let's do that for the entire country, right here. We
have always worked within the parameters of the law to address this
problem. But I can tell you this: The law is broken, and it must be
fixed. (Applause.)
We have asked the United States Congress for funds to Stat
enough timber in this region to keep people employed. But those
conflicting laws allow challenge after challenge. so this year we name
Congress an alternative plan -- a preservation plant that would save
17,000 jobs compared to the recovery plan required by the act. And
Congress has simply failed to act.
My friends, it is time to consider the human factor in the
spotted Owl equation. (Applause.) My opponent talks about putting
people first. Well, we can start right here in the Pacific Northwest.
And, so, here's what I propose. Here's what I propose. First, I will
not sign an extension the Endangered Species Act unless it gives
greater consideration to jobs. And to families and to communities,
too. And I will not sign it without a specific plan in place to
harvest enough timber to keep timber families working in 1993 and
beyond. It is time to make people more important than owls.
(Applause.)
And, second, I will fight to end the injunctions that have
put an economic stranglehold on the Northwest in order to free up the
timber that we need today, because the families and the timber
communities of the Pacific Northwest need relief now.
And I call upon Congress to pass my plan to produce 2.6
billion board feet of timber from Forest Service lands in the Northwest
region next year and to pass language that prevents lawsuits from
stopping reasonable harvests with reasonable species protection.
(Applause.) It is time to put people ahead of process.
MORE
- 4 -
Third, my administration will speed the harvesting of
The Endangered Species Act was intended as a shield for
species against the effects of major construction projects like
highways and dams -- not a sword aimed at the jobs, families, and
communities of entire regions like the Northwest.
But today, when harvesting on Federal timberland is
stopped outright by 13 different lawsuits -- under 7 different
statutes, each inconsistent with the other -- the balance has been
lost. It's time to fight for jobs, families and communities.
when hundreds of mills have been shut down, thousands of
timber workers thrown out of work, and revenues for schools and other
local services have been slashed, the balance has been lost. It's time
to fight for jobs, families, and communities.
The time has come to talk sense about the Endangered
Species Act, about the spotted owl, and about the management of our
forests. Because it is my firm belief that people and their jobs
deserve protection too.
Let me be clear: the basic purpose of the Endangered
species Act is good and noble --- to save the rare and threatened
species of this country.
But today, the Act and other laws are being used by people
with extreme views, particularly here in Washington and Oregon, to
achieve in the courts what no sane elected official would ever vote
for -- the complete lock-up of the most productive forests in the
entire United states.
The Endangered Species Act, as rigidly interpreted by some
courts and as driven by the Congress, has forced an extreme approach
and created an unnecessarily tragic situation here in the Northwest.
Massive areas of Federal land are being set aside for the owl --
virtually ignoring the fact that two-thirds of the Northwest's old
growth forests are already designated as parks, wilderness, or other
classifications that prevent harvesting. Each pair of owls gets 3,500
acres to itself! Meanwhile, jobs, families and communities are being
wiped out in the process.
The other side has been talking about a "false choice. "
They claim that this timber crisis is just politics. The simple fact
is this: the false choice is being driven by extremists who are
twisting the Endangered species Act and its application to the Northern
Spotted Owl.
Now let's set the record straight. We have always worked
within the parameters of the law to address this problem -- but I can
tell you this. The law is broken, and it must be fixed.
We have asked Congress for funds to cut enough wicher in
this region to keep people employed. But these conflicting Leve allow
challenge after challenge.
So this year, we sent Congress an alternative plan: a
preservation plan that would save 17,000 jobs compared to the recovery
plan required by the Act. Congress has failed to act.
My friends, it is time to consider the human factor in the
spotted owl equation. My opponent talks about "putting people first" -
- well, we can start right here in the Pacific Northwest.
so here is what I propose:
First, I will not sign an extension of the Endangered
Species Act unless it gives greater consideration to jobs, families,
and communities. And I will not sign it without a specific plan in
MORE
-
place to harvest enough timber to keep timber families working in 1993
and beyond. It's time to make people more important than owls.
second, I will fight to end the injunctions that have put
an economic strangle-hold on the Northwest, in order to free up the
timber that we need today -- because the families and the timber
communities of the Pacific Northwest need relief now.
I call upon Congress to pass my plan to produce 2.6
billion board feet of timber from Forest Service lands in the Northwest
Region next year -- and to pass language that prevents lawsuits from
stopping reasonable harvests with reasonable species protection. It
is time to put people ahead of process.
Third, my Administration will speed the harvesting of dead
or dying timber that has been dangerously building up during a 7-year
drought. One step is our new rule to allow more timber salvage
operations to occur without triggering some of the time-consuming
requirements that are blocking progress. This will reduce the risk of
fire, it'll provide up to 450 million board feet of timber for the
mills in the near term. And it's time, then, to protect jobs with
timber that's available now. (Applause.)
And fourth, we will make sure that 100 percent of the raw
logs from Washington State-owned public lands are processed here. It's
time to put the mills back to work. (Applause.)
And, finally, I call upon Congress to pass the spotted Owl
Preservation Plan -- and that's Senator Gorton's bill which he calls
"the Northern Spotted Owl Preservation and Northwest Economic
Stabilization Act of 1992." It's time to preserve both owls and jobs.
And that's what Slade Gorton's act does, and he helps the families in
the process. (Applause.)
Now, the Senator mentioned my opponent, so I will, too.
(Laughter.) My opponent's approach to this problem -- to your jobs -
- is doublespeak. When Bill Clinton spoke in Pennsylvania, he said
what the Sierra Club wanted to hear. They concluded that Governor
Clinton was -- quote -- "promising the protection of old growth forestr
in the Pacific Northwest." And then, when he heard I was coming here,
Mr. Clinton cynically held out false hope to timber families by
promising -- get this -- another meeting.
There have already been more than 40 bipartisan meabings
of the Northwest congressional delegation on this issue for three
years. Now, here, you wondered what these are -- these are the
studies. Look at them. We don't need any more studies of this
problem. We need action in the United states Congress. Good heavens
(Applause.) We've produced a pile of studies and proposals done high.
The best thing for the timber industry is all the trees it took to
print these reports. No more studies, let's change the Lew. Let's
change the law. (Applause.)
And the difference on this is clear. The difference on
this is clear. It's as simple as this: My opponent will not fight to
change the law to restore balance. And now I know that be's getting
famous for being on both sides of every issue. (Laughter.)
Do you want to know the real views of the other ticket?
Senator Gore wrote it in black and white in his book, before he knew
that he'd be looking for your votes.
In his book, senator Gore said this, and : quote: "I
helped lead the successful fight to prevent the overtuming of
protections " for the Spotted Owl." And Senator Gore wrote, and I quote:
the jobs will be lost anyway." I challenge Governor Clinton: Do
you agree with your running mate? Do you endorse the book that you
once called "magnificent"?
It is time we worried not only about endangered species -
- but about endangered jobs, jobs in the timber industry and in
agriculture, and in transportation and in recreation as well --
- 6 -
It is time we worried not only about endangered
species -- but about endangered jobs, jobs in the timber industry and
in agriculture, and in transportation and in recreation as well --
(applause) -- all of those are threatened by the Endangered Species
Act. (Applause.)
I have come here to tell you that I am a candidate who
will respect wildlife, yes -- but who will also fight for jobs, and
families, and communities. And I have come here to tell you that I
will not stand for a solution that puts at least 32,000 people out of
work. I can tell you -- that solution will not stand. (Applause.)
And I have come here to tell you that we haven't forgotten
about the human factor -- because in the end, no matter how you look
at it, that's the most important factor of all.
I have come here today to tell you that we can restore the
balance, and we must restore the balance, and with your help, we will
restore the balance.
Thank you, And may God bless you. And may God Bless the
United (Applause.) States of America. Thank you all very much. Thank you.
END
1:30 P.M. PDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
office of the Press Secretary
(Medford, Oregon)
For Immediate Release
September 14, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO EMPLOYEES OF BURRILL LUMBER COMPANY
Burrill Lumber Company
Medford, oregon
6:30 P.M. PDT
THE PRESIDENT: Mike, thank you, sir. Thank you very
-- he's getting our props ready for this presentation. (Laughter.)
Now, thank you so much, Mike, for the introduction. Thanks to your
wonderful dad and to the entire Burrill family, and all of you for
letting me visit here today.
Last week in Detroit, I released my Agenda for American
Renewal. And the agenda was based on a fundamental premise: that
the challenges that America faces -- foreign, domestic, economic and,
yes, environmental -- are connected. And the solution to one cannot
be divorced from the solution to the other. And we need an
integrated approach.
And we need to bring this integrated approach to the
relationship between the economy and the environment, too. And
environmental protection and economic growth must go hand in hand,
and they cannot be divorced from each other. And this morning, I
spoke in California, down in San Diego, about ways to bring them
together. But, frankly, I believe that when it comes to the
Endangered Species Act and its application here in the Northwest, the
balance has been lost. (Applause.)
Like many of you, I love to hunt and hike and to fish.
And like you, I have learned through a lifetime of experience to
appreciate and respect the great outdoors -- the wilderness.
And I know that you -- you particularly who have chosen
to live in these marvelous parts of the woods -- respect and revere
these forests as others never can. And you resent the implication
that earning your livelihood here -- with sound management of the
forest -- makes you less of a conservationist than the city dweller
or the suburbanite.
(Applause.)
And for the past four years, my administration and I
have worked hard to protect the environment -- and we've accomplished
a great deal. Four years ago, I promised Americans a new Clean Air
Act. For over a decade, no one could get it done, but we did it.
And our Clean Air Act reduces smog in our cities and gets toxic
pollutants out of the air and will cut acid rain in half.
And four years ago, I promised that I would protect the
environmentally sensitive areas of our coasts from the offshore
drilling. And today, there will be no drilling off the coast of
California, off the coasts of Washington and Oregon and off the
Florida Keys and off the New England coast. And we banned that ocean
drilling until the year 2000.
And then, four years ago, I promised to be a good
steward of our public lands. AndMORE have added thousands of miles of
trails for Americans like you who love the outdoors; and we're
- 2 -
reopening and upgrading campsites all across this great country; and
we've added a million and a half acres to our national parks and
wildlife areas and forests and recreation lands.
But the fact is that every American cares about the
environment -- and most consider themselves environmentalists. And
that is particularly true here in the Pacific Northwest. And yet
Americans today realize that we can protect our lands while also
using them for the people's benefit. They understand the need for
wilderness and recreation areas, as well as the need for paper for
our schools and offices and timber for new homes. (Applause.)
And being out here in the great Pacific -- the
Northwest, I'm reminded of Teddy Roosevelt -- the very first
President who focused the attention of the entire nation on the
condition of our natural resources. And Teddy Roosevelt once said:
"Wise forest protection does not mean the withdrawal of forest
resources from contributing their full share to the welfare of the
people. What President Roosevelt had in mind, and what the
American people have always wanted, is balance.
And not far from here, in the state of Washington, is a
timber town called Forks. And Forks supported a mill, and the mill
supported a community. And because of the lack of timber, the mill
had to close. Today unemployment in Forks is at 20 percent. The car
dealership is closed. The clothing store is gone. The movie theater
-- shut down. Domestic violence complaints have doubled, just in the
past year.
Now, Forks is in crisis for a simple reason: the
balance has been lost. And I've come here because we must restore
the balance. (Applause.)
Listen to one of the senators -- Senator Mark Hatfield,
from here, who was a cosponsor of the original Endangered Species Act
back in '72. And this year, he wrote: "There is no question that
the act is being applied in a manner far beyond what any of us
envisioned when we wrote it 20 ago."
The Endangered Species Act was intended as a shield for
species against the effects of major construction projects like
highways and dams -- not a sword aimed at jobs, families and
communities of entire regions like the Northwest.
But today, when harvesting on federal timberland is
stopped outright by 13 different lawsuits, under seven different
statutes, each inconsistent with the other -- the balance has been
lost. (Applause.) And it's time to fight for jobs, for families and
for communities.
And when hundreds of mills have been shut down,
thousands of timber workers thrown out of work, and revenues for
schools and other local services have been slashed, the balance has
been lost. And it's time to fight for jobs, families, and
communities. (Applause.)
And so the time has come to talk sense about the
Endangered Species Act, about the spotted owl, and about the
management of our forests. Because it is my firm belief that people
and their jobs deserve protection, too. (Applause.)
Let me be clear: The basic purpose of the Endangered
Species Act is good and noble -- save the rare and threatened species
of this country. But today, the act and other laws are being used by
people with extreme views, particularly here in this state, here in
Oregon, to achieve in the courts what no sane elected official would
ever vote for -- the complete lock-up of the most productive forests
in the entire United States. (Applause.)
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The entire Endangered Species Act, as rigidly
interpreted by some courts and as driven by the Congress, has forced
an extreme approach and created an unnecessarily tragic situation
here in the Northwest. Massive areas of federal land are being set
aside for the owl -- virtually ignoring the fact that two-thirds of
the Northwest's old-growth forests are already designated as parks,
wilderness, or other classifications that prevent harvesting. Each
pair of owls gets 3,500 acres to itself. And meanwhile, jobs and
families and communities are being wiped out in the process.
And the other side has been talking about a "false
choice." And they claim that this timber crisis is just politics.
And the simple fact is this: The false choice is being driven by
extremists who are twisting the Endangered Species Act and its
application to the Northern Spotted Owl. (Applause.)
And now let's set the record straight. We've always
worked within the parameters of the law to address this problem. But
I can tell you this. The law is broken, and it must be fixed.
And we have asked the Congress for funds to cut enough
timber in this region to keep people employed. But these conflicting
laws allow challenge after challenge.
We convened the God squad to exempt 13 timber sales here
in southern Oregon from jeopardy opinions from the Fish and Wildlife
Service. And every one of those sales is now enjoined.
And so this year, we sent Congress an alternative plan,
a preservation plan, if you will, that would save 17,000 jobs
compared to the recovery plan required by the act. And Congress has
failed to act on my plan.
My friends, it is time to consider the human factor in
the Spotted Owl equation. My opponent talks about putting people
first -- well, we can start right here in the Pacific Northwest.
(Applause.)
so here is what I propose:
First, I will not sign an extension of the Endangered
Species Act unless it gives greater consideration to jobs, to
families, and to communities. (Applause.) And I will not sign it
without a specific plan in place to harvest enough timber to keep
timber families working in 1993 and beyond. It is time to make
people more important than owls. (Applause.)
And second, I will fight to end the injunctions that
have put an economic strangle hold on the Northwest, in order to free
up the timber that we need today, because the families and the timber
communities of the Pacific Northwest need relief and they need it
now.
And I call upon the United States Congress to pass my
plan to produce 2.6 billion board feet of timber from Forest Service
lands in the Northwest region next year, and at least 500 million
board feet on BLM land. And I ask Congress to tie that plan to
language that prevents lawsuits from stopping reasonable harvests
with reasonable species protection. (Applause.) It is time to put
people ahead of process. And the Congress must understand that.
And third, my administration will speed the harvesting
of dead or dying timber that has been dangerously building up during
a seven-year drought. One step is our new rule to allow more timber
salvage operations to occur without triggering some of the time-
consuming requirements that are blocking progress. This will reduce
the risk of fire, and it will provide up to 450 million board feet of
timber for the mills in the near term. And in other words, it's time
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to protect jobs with timber that's available now and put the mills
back to work. (Applause.)
And finally, I call upon Congress today to pass the
spotted Owl Preservation Plan -- that's the bill sponsored by
Senators Packwood and Hatfield and slade Gorton, which they call "The
Northern Spotted Own Preservation and Northwest Economic
stabilization Act of 1992". It's a long name, but it's a good bill.
And it's time to preserve both owls and jobs -- jobs in the timber
industry and in agriculture, transportation and in recreation as
well, where they, too, are threatened by this Endangered Species Act.
And now a word about my opponent. MY opponent's
approach to this problem -- and I'll try to be fair -- no, but his
approach to this problem, to your jobs, really is -- and look at the
record -- doublespeak. When he spoke in Pennsylvania -- Governor
Clinton spoke in Pennsylvania -- he said what the Sierra Club wanted
to hear. They concluded that Governor Clinton was -- quote --
"promising the protection of old-growth forests in the Pacific
Northwest." And then, when he heard I was coming here, Mr. Clinton
cynically held out false hope to timber families by promising another
meeting.
There have already been more than 40 bipartisan meetings
of the Northwest congressional delegation on this issue for three
years. NOW, look, here are the studies. We've produced a pile of
studies and proposals this high. And the only good reason for the
timber industry -- the only good news is all the trees in took to
print all these darn reports. (Applause.) Look at them. And so I
say to Governor Clinton, no more studies. Help me change the law.
That's what needs to happen. (Applause.)
And the difference on this is clear: I will. I will
change it. And it's as simple as this: My opponent will not fight
to change the law to restore balance.
And now I know that Mr. Clinton -- and Governor
Doublespeak I call him -- (laughter) -- but, nevertheless, is getting
famous -- getting famous for being on both sides of these issues.
But do you want to know the real views of the other ticket? I hate
to bring this word up, but Senator Gore --
AUDIENCE: BOOO --
THE PRESIDENT: He wrote it in black and white in his
book before he knew that he'd be out there pandering for votes. And
in his book, Senator Gore said this -- and I quote: "I helped lead"
-- I want to get it right here -- "I helped lead the successful fight
to prevent the overturning of protections for the Spotted Owl." And
he wrote -- and this is an exact quote -- "the jobs will be lost
anyway." I challenge Governor Clinton -- do you agree with your
running mate? DO you endorse the book that you once called
"magnificent"? It is time we worried not only about endangered
species, but about endangered jobs. (Applause.)
And I am here to tell you that I'm the one who will
respect the wildlife, yes. I think we all do. We all agree. But
I'm also the one who will also fight for jobs, for families, and for
communities.
I have come here to tell you that I will not stand for a
solution that puts at least 32,000 people out of work. It will not
stand. I mean it. (Applause.)
And I've come here to tell you that we haven't forgotten
about the human factor; because in the end, in the final analysis
when all the campaigns are over and all the charge and countercharge
takes place, the human factor, that is the most important factor of
all.
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And I've come here today to tell you that we can restore
the balance. we must restore the balance. And with your help, we
will restore the balance.
May God bless your families, your jobs, your hopes for
our great country. And may God bless the United States of America.
Thank you all very, very much. Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you
all. (Applause.)
END
6:47 P.M. PDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
office of the Press Secretary
(Collegeville, Pennsylvania)
For Immediate Release
September 9, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT IN
ADDRESS TO THE NORRISTOWN AREA HIGH SCHOOL COMMUNITY
Norristown High School
Norristown, Pennsylvania
12:00 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you so much. Thank you, Dr.
Holton. And may I congratulate our superintendent for his leadership
on America 2000 and on the job he's doing for the whole school system
in this area. Good morning to everybody; it's great to be back in
Pennsylvania on this first day of school. Any excuse to get out of
class -- I know. And here you all are. Thanks for greeting me.
And may I salute the man you heard from a minute ago -- Secretary
Alexander, Lamar Alexander. He's come to washington after great
experience in education and in government, and leading us all with
this marvelous America 2000 program. We owe him a great vote of
thanks, and I'm very pleased to have him with us. (Applause.)
And another old friend is with us today, the Congressman
from this district, Larry Coughlin, who is leaving the Congress after
marvelous service. But he came in with us.
Larry, do you want to stand up there? (Applause.)
And may I thank all involved with this; particularly
Principal Barry Spencer, who has done a great job on all the
arrangements and are making these facilities available. Josh Lippy,
the President of the Student Council -- I salute him as a student
leader. And I should add, welcome back to school. I hope you had a
great summer. And out here in the audience are not just students,
but members of the Chamber of Commerce, Payson Burt and others that
are taking a leadership role. The Class of 2000 -- I salute them --
all of you, these participants who got up and read those education
goals. I thought they did a first-class job. Not a nervous one in
the bunch. (Applause.) And I salute all the volunteers -- the
volunteers that make it happen as we try to reform education. I'll
get to the teachers in a minute.
I'm told that many you were nervous this week. Tensions
rising about the big event. Wondering how you'll handle all the
attention. Well, I'm here to put your fears at rest. I know you'll
do great against North Penn Friday night. (Applause.)
You know, I want to just give a serious talk this
morning. You know, our world has been through a lot of change in the
past few years. when my kids were the age of the kids in this room
today, they used to practice nuclear disaster drills. The alarms
would go off, and they would all crawl under the desks and wait.
This happened all across the country, all across many countries.
That doesn't happen anymore. As a parent and as a
grandparent, I am glad that American kids can grow up in the sunshine
of peace. And we ought to be grateful for that as a nation.
(Applause.)
But now that the Cold War is over, the challenge before
our nation is to win the peace. TO guarantee that America in the
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21st century will be not just a military superpower, but also an
export superpower, an economic superpower.
That's just a fancy way of saying that when you grow up,
you deserve the chance to have a good job, and live a better life
than your parents and grandparents. And you should live the American
Dream.
That's why I'm here this morning, to talk about how we
can build what you need and deserve -- the very best schools in the
entire world.
Now, I admit, education is not usually found on the
front page of the newspaper, or at the top of the evening news -- but
it is the solution for most of what you do see there. As a President
and as a grandparent, my loyalty lies with young people. Kids like
these fifth graders -- who did such a fantastic job laying out these
national education goals this morning.
In the year 2000, these fifth graders will graduate from
high school. And they will have changed so much, we will barely be
able to recognize them. I want the schools from which they graduate
to have changed so much, that we won't be able to recognize them,
either.
Four years ago, I said I wanted to lead a revolution in
American education. And today, I come before you to report -- the
revolution is underway.
As President, my job is to set the agenda, and mobilize
the nation. And I'm proud that the goals the students read this
morning are the very first education goals in our nation's history.
They were created by all the governors -- Republicans and Democrats
alike -- and are being embraced by parents, by teachers, by business
and community leaders -- in town after town, city after city, all
across America. Politics is being laid aside, a revolution in
education is taking place. And if he were here today, I'd shake his
hand and salute the Governor of this state, who is holding out his
hand to all who want to see America 2000 succeed. He's been a real
leader, and we are grateful to him for that -- Governor Casey.
(Applause.)
I have come to Norristown because you accepted my
challenge to reinvent American schools. And again, I salute the
Principal and the superintendent. Norristown is in the lead -- but
you're not alone. Today, 1,700 communities -- in every single state
-- have adopted the vision of what we call "America 2000." Seventeen
hundred communities have drawn lines in the sand of the future that
reads -- "our children must be number one."
The federal government should do more than offer
congratulations, and we are matching our words with action -- as we
promised.
You've heard about our first goal -- making sure every
student arrives at school ready to learn. For the first time, every
eligible four-year-old who wants a Head start on kindergarten can get
one. We have asked for record increases in investment for math and
science education -- to help train teachers. That is consistent with
goal number four that was read here -- math and science excellence.
And I bet you were proud to watch the Olympics, and see Jordan and
Ewing and Malone slam dunk the opposition. By the year 2000, I want
you -- our young people -- to be able to slam dunk the rest of the
world in math and science. And we can do it. (Applause.)
Goal number five is to guarantee a skilled, literate
work force. My opponent accuses me of cutting education spending.
That's just flat wrong. I have proposed record increases in
education funding -- and during my four years, federal investments in
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education have increased at a more rapid rate than state and local
funding.
But if you think that money alone will reinvent our
schools -- think again. AS a nation, only switzerland -- only
Switzerland spends more per student on elementary and secondary
education. This doesn't mean we should not make new investments, it
means we cannot spend our money on the old way of doing things.
Our schools were basically designed for another age -- a
hundred years ago. A world of Model T cars, in which toasters and
flashlights were a big deal. A world in which most clothes were made
at home -- imagine -- a world without the King of Prussia Mall!
(Laughter.) Hard to believe.
But today, if you apply for a summer job in a car
factory, they' ask you if you can handle mathematics, estimation
and spatial relations, things your mom and dad just didn't have to
know. And other things have changed. It's tougher being a parent,
tougher being a teacher, and my grandkids tell me -- it's pretty
tough being a kid these days.
The world has changed, and so must our schools.
You don't have to look far for new ideas. Teachers,
school board members, parents, business leaders -- all are fountains
of innovation. They represent the true genius of America -- and we
must encourage them. Right now, as we gather today, America is
responding to this charge. Really, four revolutions are underway.
First, we are in the process of creating hundreds of
what we call "Break-The-Mold" schools -- schools that reject the
status quo. For example, a school where students attend all year
round. Now, I challenged America to come up with ideas for these
schools, and Norristown was one of 700 communities that responded. I
applaud you for your energy. I applaud you for your creativity.
Revolution number two has to do with what we teach in
our schools. We must demand more of you, so that you can compete in
the world economy. Your math teachers are already relying on new,
world-class standards, and you are learning more than your older
brothers and sisters. By the time today's fifth graders enter high
school, we will have new standards in science, history, English,
geography, civics and the arts.
And to support these standards, we will have a national
examination system -- and I call it the American achievement tests,
so that parents can know how our kids and our schools are doing.
The third revolution involves a very important person --
your teacher. If I can ask a favor, since this is the first day of
school, I assume none of you have received any tests back yet. So
let's take advantage of the good feeling, and say thanks to all the
teachers in this room. They are making a difference in your life --
and we should applaud them. And I'd like to ask them to stand up --
all the teachers here. (Applause.) Thank you all very much.
When your teachers -- let me make this point to the
students -- when your teachers chose their career, they did it
because they love learning, and they love helping you to live up to
your potential. They certainly didn't do it for self-gain; they did
it to help someone else.
Not long ago, as part of my America 2000 effort, I met
with some teachers up in Lehigh Valley, and I asked them what was
their biggest problem. I thought they might talk about a lack of
money, or discipline, or the drug problem. But they instead talked
about all the paperwork and regulations -- about getting state
government off their back.
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I cannot do much about Harrisburg, but this week
Congress will consider my legislation to give teachers more
flexibility in using federal funds, as long as they achieve results.
Congress wants to give flexibility to just 300 schools, I want to
give it to all 110,000 schools. We've got to relieve these teachers
of federally-mandated paperwork requirements. (Applause.) I trust
the teachers, not the government, to do what's right for our
students.
There's one final revolution underway -- I think every
parent should have the right to choose the school they want for their
children.
Not long ago, I was talking with a Milwaukee parent --
she and her kid came to the Roosevelt Room right outside of the Oval
Office in the White House. Her name -- Janette williams. She told
me her son Javon went to a crowded school, teachers couldn't pay
attention to him. He was so bored, he'd just go home halfway through
the day. And then Milwaukee gave some parents the right to choose
new schools for their kids. And today, this kid Javon is doing his
homework, attending all his classes, even helping clean up around the
classroom.
I want to hear more stories like that. My G.I. Bill For
Kids would give $1,000 scholarships to children of middle-and
low-income families that they can use to spend on any school of their
choice. Most parents would choose public schools, but every parent
should be able to choose any school -- public, private, or religious.
(Applause.)
Right here in Norristown, almost 6,000 kids -- about
two-thirds of the school population -- would be eligible for this
$1,000 scholarship. Norristown would receive another $6 million in
new federal funds -- not controlled by bureaucrats, but parents and
teachers. And when it comes to choosing schools -- I trust parents
-- not the government -- to do the right thing. (Applause.)
so these are the four revolutions in American education.
"Break-The Mold" schools. New standards. Getting government off the
teacher's backs. And giving parents real choice.
Together, these revolutions will change our schools.
When these fifth graders come back to visit Miss Ritter and Mrs.
Bieler in eight years, they will marvel at how small the desks are,
and how they have to stoop way over to use the water fountain. But
as they look and listen to the school around them, they will say --
everything else has changed.
Now, as some of you may have heard, there's an election
in about 55 days. so, before I leave you this morning, I want to
take just a moment, and contrast my education vision with the
opponent's. I want to be fair. When I convened the national
education summit -- I mentioned it earlier in this speech about
-- with the governors present, most of the governors attended.
Governor Clinton's role was constructive; he helped to set these
national education goals. And I commend him for that.
However, the facts tell the story about his own record.
In 1980, Arkansas ranked 47th in the percentage of adults with high
school diplomas, now 48th. Today, they're dead last -- in the
percentage of adults with college degrees.
But that's not the real issue -- the real issue is what
kind of education president would my opponent be.
And in this campaign -- Governor Clinton has spent a lot
of time courting the education establishment, teachers unions
leaders, and the liberal Congress. These people fear change. Look
at the education before Congress today. They really don't want to
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spend more money on education, they want to spend it on the same old
system. I wish fixing our schools was that easy, it is not.
A President's job is to set a path -- and insist that
the nation sticks to it. But Governor Clinton is in with the crowd
who say "no" to break-the-mold schools, "no" to higher standards,
"no" to less regulation, and "no" to my G.I. Bill for Kids. Here's
the difference between me and my opponent. He has told the
education establishment what they want to hear -- and I will continue
to tell them -- what America needs to hear. (Applause.)
You hear a lot of talk about change in this election.
But ultimately, change isn't what you say, it is what you do. With
your help and the help of millions of other Americans, we have set
the forces in motion, to literally revolutionize the way we prepare
our young people. And I hope you will give me the opportunity to
finish the revolution.
To the parents, teachers, community leaders, and
students participating in Norristown 2000, I say "thank you." You
are writing a better chapter in the history of America's next
generation.
Thanks for listening. And may God Bless each and every
one of you, the State of Pennsylvania and The United states of
America. Thank you very much. (Applause.)
END
12:20 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Hamtramck, Michigan)
For Immediate Release
September 7, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO HAMTRAMCK POLISH FESTIVAL PARADE
Hamtramck, Michigan
4:18 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, Paul. And thank you, Governor
Engler. Thank you very, very much. I love this sign. of all the
signs out there -- "These are the Poles that count." You are the Poles
that count. (Applause.)
Early this morning, the Governor and his wife, Michelle,
and Barbara and I all joined about 80,000 for a walk across the bridge
up in northern Michigan. He didn't mention it, but I beat the Governor
across the bridge. But he says he was just being polite and hanging
back with the First Lady. (Applause.)
Today I don't want to talk about politics, I want to talk
about something else. Something that's near and dear to the hearts of
everybody -- freedom. May I recognize some of the outstanding leaders
who are with us today. Monsignor Milewski, your great Mayor --
(applause) -- Robert Kozaren, my friend, the President of the Polish
General Council, who introduced me; Paul Odrobina; Parade Chairman Ted
Koltowicz; and the Grand Marshall, Walter Budweil. Thank you all very
much.
My fellow Americans, this past Independence Day, I
traveled to the heartland of Poland to bury a treasure. In the crypt
of an ancient cathedral, I stood with President Walesa as the remains
of the great patriot and artist, Ignacy Paderewski, were finally laid
to rest in the rich and free Polish soil that conceived and sustained
him. (Applause.)
And the ripples from that moment, as his remains were
consecrated to the earth on that warm summer day in Warsaw are passing
through this crowd, here and now. Sons and daughters of Hamtramck,
your forebears came to this great country because they, too, could not
countenance a Poland shackled by repression. Rather than cling to
native soil bled dry by empty promises, they chose instead to flourish
free on foreign soil and to make it their own. Today you are part of
the great family that is America. (Applause.)
And fellow Americans, I am proud to be with you in
Hamtramck on Labor Day. You are the blood and bone of Copernicus and
Chopin and Curie. You are the sweat and sinew that built this city
and this industry. And you are the voice and vision of your parents,
who struggled to be heard and won that struggle, that labor's voice may
be heard always. Always. (Applause.)
You are the inspiration for Americans who watched and
prayed and cheered through recent years as the great nation of Poland,
racked by the rhythms of war and oppression rose like a phoenix, a free
nation once again.
We watched this new force, not pushing down from a tyrant,
but up from the people. We prayed for the nation of Poland reborn,
brimming with a new and different fluid of life, inspired by a Pope,
and by a passion for freedom, for freedom at last. We cheered a Gdansk
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electrician who electrified the world with the charge that all people
should be free and be heard. And we stood proud, as American labor
took to the forefront during the struggle, standing with Solidarity in
its darkest hour, firm in the belief that the dream was real.
I stood before you right here in Hamtramck, right here
three years ago, with this message: Communism has left an ugly scar
on Poland. It will heal, but with pain. The pain of insecurity and
insolvency. And I pledged America's help. Today, I return to you to
say that this country and our allies have responded forcefully.
First, our concern for Poland's security. On that day
here three years ago, I called for an end to the Cold War. And thank
God, the Cold War has ended. And thank God, freedom won. (Applause.)
And America will do what's right to make certain Poland never again
braves the chilling tomb of communism.
And second, our concern for Polish solvency. It's been
said that communism is not a form of economics, it's the death of
economics. So three years ago, I called for all to rally 'round with
economic efforts to help pull Poland from an economic grave. I called
for giving Poland preferred trade treatment, so she can reach out to
the world through exports. I called for reducing Poland's debt, to
ease her burden. I called for investors to help unleash the explosive
entrepreneurial energy of the Polish people. I called for loans so the
Polish private sector can help her economy blossom. I called for
international financial agreements, so Poland can build a financial
base worthy of a great nation.
In 1989, these and other major initiatives marked a
radical new direction for our foreign policy toward Poland and other
democracies. In 1992, I've returned to tell you, Democrat or
Republican, whoever you're for, all these predictions and pledges have
come true. Every single one of them. (Applause.)
There are those who tell me that foreign policy doesn't
matter; that with our internal challenges, America has no business
paying attention to the world anymore. I say, tell that to the
immigrants of America. Tell that to our children, who are free of
nuclear nightmare and can dream the sweet dream of peace. I am proud
that we helped change the world. (Applause.) Tell that to American
workers who have a new world of consumers eager for the fruit of your
labors. On this Labor Day, let me be clear, no one can outproduce,
outthink or outcreate the American working man and woman. No one.
(Applause.)
So we recognize that the noble experiment taking place in
Poland and other nations today is, in fact, an inspiration and an
opportunity for us and the rest of the world.
So we pledge our support for Poland's security. We pledge
our support for Poland's solvency. We pledge to work for a democratic
peace, an enduring peace anchored in economic and political freedom.
And most of all, we pledge to keep our word. We pledge to keep Poland
free. (Applause.)
My friends, we stand today in the twilight of one
millennium and the dawn of the next. Never before has humankind beheld
such a view. And never before has our nation been pressured by such
deep energies of change and growth reshaping America like the strong
hands of a potter on wet clay. But we will survive, and we will
thrive. Why? Because the American people are like the great Statue
of Liberty that stands in New York Harbor. We're like that great
statue, brought over in pieces from the Old World; strapped together
with bolts to steel right here on our own American soil; assembled,
raised and anchored on a rock in our own American waters. And we are
like that statue because the family that is America came over in pieces
as well.
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3
And we came as Poles and Hungarians and Chinese and
Germans, Japanese, Irish, Swedes, and French; Italians, Russians,
spaniards, Cubans, Koreans, Hondurans, Lithuanians, and Finns;
Ukrainians, Latvians, Bulgarians and Mexicans; Israelis, Albanians,
Czechs, Macedonians. And that roster of new Americans goes on and on
and never ends. (Applause.)
And like that great statue, we came over in pieces. Our
cultures were bolted together by hope. Our cross-struts are many. Our
strengths are eternal. Our hopes unite us. And our vision is one.
A vision of prosperous peace for our children. And the last best hope
for that vision is you, the American people. (Applause.)
And it's now time -- it's now time to take those same
heartfelt urges that made us become the statue and put them to work
here at home. This fight for freedom isn't fought on the dark,
treacherous borders far from home. This fight for freedom is fought
on the economic battlefield -- by creating new jobs, opening new
markets, building new American strengths right here -- here and abroad.
(Applause.) And this fight is fought with creativity, determination,
and investment in the hearts and minds of the American people.
Here in Hamtramck and across this nation, these are the
forces Americans must bring to bear on our future so every American's
human potential is stretched to its God-given best.
Hamtramck, you can change the world with a gift your
mothers and fathers left behind. And today, I challenge you to redeem
the struggles they endured. Make their labors mean something. Redeem
the struggles Solidarity suffered. Redeem the struggles Kosciuszko
and Pulaski, and, in fact, all the Kowalskis and Janowskis who lived
and died and aimed at one simple thing: to be heard, to have a voice,
to vote.
And come November 3rd, I challenge you to breathe life
into the meaning of Labor Day and into the meaning of Solidarity and
into the hopes and the dreams of the thousands who have died for the
precious right we so often ignore.
I challenge you to vote your conscience. And I would hope
you would vote for me, of course. But only you can know your heart.
(Applause.) And as you cast that vote, observe how easy it is. And
remember how costly -- how terribly costly this great gift was to win
and to earn and to pass down to us here today.
Ladies and gentlemen, that is the legacy of Hamtramck.
That is the legacy of your ancestors' homeland. And that is the legacy
of the family of America. Make her proud.
Thank you all. God bless you for this wonderful support.
(Applause.) And may God bless a free, an always-free Poland. Thank
you very much. (Applause.)
END
4:31 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the, Press Secretary
(Chicago, Illinois)
For Immediate Release
September 6, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT TASTE OF POLONIA FESTIVAL
Copernicus Center
Chicago, Illinois
2:45 P.M. CDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, Mitch. Thank you all for
that great welcome.
AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years!
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you so much for the wonderful
introduction. And may I pay my respects to the Governor Jim
Edgar, doing a superb job for the people of this great state.
Jim, we're grateful to you. (Applause.)
Let me also single out Rich Williamson. We need him
in the United States Senate. We've got to change the Congress.
We've got to clean the House. We've got to elect Rich Williamson
to the Senate. (Applause.)
And another old friend, Wally Dudycz -- glad to see
him. And Jack O'Malley and Lou Kasper. The Polish Counsel
General came to greet me, Mr. Jankowski. Ed Moskel, of course,
our old, dear friend. And again, I'd like to salute Secretary Ed
Durwinski, known so well to everybody here -- an outstanding
American that has served his country with such distinction.
(Applause.)
This past Independence Day -- some of you were with
us -- I traveled to the heartland of Poland to bury a treasure.
In the crypt of an ancient cathedral I stood with President Lech
Walesa as the remains of the great patriot, Ignacy Paderewski,
was finally laid to rest in the rich and free Polish soil that
conceived and sustained him.
And it struck me, this was the fulfillment of
Poland's dreams. Think of what we have seen together in the last
few years. We watched a Gdansk electrician, a humble man, stand
up for freedom -- electrify the world with the charge that all
people should be free and be heard. We watched the nation of
Poland reform, brimming with a new and different fluid of life,
inspired by the passion for freedom. And we watched a Pope named
John Paul II, a proud Pole. (Applause.)
And as we gather today at this festival, a good time
to count our blessings, I can say something no President ever
could say before. The Cold War is over and freedom finished
first. And Poland is free. (Applause.)
You know, my opponents say --
AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years!
THE PRESIDENT: We've got a lot of work to do for
four more, I'll tell you.
These critics, the Clinton-Gore ticket, say that I
spend too much time on foreign policy. Well, let me tell you
this: American schoolchildren used to hide under their desks in
drills to prepare for nuclear war. We saw the chance to cut down
the threat of nuclear war, and we did it. And does that matter?
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You bet it matters to the young people that are here right here
today. (Applause.)
You know, over the past -- and everybody in this
crowd understands this -- Democrat, Republican, liberal -- it
doesn't matter. You understand this point. Over the past four
years, more people have breathed the fresh air of freedom than in
all of human history. We saw a chance to help, and I did it.
And do you say, does that matter? of course, it does. You bet
it does. (Applause.)
Now our challenges are straight-forward. This Labor
Day weekend we must dedicate ourselves to the challenge --
economic security for the working men and working women of
America. That is the big challenge jobs for the American
people. (Applause.) You know, in this 21st century America must
not only be a military superpower, we've got to be an export
superpower, and we've got to be an economic superpower.
(Applause.)
AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years!
THE PRESIDENT: My vision is to look forward -- to
open new markets, to prepare our people to compete, to save and
to invest, to strengthen the American family so that we can win.
(Applause.)
You know, I've spent half my life in public service
-- half in the private sector. I built a business, and I met a
payroll. And I believe that is a good qualification for being
President of the United States -- to know what it is to hold a
job in the private sector. (Applause.)
And Governor Clinton has spent all but a handful of
years of his adult life in government. Now he says he respects
the small businessman, he loves the private sector. Well, maybe
it's a good chance now to give him a chance to experience what
it's like to be in the private sector. Because he isn't going to
be President of the United States. (Applause.)
I agree with you -- government has got to help
people. But government is too big and it taxes too much and it
spends too much of your money. And we've got to get it under
control. (Applause.)
And so I put a freeze on domestic discretionary
spending, plus a plan to control mandatory federal spending
except Social Security. I said at the beginning: Don't mess
with Social Security. And we are not going to let them touch
Social Security. (Applause.) My plan -- and is up before the
Congress now would save nearly $300 billion in over five
years. And I want to say "Do widzenia" to more than 4,000
wasteful federal projects -- like a national research program --
and get into this one -- the mating habits of the mink. We do
not need to spend your taxpayers money on that kind of program.
(Applause.)
So the gridlocked Congress has balked at my ideas.
So now I have a new idea. Give you all a say on it -- I want to
give you, the taxpayer, the option of taking 10 percent of your
income tax and using it for one purpose alone -- to reduce the
national deficit. Get the mortgage off the back of these young
people. Check off 10 percent to get the deficit down.
(Applause.)
If Congress won't cut spending, let you, the people,
do it. And I'll be at your side.
But while we cut federal spending, we can still set
priorities to help people in need to get back on their feet. So
this week, I took money that had already been appropriated -- and
used it to help farmers whose crops were destroyed. And I said
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I'd help the private sector rebuild devastated Florida and
Louisiana. And let me thank the people of Illinois who reached
out to help their fellow man down in the south. You have been
magnificent. (Applause.)
But anyway, when I did all this -- when I did all
this to try to help these people Governor Clinton, of all people,
accused me of "pandering." This from the man that Paul Tsongas
-- you remember the little bear? -- this from the man that Paul
Tsongas called the "Pander Bear." The same Paul Tsongas who said
on April 7th, the American people are just hearing how cynical
and unprincipled Bill Clinton is. That's not from a Republican,
that was from a Democrat . Paul Tsongas of Massachusetts. And
he's right. He is right. (Applause.)
But here are the facts. Governor Clinton proposes
at least $220 billion in new spending, just to start. Newsweek
Magazine called the Clinton approach -- and I quote -- "economic
fantasy". And Newsweek went on to say that the real cost of the
Clinton program is "arguably at least three times higher" than
he's admitted. And he has mentioned program after program after
program that he wants to increase spending for. So while we're
eating a little Kielbasa he's offering pie in the sky. Who does
he think he's kidding? Not the American people. (Applause.)
You know, I've been one of these guys who is accused
of thinking every day is the Fourth of July. Well, I like the
way a cartoon summed it up. My opponent thinks that every day is
April 15th. You know what happens then. They have this cartoon;
it featured a guy at the kitchen table. He said to his wife,
"Honey, I figure we can afford all those taxes Clinton and Gore
want to raise if I can get two of those jobs they say they' 11
create."
Well, raising taxes doesn't create jobs, it destroys
them. You know that. So with the savings that I have proposed,
we can cut taxes and get this economy moving again. The
difference is tax and spend versus less taxes and less spending.
(Applause.)
Now, one other thing. More than two percent of our
Gross Domestic Product is spent not in the factory, not in the
classroom, not in the laboratory - but in and around the
courtroom. I've never heard of a nation that sued its way to
greatness. So I have a plan for the gridlocked Congress to cut
down on all these crazy lawsuits that are choking our economy.
(Applause.) Too many lawsuits. And as a nation we ought to sue
each other less and care for each other just a little bit more.
That's my philosophy. That's the way Barbara looks at it.
(Applause.)
Another thing: You look around and see these great
kids, and you think we've got to do better in education. Three
years ago this month, we started a revolution in American
education -- one called America 2000. Today for the first
time -- every eligible four-year-old whose parents choose to
participate can get a Head Start on kindergarten. That is
progress. That is the way to help the young people in this
country.
Today for the first time half our students in
college have a federal loan or grant. Grants and loans are at an
all-time high under our administration for these college kids.
(Applause.)
And we have a new G.I. Bill For Kids -- we want to
give every one of you the freedom to pick where your children
will learn -- any program, any school. I favor school choice.
Let the parents decide whether it's public, private, or religious
schools. (Applause.)
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We've got to do better in education. We've got to
do better in law enforcement, backing up the law enforcement
people. It's cheaper to send a kid to Yale than to send a kid to
jail. Penn State is cheaper than the state pen. But for those
who refuse to pitch in and help build up America and instead tear
us down we need to show them what law and order is all about.
It's about supporting our police forces and judicial system. God
bless the police that stand up against these outrageous
criminals. (Applause.)
And it's time we take back the streets of America
and support the American family. It is time we let those family
values come to the fore. (Applause.)
And that means let's reform our welfare system, so
that families stay together, and these fathers that owe the money
will stick around and pay what they owe to these mothers that are
trying to bring up these kids. (Applause.) And while we're at
it, I've got a plan for health care, and that plan says this: We
don't need the government taking over health care. It doesn't
work. We've got the best quality health care. What we need is
to pool insurance. What we need are designed not respect for
government policies, but respect for the American family.
We've made progress great progress, and now I ask
for your help for a health care reform that will bring insurance
to every single family that wants it. That's our proposal. His
is to turn it over to the government. (Applause.)
Now this is the last point. This is the last point
-- except I want to say a word to this guy over here who feels
very strongly about something. He's talking about AIDS. Under
my administration the spending for this deadly disease is up from
$4.3 billion to a request for $4.9 billion. We care. We are
working. And disruptions don't help. What helps is what you
feel in your heart. And we will keep on this research until we
whip that deadly disease. (Applause.)
So we made a lot of progress. But in others we've
got a ways to go. And you ask me why -- and I would say three
words -- the gridlocked Congress. And I know you get tired of
people blaming each other, but let me explain something. There
are certain numbers that mean something. Number 40 -- Gale
Sayers. Number 8 -- Carl Yastremski. Number 23 -- a certain
basketball player in baggy shorts.
Here's one you may not know. Number 38. That's how
long the same party, the same crowd has been running the United
States House of Representatives -- 38 years. Ask Millie, our
dog, and she'll tell you that's 266 years in a dog life. Change
the Congress. Change the Congress. Clean the House. Elect Rich
Williamson to the Senate. (Applause.)
And while we're at it, elect Eliah Zenkich to the
House. And while we're at it, let's limit the terms of
congressmen. Let's get some limits out there so things will
change. (Applause.)
Let me tell you this. If you detect a little
optimism about our country, you're absolutely right. The other
side is saying that we're somewhere between Germany and Sri
Lanka. They ought to go abroad. Let them go to Poland. Let
them look into the eyes of the Polish people who thank America
every single day for their freedom. (Applause.) Let Governor
Clinton take a look. Let him see what this world is like with
freedom and democracy on the march.
We have done it. And we can do it right here at
home with your help. God bless our country. Don't let them tear
it down. God bless the United States of America. And thank you
for this wonderful turnout. Thank you all. (Applause.)
END
4:03 P.M. CDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
September 1, 1992
TELEVISION ADDRESS BY THE PRESIDENT
ON HURRICANE RELIEF
The Oval Office
9:00 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Good evening, everyone. Eight days ago,
the people of South Florida and Louisiana were confronted by perhaps
the most destructive natural disaster in our history. Tonight, I
want to report to the nation on the aftermath of Hurricane Andrew and
the effort required to help Andrew's survivors back on their feet.
In the past week I've twice visited Louisiana and
Florida. And in Florida, where the storm was strongest, up to a
quarter million people have lost their homes -- many huddled beneath
the busted timbers of what was once a living room or a kitchen.
There's no running water, no electricity. Little children are left
without even a toy to play with.
In the aftermath of Hurricane Andrew, a relief effort
has risen -- unprecedented in size and impact. And tonight, as we
speak, almost 20,000 troops are on the ground, assisting in
everything from providing meals to erecting tent cities. Basic human
needs -- food, water, shelter and medical assistance -- are being
provided.
In Florida, a curfew is in place, and the National Guard
and local police patrol the streets. It's a tribute to these
officers and to the people of this region that looting has been kept
to a minimum. Social Security checks are being delivered on time.
Financial help is being made available to families who have lost.
their homes and their jobs.
This relief effort has generated incredible cooperation.
My thanks go to so many people who slept so little the past eight
days: to state and local government officials, federal agencies,
private charities and the heroic men and women of the United States
military. Most especially, my appreciation goes out to the
volunteers.
When we arrived in Florida, some of the first people we
met were from South Carolina, victims of Hurricane Hugo who had spent
the night driving so they could help others through their ordeal. We
met doctors and firefighters spending sleepless vacations lending a
helping hand. Through the eloquence of their action, I've been
reminded that America will always be a nation of neighbors.
Although the relief effort is well underway, urgent
needs still exist. And so tonight I make a special appeal to the
generous spirit of the American people. People in Florida and
Louisiana want to stay in their homes. They're in desperate need of
rolls of plastic to cover open roofs, lumber to board up walls and
cots to sleep on. They also need diapers and baby formula and other
infant supplies. And fresh volunteers are needed to staff medical
facilities or help with the cleanup.
Right now, America's churches and charities are
mobilizing to meet these needs. And I encourage all Americans to
- 2 -
pitch in, in any way you can. If you don't know where to turn and
you want to help right now, please call the American Red Cross at 1-
800-842-2200. 1-800-842-2200. Once our relief effort is complete,
we will accelerate the process of recovery.
Already today we announced plans to rebuild Homestead
Air Force Base, the lynchpin of the economy in devastated areas. And
a distinguished Florida business leader, Alvah Chapman, has agreed to
head a national private sector effort to help rebuild south Florida.
It's called "We Will Rebuild." This effort has my strong support,
and the support of Florida Governor Chiles.
All of us are in this for the long haul. If you want to
be a part of this effort, please write: "We Will Rebuild." And the
address is: Post Office Box 010790, Miami, Florida, and the zip code
is 33131.
In the past eight days we've seen on our TV screens real
tears, real sorrow, real hurt. Livelihoods have been destroyed.
Lives -- even young lives -- have been tragically lost. But already
in Florida and Louisiana, we're talking not just of relief but of
ecovery. This is a tribute to what is inside us.
And, yes, Andrew blew a whirlwind of devastation. But
e could never extinguish the American spirit, a spirit of compassion
and sacrifice and endurance. We have seen that spirit in action the
past eight days. And with this spirit and your enduring commitment,
our neighbors in south Florida and Louisiana will recover.
Thank you for your generosity. And our prayers are with
all who stood in Andrew's path.
Good night.
END
9:05 P.M. EDT
#9246
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
September 1, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO HOMESTEAD COMMUNITY
Homestead Middle School
Homestead, Florida
10:00 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Let me, at the outset of these remarks,
say how much I appreciate the cooperative spirit here: The Governor
of Florida, the Mayor, and the City Manager of Homestead, and the
other cities here that are represented. And all are pitching in. I
am so proud of what our military is doing. And God bless the
volunteers, those who are giving of themselves to help others. It is
a moving and a wonderful message that's going forth to the whole
country -- whether it's from the military, from state officials, from
local officials, or from the volunteers, the propensity of one
American to help another. That the message that I get loud and
clear.
Last week I was here in south Florida, and then I
returned to Washington and issued the orders to help people get back
on their feet. And we're in this for the long haul. We won't leave
until the job is done. And that's why I'm here this morning with
Secretary Cheney, the Secretary of Defense. And I'm proud to be at
the side of our two Senators from Florida who have been working day
and night along with the Governor trying to help the people of this
state.
Today I'm announcing that we are committed to rebuilding
Homestead Air Force Base -- (applause) -- to show our commitment to
south Florida. Homestead is very important to our military. It
helps combat the cocaine trade. It provides air defense. And it
will be rebuilt.
Now, I don't underestimate our task in south Florida,
particularly after being here -- back here today. And to ease the
financial burden, today I am authorizing under the Stafford Act, full
federal reimbursement for 100 percent of all -- (applause) -- of all
eligible public assistance, including projects such as debris
removal, to eliminate immediate threats to public health and safety,
and repair and reconstruction of nonprofit facilities.
After the state has committed an amount equal to -- what
was it, $10 per capita -- but this authorization is the maximum that
we can do, and I am very proud that we're doing this.
Temporary housing and mortgage assistance, crisis
counseling, disaster unemployment assistance will continue to be 100
percent federally funded where permitted under the law. And although
some cost sharing is involved, the federal assistance that I have
authorized today represents an extraordinary and very appropriate
response to this human tragedy.
However, the real heroes of Hurricane Andrew have been
and will continue to be the people, the people of south Florida.
They offer great hope for tomorrow. And to help coordinate the
private sector response to Hurricane Andrew, I've asked Alvah
Chapman, a very respected Florida leader and businessman, to serve as
the private sector liaison to work with Secretary Card, to work with
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the Governor, to work with the federal task force to ensure the most
effective recovery effort possible.
Also, as I said yesterday, I want to commend and thank
in the strongest terms possible, the great effort of these private
volunteer agencies who have responded so quickly and so well to the
crisis. God bless the volunteers. (Applause.)
And I know -- and I say this confidently -- that these
volunteers can count on the continued support of the American people
in their ongoing work in meeting the critical needs of the people of
south Florida. We are going to succeed. We will succeed because the
people of south Florida -- because of their spirit.
I've seen many examples of this just since I've been
here, but let me just mention Isa Haydem who owns a Days Inn in
Homestead. Isa fired up his commercial-sized outdoor grill, cooked
steaks, shrimp and scallops -- food donated by the local restaurants.
And last Wednesday they fed 2,500 people during the day. And at
night they fed almost 300 -- most of whom are police out there
working their hearts out to keep order.
Well, it's heroes like this, and there are many other
such examples, which make Alex Muxo, the Homestead City Manager, say,
"It's never gone, there's always tomorrow." Well, I agree. And we,
working cooperatively with everybody, will rebuild south Florida.
The spirit's still here. The spirit is still intact.
And may God bless the people that have been hurt. We're
here to help. Thank you all very, very much. (Applause.)
A great crowd -- I did not mention the Congressman here,
Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen. And, of course, my old friend
Dante Fascell, who represents this area. He's been the conscience
here, getting in touch with us on things that we could do, including
this matching of funds situation. So I salute him and Ileana.
Q
Mr. President, how long is the long haul in your
estimation, sir?
THE PRESIDENT: Whatever it takes. Whatever it takes.
Q
Years, perhaps?
THE PRESIDENT: I'd have to defer to the experts on
that. But amazing progress has been made. Out of the rubble you can
see tent cities springing up. You can see medical units staffed by
volunteers, former military guys and other -- down here pitching,
right in this very facility. So it's happening all over the place.
And, again, I don't think you can know the answer to the question to
how long until we actually can measure not only the federal response
and the state and local response, but the response of the volunteer
sector, which I'm convinced is -- will be overwhelming. It already
has started. Look what the Red Cross and these ministries are doing.
It is unbelievable. And that spirit is going to move it along very,
very fast.
Mr. President, Governor Clinton says that once the
dust settles Q that there should be an investigation --
THE PRESIDENT: Well, look, let me say this, Jim -- I'm
not even going to take any political questions. I have tried, and I
know the Governor has, these senators have, congressmen standing with
me have, try to keep it out of the political arena. And I have no
comment whatsoever simply to say we're here to help, and I really
that. (Applause.) This is a not a -- nothing to do with
mean partisanship. It has everything to do with helping the families,
*
phonetic
- 3 -
some of whom are standing right here today. And we're going to try
to keep it that way.
Q
Well, in a nonpartisan spirit, then, is there going
to be an investigation into the federal -- response, sir?
THE PRESIDENT: I am very proud of the federal response.
And I think the Governor has been very gracious in his comments,
certainly the others have. And let me express my total confidence in
the federal response and in the response, particularly of the
military, be it the Guard under the state, be it the military that
come under Secretary Cheney and General Powell's command. They've
moved fast, they're here in large numbers. But they're here with
hearts that are reaching out to the people, and that's what matters.
Q
Mr. President, does your 100 percent reimbursement
mean that there will be billions of dollars in federal aid?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, it does mean that. Well, I don't
know, we have to wait and see what the estimates are.
Q
Andy Card --
THE PRESIDENT: Well, he's an expert and he has my full
confidence. And I salute Andy Card, Secretary of Transportation.
He's pulled off of his duties and responsibilities there, and he's
taken on a massive job of coordination. And he deserves great
support and certainly the thanks of the President. And I know we all
feel that way about what he's doing.
Q
If you had a message specifically for young people
of the community, what would it be?
THE PRESIDENT: It would be have hope. We're going to
get these schools open again, working with the state and local
officials. I talked to the state superintendent, to the Miami
superintendent of schools today. He demonstrates a determination and
a spirit that just really moved me. I called him from the plane
coming down here. And I'll tell you, with that kind of spirit and
then the cooperation from these officials -- local, state and federal
-- why, we're going to get the job done.
But my message to these kids would be, look, you've had
a tough time, and you lost a lot of stuff -- a lot of toys, a lot of
-- you've seen your mothers and dads hurt, but you're going to bounce
back. You're living in America. And the American spirit is going to
lift you up. And that's the answer.
Last one.
Q
Mr. President, a lot of people -- they're afraid to
use the tents because they're concerned about security of their
homes. And do you have anything you can say to encourage them --
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, I would encourage them to use these
tent cities. If they don't want to stay there all night long, they
ought to go there, get medical attention, get showers, use the
sanitary facilities there, get the food that's there. But I've
talked to Governor Chiles about this. He has expressed his
confidence not only in the National Guard, who has the security
function and will be patrolling, but all of us have expressed our
support for the local law enforcement people.
And I think it's a tribute to the spirit of Florida and
the people of Florida that the acts of violence have been far less
than predicted. And we would, of course, condemn any violence, any
taking advantage of one's neighbor. But nevertheless, I think that
my message to them would be, use the facilities that exist.
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I met a family right across the way here, literally less
than a block from here. And they needed medical attention for a
child. And they told me that -- were asking, we need medical
attention. Where can we get help? Here are these fantastic
volunteers, right here, less than a block away, who stand ready to
help in whatever the ailment, whatever the illness.
And so I think the city officials, the Mayor, the City
Manager are doing what they can now to get the message out. The Army
has distributed, I think it's 10,000 radios. And those will be in
the communities. And over those radios will be broadcast: What's
available? How do you get your insurance? How do you get your
Social Security check? Where do you go for medical attention? And
once that communication network gets going, say nothing of word of
mouth, then I think these people will be beautifully served.
Some are scared to leave their homes. And I would
simply say to them, trust in the security that's being provided in
the neighborhoods. And you don't have to be gone for all the time.
If you feel more comfortable in your home or what's left of it, go,
take a kid and go and leave somebody else in the house, and then come
back. But soon that confidence will build, because these military
people that have set up the camps, these private sector people, the
Red Cross and others that have set up these facilities really have
the spirit that will give the people the reassurance they need.
And it'll take care of itself, but we to get the message
out. And we're going to continue to try to do that.
Thank you all very, very much. (Applause.)
END
10:15 A.M. EDT
#9194
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Ansonia, Connecticut)
For Immediate Release
August 24, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE
Warsaw Park Hall
Ansonia, Connecticut
2:05 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very, very much. Michael,
thank you and all the others at the Chamber. Thank you for that
introduction. And let me just explain what Michael was talking
about. There has been this hurricane down in Florida, and so we
leave right from here to go down to Newark, take the plane and
head on down to look at that damage and express our concerns to
the people there.
But I am just delighted to be here. A warm
reception coming into town. I want to thank David Rifkin and
especially the Mayor Thomas Hallihan. And let me also mention an
old friend and a good man, Gary Franks, who's the Congressman
here. I am so indebted to him. (Applause.) And another that
you all know so well in this valley, John Rowland. He's a great
man and I want to see him do more. (Applause.)
And I was touched by the Reverend Father Weiss's
invocation. And I want to ask today that we now take a little
political look to the fall.
I'll tell you something. I came out of that Houston
Convention, and the whole spirit around this country is
different. I am determined to win this election and I'm
determined to do it fair and square. (Applause.) And if I
hadn't been fired up when I walked in here The Company -- that
great music -- would have got it going, I'll tell you. That was
fantastic. I don't even know where they are. (Applause.)
But anyway, we're looking ahead to a great classic
that takes place this fall. I'm not talking about Ansonia versus
Derby -- (laughter) -- I'm talking about the November 3rd
contest. And that does have a lot to do with the direction of
this country, and also the new century beyond.
I heard my grandson speak at our convention and I
was so very proud of that young kid. And I think -- (applause)
-- and it just reminded me on a very personal basis of what the
Reverend Father was talking about and the job that lies ahead of
us, to make life better for all.
Now, we have witnessed, as I pointed out down there,
a world of change from Managua to MOSCOW. Millions of men and
women now turn towards freedom. They're celebrating a new birth
of freedom. And I believe people right here in the valley, many
of whom came here from other countries, many of whom family came
here, understand what I'm talking about when I say this nation
can take pride in the freedom of others. (Applause.)
Many right in this room, because of family -- not
just because of freedom and democracy -- because of family,
prayed for this day of freedom to come to Eastern Europe, to
Russia, to the countries south of our border. And we've
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witnessed this remarkable change. And this miracle has come
true.
And so now the challenge for this country is to
bring that spirit home, from Warsaw, Poland to Warsaw Park, and
to focus this great nation on the mission ahead. (Applause.) We
have literally changed the world with the help of the taxpayer,
Presidents who preceded me, fighting men and women that have
served this great country with distinction we've changed the
world. And now we must change America for the better.
(Applause.)
And our challenge quite simply is to win the global
economic challenge, to win the peace. Be a military superpower,
an economic superpower, an export superpower. And in this
election you're going to hear two very different visions of how
to do this. Theirs is to turn inward and protect; and ours is to
look outward and open new markets and prepare our people to
compete -- (applause.) To save and invest. And when I'm talking
about investment, I don't mean more taxpayer money going into
government investment. I mean more private investment, small
business investment. (Applause.)
I don't want to get too personal in this wonderful
area that I understand has some wonderfully smart Democrats
because I need you guys in the fall. But let me say this, that
my opponent has spent most of his adult life in government, and
that's pretty much all he knows about. But his idea about
creating jobs is to have government jobs -- public payroll jobs.
And I come at things a different way. I spent -- I computed it
the other day -- half of my adult life in government service, one
kind or another: and half in the private sector. And long before
J. was in the public sector I worked for a living out in the oil
fields of West Texas, built a company, and did what many here has
in small or larger operations -- I met a payroll, I took risks,
and I made it work. And I happen to think having held a job is
not a bad qualification even for President of the United States
of America. (Applause.)
Look, the world economy is changing. And we've got
to be in the lead of that change. Think of the economic changes
you've seen right here in Ansonia from moving from that brass and
copper age, in the mills along the Naugatuck, to the new
corporate headquarters in the industrial parks across the valley.
Right now one in every six American manufacturing jobs is tied
directly to exports. And that doesn't count the economic ripple
effect created when those workers paid mortgages or buy a car or
feed the kids.
Since '88, since 1988, three-fifths of the economic
growth has come from people in other countries buying what we do
best -- the products we make right here in America. We are the
best manufacturers in the world, and don't let anybody tell you
-- (applause) -- don't you let that gloomy opposition tell you we
can't compete or say that we're a nation in decline. We are not.
And as President I'm working now to create jobs, new
markets -- markets in Moscow, markets in Mexico City that mean
new American jobs. And I am convinced that the answer is not to
build a wall around our economy, not to put the government in
charge, but to use the government to help you literally go back
to work in this country. And that's what I want to tell you how
I'm going to do it. (Applause.)
Here are some of what we stand for: Open markets
for American products. Here's one we have a big difference on --
lower government spending and tax relief. Not spend and tax, tax
relief, and less federal government spending. (Applause.) And
the other one is opportunities for small business. We've got to
do better getting the regulatory burden off the back of these Mom
and Pop, these small operators. And we're going to keep doing it
until we get that job done. (Applause.)
- 3 -
You know my feeling about how too many lawsuits
in this country. I've been fighting to change that, blocked by
this gridlocked Congress. We sue each other too much. We care
for each other too little. And we've got to break the back of
those that are breaking this country with these damn lawsuits.
(Applause.)
AUDIENCE: Clean House.
THE PRESIDENT: I'll get to that. And new schools
-- and I know we've got some teachers here, and God bless them.
But I'll tell you something. We need new schools to back up
these teachers, new ideas. Our whole program, America 2000, is a
good program, to literally revolutionize how we bring our kids
into the next century. It's an exciting program. And I might
say, we've got to win this fight on narcotics. Teenage use of
cocaine is down, but we've just begun to fight. We've got to win
it. Clean out these schoolyards. (Applause.)
You know, a big difference is -- a big one -- I do
believe that we -- they're too big, government, and spend too
much. And last week I offered an idea to get the deficit down.
We'll give you a special box -- I believe that people should have
it -- a special box on that tax return to check so that up to 10
percent of your income tax can go for one purpose, and that is to
reduce the budget deficit. If Congress doesn't like it -- all
these editorials that you read around here on some of these
sophisticated journals don't like it but the Congress has
failed to do it. So let's give the people a chance to check that
box, and then we have to live with it. (Applause.)
And then there's something that's very important to
the valley that I talked about today in Union, New Jersey -- a
dramatic new approach to job training, to help young people find
that first job -- a program we call the Youth Training Corps; to
get inner-city kids off the mean streets and get them a second
chance to build the skills they need to succeed. For older
workers who have lost their jobs or worried that the next pay
envelope may have a pink slip, we've developed a new concept
called Skill Grants -- vouchers worth $3,000 to be used towards
the training program of their choice. And our plan is based on
empowering people to get the kind of training they want, not
empowering the bureaucracies to hire more people. And that is a
very different approach than the approach the others are taking.
(Applause.)
The Governor of Arkansas says he's all for free
enterprise. Then he proposes right out of the box the largest
tax increase in history -- much of it on the back of small
business. I learned the hard way holding out my hand to that
gridlocked Congress and they bit it off. Once you make one
mistake you don't make it again. I am not going to go forward
and go with these programs of spending and taxing. (Applause.)
We've literally proposed and it's before Congress
right now -- eliminating over 200 programs and 4,000 projects.
It's there, it's put down in detail. It's before this gridlocked
Congress. And we've got to do something about changing the
Congress. If we had more people like Gary Franks, we wouldn't
have a gridlock problem. (Applause.) But the Congress has been
controlled -- they have been controlled by the same party for 38
years. Everything else has changed in the country -- not the
House of Representatives. Help me change the House. Clean it --
clean the House. (Applause.)
My opponent says he's for fiscal responsibility.
He's against a balanced budget amendment. Says he's for a line-
item veto, but the gridlocked Congress refuses to give it to the
President. And I stand for something different. I want to see
us cut that federal spending with the help of a new Congress; get
the taxes down so we can get the economy stimulated and let
people keep a little more of what they earn. It's a big
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philosophical difference between the Bush-Quayle ticket on the
one hand and Clinton-Gore on the other. Look at it, it is
fundamentally different.
Now, in this campaign, we've got to call it as we
see it. And this year I believe the choice is very clear. We've
got two different -- fundamentally different approaches. I
believe in the government. You get all this talk -- government,
government -- of the government, by the government, for the
government. That's not going to get the job done. We are
fighting against that because we happen to believe still that the
power should flow from the people. So it's of the people, by the
people and for the people. And really, what's at stake here is
the future of this country.
And we're in choppy waters. I heard the Reverend.
I know it. People that are hurting and can't find jobs when they
need it. I'll tell you another area we've got a big difference
-- on the defense spending. I have cut defense, but we're not
going to cut into the muscle of the defense. The other side
wants to take $60 billion more than Colin Powell and Cheney tell
me is the right level. We still have a tough world out there.
We must still be strong. And while you're thinking about it, we
don't needlessly need to throw another million defense workers
out of work by cutting back on defense below the levels needed
for national security. (Applause.)
Let me just tell you, I wish Barbara Bush were here.
This would be great for her morale -- (applause) -- this would be
great for her spirits. (Applause.)
But I'll tell you something. I want to be serious
about this one point. When I drove in here today -- and I've
been here as some of you know many, many times. My dad was a
Senator from this state, and we grew up down the way. Leave out
the politics for just a minute. When I came in here this
morning, a lot of the people out there were waving. I'm sure
they were not for me. They were there because I am privileged to
be the President of the United States of America.
But you sense something else out there along the
highway. You sense this community feeling and this feeling of
family. And I want to tell you something. The cynics, the
liberal theoreticians, they can ridicule me all they want when I
talk about family values. But this one transcends Democrat. It
transcends Republican. And it gets to the heart of what our
community is about. And the community has been diminished by the
decimation and sometimes the decline of the American family.
I saw it today, that family spirit is still strong.
And I just want to pledge to you, I am not going to get off
talking about that because we must find ways -- whether it's
welfare reform, whether it's making the fathers that run away
stay there, whether it's helping, as Barbara does, hold someone
in the arms to demonstrate the compassion and love we feel for
our fellow man -- we've got to find ways to strengthen the
American family. It is not demagoguery -- it's fundamental to
America. (Applause.)
And she and I will continue to try to do our level
best to set a level of decency and honor and, hopefully, trust
there in the Oval Office and there in the White House.
Thank you very much for this wonderful reception.
And may God bless the Naugatuck Valley. And may God bless the
United States of America. (Applause.)
END
2:25 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Dallas, Texas)
For Immediate Release
August 22, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT NATIONAL AFFAIRS BRIEFING
Dallas Convention Center
Dallas, Texas
9:25 P.M. CDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much. Hey, listen,
this is a nonpolitical gathering. Thank you. It's simply --
life is not fair. For me to get up here, after Dr. Adrian
Rogers, one of the great religious leaders of this country -- it
just doesn't seem fair. Adrian, thank you, sir, for that
introduction. I mean, seven standing ovations in the
introduction -- my heavens, what's going on here? (Laughter.)
But I am so pleased to be here. I have great
respect for the man that did the introducing -- and so many here
with us tonight. I'd like to recognize a true fighter for the
American family. I heard him when Barbara and I were standing in
the wings -- we heard him. And I'm talking about one of this
nation's truly great and, I would say, spiritual governors,
Governor John Ashcroft from Missouri. (Applause.) He gets it on
his own and also from his wonderful dad that is so well known to,
I'm sure, many people here.
Thanks to Denee Varnum for that singing, and the
First Baptist Church Choir and Orchestra for that assist on The
Battle Hymn of the Republic. And may I salute -- I think
Congressman Sam Johnson of Dallas and Dick Army of the
neighboring district are here with us tonight; both doing a
superb job. (Applause.)
And, of course, another old friend for Barbara and
me, now doing a superb job for this city, Mayor Steve Bartlett.
You're lucky to have him -- you Dallas folks are lucky to have
him as your leader. (Applause.)
And in my line of work, loyalty and friendship
really count. And I want to single out Dr. Jerry Falwell, who is
with us tonight because he sure fits that description as far as
the Bush family goes. (Applause.) And I'm sorry that I missed
Dr. E.V. Hill who -- I was with him in his church in South
Central out there in Los Angeles. I understand he just wowed
them here tonight. But here's a real man of the cloth and a man
I respect enormously. I wish he were here now. (Applause.)
And, of course, special thanks to our organizer and
wonderfully dedicated chairman, Ed McAteer. (Applause.) A man
who I was sitting next to, he and I go back many, many years out
here in Texas, and he was reminding me of a meeting we had some-
36 years ago out in West Texas -- Ed Drake, chairman of the
National NAB. or is he the local chairman? Which are you?
Local chairman -- all right. And Dr. Jack Graham, the chairman
of the Ministerial Committee.
And let me just say it's a pleasure to be here. And
I've got a very difficult assignment; I plan to fulfill it to the
letter. I was told that this is a nonpolitical event. We're
just coming off of a fantastic campaign swing, so I'm going to
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cool it down, though, and talk about things that I think are near
and dear to our hearts.
You see, we meet tonight at a time of great change.
It's exciting change -- makes me wish I was about 40 years
younger at times. In both the world and our nation this change
is exciting. And changes are taking place and they literally
defy the imagination. I remember 10 years ago, when one of God's
great soldiers, a friend to all here, I'm sure, visited Europe
and the Soviet Union. And returning to America, Dr. Billy Graham
predicted that freedom would outlast tyranny. He'd sensed
something as he traveled across that monolithic communist empire.
And the doubters said he'd been tricked. But Dr.
Graham Billy - knew something they didn't. He knew the
chains of oppression forged by men were no match to the keys to
salvation forged by God. (Applause.) And over the past three-
and-a-half years bayonets have been no match for the
righteousness of God.
Now, look to Bulgaria, where at last people wish
Merry Christmas not only in the privacy of their homes, but in
public, in the streets. Look to Russia, where a cathedral that
was called the All Union Museum of Religion and Atheism now
houses God's Apostles. or the former East Germany, where Bible
studies are like bluebonnets in Texas in the spring. They're
busting out all over. (Applause.)
In a season of thanksgiving the world says grace.
And by God's providence the Cold War is over and freedom finished
first. (Applause.) And because of the changes that have been
wrought outside our nation, our children and our grandchildren
now sleep in the sweet sunshine of peace. And now it is our
challenge, it is our sacred challenge to build for them a nation
that is as secure from the inside as it is safe from the outside.
(Applause.)
I met not long ago with some of the mayors of our
great cities in this country. It was the directors or the
executive board of the National League of Cities. And I asked
what was the root of the ills with which they are afflicted in
these cities. Problems like crime, drug abuse, unemployment.
And they could have complained of the lack of government money,
but they didn't. They could have complained at the lack of
government programs, but they didn't.
These mayors, including those from the other party,
liberal, conservative, Republican, Democrat, large city, small
city, said that all their problems could be traced to the
breakdown of the American family. (Applause.) And I would
simply add to that, an erosion of traditional moral and religious
values on which our very nation was founded. (Applause.) And
some want us to get away from that -- some want us to get off of
that theme, get away from that. I simply cannot do it. It is
too fundamental -- leave out the election -- it is fundamental
that we restore and strengthen the American family. (Applause.)
NOW, this week you saw a very charismatic, dynamic,
insightful Bush family member appear on television and talk to
the nation. I'm speaking, of course, of our First Lady, Barbara.
(Applause.) And by the way, I recall the Book of Proverbs said
that "Grandchildren are the crown of the aged." Well, while I
wouldn't quite put myself up there with the aged yet -- some
will, but I don't put myself there -- I must tell you I felt like
I was wearing a crown the other night when I listened to one of
our grandkids, George P., speak to this nation. (Applause.)
This is a family night here, and I hope you'll
understand how emotional Barbara and I felt when we saw this
little guy get up. I asked him ahead of time, "Are you scared?"
Oh, no, no, he wasn't scared at all. But he carried it off well,
and he spoke from the heart.
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And then yesterday, we were over in Gulfport,
Mississippi, and then at this marvelous country music town of
Branson, Missouri, and we saw a sign, "George P. in 2024. Viva
Bush." It's wonderful -- (applause.)
But you know, in a tough political year -- it's been
pretty tough, let's face it. And all the criticism, but it all
subsides. It all gets into proper perspective when you see your
own grandkid up there, and can take pride in what your family
does.
You know, Barbara in her speech said something I
remember. She said, "To us, family means putting your arms
around each other, and being there." Now, those are truly words
of insight and wisdom. And when I speak of family values, of
restoring a little moral and religious fiber to our nation's
diet, my opponents accuse me of mouthing slogans.
But it is no slogan that America remains the most
resolutely religious nation on God's great Earth. And it is no
slogan to say that America will always occupy a special place in
God's heart. (Applause.) But that is true only as long as we
keep Him in a special place in our hearts. (Applause.)
And so I believe that now that the world has become
more like America, it is time for America to become more like
herself. And that means strengthening the American family and,
yes, it means increasing our faith in God. (Applause.)
Government policy can make a difference. And that's
why I fought for changes -- some that Steve was generous enough
to talk about -- in our welfare laws to encourage families to
stay together; fathers to stick around; children to be able to
save a little money when their mother's on welfare so they can
get themselves educated. We've got to change the way the old
welfare system has worked.
And when Congress was considering a new law giving
parents help with child care, I fought to make sure that parents
would be able to choose the child care provider of their choice.
(Applause.) And I fought especially hard and we were successful
on this one, to allow care provided in religious settings. We
had to fight, but we won that fight. (Applause.)
You see, when it comes to deciding who should care
for children when parents are working, I believe government
doesn't know best; parents know best; parents should choose.
(Applause.)
The same is true of education. I have spoken often
of roots and wings. Wings, of course, are the subjects our
children learn -- math, science, English -- that allow them to
make their way in our complex world economy. But just as
important are the roots, the moral values taught around the
kitchen table or in our churches. And, yes, as Dr. Rogers said,
I believe, in our schools. (Applause.' ) For without roots our
children will never find the moral and good direction.
Many parents want their children to attend religious
schools, but they simply can't afford it. And so I am fighting
for a G.I. Bill for Children. It will give federal money to
working parents so that they can choose the best school for their
children. And the choice should include all schools -- public,
private, and religious. (Applause.)
I happen to believe that, just as we fix our economy
and improve our schools, we've got to strengthen our moral
foundation. And I could make one political comment, I was struck
by the fact that the other party took words to put together their
platform but left out three simple letters -- God. As you may
have heard, Governor Casey of Pennsylvania was also shut out of
the convention because he wanted to talk about the rights of the
unborn. At least he's in good company. My party's platform is
- 4 -
different. We are proud to celebrate our country's Judeo-
Christian heritage unrivaled in the world. (Applause.)
And while you're still standing may I say --
(laughter) -- as I said I happen to believe that all human life
is precious, born or unborn. (Applause.)
And I think it's ridiculous that a 13-year-old girl
here in Dallas has to get her mother's permission to get her ears
pierced in a mall, but can get an abortion without telling her
mom and dad. (Applause.) That doesn't make sense to me. And I
don't believe it makes sense to most Americans. (Applause.)
And something's wrong when kids can get birth
control in school, but can't say a prayer in school. (Applause.)
And if Congress can debate the merits of Vanna White appearing on
the Home Shopping Network, surely, Congress can find enough time
to pass an amendment to allow our kids to thank God. And so I
call on the Congress again, and I'll keep calling on them to pass
a constitutional amendment allowing voluntary prayer.
(Applause.) Let us bring the faith of our fathers back to
schools.
These are the kinds of issues that I care about and,
certainly, I know you care about. And so I'm not going to be
dissuaded by the critics who call family values a cliche, who say
that family values have no place in our national debate. I will
ignore those who would rather not talk about a moral revival in
America because I believe it is as important as any other
challenge that we face. (Applause.)
And Barbara and I have crisscrossed the country
today. Started out in Missouri, went to Georgia, spent our
afternoon in Birmingham, Alabama, where a crowd of 20,000 people
were kind enough to wait in the rain to see us. And as we came
out on the stage, singer Lee Greenwood was just beginning that
marvelous anthem you know -- a beautiful version of the song,
"I'm Proud To Be An American."
And as I looked over the crowd -- the rain was
pouring down, falling -- and I saw a little girl with blond
ringlets perched upon her dad's shoulders. And she had a little
ball cap on her head, an American flag in one hand. And as Lee
Greenwood began to sing she began to wave the flag and I looked
and in her other hand she had scrawled a sign. And all the rain
had smudged the ink, but I could still make out the words "I love
America. America loves God." (Applause.)
And that little girl will grow up in a world filled
with miracle medicines, a world where all the volumes of all the
books in the Library of Congress will be able to be stored on one
tiny little disk. And while scientific progress is good, it is
my fervent hope that she will also come of age in a nation where
family is always first and where the Creator is worshipped above
all else. (Applause.) And that is what has made America the
greatest nation on God's Earth. And it is our faith which will
guarantee that the sun never sets on our nation.
I'm just delighted to have been with you. Thank you
for inviting us. And may God bless this most wondrous land on
the face of the Earth, the United States of America. (Applause.)
Thank you very, very much.
END
9:45 P.M. CDT
MORE
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Houston, Texas)
For Immediate Release
August 20, 1992
ADDRESS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION
Houston Astrodome
Houston, Texas
9:20 P.M. CDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all very much. Thank you,
thank you very much. And I am proud to receive, and I am honored
to accept your nomination for President of the United states.
(Applause.)
May I thank my dear friend and our great leader, Bob
Dole, for that wonderful introduction. (Applause.)
Let me say this: This nomination is not for me
alone. It is for the ideas, principles, and values that we stand
for.
My job -- my job has been made easier by a leader
who's taken a lot of unfair criticism, with grace and humor --
the Vice President of the United States, Dan Quayle. (Applause.)
And I am very grateful to him.
I want to talk tonight about the sharp choice that I
intend to offer Americans this fall -- a choice between different
agendas, different directions, and, yes, a choice about the
character of the man you want to lead this nation.
I know that Americans have many questions -- about
our economy, about our country's future, even questions about me.
And I'll answer them tonight.
First, I feel great. (Applause.) And I am
heartened -- I'm heartened by the polls -- the ones that say that
I look better in my jogging shorts than the Governor of Arkansas!
(Applause.)
Four years ago, I spoke about missions -- for my
life and for our country. I spoke of one urgent mission --
defending our security and promoting the American ideal abroad.
Just pause for a moment to reflect on what we've
done.
Germany is united -- and a slab of the Berlin Wall
sits right outside this Astrodome. (Applause.)
Arabs and Israelis now sit face-to-face and talk
peace.
Every hostage held in Lebanon is free. (Applause.)
The conflict in El Salvador is over, and free
elections brought democracy to Nicaragua. (Applause.)
Black and white South Africans cheered each other at
the Olympics.
The Soviet Union can only be found in history books.
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The captive nations of Eastern Burope and the
Baltics are captive no more.
And today on the rural streets of Poland, merchants
sell cans of air labeled: The last breath of communism.
(Applause.)
If I had stood before you four years ago and
described this as the world we would help to build, you would
have said: "George Bush, you must have been smoking something,
and you must have inhaled." (Applause.)
This convention is the first at which an American
President can say the Cold War is over, and freedom finished
first. (Applause.)
AUDIENCE: USA, USA, USA, USA --
THE PRESIDENT: some want to rewrite history, want
to skip over the struggle, claim the outcome was inevitable. And
while the U.S. postwar strategy was largely bipartisan, the fact
remains that the liberal, McGovern wing of the other party --
including my opponent -- consistently made the wrong choices.
(Applause.)
In the 70s, they wanted a hollow army -- we wanted a
strong fighting force.
In the 80s -- and you remember this one -- in the
'80s, they wanted a nuclear freeze -- and we insisted on peace
through strength. (Applause.)
From Angola to Central America -- they said, "Let's
negotiate, deliberate, procrastinate." We said -- just stand up
for freedom.
Now the Cold War is over and they claim, "Hey, we
were with you all the way!"
AUDIENCE: B000 --
THE PRESIDENT: You know, their behavior -- really,
their behavior reminds me of the old con man's advice to the new
kid. He said, "son, if you're being run out of town, just get
out in front and make it look like a parade." (Applause.)
Well, make no mistake the demise of communism
wasn't a sure thing, it took the strong leadership of presidents
from both parties, including Republicans like Richard Nixon and
Gerald Ford and Ronald Reagan. (Applause.) And without their
vision and the support of the American people, the Soviet Union
would be a strong superpower today and we'd be facing a nuclear
threat tonight.
My opponents say I spend too much time on foreign
policy, as if it didn't matter that schoolchildren once hid under
their desks in drills to prepare for nuclear war. I saw the
chance to rid our children's dreams of the nuclear nightmare, and
I did. (Applause.) over the past four years, more people have
breathed the fresh air of freedom than in all of human history.
I saw a chance to help, and I did. (Applause.) These were the
two defining opportunities -- not of a year, not of a decade, but
of an entire span of human history.
I seized those opportunities for our kids and our
grandkids, and I make no apologies for that. (Applause.)
Now, the Soviet bear may be gone, but there are
still wolves in the woods. We saw that when saddam Hussein
invaded Kuwait. The Mideast might have become a nuclear powder
keg -- our energy supplies held hostage. So we did what was
right and what was necessary. We destroyed a threat, freed a
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people, and locked a tyrant in the prison of his own country.
(Applause.)
What about the leader of the Arkansas National Guard
-- the man who hopes to be Commander-In-Chief? well, I bit the
bullet, and he bit his nails. (Applause.)
Listen to this now. Two days after Congress
followed my lead, my opponent said this, and I quote directly:
"I guess I would have voted with the majority if it was a close
vote. But I agree with the arguments the minority made."
Now, sounds to me like his policy can be summed up
by a road sign he's probably seen on his bus tour, "slippery When
Wet." (Applause.)
Look, this is serious business.
Think about the impact of our foreign policy
failures the last time the Democrats controlled both ends of
Pennsylvania Avenue. Gas lines. Grain embargoes. American
hostages blindfolded.
There will be more foreign policy challenges like
Kuwait in the next four years. Terrorists and aggressors to
stand up to; dangerous weapons to be controlled and destroyed.
And freedom's fight is not finished. And I look forward to being
the first President to visit a free, democratic Cuba.
(Applause.)
who will lead the world in the face of these
challenges? Not my opponent. In his acceptance speech he
devoted just 65 seconds to telling us about the world.
Then he said that America was -- and I quote again
-- I want to be fair and factual -- I quote, being "ridiculed"
everywhere. well, tell that to the people around the world, for
whom America is still a dream. Tell that to leaders around the
world, from whom America commands respect. (Applause.)
Ridiculed? Tell that to the men and women of Desert storm.
(Applause.)
AUDIENCE: USA, USA, USA, USA --
THE PRESIDENT: Let me just make an aside comment
here, because of what you've been reading in the paper. This is
a political year, but there's a lot of danger in the world. You
can be sure I will never let politics interfere with a foreign
policy decision. Forget the election; I will do right -- what is
right for the national security of the United states of America.
And that is a pledge from my heart. (Applause.)
Fifty years ago this summer, I was 18 years of age.
I see some young people in the audience tonight, and I remember
how I felt in those days. (Applause.) I believed deeply in this
country, and we were faced with a world war. so I made a
decision, to go off and fight a battle much different from
political battles.
And I was scared. but I was willing. I was young,
but I was ready. I had barely lived when I began to watch men
die. I began to see the special place of America in the world.
And I began to see, even then, that the world would become a much
smaller place, and faraway places could become more and more like
America.
And 50 years later. after change of almost biblical
proportions, we know that when freedom grows, America grows,
Just as a strong America means a safer world, we have learned
that a safer world means a stronger America. (Applause.)
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This election is about change. But that's not
unusual, because the American revolution is never ending. Today,
the pace of change is accelerating. We face new opportunities
and new challenges. The question is -- who do you trust to make
change work for you?
AUDIENCE: George Bush! George Bush! George Bush!
THE PRESIDENT: My opponent says America is a nation
in decline. of our economy he says, we are somewhere on the list
beneath Germany, heading south toward Sri Lanka.
Well, don't let anyone tell you that America is
second-rate, especially somebody running for president.
(Applause.)
Maybe he hasn't heard that we are still the world's
largest economy. No other nation sells more outside its borders.
The Germans, the British, the Japanese can't touch the
productivity of you -- the American worker and the American
farmer. (Applause.) My opponent won't mention that. He won't
remind you that interest rates are the lowest they've been in 20
years, and millions of Americans have refinanced their homes.
(Applause.) And you just won't hear that inflation -- the thief
of the middle-class -- has been locked in a maximum security
prison.
You don't hear much about this good news because the
media also tends to focus only on the bad. When the Berlin wall
fell, I half expected to see a headline: "Wall Falls, Three
Border Guards Lose Jobs." (Laughter.) And underneath it
probably says: "Clinton Blames Bush." (Laughter.)
You don't hear a lot about progress in America. so
let me tell you about some good things we've done together.
Just two weeks ago, all three nations of North
America agreed to trade freely from Manitoba to Mexico. This
will bring good jobs to Main street USA. (Applause.)
we passed the Americans with Disabilities Act --
bringing 43 million people into the economic mainstream. I must
say, it's about time. (Applause.)
our children will breathe easier because of our new
Clean Air Act.
We are rebuilding our roads. providing jobs for more
than half a million Americans.
We passed a child care law, and we took a stand for
family values by saying that when it comes to raising children,
government doesn't know best, parents know best. (Applause.)
I've fought against prejudice and anti-Semitism all
my life. And I am proud that we strengthened our civil rights
laws -- and we did it without resorting to quotas. (Applause.)
And one more thing of vital importance to all.
Today, cocaine use has fallen by 60 percent among young people.
To the teenagers, the parents and the volunteers who are helping
us battle the scourge of drugs in America, we say, thank you;
thank you from the bottom of our hearts. (Applause.)
Do I want to do more? You bet. Nothing hurts me
more than to meet with soldiers home from the Persian Gulf who
can't find a job; or workers who have a job, but worry that the
next day will bring a pink slip. And what about parents who
scrape and struggle to send their kids to college, only to find
them back living at home, because they can't get work.
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The world is in transition, and we are feeling that
transition in our homes. The defining challenge of the '90s is
to win the economic competition -- to win the peace.
We must be a military superpower. an economic
superpower, and an export superpower. (Applause.)
In this election, you'll hear two versions of how to
do this. Theirs is to look inward, and protect what we already
have. Ours is to look forward -- to open new markets, prepare our
people to compete, to restore our social fabric -- to save and
invest -- so we can win. (Applause.)
We believe that now that the world looks more like
America, it's time for America to look more like herself. And so
we offer a philosophy that puts faith in the individual, not the
bureaucracy. A philosophy that empowers people to do their best,
so America can be at its best. In a world that is safer and
freer, this is how we will build an America that is stronger,
safer and more secure.
We start with a simple fact: Government is too big,
and spends too much. (Applause.)
I've asked Congress to put a lid on mandatory
spending except social Security. And I've proposed doing away
with over 200 programs and 4,000 wasteful projects and to freeze
all other spending. (Applause.)
The gridlock Democrat Congress said: "No."
AUDIENCE: BOOOO --
THE PRESIDENT: so, beginning tonight, I will
enforce the spending freeze on my own. And if Congress sends me
a bill spending more than I asked for in my budget, I will veto
it fast. (Applause.) Veto it fast -- faster than copies of
Millie's book sold.
Now, Congress won't cut spending, but refuses to
give the President the power to eliminate pork barrel projects
that waste your money. Forty-three governors have that power.
So I ask you, the American people: Give me a Congress that will
give me the line-item veto. (Applause.)
Let me tell you about a recent battle I fought with
the Congress, a battle in which I was aided by Bob Michel and his
troops, and Bob Dole and his. This spring, I worked day and
night to get two-thirds of the House members to approve a
balanced budget amendment to the Constitution.
We almost had it. but we lost by just nine votes.
Now, listen how. Just before the vote, the liberal leaders of
the Congress convinced 12 members who cosponsored the bill, to
switch sides and vote no. Keep in mind, they voted against a
bill they had already put their names on.
Something fishy is going on. And look at my
opponent on this issue. Look at my opponent. He says he's for
balanced budgets. But he came out against the amendment. He's
like that on a lot of issues, first one side, then the other.
He's been spotted in more places than Elvis Presley. (Applause.)
After all these years, Congress has become pretty
creative at finding ways to waste your money. so we need to be
just as creative at finding ways to stop them. I have a brand
new 1dea. Taxpayers should be given the right to check a box on
their tax returns, so that up to 10 percent of their payments can
go (Applause.) for one purpose alone: to reduce the national debt.
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But we also need to make sure -- we need to make
sure that Congress doesn't just turn around and borrow more money
to spend more money. so I will require that for every tax dollar
set aside to cut the debt, the ceilings on spending will be cut
by an equal amount. (Applause.) That way, we will cut both debt
and spending, and take a whack out of the budget deficit.
(Applause.)
My feelings about big government come from my
experience; I spent half my adult life in the private sector. My
opponent has a different experience, he's been in government
nearly all his life. His passion to expand government knows no
bounds.
He's already proposed -- and listen to this
carefully -- he has already proposed $220 billion in new
spending, along with the biggest tax increase in history -- $150
billion dollars -- and that's just to start.
AUDIENCE: Booo --
THE PRESIDENT: He says he wants to tax the rich,
but, folks, he defines rich as anyone who has a jcb. (Laughter.)
You've heard of the separations of powers. Well, my
opponent practices a different theory: the power of separations.
Government has the power to separate you from your wallet.
(Laughter.)
Now let me say this: When it comes to taxes, I'
learned the hard way. There's an old saying: "Good judgment
comes from experience, and experience comes from bad judgment
Two years ago, I made a bad call on the Democrats
tax increase. I underestimated Congress's addiction to taxes
with my back against the wall, I agreed to a hard bargain: One
tax increase one time in return for the toughest spending limits
ever.
Well, it was a mistake to go along with the
Democratic tax increase. (Applause.) And I admit it. But
here's the question for the American people. who do you trust in
this election? The candidate who raised taxes one time and
regrets it, or the other candidate who raised taxes and fees 128
times, and enjoyed it every time? (Applause.)
AUDIENCE: Viva Bush! Viva Bush!
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much.
AUDIENCE: Hit 'em again. harder. harder. Hit 'em
again, harder, harder --
THE PRESIDENT: when the new Congress convenes next
January, I will propose to further reduce taxes across the board
-- provided we pay for these cuts with specific spending
reductions that I consider appropriate, so that we do not
increase the deficit. (Applause.) I will also continue to fight
to increase the personal exemption and to create jobs by winning
a cut in capital gains taxes. (Applause.)
That will especially help small businesses. You
know, they create -- small businesses -- they create two-thirds
of the new jobs in America. But my opponent's plan for small
business is clear, present -- and dangerous. Beside new income
taxes, his plan will lead to a new payroll tax to pay for a
government takeover of health care, and another new tax to pay
for training. And that is just the beginning.
And if he gets his way, hardware stores across
America will have a new sign up: "Closed for despair." And I
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guess you'd say his plan really is "Elvis Economics. America
will be checking into the "Heartbreak Hotel." (Applause.)
I believe that small business needs relief -- from
taxation, regulation, and litigation. (Applause.)
And, thus, I will extend for one year the freeze on
paperwork and unnecessary federal regulation that I imposed last
winter. (Applause.) There is no reason -- there is no reason
that federal regulations should live longer than my friend George
Burns. I will issue an order to get rid of any rule whose time
has come -- and gone.
I see something happening in our towns and in our
neighborhoods. Sharp lawyers are running wild. Doctors are
afraid to practice medicine. And some moms and pops won't even
coach Little League any more. We must sue each other less -- and
care for each other more. (Applause.)
I am fighting to reform our legal system, to put an
end to crazy lawsuits. And if that means climbing into the ring
with the trial lawyers, well, let me just say, round one starts
tonight. (Applause.)
After all, my opponent's campaign is being backed by
practically every trial lawyer who ever wore a tasselled loafer.
(Applause.) He's not in the ring with them. he's in the tank.
There are other things we need to do to get our
economy up to speed -- prepare our kids for the next century.
We must have new incentives for research, and new training for
workers. Small businesses need capital and credit, and defense
workers need new jobs. And I have a plan to provide affordable
health care for every American, controlling costs by cutting
paperwork and lawsuits, and expanding coverage to the poorest of
the poor.
We do not need my opponent's plan for a massive
government takeover of health care, which would ration care and
deny you the right to choose the doctor. (Applause.) Who wants
a health care -- who wants health care with a system with the
efficiency of the House Post Office, and the compassion of the
KGB?
what about our schools? What about our schools? My
opponent and I both want to change the way our kids learn. He
wants to change our schools a little bit, and I want to change
them a lot.
Take the issue of whether parents should be able to
choose the best school for their kids. My opponent says that's
okay -- as long as the school is run by government. And I say
every pkrent and child should have a real choice of schools --
public, private or religious. (Applause.)
So we have a clear choice to fix our problems. DO
we turn to the tattered blanket of bureaucracy that other nations
are tossing away? or do we give our people the freedom and
incentives to build security for themselves?
Here's what I'm fighting for.
-- Open markets for American products,
-- lower government spending,
-- tax relief.
-- opportunities for small business,
-- legal and health reform,
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-- job training,
-- and new schools built on competition, ready for
the 21st century. (Applause.)
Why are these proposals not in effect today? Only
one reason -- the gridlock Democratic Congress. (Applause.)
It's a very good idea -- a very good idea.
Now, I know Americans are tired of the blame game,
tired of people in Washington acting like they're candidates for
the next episode of American Gladiators. I don't like iw,
either. Neither should you. But the truth is the truth. Our
policies have not failed, they haven't even been tried.
(Applause.)
Americans want jobs. And on January 28th. I put.
before Congress a plan to create jobs. And if it had been passed
back then, 500,000 more Americans would be at work right now.
But in a nation that demands action -- Congress has become the
master of inaction.
It wasn't always this way. I heard President Ford
tonight. I served in Congress 22 years ago, under him. And,
back then, we cooperated, we didn't get personal, we put the
people above everything else. Heck, we didn't even own blow
dryers back in those days.
At my first inauguration -- I said that people
didn't send us to bicker. I extended my hand -- and I think the
American people know this -- I extended my hand to the
congressional leaders, to the Democratic leaders -- and they bit
it.
The House neadership has not changed in 38 years.
It is a body caught in a hopelessly tangled web of PACs, perks,
privileges, partnership, and paralysis. (Applause.) Every day.
Congress puts politics ahead of principle, and above progress.
Now, let me give you just one example. February
20th, 1991. It was at the height of the Gulf War. On that very
same day, I asked American pilots to risk their lives to fly
missions over Baghdad. And I also wanted to strengthen our
economic security for the future. so that very same day, I
introduced a new domestic energy strategy which would cut our
dependence on foreign oil by 7 million barrels a day.
How many days did it take to win the Gulf war?
Forty-three. How many did it take Congress to pass a national
energy strategy? Five hundred and thirty-two -- and still
counting. (Applause.) I have ridden stationary bikes that can
move faster than the United States House of Representatives and
the United States Senate, controlled by the Democrat leadership.
(Applause.)
AUDIENCE: Hit 'em again. hit 'em again, harder,
harder.
THE PRESIDENT: I'm fixing to. (Applause.) Where
does my opponent stand with Congress? well, up in New York at
their convention, they kept the congressional leaders away from
the podium -- hid them away. And they didn't want America to
hear from the people who really make the decisions. They hid
them for a very good reason -- because the American people would
recognize a dangerous combination: A rubber check Congress --
and a rubber stamp President. (Applause.)
Governor Clinton and Congress know that you've
caught on to their lingo. They know when they say, "spending,"
you say -- "uh-oh." So now they have a new word. "investment."
They want to "invest" $220 billion more of your money -- but I
want you to keep it. (Applause.)
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Governor Clinton and Congress want to put through
the largest tax increase in history, but I will not let that
happen. (Applause.) And Governor Clinton and Congress don't
want kids to have the option of praying in school, but I do.
(Applause.) Clinton and Congress don't want to close legal
loopholes and keep criminals behind bars, but I will.
(Applause.) Clinton and Congress will stock the Judiciary with
liberal judges who write laws they can't get approved by the
voters.
Governor Clinton even says that Mario Cuomo belongs
on the Supreme Court. (Laughter.) Wait a minute, though. No,
wait. Maybe not a bad idea. If you believe in judicial
restraint, you probably ought to be happy. After all, the good
Governor of New York can't make up his mind between chocolate and
vanilla at Baskin Robbins. (Applause.) He's there, we won't
have another court decision for 35 years. And maybe that's all
right, too.
Are my opponent and Congress really in cahoots?
Look Congress? at one important question: should we limit the terms of
AUDIENCE: Yes. (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: Governor Clinton says, no. Congress
says, no. I say: Yes. (Applause.)
We tried this -- look, we tried this once before,
combining the Democratic governor of a small southern state, with
a very liberal vice president, and a Democratic Congress.
America does not need "Carter II." (Applause.) We do not want
to take America back to those days of malaise. But Americans
Washington? want to know -- where's proof that we will have better days in
I'll give you 150 reasons. And that's how many
members of Congress are expected to leave Washington this year.
Some are tainted by scandal -- the voters have bounced them the
way they bounced their own checks. But others are good members.
just doesn't work anymore.
Republican and Democrat. And they agree with me -- the place
have a fresh view of America's future.
-- will be coming to Washington this fall. And every one will
One hundred-fifty new members -- from both parties
after this election, I will meet with every one of these
I pleige today to the American people, immediately
I will staffs, and cornered by some camera crew. (Applause.) And
members, their before they get attacked by the PACs, overwhelmed by
America. change that makes a difference. Change that is right for
lay out my case for change. Change that matters, real
that maybe it's time to get back to our roots.
You see, there is a yearning in America, a feeling
around. I believe in families that stick together, fathers who
Sure we must change, but some values are timeless.
believe human being, born or unborn. (Applause.)
individual And I happen to believe very deeply in the worth stick of each
and in teaching our kids the difference between what's And I
special neighbors. And I believe that America will to
their what's right, teaching them respect for hard work and wrong love
in place in God's heart, as long as he has a special always have a
that ours. (Applause.) And maybe that's why I've always believed place
patriotism is not just another point of view.
God introduces you toyourself. And I remember such a life time. when It
There are times in every young person's
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was back many years ago, when I stood watch at 4 a.m.. up on tho
bridge of a submarine, the United states Finback -- U.S.S.
Finback. And I would stand there and look out on the blackness
of the sky, broken only by the sparkling stars above. And I
would think about friends I lost, a country I loved, and about a
girl named Barbara. (Applause.) And I remember -- I remember
those nights as clearly as any in my life.
You know, you can see things from up there that
other people don't see. You can see storm clouds rise and then
disappear. The first hint of the sun over the horizon, and the
first outline of the shore faraway.
Now, I know that Americans. are uneasy today. There
is anxious talk around our kitchen tables. But from where I
stand, I see not Ame ica's sunset, but a sunrise.
The world changes for which we've sacrificed for a
generation, have finally come to pass, and with them a rare and
unprecedented opportunity, to pass the sweet cup of prosperity
around our American table.
Are we up to it? I know we are. As J travel our
land, I meet veterans who once worked the turrets of a tank, and
can now master the keyboards of high-tech economy. I see
teachers, blessed with the incredible American capacity for
innovation, who are teaching our children a new way to learn. for
a new century. I meet parents, some working two jobs with hectic
schedules, who still find new ways to teach old values to steady
their kids in a turbulent world.
And I take heart from what is happening in America,
not from those who profess a new passion for government, but from
those with an old and enduring faith in the human potential.
Those who understand that the genius of America is our capacity
for rebirth and renewal. America is the land where the sun is
always peeking over the horizon.
Tonight I appeal to that unyielding, undying.
undeniable American spirit. I ask you to consider, now that the
entire world is moving our way, why would we want to go back
their way? I ask not just for your support for my agenda, but
for your commitment to renew and rebuild our nation -- by shaking
up the one institution that has withstood change for over four
decades. (Applause.) Join me in rolling away the roadblock at
the other end of Pennsylvania Avenue, so that in the next four
years. we will match our accomplishments outside, by building a
stronger, safer, more secure America inside.
Forty-four years ago -- in another age of
uncertainty -- a different president embarked on a similar
mission. His name was Harry S. Truman. And as he stood before
his party to accept their nomination, Harry Truman knew the
freedom I know this evening, the freedom to talk about what's
right for America, and let the chips fall where they may.
Harry Truman said this: "This is more than a
political call to arms. Give me your help, not to win votes
alone, but to win this new crusade and keep America safe and
secure for its own people.
Well, tonight I say to you -- join me in our new
crusade -- to reap the rewards of our global victory -- to win
the peace -- so that we may make America safer and stronger --
for all ouz people.
May God bless you. and may God bless the United
States of America. Thank you very much. Thank you so much.
Thank you all. (Applause.)
END
10:20 P.M. CDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
August 7, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT CEREMONY HONORING THE
50TH ANNIVERSARY OF LANDING ON GUADALCANAL
Marine Corps Memorial
Arlington, Virginia
11:11 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all very much. Thank you, Mr.
Secretary. Senator Chafee, and the other members of Congress that
are with us who are veterans of Guadalcanal. May I salute the
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs General Colin Powell; Commandant of the
Marines Carl Mundy. General Sullivan, Commandant of the Army is with
us. The Acting Secretary of the Navy Sean O'Keefe; distinguished
Commandant of the Coast Guard William Kime; and of course, the Medal.
of Honor recipient, Mitchell Paige. But most important, you Marines.
I would like to open -- (applause.) I thought they had
a little life left in them.
I'd like to open if I may with a story. It's a story of
heroism, a story of courage, sacrifice. It's a story from
Guadalcanal. Kenneth Bailey was commanding officer of Company C, 1st
Marine Raider Battalion, when his men were called upon to defend
Henderson Field during the Japanese assault September 12 and 13th of
1942. The enemy had penetrated our main line of defense, their
number superior to ours. And only a miracle it seemed could defend
that airfield.
And Major Bailey and his men provided the miracle,
turning back the flank attack, then covering the withdrawal of our
main force. And in the fighting, Major Bailey sustained severe
wounds to his head. And even so, for 10 hours he and his men engaged
the enemy in vicious hand-to-hand combat.
The attack was repulsed and Henderson Field was secured.
And Major Bailey died two weeks later from machine-gun fire in yet
another battle on Guadalcanal. He received the Congressional Medal
of Honor for his gallantry on Bloody Ridge.
Major Bailey's story serves as a summation for thousands
of other stories; tales that could be told by the brave men gathered
here who survived the hell that was Guadalcanal.
Secretary Cheney mentioned the lesson of those battles,
and I'm struck, recounting Major Bailey's story, of one lesson in
particular. Kenneth Bailey was from Pawnee, Oklahoma, a town of 2,00
near the Arkansas River in the north central part of the state. And
in the months and years before the great war in the Pacific, who
could have predicted that a son from Pawnee, Oklahoma; or the sons of
Raritan, New Jersey; or Sioux Falls, South Dakota; or Rutland,
Vermont -- who could have foretold that these young men from every
corner of America would be called upon to defend freedom 6,000 miles
away on an obscure Pacific island called Guadalcanal?
It's safe to say that few, if any, had ever heard of the
island. None could have predicted what would transpire there. But
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it was on Guadalcanal that the forces of freedom began their long
march -- a march that wouldn't end until three years later in Tokyo
Bay on the deck of the USS Missouri. (Applause.)
No one can foretell when or where freedom will be
challenged. That is one of the lessons of Guadalcanal. How many
Americans in 1947 had heard of Inchon or Pusin or Chosin? How many
of us 15 years later had heard of De Nang or Khe Sahn? And how few
Americans in the summer of '90 had yet heard of Khafji or Safwan.
And yet today, these names are indelibly part of the roll call of
honor, places where Americans made their stand and offered up their
sweat and blood to a cause greater than themselves.
And we honor the dead, not merely for their sake, but
for our own sake as well. And in commemoration and remembrance, we
learn again that freedom, in the deepest sense, always hangs in the
balance. That we earn it day by day in hot wars and cold; that its
price, as Jefferson said, is eternal vigilance, an endlessly renewed
dedication to keeping our great country strong, our defenses second
to none, our leadership unquestioned and unchallenged.
There was a rhyme passed around during those dark six
months that I'm sure many Marines here today out front remember. Six
months, as the battle raged on, when freedom hung by the unbreakable
thread of American bravery and resolve. Every Marine who wasn't
fighting on the island knew the lines, "Say a prayer for your pal on
Guadalcanal.
"
This morning in this place -- and thank you, Pastor, for
your loving invocation -- this morning and in this place, we remember
those words and the men who inspired them. And with hearts full of
pride and awe and thanksgiving, we once again say a prayer for those
who fought and died in a place few had known of, but which all of us
will never forget.
May God bless them. May God bless you. And may God
bless our great country, the United States of America. (Applause.)
Thank you. Thank you very much. (Applause.)
END
11:18 A.M. EDT
THE WHITE. HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Neenah, Wisconsin)
For Immediate Release
July 27, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
UPON ARRIVAL
Outagamie County Airport
Appleton, Wisconsin
1:19 P.M. CDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all for this marvelous
turnout. I do have an official announcement I want to make today.
And I first want to salute Governor Thompson, Senator Kasten, and our
distinguished members of the United States House of Representatives.
Great to be back in this state that's built on faith and family and
freedom. And Wisconsin is a great example to the rest of America --
just as America is to the entire world. (Applause.)
And today I'm very proud to be in a place where programs
like Learnfare and Workfare and the Parental Responsibility Act --
all tell America: "Watch Wisconsin because Wisconsin works."
(Applause.)
And Governor Thompson wants Wisconsin to work even
better. And that's why he's joined my crusade to reform our welfare
system. And let's face it, we know the system has failed the people.
And it doesn't lift families from poverty -- it traps them there.
And welfare discourages families from staying together. And when the
system rips families apart, it's time to rip apart that system.
(Applause.)
Now, Americans yearn to keep families whole and give our
kids the learning skills and, yes, track down parents who run out on
their kids. And they know that if America doesn't change the welfare
system for the better, the welfare system is going to change America
for the worse. And that means trying, therefore, new plans, new
ideas, a new kind of reform. Only then can we break the cycle of
dependency.
In my State of the Union address last January, I made a
commitment to far-reaching reform. And I acted because I believe we
can no longer afford the existing welfare system. And our recipients
can't afford to be dependent on government for their livelihood. And
our taxpayers can't afford to pay the welfare bill. And our economy
can't afford the lost productivity.
And I also acted because I trust the American people and
because I believe that what those on welfare -- what they really want
is a piece of the American Dream -- homeownership, a good job,
opportunities for their children and strong, loving families. And,
therefore, I am determined to make it quicker and easier for states
who choose to reform their welfare systems to get the federal waivers
that they need to help the people help themselves.
Last April, my administration signed a first waiver for
Wisconsin. And today, it will sign a second, giving Governor
Thompson the freedom to further reform this state's welfare program.
(Applause.) Governor Thompson's ultimate goal is to break the cycle
of dependency that traps so many people, and create incentives for
recipients to work and learn. And he understands that more important
MORE
than having an America that helps people in need is building an
America where fewer people need to be helped.
And today, I want to challenge other states in our
country to follow Wisconsin's lead in bringing new ideas to our
welfare system. Last week we approved New Jersey Family
Development Program -- whose reforms in the state welfare program
reward work and unite families. And I am confident other states will
now do what America does best, bring local genius to local needs.
In coming months, we are going to 'Watch Wisconsin" to
see how "Wisconsin Works, " And together, we can help change that
welfare system -- and in doing so, change America. I'm proud to sign
this waiver. I congratulate Governor Thompson and the people of
Wisconsin.
Thank you all very very much. (Applause.)
END
1:28 P.M. CDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Jackson Hole, Wyoming)
For Immediate Release
July 17, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE JACKSON COMMUNITY
Jackson Hole Airport
Jackson Hole, Wyoming
12:05 P.M. MDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all very much. Let me
just say at the beginning of these remarks how grateful I am for
the congressional delegation that I work with in Washington. If
we had more men like the Congressman that just introduced me,
Craig Thomas, if we had more like him in the House I guarantee
you this country would be moving forward faster with opportunity
for all. (Applause.)
And I salute Malcolm Wallop, who I don't think is
with us today but -- also my dear friend, Al Simpson, who stands
tall, all right; we saw that. But he's out there for principle
in the United States Senate. And he's a close personal friend,
he and Ann, to Barbara and me. And we -- that disproves the
theory that goes like this: Well, if you want a dog in
Washington -- I mean, want a friend in Washington, get a dog.
(Laughter.) My view is we've got the Simpsons and several others
like him.
May I thank the Bar-J Wranglers down there, who did
a great job. (Applause.) And the Jackson Hole Community Band.
(Applause.) And others who make this very, very special. I told
the Mayor, Bill Westbrook, because I was sitting next to him here
at barbecue, that for me this is a very special change of pace.
I don't want to argue with my friend, Al Simpson, but we're not
quite into the one-on-one competitive mode yet. I'm going to
hold back a little bit until after the Republican Convention.
And then we're going after it. And we're going to win this
election because I'm going to take the case to the American
people for sure. (Applause.)
I want to salute Senator Cliff Hanson, who is with
us; his wife, Martha. Another Nebraska Senator is here, Senator
Curtis, another good friend. And I'd be remiss if I didn't
single out Estelle Stacie Karrier, with whom I worked when I was
Chairman of the Republican National Committee -- sitting over
here. (Applause.)
And someone told me that another man I was proud to
have served with, Jim Watt, is here, a member of this community,
and I salute him and wish him the best of everything.
(Applause.)
And let me tell you this: with all the hue and cry
of politics, I cannot think of a better way to spend a Friday
noon, Friday afternoon -- the big sky and the hot sun, this
fantastic view, this marvelous helping of baked beans and
coleslaw -- not a single piece of broccoli anywhere on that whole
table. (Laughter and applause.)
In the line over there somebody asked me if I wanted
to comment on this week's big event -- the one that captured the
imagination of millions of TV viewers. And to be brutally
honest, I thought the All-star game would be a lot closer than it
was. (Laughter.)
- 2 -
Let me Just make a few comments because, seriously,
it was an important week in American politics. And I salute the
opposition. They ran a good show there, and I don't think
there's any reason to be bitter or small about all of that. But
I want to say a word about yesterday's happening and about ROSS
Perot and that surprising announcement yesterday.
I admit that as the incumbent President of the
United States that it's tempting to quietly applaud the fact that
this strange year, this strange political year, has suddenly
become "normal." But I can't do that. The grassroots fervor of
the Perot supporters transcends what we call politics as usual.
And you see, a vote was taken this spring and summer
in America. No ballots were cast, but a vote was taken. No
polls opened, but a referendum took place nonetheless. Nobody
won this election, but politics lost. And politics lost because
it's become increasingly irrelevant to many Americans. Its
language is not understood around our kitchen tables. Politics
for too many people has become synonymous with slogans,
posturing, and it's come to mean the opposite of progress.
And today I have a message for anyone who supported
ROSS Perot, and any American who identifies with that frustration
that brought them together: I hear you. And you've come through
loud and clear. And ROSS used to like to say two words more than
any others -- you, meaning the people -- you and win. And today
I can say to his supporters, while politics as usual may have
lost, you have won.
And I hear the voices in so many accents say
attention must be paid to our jobs, our schools, our families.
Attention must be paid to our future. And I hear that call. And.
more than that, I share that frustration.
In my first term in office I have learned that it is
far easier to convince the leaders of diverse nations to mobilize
to confront a tyrant than to convince the Congress to approve a
relatively small tax incentive so that Americans, young
Americans, can buy that first home. And we are going to keep
fighting for those young Americans. (Applause.)
And I say this not to bash the United States
Congress, but to tell you that the view from the White House
looks the same as the view from your front porch. And the system
needs repair. And my message to the disillusioned and the
disaffected is simple: Don't walk away from the system. Don't
assume that without a protest vote there is no vote at all. The
solution to our challenges today is the same that America has
turned to so many times before --that mixture of values,
experience, and ideas that we call leadership.
And what kind of leadership do we need? I believe
that our first priority is to provide more economic opportunity
for more people. (Applause.) You see, too many people have
worked for a company for 20 years only to worry that the next
mail is going to bring in a pink slip. Too many parents have
saved to send their kids to college only to find that the
graduates -- once graduated, a kid can't get a good job.
And the first order of business is to get the
federal deficit down by cutting federal spending. And I need
more help in that end. (Applause.)
And, yes, I believe that we should create incentives
for the people in the businesses who create jobs and give them
access to the new markets that are opening all around the world.
And I also believe that we have to restore the traditional
American values that have held our society together for 200
years. (Applause.)
- 3 -
And you know what they are. we're talking about
respect. We're talking about knowing the difference between
right and wrong. We're talking about helping our neighbors;
putting the family, the American family, first; and putting our
faith in something larger than ourselves. And I happen to know a
silver-haired philosopher who is not with us today, named Barbara
Bush. (Applause.) And she says this: that what happens in your
house is more important than what happens in the White House.
And it is far more important than what happens in the white House
-- and that is true.
I believe government can be a force to strengthen
our families. And government can reward work -- not welfare
dependency. Welfare can encourage families not to fall apart,
but to stick together. And government can give families in
Wyoming and in every other state the option of deciding where our
children should go to school -- a church school, a private
school, or a public school -- wherever their parents choose. And
that is the American way. (Applause.)
And I also believe that we must restore respect for
the law. It is not enough to have peace in the world if people
don't feel safe in their own backyards. (Applause.) what do you
say to an elderly woman who watches the Berlin Wall fall on
television but is afraid to walk to her grocery store? And what
do you say to a 10-year-old kid who hears of the Russians
reducing nuclear weapons and then has to walk through metal
detector at school every morning? You say enough is enough. And
let's put an end to the lawlessness. And let's put an end to the
drug use that results in so much of this illegal behavior.
(Applause.)
And so this is the kind of action I propose today,
right now, to shake up the system, and let American realize the
opportunity before us. I am not pessimistic about the United
states of America. We are the best and the finest, and we have
lots to be proud of. And help me move this country forward.
(Applause.)
I know it's not going to be easy. For three years
now I've proposed dramatic changes in each of these areas that I
mentioned today and run into roadblocks that Senator Simpson
talked about. But as I said, politics as usual can be no more.
You want action and you want change. And to anyone who wants to
block that change, I say what you say: Get out of our way and
let America move forward once again. (Applause.)
For all our challenges, America's potential really
has never been greater. And if we can get our economy moving
faster and restore our families and take back our streets, our
potential is as tall as the mountains that surround us. And can
we do it? You bet. I believe we can. I'm confident we can.
And if we can topple the Berlin Wall, and if we can build a
sturdy economy, and if we can lift the Iron Curtain, and if we
can bring down the curtain on new-age values, if we can help
people walk the streets free in Eastern Europe, we can take back
the streets of America. And we must get that job done.
(Applause.)
And if we can revive a world's faith in freedom, we
can repair the American system. And this is our mission. It's
to renew America, to complete the dream.
I have a feeling that I'm lecturing to the choir
when it comes to family, comes to values, comes to faith. I'm
lecturing to the choir with this group assembled. And I thank
those with civic clubs that have drawn this magnificent crowd
together. But I am going to take this message of hope and
opportunity all across the country. For years from now, when I
come back for a little more trout fishing -- (laughter) -- I look
forward to standing before you to say: Mission accomplished. We
are America. We can get the job done. I need your help.
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And may I just simply say thank you for this
fantastic Wyoming hospitality. And may God bless the United
States of America, the greatest, freest, fairest country on the
face of the Earth. (Applause.)
Thank you all and good luck. Thank you very much.
Thank you so much for a great welcome. What a wonderful way to
come out of the mountains and see the real people that make this
country great. Thank you SO much. (Applause.)
END
12:20 P.M. MDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
June 6, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AND PRIME MINISTER MAJOR OF GREAT BRITAIN
UPON ARRIVAL
Camp David, Maryland
4:05 P.M. EDT
PRESIDENT BUSH: Prime Minister and Mrs. Major, let me
just give you a hearty welcome back to Camp David.
Forty-eight years ago today, Ike and Monty, Churchill
and FDR, Allied soldiers, sailors, Marines and airmen, heroes all,
forged the greatest armada in the history of man -- the D-Day
Invasion.
Our goal was a legacy of peace. And to achieve it, we
first had to win a war. June 6th, 1944, told the world that
aggression will not stand. And so it's fitting that the Prime
Minister and I meet on this historic anniversary of a new beginning
in Europe to talk about our counties' enduring special relationship
and the future challenges that we face in this promising new world.
Already we've responded to each other, not with just the
formal handshake of two allies, but with the embrace of two friends.
And we meet as leaders of nations joined by a common culture and
civilization. Recalling how Dwight Eisenhower, beloved in Britain in
America, once said of freedom: "To preserve it, the Londoner will
fight, and so will the citizen of Abilene."
Over more than four decades of the Cold War, we
reaffirmed our relationship. And then came the Persian Gulf where,
again, we stood fast so that liberty could prevail. Years from now,
people will still marvel at British and American heroism in Operation
Desert Storm. People will also note how the last year reaffirmed the
strength of our alliance, the value of the rule of law, and that
England will always be our friend.
Our nation sprang from England's belief in the sanctity
of the individual. Today, that belief has never been stronger, our
alliance never firmer, our desire never deeper to build a free and
peaceful world.
So, Mr. Prime Minister, let me thank you, sir, for your
determination and Britain's example to the world. Welcome back to
the USA, and I look forward to discussing a wide array of subjects
with you in the couple of days ahead.
Thank you very much for coming our way again.
PRIME MINISTER MAJOR: Well, Mr. President, thank you
very much for inviting Norma and I back here to join you at Camp
David. I seem to recall the first time I came was just on the eve of
the Gulf War, and when you kindly invited us to Kennebunkport it was
just after the Russian Revolution. So we have slightly more clement
times for our discussions over this weekend. But it is, as the
President indicated, a very remarkable anniversary today.
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Well, I think it is worth recalling what actually
happened then. It was the United States' presence in Europe that
enabled that war to be won. It's been the United States' presence in
Europe since that war that has kept Europe free since the period when
the war first ended.
And in the last couple of years or so we've seen new
freedoms for half Europe. New freedoms from a different tyranny;
but, nonetheless, very welcome freedoms. I think we see our role in
the free West as helping to keep it free, to help that second half of
Europe adjust to democracy and to make the changes to a free market
that are undoubtedly necessary for its future.
Over years, we have seen that the United States and the
United Kingdom generally come through against the odds. And I have
no doubt that we will do so with whatever challenges lie immediately
ahead.
The United States these days is the one superpower in
the world, acknowledged beyond doubt as the most powerful individual
nation anywhere on this Earth. Over the years, it's been their
leadership that's been vital to keep the free West free, and it's now
their leadership that will help to keep free and make free that part
of the West that until recently has been under all sorts of appalling
domination.
So we have many things to discuss over this weekend:
the future in Eastern Europe, what is going to happen in the former
Soviet states, problems in other parts of the world. I have no doubt
we'll touch upon the important trade matters that need to be dealt
with, and a whole raft of other issues of bilateral and multilateral
importance.
I simply want to say, Mr. President, that Norma and I
are delighted to be back here. We feel we're amongst friends, we
feel we're amongst allies, and I look forward to our discussions this
weekend.
PRESIDENT BUSH: Welcome back.
PRIME MINISTER MAJOR: Thank you very much. Thank you.
Q
Gentlemen, should NATO do more to stop the fighting
in Bosnia?
PRIME MINISTER MAJOR: Thank you very much.
PRESIDENT BUSH: I think we're going to answer some
questions tomorrow, I think.
Q
Prime Minister, are you going to convince President
Bush to sign the biodiversity treaty in Rio?
PRIME MINISTER MAJOR: Lunchtime tomorrow will be here.
END
4:09 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
June 4, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN PROCLAMATION SIGNING CEREMONY
DESIGNATING WEEK FOR THE NATIONAL OBSERVANCE OF THE
50TH ANNIVERSARY OF WORLD WAR II
The Roosevelt Room
11:03 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: May I salute Secretary Card and General
Powell; the Deputy Secretary of Veteran Affairs, Mr. Principi; the
Deputy Secretary of Defense with us, Don Atwood; Secretary Larry
Garrett; Secretary Rice; and Michael Stone of the Army; General
Mundy, who's right over here; and then the members of Congress who
are with us today. I believe Senator Cranston was going to be here
-- here he is right over here -- see you, Alan. And, of course,
Congressman Montgomery, Stump, Meyers -- and who am I missing --
Senator, sorry.
We have a distinguished group here to salute the
occasion. And also Don Wilson is with us, the Archivist, and Albert
McCluskey a veteran of the battle of Midway, other veterans here
today, and members of civic and veterans service organizations, and
also some other members of the Joint Chiefs I see.
May I salute General Kicklighter, the Executive
Director, and members of the Department of Defense's World War II
Commemoration Committee. And welcome all to the White House.
And to this special observance of the 50th anniversary
of an event which linked Americans hearts and minds, the monumental
struggle known as the Second World War. Overnight, World War II
literally transformed America from a people at peace to a nation at
war that would define the course of history for the rest of this
century.
And the attack on Pearl Harbor forced America to abandon
isolationism and take up the mantle of leadership. World War II was
fought for American soil and sovereignty. And it was also fought to
defend people who, hating war, sought only peace -- people everywhere
who yearn for freedom then and now.
The year 1942 was crucial to our history. Americans
came together, each citizen sought ways to do his or her part. And
factories, designed to build the tools of peace, produced the tools
of war -- ships, planes, tanks, ammunition -- all crucial to the
allied effort. And it wasn't easy, but we did it. And we did it
fast. And we did the hard work of freedom.
I was 17 on December 7, 1941, and like so many here, not
so many in this room, but like some -- (laughter) -- enlisted on my
18th birthday as a Seaman Second Class. And I do remember vividly
the news from the early days, how it was grim. Guam was overrun and
the reports from the Pacific were rather scary; Bataan and Corregidor
fell. And yet the battle of the Coral Sea foiled Japanese plans to
invade Port Moresby and New Guinea.
And 50 years ago this week our forces began what may
have been the greatest naval battle of all time. Midway turned the
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tide of World War II and the inevitable allied victory. You could
feel it. It began to take shape.
Winston Churchill once said of World War II, "There
never was a war in all history easier to prevent." And today let us
recall what the lion cried as a voice in the wilderness: "No one
every walks away from appeasing an aggressor. He only crawls.
Weakening our defenses during a time of peace is an open
invitation to those with the potential to wage war. And as
President, as long as I'm President, the military's commitment to
defending freedom will be matched by our commitment to defending the
military.
Some say our victory in the Cold War allows us to pull
back to our own waters edge. And I say, just as America's vigilance
helped us win that war, so a strong America can now help win the
peace.
We seek a world where differences are solved peacefully,
where the force of law really outlasts the use of force. And
sacrifices made heroically 50 years ago have helped bring about a new
and better world. And it's a world I thought of last December where
on the 50th Anniversary of Pearl Harbor, Barbara and I looked at the
sunken hull of the Arizona out there, the U.S.S. Arizona, tomb to
more than a thousand of great heroes, the greatest that any nation
has ever known.
And there I thought of the wife whose best friend was
her husband; and the little boy whose brother his idol once vowed to
take him fishing after the fighting stopped. And I thought of the
father whose son or daughter would now know him as à martyr but never
as a dad. And I resolved once again we must never ever let America's
defenses down.
The men who died there in World War II would today, I am
convinced -- and I think I said it out there -- be very, very proud
of America; proud of what we have become as a nation because of their
service and sacrifice; proud of how their fate and faith still stir
and shape us. So we honor them and we remember them so that future
generations will say of us what we do also: God bless this wondrous
land, the United States of America.
World War II is a fight that the we did not seek,
against enemies that we didn't chose, for a cause that is first among
all -- the right of people everywhere to be free.
And in that spirit then, it is my honor to once again
welcome all of you to the White House and to sign the proclamation
designating the National Observance of the 50th Anniversary of World
War II. And thank you all for coming. (Applause.)
(Proclamation is signed.)
THE PRESIDENT: Well, the deed is done. Thank you all
very much for being with us. (Applause.)
END
11:08 A.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
June 1, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO GODDARD SPACE FLIGHT CENTER EMPLOYEES
Goddard Space Flight Center
Greenbelt, Maryland
2:44 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very, very much. Thank you
for this welcome to Goddard. And, Dan Goldin, thank you, sir for the
introduction, the leadership you're giving the agency.
With me is Bill Reilly. We've been talking today about
the upcoming summit in Brazil, the environmental meeting down there.
And this visit is very timely for both of us, I think, seeing what
magnificent contribution Goddard makes to a better understanding of
our planet. I want to salute Mike Deland, who was with us up at Camp
David a little bit ago. He runs our Council on Environmental
Quality. He's at my side in the White House -- a sound
environmentalist. Dr. Klineberg -- I listened, I had the applause
meter on when you walked in -- (laughter) -- and either they're
scared of you or you doing something right. (Laughter.) I don't
know which it is, but it was most impressive. And thanks for your
hospitality. May I salute Brian Daley, out here, of the Space
Council. And I'd like to thank Dr. Fisk who helped us in the tour.
Now, you know that it's been a month, and in just over a
month on the job, Dan Goldin supervised the recovery of a satellite
on Endeavor's maiden voyage; he won a vote, a very important vote, to
save the space station on the floor of the House; and he launched his
own cultural revolution at NASA. And I'd say the new NASA is off to
a flying start. And I am very grateful to him for taking on this
terribly important assignment heading up NASA.
Twenty years ago this month -- 20 years ago, the leaders
of the world gathered in Sweden to talk about the human environment.
The Stockholm Declaration that they adopted had a simple conclusion,
that "through fuller knowledge and wiser action, we can achieve for
ourselves and our posterity a better life in an environment more in
keeping with human needs and hopes." Much has been accomplished
since those early days of environmentalism, and much has been
learned.
And we've learned that only market-oriented economies
and democratic systems provide the accountability needed to protect
against environmental degradation. The coating of soot that the
world found when the curtain of secrecy was pulled back from Eastern
Europe was but one visible demonstration of that.
We've learned that the economy can grow even while
pollution is reduced. Since 1973, our GDP has grown by more than 50
percent. And yet air quality has gotten better: Emissions of carbon
monoxide and smog-forming ozone, sulfur dioxide, and particulate
matter are all down by more than 20 percent. And water quality has
gotten better: We've achieved an 80 percent reduction in suspended
solids from industrial and sewage treatment plants.
We've learned that technology -- spurred by the right
incentives -- can provide help to the environment that no amount of
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regulation of old technology could have achieved. Technological
progress can cut pollution rather than increase it. And at the same
time, the efficiency gained is good for profits.
And we've learned that market-based mechanisms and
flexibility -- aimed at ambitious objectives and backed up by
rigorous enforcement -- can help us solve environmental problems at
less cost than command and control regulation.
We've learned about a new generation of environmental
problems that are global in scope, and that will require
international cooperation to solve.
This week -- and I referred to this earlier -- over 100
heads of state will gather in Rio de Janeiro, and it will be time to
apply those lessons. And what better place to discuss our plans for
taking on the problems of the international environment than here at
Goddard.
I thought as I was on this little tour -- which was all
too quick, but nevertheless gave me a little feel about the
magnificent work that the wonderful employees of Goddard do -- I
thought wouldn't it be a wonderful thing if these 100 or more heads
of state could actually walk through the laboratories here and get a
practical feeling for what it is you are doing; to see how they can
better monitor the changes that they talk about or that they get from
their environmental ministers. It's a wonderful thing. And I think
it's very timely that I've had this opportunity, and I look forward
to sharing with those people down in Rio.
It is science developed here that has given the world a
new window from which to see its environment. A spacecraft managed
by Goddard provided humanity with its first image of Earth from
space. It was your scientists -- Goddard's scientists who developed
the Upper Atmosphere Research Satellite launched last year, which is
providing us new insight about the content of the ozone layer.
And the lion's share of the science that the world is
using to understand our climate comes from a program with its heart
and soul right here -- the Global Change Research Program, built
around the Mission to Planet Earth that Goddard is developing.
When we go to Rio, the U.S. will go proudly as the
world's leader, not just in environmental research, but in
environmental action. The United States was the first nation to
recognize the danger of CFC emissions by eliminating aerosol
propellants, which we did in 1978. Other nations are now following
suit -- using the aerosol phaseout as credit to meet the terms of the
Montreal Protocol. We are 42 percent ahead of the schedule required
by that agreement. And earlier this year, on the basis of science
developed by NASA, we unilaterally decided to speed up our timetable
for phasing out CFCs to the end of 1995.
We were the first nation, back in 1975, to adopt
catalytic converters to reduce those emissions from our cars and
trucks. In 1982, we began phasing out lead from American gasoline --
and now ambient levels of lead in our air have been cut by 95
percent. Other nations are only now taking these two steps.
I came to this office committed to extend America's
record of environmental leadership. And I've worked to do so in a
way that is compatible with economic growth, because this balance is
absolutely essential -- and because these are twin goals, not
mutually exclusive objectives.
You see, those who met 20 years ago at Stockholm and
called for this UNCED, this summit, explicitly called for the
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discussion at Rio to be about both environment and development. And
they knew even back then that the two were inextricably linked.
Only a growing economy can generate the resources and
the will to manage natural assets for the longer term and the common
good. But only assets which are so managed can support the growth on
which so much human hope is hinged. By definition, for development
to be successful in the long term, it has got to be sustainable.
And so I invite comparison of the record that we as a
country and as an administration have built. It is aggressive. It
is comprehensive. And it is ambitious, but carefully balanced. What
we've done in this administration reflects the new environmentalism,
more sophisticated in its approach, that harnesses the power of the
marketplace in the service of the environment. Let me give you some
examples.
The 1990 Clean Air Act, which I proposed and signed into
law, is the most ambitious air pollution legislation anywhere on
Earth. It will cut acid rain, smog, toxic chemical emissions. And
yet it will do so with innovations the whole world is watching. We
have a trading system for sulfur dioxide reductions, have a new
generation of cleaner fuels and cleaner cars, a massive -- and to
date successful -- voluntary air toxics reduction program.
Our national parks are under stress from millions of
visitors. And so, just in the last four years, we've added over a
million and half acres to America's parks, forests, wildlife refuges
and to other public land. We've created 57 new wildlife refuges and
restored or protected more than a-half-a-million acres a year of
important wetlands. And at the same time, we've streamlined the
permitting process so that projects which don't hurt wetlands aren't
slowed down. And we've made sure to respect people's private
property rights.
We've placed a moratorium on oil and gas drilling along
the most environmentally-sensitive areas of our coasts, signed new
laws to protect against oil spills, to end below-cost timber sales in
America's largest rain forest, the Tongass, and to promote
environmental education. We've backed our laws up with strict
enforcement to make the polluters pay. And the results have been
record contributions to cleanups from businesses.
And we have attended to the international environment --
with new agreements to stop the irresponsible export of toxic wastes,
to ban trade in ivory and thereby stop the extinction of elephants
due to poaching, and to use debt forgiveness to protect the
environment through debt for nature swaps.
In short, our country, America, retains its place at the
forefront of international environmental accomplishment. Our laws
have served as a model for environmental laws the world over.
America's environmental accomplishments have not come by
mistake -- they are the result of sustained investment. Today, the
U.S. spends about two percent of its Gross Domestic Product -- over
$100 billion per year -- on pollution control. In comparison to
other nations, that's among the highest in the world.
Americans have always believed that actions speak louder
than words. And simple wisdom has guided our approach to the
questions on the table at Rio. We will sign a good agreement on
climate change. It is based on the idea that every nation should
prepare an action strategy -- as we in the United States have done.
We first laid our plan on the table in February 1991 --
with specific policy proposals and specific calculations concerning
how much greenhouse gas emissions would be reduced. When the science
on CFCs changed, we added new measures and we again laid our plan on
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the table. We showed that our policies would reduce projected year
2000 greenhouse gas emissions by 125 million to 200 million tons --
or by seven to 11 percent.
No other nation except the Netherlands has laid out such
a specific plan of action. And that's why we insisted that the focus
be on results, not on rhetoric.
It may not have been widely reported in the press, but
in area after area, the United States laid down specific proposals
and worked for their adoption: Forests. Oceans. Living Marine
Resources. Public participation. Financing.
Let me be clear: Our commitment to action did not begin
and will not end with Rio.
So when I travel down there next week, to Brazil, I will
bring with me several proposals to extend the commitment of the world
community into the future. Let me outline for you my four-point plan
of cooperation:
First, I will propose a major new initiative to protect
and enhance the world's forests. I mentioned lessons learned about
cost effectiveness. Well, halting the loss of the Earth's forests is
one of the most cost-effective steps we can take to cut carbon
dioxide emissions.
Forests also filter the air and water. They provide
products from timber and fuelwood to pharmaceuticals and foodstuffs.
They are home to more than half the world's species. At the Houston
G-7 Summit two years ago, I proposed a global forest convention. At
UNCED, we should get agreement on the principles leading up to it.
But I propose today to move ahead faster. At Rio, I
will ask the other industrialized countries to join me in doubling
worldwide forest assistance -- with a goal of halting the loss of the
world's forests by the end of the decade. As a down payment, the
U.S. will increase its bilateral forest assistance by $150 million
next year.
The plan is to encourage partnerships -- between
recipient countries who could propose new projects and investor
countries who, in effect, could bid to support the most effective
proposals for sequestering CO2 or preserving biodiversity.
Second, with respect to climate. The signing of a
convention that calls for action plans is simply a first step -- we
must implement them. So I will join in proposing a prompt start to
adoption of climate action plans. of course, as new and better
science becomes available on climate change, we will adjust our
action plan accordingly.
The solution to climate change must include the
developing countries. While today they account for about a quarter
of the world's emissions, by the year 2025 they will contribute over
half. So we must have their participation -- and we will fund
"country studies" to get them started.
These countries will need new technologies if they are
to enjoy "green growth". And America can provide them. So my budget
includes an investment of almost a $1 billion in developing new
energy-efficient technologies.
Hundreds of American businessmen will be traveling to
Rio to make the case for our technology. But this effort must
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continue. So then the third part of our plan is to support a
program, a broad program of technology cooperation. In particular,
we're going to create a Technology Cooperation Corps to identify the
green technology those green technological needs of countries
around the world and then to knock down the barriers to making it
available.
The fourth point of my program for a cleaner future is a
continued program of research and understanding. This year, we are
requesting over $1.4 billion for the Global Change Research Program
-- that's more than the amount spent on climate research by the rest
of the world put together.
With Dan Goldin's leadership here at NASA, we will push
for a program that provides results faster, cheaper, and better. At
Rio, I will propose to make the data from our climate change program
available and affordable for scientists and researchers all around
the world.
As part of this effort, we will distribute at that
conference, at UNCED, thousands of copies of computer disks with data
on greenhouse effects and we will open this year a Global Change
Research Information Office.
These four steps -- a dramatic program to protect and to
enhance forests; quick action on climate change; cooperation in
deploying cleaner, more efficient technology; and then an ongoing
program to develop and share sound science -- can help us seize that
opportunity long after those speeches in Rio have been given and the
conference is over.
Two decades ago, when they gathered at Stockholm, the
leaders of the world could not possibly have foreseen the tumultuous
events of the intervening two decades. Then they worried about
nuclear war as a chief environmental threat. They couldn't have
known that today the specter of nuclear war -- with its unthinkable
destruction -- would be calmed as never before in our postwar
history.
They could not possibly have envisioned that, with the
fall of statism and communism, those who would come to Rio would have
the chance to launch a new generation of clean growth guided by
the wisdom of free peoples and fueled by the power of free markets.
They could never have known how far we'd have come in 20
years. Now it is for us to imagine how much further we can go. And
what better place to make the point -- that point -- than standing
before these people that are dedicated to demonstrating to the rest
of the world how much farther we can go.
I am grateful to each and every one of you who gives of
himself or herself to further the science and, thus, to improve and
keep something very, very special -- the environmental quality of our
entire world. Thank you for what you do. And may God bless our
great country. Thank you. (Applause.)
END
3:05 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Phoenix, Arizona)
For Immediate Release
May 28, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT FUNDRAISING DINNER FOR SENATOR JOHN MCCAIN
Phoenix Civic Plaza
Phoenix, Arizona
6:23 P.M. MST
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all very, very much for
that welcome. May I pay my tribute to Jim Click. He's been a
staunch supporter of the Republican cause for a long, long time, and
I'm very grateful to see him again and grateful for that
introduction.
And, of course, I'm proud to be at the side of John
McCain, and his wife Cindy. I want to salute two from our Cabinet:
Secretary Lynn Martin, our Secretary of Labor over here, who's doing
a superb job -- job training and a wide array of other issues --
(applause) --- and then our irrepressible Secretary of HUD, who is
going with me as we head back out to Los Angeles, but a man who is
doing a superb job in this concept of homeownership, giving people a
part of the action -- Jack Kemp, our secretary of HUD. (Applause.)
And may I salute Governor Fife Symington and Ann; and of
course, a special war abraso for Barry and Susan Goldwater; and our
chairman, Jerry Davis; Pastor Jackson, whom I've been privileged to
be with before; Everett Alvarez, who today was announced as one of
our cochairmen of our veterans effort -- a great America.
Brenda High, appropriately named for the way she did
that Star-Spangled Banner. It was outstanding. And you can't help
but be stirred when you hear a rendition like that of our great
National Anthem. And thanks to the -- where is the band? I can't
see them, but I understand you've got a great Chaparral High school
band over here. Thank you for your music. (Applause.)
And thanks to Shannon Marketic, Miss U.S.A., for the
Pledge. And out with us in the audience, a guy I visited with
earlier on, a true Point of Light, Kevin Johnson of the Phoenix Suns,
and all he does for the young people out here. (Applause.) And then
another old friend who I had a chance to greet earlier on, Joe Bugel
of the Cardinals -- a great guy and a great sportsman. And I'm proud
to see him.
So it's a pleasure to be back, and I'm sorry Barbara's
not here. And I will apologize -- the told me that broccoli is on
the menu, and I'm out of here as soon as I finish speaking.
(Laughter.) But seriously, we do have to head back out to Los
Angeles, be sure we're following up the way we should there.
But I'm glad to have this opportunity to express my
appreciation to our Senator -- and I say "our" because Barbara and I
feel like he's just part of us -- Senator John McCain for his help, in
fighting against that pork barrel spending back in Washington, and
for his leadership and support for the line-item veto. He is a main
of principle. (Applause.)
And, John, your leadership has been absolutely
invaluable. And when I see it I say to myself, if only we had
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control of the United States Senate -- on budget, on taxes, on health
care, on the needs of older Americans. John McCain's efforts mean so
much to me and so much to our country, and they, of course, mean an
awful lot to the great state of Arizona and to all Americans. You
are lucky, indeed, to have him in the senate, and we must have him
back come fall. (Applause.)
And, of course, special tribute to Senator Barry
Goldwater for his half-century of principled -- and I use that word
advisedly -- principled service to our great country. What a record
of achievement. what an example. What an accomplishment. Fifty
years in public service, and underlying it all, character and
integrity totally intact. I am proud to be his friend. I am
grateful for his support.
There have been some tough times in my political life,
and one of them was four years ago. And Barry came up there, suited
up, got on a long flight and flew up to New Hampshire and bailed me
out. And I'll never, ever forget it. Not out of jail, but out of
some political hot water up there. (Laughter.)
And how about this backdrop? I like it very much, not
only as a great art work, but coming from a city where Congress
spends so much money, it's always good to see something in black ink.
(Laughter.)
It was Barry Goldwater who put it this way: "Those who
do not have courage want complicated answers." Well, Republicans are
courageous people and our solutions to America's problems are simple
and effective, not complicated out of a maze of red tape.
While the Democrats put their faith in adding new bricks
to the old bureaucratic programs -- and they try to do it every
single day up there in the Congress -- we Republicans are focusing on
leaving our children and grandchildren three fundamental legacies
that are integral to their own future: Strong families to sustain
individuals, to nurture and encourage children, and to preserve our
nation's character and our culture. And then, number two, peace, in
our schools, on our streets, and, yes, all around the world. And
then, third one, jobs, both for those who are seeking work and for
graduates entering the work force.
And I might add, at long last our national economy is
beginning to move. It's recovering, and consumer confidence -- you
might have seen it yesterday -- is starting back up, is returning.
These legacies, all of them don't always translate into sound bites,
but they are definitely sound policy. senator Goldwater and Senator
John McCain have both been at the forefront in helping to establish
these legacies and in building a sound Republican policy; policy that
sees problems as something more than excuses for new centralized,
mandated programs. And this is the message I will be taking to the
American people in the fall, and this is the message that is going to
win for us not only the White House, but control of the Congress.
You watch and see now. (Applause.)
What we are trying to do is to offer innovation and
change. And American industries lead the world in growth and
efficiency. And America is the world's leading exporter, producing
$422 billion worth last year alone -- $422 billion. And over the
past five years, our exports have supported seven million jobs.
These are impressive accomplishments, a record of economic growth and
international competitiveness to make any country proud.
Instead of excuses, we're offering education. More than
one of four American workers has a college degree; another 20 percent
have at least a year of college. And through this program we've got,
the break-the-mold school program, and parental choice and choice for
public, private or religious schools for their children, I might add
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-- (applause) -- our America 2000 initiative for education -- it is
new, it is revolutionary. And it doesn't mandate it from Washington,
it says let the communities, let the states, let the families have a
say in deciding what kind of education is best for our own children.
(Applause.)
And, yes, we are opening more and more doors of
opportunity for Americans. And now we must address ways we can
strengthen our national spirit and return to the bedrock principles
-- faith, family -- that made our nation great.
I would hate to be taking a case to the American people
in the fall that was predicated on everything being bad; that the
only way you can win is if the country's going to hell in a
handbasket. And we are America, and we are moving forward and by
fall we are going to show them that the positive message of change is
the message of hope for the American people. (Applause.)
John McCain and I have the responsibility to provide the
leadership that we need, the country needs to get back to sound
principles upon which our nation was founded; principles that helped
make us the world's leading nation, and principles that gave us a
standard of living that is the envy of the entire world.
The cynics say that social conditions are too bad to
turn around. And the skeptics say that faith and ideals are puny and
inconsequential when put up against the problems that we face as a
nation. Well, I think they're wrong. I believe, along with Calvin
Coolidge, "there is no force so democratic as the force of an ideal."
And I believe that the forces of character, of compassion and
goodness will ultimately triumph over the forces that can only tear
down and destroy.
Tonight, as soon as we finish here, I'm going to be
going back to Los Angeles to check on the progress of federal aid
efforts out there and to expand on my ideas for an urban agenda, an
agenda of hope and opportunity in all our cities. I might say I am
very proud of the rapid response of our federal agencies to that
crises out there. The Army, the Marines -- there to restore law and
order; the SBA and HUD and Labor and FEMA, and Agriculture and HHS
and others, too. And they responded fast, we did it in a coordinated
way and all of them did very, very well.
But I am less proud of the fact that the Congress has
not moved on our program to bring instant hope to the cities, not
just Los Angeles but the cities all across our country -- on
enterprise zones or on the other proposals that we've made that would
instantly bring hope to the cities. And I challenge the Congress
right here and now, please take action; let's set the partisanship
aside for just long enough to get something done to help people in
this country. (Applause.)
And so let the others out there take their message of
pessimism. They say that America's best days are behind us. The
truth is that our nation stands at a pinnacle of achievement that is
unmatched. And we are the unquestioned leader of the free world,
which now includes more countries than ever before. And all those
new democracies are looking to America, to the United States of
America, for leadership.
Yes, there is much left to be done in our own country.
But many of the changes that we are pushing are stuck up there on
Capitol Hill. There was no one who wants to work cooperatively with
Congress any more than I do. And from my very first State of the
Union address I held out my hand and said the people didn't send us
here to bicker; let's try to get something done.
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I don't think there's anyone, I might say, who has been
a better friend up there on Capitol Hill than John McCain because he
understands these principles. He advocates them, articulates them.
We bent over backwards to try to get the liberals who control
Congress to support our efforts to reform, reform programs that
simply are not working anymore. And we've tried to change things
that aren't working. Now, the time has come to change the control of
the United States Congress itself and watch this country move
forward. (Applause.)
There is a mood for change. There was talk in all of
them. And the nation needs an infusion of fresh, new Republican
congressmen and senators who will be statesmen -- like Barry
Goldwater, like John McCain -- leaders willing to try our new ideas.
We unveiled this plan for the cities and some cynics out there on the
Democratic side are saying, these aren't new you proposed them
before. They are new because they have not been tried. We need
people who will put the best interest of the nation first and
foremost.
And there are other problems that government alone
cannot reverse. At the top of that list is action to restore the
American family. Simply put, our children cannot dream the American
Dream when they are living a nightmare.
Look at a few brief and sad facts. In comparison with
other industrialized countries, the Census Bureau found that the
United States has the highest divorce rate, the highest number of
children involved in divorce, the highest teenage pregnancy rates,
the highest abortion rates, the highest percentage of children living
in a single-parent household, the highest percentage of violent
deaths among our precious young. These are not the kinds of records
that we want to have as a great country.
Our federal government, of course, we have
responsibilities. As President, I've got responsibilities in all of
this. We must do more. We must do what we can. And the American
people must do those things that government cannot do. Government
can and must provide school choice, but parents must read to their
kids and instill a love for learning. Government can and must fight
crime, But fathers and mothers must teach discipline and instilL
values in their children. Government can and must foster American
competitiveness, but parents must teach the kids the dignity of work.
To paraphrase that great philosopher of the silver hair,
Barbara Bush -- (laughter) -- "What you teach at your house is more
important than what happens at the White House." And she is
absolutely right about that. (Applause.)
And so we're a country that has a lot of problems -- big
problems. But I am absolutely convinced we can solve them. We have
laid the groundwork and we've developed sound plans. And we can
transform America into the nation we all want her to be.
It hasn't been much fun in the political arena lately.
We've been hammered out there a little bit. Somebody said that
builds character. I said, I'm a little long on character and looking
forward to a change.
But let me tell you this. I am quietly confident about
the election this fall. In sum, I am absolutely convinced as this
economy moves back, as we sort out where everybody stands on these
highly complex issues, when the country assesses the fact that we are
at peace and that our children go to bed at night with less fear of
nuclear war -- and that is a major accomplishment which I am very
proud to have been a part -- (applause) -- and as when we get in
focus the agenda -- see who wants to pass this agenda of hope and
opportunity and who wants to stifle it, when we take forward the
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values that you and I believe in to the American people again this
fall on family and faith, I am absolutely convinced we're going to
win this election. We are going to win it. And we're going to
transform our problems into challenging opportunities to realize the
American Dream.
Thank you for your fantastic support for our great
Senator. And may God bless you. And may God bless the United States
of America, the freest and greatest country on the face of the Earth.
Thank you very, very much. (Applause.)
END
6:41 P.M. MST
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Phoenix, Arizona)
For Immediate Release
May 28, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE AMERICAN LEGION
American Legion
Phoenix, Arizona
4:55 P.M. MST
THE PRESIDENT: May I thank our great Senator John
McCain for that introduction; and single out our Governor Fife
symington. Greetings to all the commanders on the dais -- Tony
Valenzuela, Don silva, Don Gentry. Thanks to our Master of
Ceremonies Joe Abodeely. And it's great, of course, to see
Everett Alvarez here.
And I'd also like to take this opportunity to thank
Bob Stump, the Congressman from Arizona, the ranking Republican
on the House Veterans Affairs Committee. He has worked hard on
Capitol Hill for the veterans of this country. And I'm very
sorry he couldn't be with us today, but I have great respect for
his work.
It's not normal that I'm standing up here with three
-- maybe you're used to it in this great state of Arizona -- but
three winners of the Congressional Medal of Honor standing here.
It really says something. And I salute all of them. (Applause.)
And I'd like to think in some cross-sectional way
that people out here in this audience and standing behind me
represent, at least for today, more than 26 million veterans.
It's great to be back here. And an old saying goes save the best
for last. Well, today we're saving the best for first, and the
first campaign coalition to be announced for our campaign, Barry
Goldwater, its honorary chairman; John McCain and Everett Alvarez
its national chairmen -- and that is the Bush-Quayle '92 National
Veterans Coalition. And they're going to be good and strong, and
I'm glad to have their support. (Applause.)
Now, I hope you know Why I insisted the veterans be
first to be unveiled. You know how service has preserved the
values that make and keep us strong. John touched on that in
that wonderfully generous introduction. You know how veterans
have given of themselves and often of their lives in places whose
names we all know from the Argonne, Normandy, Danang, and of
course, most recently, in the Persian Gulf
And think of our kids and our grandkids, and they
have inherited your bequest of faith in the country, in family,
in democracy, in God. And they can never repay the veterans, all
of you, for what you've done for freedom.
From the time the torch of liberty was first lit in
America, veterans have shed their blood to make sure that it
would never go out. And that's what this campaign must be about,
what we've got to fight for enlist our hearts and minds for --
to ensure people choice for the schools, for example, for a
society, pluralism for God's children, the freedom to do about
their lives, their daily lives free of fear.
MODE
And freedom can let us vote as we want and pray as
we choose. And freedom can ensure the legacies for our kids of
family, peace and jobs. And above all, freedom can secure what
we fought for -- Guadalcanal or Inchon or Hue City or Kuwait
City. A world where liberty's tide is coming in; it's running
in, just as tyranny's tide is running out.
And I renew my pledge today in this opening to do
all that's humanly possible to account for our comrades that are
missing from the past wars. And as long as I am President we
will never forget those POWs and MIAs. (Applause.) And another
pledge -- as we move to a post-Cold War defense force, we cannot
forget to take care of our military and civilian men and women
who worked and fought SG hard to ensure that freedom and
democracy would prevail. And for them, we will continue to work
together to make sure that American veterans receive quality
health care that is second to none. (Applause.)
NOW, there is a benefit to the end of the Cold War,
and that is that there will be substantial defense savings made
possible in this new environment. However, it is my conviction
that this transition must be managed in a rational manner.
First, we've got to achieve an orderly reduction in our forces.
We're talking about 25 percent over the next five years -- that
is substantial
But as John McCain can tell you, there are people in
the Congress that want to take everything out of defense and out
of the national security and shift it over to some mandated
program from Washington. Some have called for far deeper cuts
than we have, and I reject this approach. As I told the
graduating midshipmen down in Annapolis yesterday, never in the
history of man has the world been a benign place. There is no
substitute for America's strength, and no substitute for our
sensevof purpose. And I am not going to let the Congress gut the
muscle of our defense. (Applause.)
Next, Secretary Cheney and I are mindful of our
obligation to treat defense and uniform employees and their
communities fairly. Our plan already includes spending more than
$7.1 billion to address defense transition over the next two
years And today I'm proposing a number of additional programs,
including new G.I. bill benefits and an expansion of job
training, employment, and other educational opportunities. And
we're going to dedicate more than one billion additional dollars
through 1996 on these vital defense transition activities.
Whether they re working as teachers in an elementary
school or as environmental engineers, I am committed to ensuring
that the vast talents of these former defense personnel can be
put to productive use in private life
And with us today are talented and capable men and
women who believe in this new world of freedom. No. one needs to
tell them about the inhumanity of war. Instead, they know that
only a strong America can preserve the humanity of peace. I am
proud of these men and proud that they have agreed to help me.
And I thank you for your support Ichope to be worthy of your
prayers.
to
DID
Thirty years ago, Douglas MacArthur, put it well.
Returning to the plain up at West Point he gave a speech to the
cadets. "The soldier," he told them, "above all other people
prays for peace, for he must bare the deepest wounds and scares
of war.
You ve all been soldiers in noo the crusade of freedom
Yed.
DUA
and this year I ask you to reenlist and help keep America what
Lincoln called "the last best hope of Earth." And for 200 years
our véterans have fought for what is right and what is good. And
I ask you to help me defend those values. And I thank you from
the bottom of my heart.
add
- 3 -
I am very happy that the young kids now, go to sleep
every night without the fear, that constant fear of nuclear war
that the generations before them had. I think that's a
significant and a major accomplishment. And I have -- Barbara
and I -- I have to think -- I was going to say 10; I think it's
12 grandchildren -- and I take great pride in that fact, that in
some way perhaps my presidency was a part of all of that.
(Applause.)
But that is there. And now we've got to keep this
movement towards freedom and towards peace around the world going
forward. We've got to do it. And with your help, I'm confident
we can do it for the next four years.
Many, many thanks to all of you. (Applause.)
END
5:05 P.M. MST
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Phoenix, Arizona)
For Immediate Release
May 28, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE AMERICAN LEGION
American Legion
Phoenix, Arizona
4:55 P.M. MST
THE PRESIDENT: May I thank our great Senator John
McCain for that introduction; and single out our Governor Fife
Symington. Greetings to all the commanders on the dais -- Tony
Valenzuela, Don silva, Don Gentry. Thanks to our Master of
Ceremonies Joe Abodeely. And it's great, of course, to see
Everett Alvarez here.
And I'd also like to take this opportunity to thank
Bob Stump, the Congressman from Arizona, the ranking Republican
on the House Veterans Affairs Committee. He has worked hard on
Capitol Hill for the veterans of this country. And I'm very
sorry he couldn't be with us today, but I have great respect for
his work.
It's not normal that I'm standing up here with three
-- maybe you're used to it in this great state of Arizona -- but
three winners of the Congressional Medal of Honor standing here.
It really says something. And I salute all of them. (Applause.)
And I'd like to think in some cross-sectional way
that people out here in this audience and standing behind me
represent, at least for today, more than 26 million veterans.
It's great to be back here. And an old saying goes save the best
for last. Well, today we're saving the best for first, and the
first, campaign coalition to be announced for our campaign, Barry
Goldwater, its honorary chairman; John McCain and Everett Alvarez
its national chairmen -- and that is the Bush-Quayle '92 National
Veterans Coalition. And they' re going to be good and strong, and
I'm glad to have their support. (Applause.)
Now, I hope you know Why I insisted the veterans be
first to be unveiled. You know how service has preserved the
values that make and keep us strong. John touched on that in
that wonderfully generous introduction. You know how veterans
have given of themselves and often of their lives in places whose
names we all know from the Argonne, Normandy, Danang, and of
course, most recently, in the Persian Gulf.
And think of our kids and our grandkids, and they
have inherited your bequest of faith in the country, in family,
in democracy, in God. And they can never repay the veterans, all
of you, for what you've done for freedom.
From the time the torch of liberty was first lit in
America, veterans have shed their blood to make sure that it
would never go out. And that's what this campaign must be about,
what we've got to fight for, enlist our hearts and minds for --
to ensure people choice for the schools, for example, for a
society, pluralism for God's children, the freedom to do about
their lives, their daily lives free of fear.
MODE
And freedom can let us vote as we want and pray as
we choose. And freedom can ensure the legacies for our kids of
family, peace and jobs. And above all, freedom can secure what
we fought for -- Guadalcanal or Inchon or Hue City or Kuwait
City. A world where liberty's tide is coming in; it's running
in, just as tyranny's tide is running out.
And I renew my pledge today in this opening to do
all that's humanly possible to account for our comrades that are
missing from the past wars And as long as I am President we
will never forget those POWs and MIAs. (Applause.) And another
pledge -- as we move to a post-Cold War defense force, we cannot
forget to take care of our military and civilian men and women
who worked and fought SG hard to ensure that freedom and
democracy would prevail. And for them, we will continue to work
together to make sure that American veterans receive quality
health care that is second to none. (Applause.)
NOW, there is a benefit to the end of the Cold War,
and that is that there will be substantial defense savings made
possible in this new environment. However, it is my conviction
that this transition must be managed in a rational manner.
First, we've got to achieve an orderly reduction in our forces.
We're talking about 25 percent over the next five years -- that
is substantial
But as John McCain can tell you, there are people in
the Congress that want to take everything out of defense and out
of the national security and shift it over to some mandated
program from Washington. Some have called for far deeper cuts
than we have, and I reject this approach. As I told the
graduating midshipmen down in Annapolis yesterday, never in the
history of man has the world been a benign place. There is no
substitute for America's strength, and,no substitute for our
sensevof purpose. And I am not going to let the Congress gut the
muscle of our defense. (Applause.)
Next, Secretary Cheney and I are mindful of our
obligation to treat defense and uniform employees and their
communities fairly. Our plan already includes spending more than
$7.1 billion to address defense transition over the next two
years: And today I'm proposing a number of additional programs,
including new G.I. bill benefits and an expansion of job
training, employment, and other educational opportunities. And
we' re going to dedicate more than one billion additional dollars
through 1996 on these vital defense transition activities.
Whether they're working as teachers in an elementary
school or as environmental engineers, I am committed to ensuring
that the vast talents of these former defense personnel can be
put to productive use in private life.
And with us today are talented and capable men and
women who believe in this new world of freedom No one needs to
tell them about the inhumanity of war. Instead, they know that
only a strong America can preserve the humanity of peace. I am
proud of these men and proud that they have agreed to help me
And I thank you for your support I hope to be worthy of your
prayers.
to
DATE
Thirty years ago, Douglas MacArthur, put it well.
Returning to the plain up at West Point he gave a speech to the
cadets. "The soldier,' he told them, "above all other people
prays for peace, for he must bare the deepest wounds and scares
of war.
You ve all been soldiers in 100 the crusade of freedom
DUA
and this year I ask you to reenlist and help keep America what
Lincoln called "the last best hope of Earth." And for 200 years
our véterans have fought for what is right and what is good. And
I ask you to help me defend those values. And I thank you from
the bottom of my heart.
cps
he
- 3 -
I am very happy that the young kids now, go to sleep
every night without the fear, that constant fear of nuclear war
that the generations before them had. I think that's a
significant and a major accomplishment. And I have -- Barbara
and I -- I have to think -- I was going to say 10; I think it's
12 grandchildren -- and I take great pride in that fact, that in
some way perhaps my presidency was a part of all of that.
(Applause.)
But that is there. And now we've got to keep this
movement towards freedom and towards peace around the world going
forward. We've got to do it. And with your help, I'm confident
we can do it for the next four years.
Many, many thanks to all of you. (Applause.)
END
5:05 P.M. MST
#8402
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
May 13, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AND PRESIDENT AYLWIN OF CHILE
IN EXCHANGE OF TOASTS
The State Dining Room
8:13 P.M. EDT
PRESIDENT BUSH: Ladies and gentlemen, President Aylwin
and Mrs. Aylwin, Barbara and I are just delighted to welcome you both
to the White House and to try to return the warm reception that you
gave to me, sir, and to our daughter when we had the honor of
visiting you in Chile.
Among my memories of my visit to your country was a
lunch that we shared at the lovely home of yours in Santiago. And I
still recall with pride and delight that you took in your children
and your grandchildren. We did a little arithmetic yesterday, and
between us, we have 10 children and 23 grandchildren. (Applause.)
Perhaps we could arrange for a soccer game out on the South Lawn.
(Laughter.)
It has been said, Mr. President, that the greatest glory
of a free-born people is to transmit that freedom to their children.
Your country's bright future lies in the hands and hearts of a
free-born people, determined to see their children born free, passing
liberty from mother to daughter, father to son.
Today I was reminded how your father, an esteemed
Supreme Court Justice, passed his love of law and liberty to his
son, you, yourself a revered legal scholar. And I thought of how
more than 60 years ago our Louis Brandeis observed that the "final
end of the state was to make men free to develop their faculties."
And he added that those who love freedom know "liberty to be the
secret of happiness and courage to be the secret of liberty."
Justice Brandeis could find no better example of courage
in pursuit of liberty than the Chilean people and their leader.
Today, Chileans are "free to develop their faculties" to the fullest,
having at last inherited the political and economic rights their
parents worked to achieve. And they've also assumed liberty's
responsibilities: the knowledge that freedom taken for granted can
become freedom taken away.
Chile continues the hard work of freedom: defending
democracy in Venezuela and Haiti and Peru -- promoting peace in
Central America and in the Middle East.
Mr. President, I know that Chile will continue to export
its material goods. I know also it will export its dreams: the
courage, hope, the imagination of free markets and free peoples.
Chile teaches others that political differences never
excuse indifference to the law and that social needs are better met
by the invisible hand of the free market that by the iron fist of
regulatory control and bureaucracy.
President Aylwin and I share a vision of free trade for
the hemisphere. The United States is now negotiating a. free
meeting
my
children
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- 2 -
trade agreement with Mexico and Canada as a first step toward that
goal. And as a result of our discussions today and in recognition of
Chile's economic accomplishments and achievements, I want to announce
that the United States intends to negotiate a comprehensive free
trade agreement with Chile upon the conclusion of the North American
Free Trade Agreement. And I intend to send notification to the
Congress in accord with the fast track procedures at that time.
Thirty years ago, President Eisenhower spoke to your
people saying, "We in the Western Hemisphere are still young nations
still growing, still experimenting." And I really believe that's
still true today because democracy is as young as our children, as
all the children of the world.
And, Mr. President, may I propose a toast to you. And
may I suggest we rise and lift our glasses. To you, Mr. President,
to Mrs. Aylwin, to Chile and to the bonds of friendship between our
two people.
(A toast is offered.) (Applause.)
PRESIDENT AYLWIN: Mr. President, Mrs. Bush, ever since
we can remember to share a table has been a sign of hospitality. On
behalf of the people of Chile, I thank you for this warm welcome that
I receive as a symbol of the friendship between our nations.
I bring from Chile the appreciation of my people for
this country, marked from its very beginning by the seal of liberty,
as well as their admiration for its scientific and technical progress
and for the work of its poets and artists.
I bring from Chile the hopes of a people that loves
freedom and justice, that has struggled for them in the southern most
regions of our continent and that wishes to collaborate in the effort
to make these values prevail all over the world.
Mr. President, the United States and Latin America have
had a history paradoxically close and remote, of agreements and
dissensions, of prejudices and shared values. Nature brought us
together, but we never knew of it until history told us so. And
today she is repeating it with unprecedented vigor. The triumph of
the principles of liberty in every corner of the Earth offers us the
great opportunity to build a new stage in hemispheric relations.
Our unity today is founded on the defense of democracy
as the only political system that respects and furthers the dignity
of the human person within the defense of economic and trade freedoms
and of the huge natural wealth that God granted us from Alaska to
Tierra del Fuego.
Nevertheless, in our Latin America, this democracy has
been until now an unfinished promise. We are convinced that we will
be unable to consolidate itself while all its people do not share in
the benefits of development. And this development requires an active
participation in the new international economy. This is, therefore,
our mutual challenge.
It is gratifying for me to indicate that in our talks
today we have taken new steps in that direction. We have assumed the
commitment to negotiate a free trade agreement between Chile and the
United States. And President George Bush has the intention of using
the procedures of the fast track, the only one that ensures a success
of such a complex association as this one. And it is at the
conclusion of the NAFTA procedure that he will notify Congress on
this matter.
Dear Mr. President, during your visit to Chile, we
shared our table in my home. And you were kind enough to remember
meeting my children and my grandchildren. At the time your wife,
- 3 -
Barbara, was not with us. We are very happy that she is joining us
this evening so that we may all make a toast to the future.
The family has been, for you and me, the sound basis of
our life, the source of our strength and the motivation of our
dreams. So is the great American continent, its happiness and
prosperity.
I invite you to make a toast for President Bush tonight,
for his wife Barbara and for the prosperity of both our countries.
(A toast is offered.) (Applause.)
END
8:30 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Los Angeles, California)
For Immediate Release
May 8, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE COMMUNITY LEADERS OF LOS ANGELES
Challenger Boys and Girls Club
Los Angeles, California
9:18 A.M. PDT
THE PRESIDENT: I would get off to a bad start if I
didn't say what I think everybody else is feeling, and I want to
just congratulate Larisse for that marvelous rendition of the
star-Spangled Banner. (Applause.)
And may I first thank all of you for being here
today. I think they were introduced at the very beginning, but I
want to single out two members of my Cabinet, Secretary Lou
Sullivan of HHS and Secretary Jack Kemp from Housing and Urban
Development who are here with me. We've really had a good tour.
I want to salute Senator Seymour; Governor Wilson, who's been at
my side -- both of them -- as we've made this tour through the
city. Pat Saiki of SBA, the Administrator of the Small Business
Administration, came out early and she is on the ground and doing
a first-class job. And, of course, I would like to also salute
Mayor Tom Bradley who has been so extraordinarily helpful on this
visit. (Applause.)
And I'm not going to forget the inspirational leader
of the Challenger, Lou Dantzler. (Applause.)
I would also say to the city officials that I can
just imagine, given what you all have been through, the headache
that this visit has caused. And I promise you we plan to leave
right on schedule so things can get back to normal. But I want
to thank everybody involved in facilitating this visit that came,
I'm sure, at a very complicated time for the city. The Governor,
the Mayor, the police, the L.A. community -- everyone has been
just fantastic.
And let me say I am truly heartened by the speed
with which the millions of dollars of federal relief have reached
the city -- from FEMA grants to the small business loans to
urgent food aid. And I salute David Kearns and, others who came
here to coordinate -- not to dictate, not to try to dominate, but
to coordinate with the city and local officials. And I'm very
pleased to see that there is smooth coordination, everyone
pulling together on the federal, state, and local level.
It was important I feel that, as President, I come
here to Los Angeles. The community has been the site of a
terrible tragedy. Not just for you who were impacted the most,
but for our entire country. And everyone around the world feels
this trauma. Everyone who looks to us as a model of freedom and
justice.
And that's why I want to say just a few things about
my visit, to speak to you about what I've seen in this city and,
most importantly, as I said at that marvelous ecumenical church
service yesterday at Mt. zion, we are one people, we are one
family, we are one nation under God. And so I want to speak
about our course as a nation.
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I can hardly imagine I try, but I can hardly
imagine the fear and the anger that people must feel to terrorize
one another and burn each other's property. But I saw remarkable
signs of hope right next to the tragic signs of hatred. This
marvelous institution, this Boys and Girls Club stands unscarred,
facing a burned-out block. And its leader is this wonderful man
next to me, Lou Dantzler. And he started it on the back of an
old pickup truck with a group of kids that wanted to get off the
street. And it's existence proves the power of our better
selves. And let's never forget it, and let's count our
blessings. (Applause.)
Now let me personalize it a little bit and tell you
why clubs like this matter. A story about a little kid, Rudy
Campbell. I saw him on television. He looked about eight years
old. His father was murdered a few years back, and I didn't see
his mother. Rudy is raised by his 22-year-old sister who has
five kids of her own. And he lives in South Central. Think
about what he has already been through. Now he says he fears
that things will only get "badder and badder and badder.' And it
breaks your heart, and our children deserve better than that.
(Applause.)
I talked a week ago about the law and the pursuit of
justice. And today I want to talk about what went wrong in L.A.
and the underlying causes of the root problems. It can all be
debated, and it should be, but not to assign blame. Casting
blame gets us absolutely nowhere. Honest talk and principled
action can move us forward. And that's what we've got to do for
Rudy; that's what we've got to do for our children -- these kids
right here.
This tragedy seemed to come suddenly, but I think we
would all agree it's been many years in the making. I know it
will take time to put things right. I could have said "put
things right again," but that would miss a point I want to make:
Things weren't right before a week ago Wednesday. Things aren't
right in too many cities across our country. And we must not
return to the status quo. Not here -- (applause) -- not here,
not in any city where the system perpetuates failure and hatred
and poverty and despair.
Most Americans now recognize some unpleasant
realities. Let me just spend a minute on those. For many years
we've tried many different programs. All of them -- let's
understand this -- had noble intentions. To meet the need of
adequate housing or education or health care. Much of it went to
construct what has been known as "the safety net," a
compassionate safety net to provide security and stability for
people in need.
Many other programs and policies aimed at stemming
the tide of urban violence and drugs and crime and social decay.
And we have spent huge sums of money. Some estimates are as high
as $3 trillion over 25 years. And even in the last decade
federal spending went up for these kinds of efforts -- everything
from child care to welfare to health care has been the subject of
some commission or report or study.
But where this path has taken us I think we would
all agree is not really where we wanted to go. Put away the
studies and just look around. For anyone who cares about our
young people, it is painful that in 1960 the percentage of births
to unwed mothers was five percent, and now it is 27 percent.
It's hard to read about a young black man dying when the odds are
almost one out of two that he was murdered. Kids used to carry
their lunches to school; and the parents that I've talked to know
that today some kids carry guns. I'm afraid some of you kids --
you know that, too. Everyone knows that drug and alcohol abuse
are serious problems almost everywhere.
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- 3 -
In the wake of the L.A. riots, in the wake of a lost
generation of inner city lives, can any one of us argue that we
have solved the problems of poverty and racism and crime? And
the answer clearly is no. Some programs, ones like Head Start or
Aid to the Elderly, have shown some time-tested, positive
results. All programs were well-intentioned; I understand that
very, very well. Many simply have not worked,
Our welfare system does not get people off of
welfare, it keeps people trapped there. The statistics are
sobering. The reality is sobering. The sum and substance is
this: the cities are in serious trouble, and too many of our
citizens are in trouble. And it doesn't really have to be this
way.
Government has an absolute responsibility to solve
this problem, these problems. I'm talking about all levels of
government. And I've taken a hard look at what the government
can do and how it can help communities with concerns that really
matter -- how people can own property, own their own home, start
a business, create jobs, and ensure that people not government
-- make the big decisions that affect the health and the
education and the care of one's own family.
Think of the way that the world looks right now to
the single mother on welfare. Government provides you just
enough cash for the bare necessities. Government tells you where
you can live, where your kids go to school. And when you re
sick, government tells you what kind of care you get and when.
And if you find a job, the government cuts, the welfare benefits.
And if you save, if you manage to put a little money away --
maybe towards a home or to help your kid, get through college --
the government says, hey, welfare fraud. Every one of those
things happens with the system that we have in place right now.
And then we wonder, why can't folks on welfare take control of
their lives? Where's there sense of responsibility?
Well, if we had set out to devise a system that
would perpetuate dependency, a system that would strip away
dignity and personal responsibility, I guess we could hardly have
done better than the system that exists today. Every American
knows that it is time for a fresh approach, a radical change in
the way we look at welfare and the inner city economy.
Every hour of meetings yesterday -- and they were,
for me, very emotional, very moving -- confirmed why I believe in
the plan that we have proposed for urban America. I kept hearing
words like ownership, independence, dignity, enterprise -- a lot
of time from people who have never had a shot at dignity or
enterprise or ownership. And it reinforced my belief that we
must start with a set of principles and policies that foster
personal responsibility, that refocus entitlement programs to
serve those who are most needy, and increase the effectiveness of
government service through competition and true choice.
I believe in keeping power closer to the people --
using states as laboratories for innovation. We cannot figure it
all out back in Washington, D.C., in some subcommittee or in the
White House. And I believe in policies that encourage
entrepreneurship, increase investment, create jobs.
And these form the heart of the agenda for economic
opportunity that I want to mention here. Families can't thrive,
children can't learn, jobs can't flourish in a climate of fear,
however. And so first is our responsibility to preserve the
domestic order. And a civilized society cannot tackle any of the
really tough problems in the midst of chaos. And you know and I
know it's just that simple. Violence and brutality destroy
order, destroy the rule of law. And violence must never be
rationalized. Violence must always be condemned.
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- 4 -
We can reclaim our crime-ravaged neighborhoods
through a new initiative that we call Weed and Seed. And today
I'm announcing à $19-million Weed and Seed operation for the City
of Los Angeles to weed out the drug dealers and career criminals
and then seed those neighborhoods with expanded educational
employment and social services. (Applause.) With safe and
secure neighborhoods we can spark an economic. revival in urban
American.
And so the second part of the agenda is to ask
Congress to take action on enterprise zones. (Applause.) With a
zero capital gains rate -- create these zones with a zero capital
gains rate for entrepreneurs and investors who locate businesses
and create jobs right here in America's inner cities.
(Applause.)
And, yes, I recognize that at the same time, we must
help states bring innovation to the welfare systems. And at the
federal level, we've got to reform our own AFDC rules; stop
penalizing people who want to work and save. (Applause.) These
are the people who are mustering the individual initiative to get
off welfare. And we've got to pledge ourselves to, at the
federal level, change the rules that keep them from doing just
that.
Three: safe, drug-free schools are places where our
children can learn, but that's not enough. We've got to
revolutionize our schools through community action, through
competition, through innovation, through choice -- principles at
the heart of the strategy that we call America 2000. We must
give children -- these kids, these kids right here -- the same
opportunity as kids out in the suburbs. (Applause.)
And the fourth point: we must promote new hope
through homeownership. People want a real stake -- a real stake
in their community, something of value that they can pass along
to their kids. And that's what this HOPE initiative does. It
turns public housing tenants into homeowners.
Now, these are just the highlight of an action
agenda to bring hope and opportunity back to our inner cities.
We' have other ideas to try as well. Many in this room have
innovative ideas they're trying right now.
My first order of business upon my return to
Washington will be to build a bipartisan effort in support of
immediate action on this agenda. And I know some will say, well,
you've proposed all this before; and that's true, they're right.
And I'm proposing it again. Because really, we must try
something new. We've got to try something new. (Applause.) It
does not take a social scientist to know that we must think
differently. We've tried the old ways of thinking. And now, as
Lincoln says, "It is time to think anew."
And our approach is really a radical break from the
policies of the past. It's new -- yes, it's new because it's
never been tried before. And for the sake of the people of South
Central, and the people in America's inner cities everywhere, I
will work with the Congress to act now on this common-sense
agenda.
You've been through an awful lot. You've been
through an awful lot. And when I saw the verdict in the King
case my reaction was the same as yours; I told the nation that.
But I remain confident in our system of justice. And when I saw
the violence and rage erupt in your streets my reaction was the
same as yours. We all knew we had to restore order. And when I
saw and read about the heroic acts of firefighters and police, or
the selfless acts of so many citizens, my reaction was one of
relief, one of hope for the future.
- 5 -
This morning I stopped by the hospital, Cedar, to
see a young fireman who had been wantonly shot in the head as he
was driving a fire truck to go out and put out fires that were
ravaging somebody's neighborhood -- maybe yours. The man's
fighting for his life. And I think when we all go home we ought
to pray for him.
In the very short time that I've been out here I
could sense that the real anguish in South Central L.A. is a
parent's concern about the kids -- neighbors' concerns about the
kids. And people are worried sick about the children, All must
agree that whatever we do must be about the children.
(Applause.) These kids are our future. And our actions in the
wake of the tragedy are for them -- not just here in Los Angeles.
This is showcase now because of what you've been through, but
it's all across the country.
And so for these remarks I've mentioned what
government can do. And now let me talk just a little about what
society must do. And, yes, we have tried, hard, spent a lot of
money and haven't solved the problems. And some critics say that
we are a morally, spiritually and intellectually bankrupt nation.
I don't believe that for one single minute. (Applause.)
And, yes, we have problems. We have tough problems
to solve. But we remain the freest and the fairest and the most
just and the most decent country on the face of the entire Earth.
And we now -- I know that we have the drive and the gumption to
prevail over these problems we face.
Tom Bradley, your Mayor, was among a group of mayors
who came to see me last January. He and I may differ on how we
approach one federal program or another. But I've repeated often
what he and others said to me that day. They said that the most
important problem facing our cities is the dissolution, the
decline of the American family. And they're absolutely right.
He was right; a mayor from a tiny town in North Carolina, he was
right. The decline of the family is something we must be
concerned about. And history tells us that society cannot
succeed without some fundamental building blocks in place.
The state of our nation is the state of our
communities. And good communities are safe and decent. And the
young people are cared for and they' re instilled with character
and values and good habits for life. Good communities have good
schools. And they provide opportunity and hope, rooted in the
dignity of work and reward for achievement.
And that's why guaranteeing a hopeful future for the
children of our cities is about a lot more than rebuilding
burned-out buildings. It's about the love right here under this
roof. It's about building a new American community. It's about
rebuilding bonds between individuals and among ethnic groups and
among races. And we must not let our diversity destroy us. It
is central -- you see, it is central to our strength as a nation.
Our ability to live and work together has really
made America the inspiration to the entire world. (Applause.)
Across this country, tens of thousands of groups, hundreds of
thousands of individuals who have never been involved before, who
will never be paid one single nickel for their efforts, must
become partners in solving our most serious social problems.
The people right here in this room know exactly what
I'm talking about. An officer in the LAPD who's a board chairman
right here, I believe, in this organization, giving of his time -
- he knows what I'm talking about. Government alone cannot
create the scale and energy needed to transform the lives of the
people in need.
And I look around this auditorium and I am preaching
to the choir, because you're the ones that have your sleeves
- 6 -
rolled up in your churches and in your communities, trying to
help the other guy. In my conversations with the leaders of
L.A.'s many communities, I heard over and over again that L.A.
has many of the answers within itself. (Applause.)
I see our friend, Bill Milliken here. He lives
halfway across the country. There are four of his Cities in
School programs, helping children learn here. And many members
of a group called 100 Black Men, an inspirational group --
(applause.) They mentor -- for those not familiar with it, they
mentor to the kids, the boys in South Central.
NOW, if instead instead of four there were 25
Cities in School programs, and instead of 100, 10,000 black men
working with boys, and SO on with the hundreds of people in
groups that work with the kids, there is no question that what
happened last week wouldn't have been as bad. And so it only
makes sense that a large part of our challenge is to dramatically
expand in community after community the scale of what we already
know works.
The phrase that I've repeated a lot and perhaps more
than any other is worth repeating: From now on in America, any
definition of a successful life must include serving others.
(Applause.) And when we look to restoring a decent and hopeful
future for our children, I mean this about every community.
First, every group and institution in America -- schools,
businesses, churches, certainly -- must do its part: We must
praise what works and share what works:
And secondly, all leaders -- all leaders -- must
mobilize and inspire their people to take action.
And third, community centers must link those that
care with those that are crying out for help.
And fourth, with respect, the media needs to show
from time to time what's working, needs to cover what is working.
(Applause.)
And that way would help us share, that would really
help us share and repeat these successes many times over.
And, finally -- this one perhaps a little technical
-- but we've got to change our liability laws that frighten
people away from helping others. We ought to care for each other
more and sue each other less. (Applause.)
But there's something else. There's something else
that society must cultivate that government cannot possibly
provide. Something we can't legislate, something we can't
establish by government order. And I'm talking about the moral
sense that must guide us all. The simplest -- I guess the
simplest way to put it is, I'm talking about knowing right from
wrong and then trying to do what's right.
Let me come back again to the little boy I spoke
about earlier -- Rudy Campbell. Remember -- "badder, badder,
badder." There's a lesson he learned that survived the horror
and the hate. And in the midst of all the chaos, in the midst of
so much that's gone wrong, he knows what's right. When he was
asked about the violence, here's what he said: "They should know
what's right and wrong. Because when I was four, that's what I
learned.
NOW, that has got to give us hope. May God bless
the person who cared enough to teach that little guy right from
wrong. (Applause.) But it's up to us to guarantee that all the
millions of kids like him grow up in a better America.
And I believe we are right about family. We're
right about freedom and free enterprise. And we're right with
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respect to the clergymen here and the church men and church women
here. We are right about faith. And most of all, we are right
about America's future.
You see, I fervently believe that we have the
strength and the spirit in our government. You can see it here
today -- in our communities and in ourselves to transform America
into the nation that we have dreamed of for generations.
May God bless each and every one of you in your
work. And thank you very, very much.
END
10:48 A.M. PDT
#8150
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Dearborn, Michigan)
For Immediate Release
April 14, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN ADDRESS TO GIDDINGS & LEWIS FRASER PLANT EMPLOYEES
AND MACOMB COUNTY CHAMBERS OF COMMERCE
Giddings & Lewis Manufacturing Facility
Fraser, Michigan
2:50 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very very much. And,
Governor Engler, thank you I'm proud to be introduced by our
great Governor here. I want to salute our Secretary of Labor,
Lynn Martin. You met her when she came in She is doing a lot,
an awful lot in terms of job retraining, in terms of hope and
opportunity for America's workers.
I want to thank the CEO of Giddings & Lewis and Bill
Fife here, who greeted us and has given us a short tour. Thanks
to some of the workers here in this wonderful plant; and then to
Barbara Hollett and Linda Walling and Geary Maiuri and James
Williams Warren, and to all the others from the six chambers of
commerce. May I thank you for being here. I just want you to
know I'm delighted to be with you today.
I'm sorry that Barbara Bush is not here. She's out
in the state of Oregon today. But I take great pride in the fact
that she's doing her part. I see these kids here trying to hit a
blow for literacy in this country, and she asked me to extend her
very best wishes.
I want to talk to you today about the things that we
really must do together -- government and business, public
servants, private citizens -- to leave our children a legacy
worthy of this great country of ours. You see, I am not one who
is so pessimistic about America. We are the leaders of the
world, the undisputed leaders of the world, and now we've got
great things to do here at home. I think that we've got to agree
on what that legacy is going to be. Clearly, we want a world at
peace. People say to the American people: Well, how are things
going? And I take great pride in the fact that -- see these
little kids here -- they won't go to sleep at night worrying
about nuclear warfare the way the generations preceding had done.
We want a world at peace We want strong, wholesome families;
and we want an economy that provides rewarding jobs for all.
More than any country on Earth, America has afforded
each generation the opportunity to leave such a legacy. Today,
we have that opportunity once again. The world is changing at a
pace undreamed of a generation ago. And now America, which has
led the world's transformation, must change as well. This
afternoon I want to discuss five areas which I believe are
overdue for reform -- five key ways in which America must change,
if we are to honor coming generations, with the legacy that they
deserve.
As businessmen and -women and as Giddings & Lewis
employees you understand the urgency. For each of these five
problems presents itself to you not as some abstraction, but in
the most immediate way: as a cost -- a cost of doing business.
Too often these costs are beyond your control, drawing resources
away from your primary goals of expanding your companies and
creating good jobs for your communities.
- 2 -
When our legal system and the Governor touched on
this -- becomes incapable of resolving disputes in a civil and
timely manner, business loses the incentive to innovate, loses
the incentive to take risks. And when health care costs
escalate, business picks up much of the tab. And when government
imposes barriers to trade, business pays the cost in lost
markets. And then when our kids, our children leave school
without rudimentary skills, business bears in the lost
productivity. And when government freezes in gridlock, business
can no longer plan rationally for the future.
So let me start with Washington -- and again, the
Governor referred to that -- if America is going to change, the
government must change. Ten days ago, I presented seven specific
proposals to cure the paralysis that grips the United States
Congress. My proposals range from an elimination of these
special-interest Political Action Committees, these PACs,
elimination, not reduction, but elimination, extends to a
line-item veto, which will allow us at last to get a handle on
this deficit that is mortgaging the future of these children here
today. And I think it's high time that we limited the number of
terms that Members of Congress may serve. (Applause )
My aim is simple: We must create a flexible
government, responsive to the common good. And I have tried -- I
have tried over the past three years to invest my administration
with this sort of flexibility. NOW, let me give you a few
examples of special concern right here to Macomb County.
A reformed government knows its limits, refusing to
impose undue burdens on business and consumers alike. For that
reason, I've made it clear to Congress: This is no time to
legislate an increase in the CAFE standards that would cost
American jobs in the automotive industry. And I will not accept
such legislation.
A reformed government encourages innovation. Last
October, by way of example, my administration joined with the Big
Three, the automobile companies, to develop a new generation of
batteries. And our goal: To make American car companies first
in the world in producing competitive electric cars by the year
2000.
A reformed government finds flexible means to reach
its goals. Our approach to the 1990 Clean Air Act, which
requires deep reductions in air pollution, is a good example. To
help communities and industries meet the objectives of that act,
we've initiated a "Cash for Clunkers" program, allowing states
and companies to buy high-polluting old cars, get them off the
road, and use the reduction in pollution to satisfy our clean air
standards.
Flexibility, accountability, a willingness to
innovate Americans have a right to expect each of these from
their government, and particularly from the United States
Congress. Yet instead we get business as usual. I'll give you
another example, dealing with, a second area urgently in need of
reform -- the nation's legal system.
Our country -- and this isn't true just of business,
this is true of neighborhoods, true of towns and city governments
-- our country is swamped in frivlous lawsuits. We tried to make
a good start at reform in 1990, when I introduced a bill to
reform product liability laws. Congress wouldn't budge. So we
reintroduced the reform again in 1991. And the Senate Democrats
refuse even to bring that bill to a vote; in the House, it's
stuck in two 12 that's right, two separate committees.
This inaction is inexcusable. America, regrettably,
has become the most litigious society on Earth, and American
companies pay the price -- not only in dollars wasted but in
lower productivity and a business environment hostile even to
3 -
ordinary competitive practices. According to a recent survey, 40
percent of companies that had been the target of product
liability suits have discontinued certain types: of product
research.
None of our competitors is afflicted with lawsuit
madness; we must remove this ball-and-chain from our ability to
compete worldwide. And our Competitiveness Council, led by the
Vice President, has offered 50 recommendations for legal reform,
including reasonable limits to the discovery process, alternative
means of resolving disputes, and a loser-pays" rule that would
discourage the frivolous lawsuits I urge you to urge Congress
to help stop lawsuit madness. We must help each other more and
sue each other less. (Applause.)
I'll give you an example A lot of the people here
in this plant I'm sure have kids in little league. Some of you
may coach little league, like I did 1000 years ago And some
people are refusing to coach little league because they're afraid
of some frivolous lawsuit. Doctors afraid of delivering babies
because of a frivolous lawsuit. We really have to change this
litigious society into a more gentle and more friendly society.
Our comprehensive legal reform will be far-reaching,
extending, then, into a third area critically in need of change
-- our nation's health system. Everybody here I'm sure is
concerned about the health care system. The litigation explosion
has hit Michigan's health care hard. Every year your physicians
and hospitals pay almost $500 million for medical liability
coverage -- $500 million. For the patient, that translates into
an extra $300 added on to the average hospital bill.
The trends are simply unsustainable. Some estimates
say that by 2030, the year 2030 -- that's only, what, 38 years
away -- we will spend 30 cents of every dollar of national income
on health care. Again, much of the burden falls on business.
Right now, American corporations spend more on health care each
year than they earn in after-tax profits.
Now, we've got to stop this drain on our country
productivity. My proposed health care reform will build on our
system's assets -- especially in preserving the quality of care.
We've still got the world's finest quality health care. We will
reform the private insurance market, and increase consumer
choice. Through transferable tax credits we will bring coverage
to those who are uninsured, and control costs through market
incentives. And we will avoid the pitfalls of what I would see
as a nationalized care, with the rationing and the long waiting
lines, and mediocre quality that comes with it. Health care
reform must hew to this principle government has no business
dictating what kind of health care you want to choose, dictating
what kind of health care you receive. (Applause.)
I target then a fourth area for attention -- like
the others -- absolutely critical for our success in the coming
decades. With its global reach, this great company, Giddings &
Lewis, exemplifies an indisputable truth about our future: If
America is to succeed economically at home, we must succeed
economically abroad. And in the postwar period, trade-related
jobs have grown three times faster than the overall job creation.
Exports have accounted for 70 percent of our economy's growth
over the past three years.
We will build on this success by continuing to open
foreign markets to American goods and services -- including the
world's second largest market economy -- Japan. And since I took
office, our exports to Japan have grown 10 times faster than our
imports from Japan, and our manufactured products are leading
this expansion. That boom has already created an additional
200,000 jobs here at home.
- 4 -
And that's why we made this now-famous trip to
Japan. I heard some criticism of that trip, but let's get the
facts straight about what we accomplished. of special interest
to many of you, for example, was the pledge by private Japanese
companies to increase the purchase of U.S. -made auto parts from
$9 billion to $19 billion by 1994.
And we didn't stop there. As a result of our trip,
we've opened up Japan's $4-billion glass market, its $9-billion
public-sector computer market, and its $27-billion paper market
-- offering American business enormous opportunities to sell
American goods and that, of course, means to create American
jobs.
And if we are to take advantage of the
opportunities, we must stay abroad. We must have a world-class
work force. And yet the grim fact is undeniable: our current
education system is unable to produce the workers the highly
competitive world market demands.
The only solution left to us is radical change.
That means we must literally reinvent American education And on
Thursday, I'm going to discuss the progress we've made in the
year since we launched our America 2000 education initiative, a
revolutionary movement that challenges every community to create
what we call break-the-mold schools. We know how to do it. We
set world-class standards for students. We redouble our efforts
to rid our schools of drugs and violence -- to cleanse America of
this scourge that wastes so many young lives. And we make
schools more accountable by forcing them to compete. And that
means letting parents choose their children's schools -- public,
private, or religious. We must have that kind of choice to bring
real competition into the classroom. (Applause.)
And we need to take the same bold approach to job
training, to provide Americans with the skills that this age of
intense international competition demands. And I have developed
such an approach, working with the Secretary here, and when
Congress returns from recess, we will submit the Job Training
2000 Act.
Our current job training system is merely -- it's
kind of a crazy-quilt of good intentions. Over the years
Congress has put in place scores of training programs but they
are uncoordinated, sometimes redundant, and too often
unaccountable. This year, seven different federal agencies will
administer some 60 training programs, at a cost of $18 billion
And with this jumble, is it any wonder that an
18-year-old, fresh from high school, doesn't know where to go for
career guidance. or that an unemployed older worker eager to
learn a new trade, is confused about how to find training. Or
that a young parent on welfare, in search of a rewarding job,
can't find advice on which trade school to attend, or which
career to pursue.
Unscrupulous operators, these fly-by-night trade
schools prey on this confusion, and they take advantage of the
system's lack of accountability. And they recruit the naive or
somebody that's so desperate even though they know it's bad,
they're willing to take a chance. signing them up for thousands
of dollars in grants or loans, offer a few weeks training, and
then leave the people burdened with debt.
A truly competitive America can't afford this waste
of talent and energy. And it's not fair to the American worker.
Job Training 2000 will disentangle that knot of federal programs
and make them serve the people who need them And here are the
key elements of this plan: First, it will create one-stop
shopping for vocational training in every community. second, it
will certify programs so that they meet the needs of the local
- 5 -
labor markets. And third, it will offer vouchers so aspiring
workers can choose the training they want.
Along with Job Training 2000, I'm going to submit to
Congress an important new initiative: it's called the Youth
Apprenticeship Act of 1992. Apprenticeship is one of the surest
routes into the world of work, and we need to make it more widely
available to our young people. And at the same time, we've got
to encourage them to complete a sound high school education that
prepares them for a lifetime of learning. The Act accomplishes
both these goals, making it easier for kids in the 11th and 12th
grades to combine on-the-job training with their regular studies
at school. And when they graduate from school, they will have
not only a certificate that attests to their job skills, but a.
diploma that represents a substantial and varied education.
Now, to get that Apprenticeship Act up and running,
we will be offering demonstration grants to six states:
California, Iowa, Maine, Oregon, Wisconsin and right here in
Michigan -- as well as a series of local areas. We owe our young
people we owe every American who seeks to climb the ladder of
economic advantage -- the finest job, the finest job the training
system in the world can produce; and I mean to see that they get
it. (Applause.)
Therefore I want to challenge the United States
Congress to pass both of these initiatives -- Job Training 2000
and the Youth Apprenticeship Act -- this session, before the
Congress adjourns for the year. But as you know, I'm the first
to admit that I can't always count on Congress to act, no matter
how great the urgency. For real education reform I enlisted the
help of the nation's governors. You may remember this a couple
of years ago, we got together at Charlottesville, Virginia. so
far 43 governors have responded by enrolling their states in this
program we call America 2000.
And now I ask their help again. I call on the
governors here today -- all of the governors around the
country --to initiate Job Training 2000 strategies in their own
states; several are already hard at work. And I ask every
governor to bring together labor and business leaders with local
officials to consolidate their own job training programs. And
wherever possible, my administration will grant waivers to
accelerate these efforts. And we will provide incentive grants
to help them get started.
Each of the reforms that I've outlined here today --
making government accountable and flexible, restoring sanity to
our legal system, ensuring quality health care for all, expanding
world trade, and reinventing American education and job training
for tomorrow's work force -- each shares a single goal: To
ensure that America remains the undisputed leader of the world,
the freest, most prosperous and competitive nation on Earth.
(Applause.)
And each of these reforms grows from a fundamental,
uniquely American principle. Thomas Jefferson said it best:
"The pillars of our prosperity are the most thriving when left
most free to individual enterprise." And in practice, that means
government must trust the wisdom of markets more than the whims
of bureaucrats. And the freely-made decisions of the people must
take precedence over the engineering schemes of government.
(Applause.) And all our institutions -- from Congress to the
local trade school must be accountable to those that they
serve.
Over the last decade, America has changed the world.
Today we're blessed with the opportunity to change America. I
couldn't help thinking about that sentence, "Over the last
decade, America has changed the world." As I was walking along
the line here and reading the computer screen in English and then
in what the man running the screen told me was Russian. I had to
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take his word for that. But here was a shipment going off
a
machine going off to Russia.
We have a tremendous opportunity, and I intend to
see that we continue to lead the world. And in SQ doing, we will
be offering enormous job opportunities, expanded job markets for
the American worker. We cannot pull back. We cannot withdraw
into some sphere of isolation
And SO as your President, I take great pride in the
fact we ve helped change the world. And now I can tell you we
are going to make these changes at home that will enable us to
remain the undisputed -- the undisputed admired leader of this
changing world in which wetlive
Thank you all very much. And may God bless each and
every one of you and your families. And may God bless the United
States of America. Thank you very, very much. (Applause.)
END
3:15 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
March 20, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN ADDRESS TO REPUBLICAN MEMBERS OF CONGRESS
AND POLITICAL LEADERS
The East Room
4:04 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Welcome to the White House. Fifty-two
days ago in my State of the Union address, I asked Congress to act on
my agenda for economic growth. And I asked for immediate action by
March 20th on a series of proposals to help rekindle the economic
recovery. And I asked the Democratic leadership to put partisanship
aside, pledging to do the same, in order to enact seven sensible
steps to increase investment, strengthen the value of American homes,
and creates jobs.
Well, March 20th has arrived, and no recovery bill of
any kind has come to the White House as of now.
This morning, the congressional conferees finished work
on a tax bill. It would increase taxes and harm the economy. And so
today I am doing three things. First, I have just signed the veto
message to stop the Democrats' tax increase. (Applause.) And
second, I am taking several additional steps on my own to help the
recovery with or without action by Congress. And, third, while the
Democratic leadership in Congress is in disarray, I am proposing
action on the real challenges facing America on my long-term plans to
help America compete in the global economy of the future.
Now is the time for real significant change. And I am
disappointed in Congress. In fairness, some Democrats did not want
to put a tax increase in the bill. And I salute them for
courageously standing up against more taxes. But politics prevailed.
A slim majority passed the bill in the face of a certain veto. But
they aren't blocking my economic recovery plan because they're afraid
it won't work; they're blocking it because they're afraid it will
work. (Applause.)
I do not take this step lightly. No President has
vetoed a major tax bill since Harry Truman did it in 1948. But I
submitted an economic growth plan to Congress for a reason: to
promote a recovery in which every American has an interest. The
package I proposed was carefully tailored. It was paid for without
raising taxes. It was designed to encourage and strengthen the
positive economic signs we're beginning to see: home sales and
housing starts up as interest rates stay down; retail sales
improving; 164,000 new jobs last month alone.
In response, the Democratic Congress has returned to
form. It's produced a bill that will not strengthen the economy; it
will weaken it. It's produced a bill that will not stimulate growth;
it will stifle it. As if by reflex, the Democrats in Congress could
not resist their natural impulse to raise taxes. But I assure you of
this, I simply will not let them do it. (Applause.)
So moments ago I signed the veto message for the
Democrats' tax increase, because raising taxes will not help create
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jobs. And the bill is not yet here, but the conference report tells
me all I need to know. And when the bill is sent down tonight, this
signed message will be waiting for it and my veto will go back to the
Hill the minute the bill arrives. And needless to say, I will not
send it back via the House post office. (Laughter and applause.)
The message is clear: My veto and a block of votes
ready to sustain it stands ready to stop any tax increase on the
American people.
With that clear, I ask the Democratic leadership to put
aside once and for all the idea of a tax increase. And I ask the
Congress again, pass the seven common-sense measures that I have
proposed to help the economy now. Do so without raising taxes and
I'll sign it. And then let's get on to the long-term agenda. But
stop holding the American economy hostage in a partisan game.
(Applause.)
Passing a tax increase is bad enough, but here's what
really troubles me: the irresponsibility of Congress on this plan.
It's a part of a pattern. It reflects a more serious problem, a
deeper, systemic problem that is gnawing at the strength of our
nation. It is no wonder that Americans are angry.
Today, looking at the accumulated evidence of several
years, it must be said our congressional system is broken. We have a
long tradition in this country of pulling together when national need
demands that we do SO. And over the years, many accomplishments,
large and small, have been truly bipartisan.
But Congress today is different. It's more partisan.
Its campaigns are financed by special interests. It's grown out of
control. It's lost the ability to police itself. And perhaps most
importantly, it is no longer accountable to individual American
citizens and voters. And this must change.
One party has controlled the House of Representatives
for almost four decades. Staff has become institutionalized. In
1950 there were about 2,000 personal staff in Congress. And today,
there are almost 12,000 staff for members of Congress themselves, and
almost 40,000, if you include the entire Legislative Branch. The
number of committees and subcommittees has quadrupled.
And for this, we get a Congress incapable of passing the
simple plan that I presented almost two months ago -- a Congress
controlled by the Democratic caucus which cannot manage a tiny bank
or a tiny post office. (Applause.)
In the 1990 elections, special interest political action
committees PACs gave almost $117 million to incumbent
congressmen and senators. Only about $15 million were donated to
challengers. With this eight-to-one spending advantage, obvious
voter discontent was buried in a wave of PAC-financed television
advertising. And so nearly every incumbent won.
The time has come for change, because when the system is
broken you do have to fix it. And I have proposed to eliminate the
PACs which are poisoning our system. And the time has come to
eliminate these political action committees in their entirety.
And I propose also to increase accountability. I'm
ordering several steps to implement promptly the Supreme Court's Beck
decision. (Applause.) No worker should be forced to have money
taken out of his or her paycheck to fund politicians that he or she
disagrees with. We should apply to Congress the same laws from
employment practices, to civil rights, to the Freedom of Information
Act, which it imposes on everyone else. (Applause.)
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And I believe the time has come to limit the terms of
congressmen. (Applause.) The terms of presidents are limited. It's
time for the terms of congressmen to be limited.
The bottom line is that we all need a new Congress, one
that can and will work with me for constructive change. And in the
meantime, I will take additional actions on my own with every legal
means at my disposal to keep the economy moving up. And I will do so
in spite of the hopelessly tangled congressional web of PACs, perks,
privileges partnership and paralysis. (Laughter.)
There is, of course, a serious limit on what a president
can do without Congress. But I am determined to do all I can to
effect change. And first, I want to underline a fundamental point:
Government is too big and it spends too much. (Applause.)
I have already proposed to freeze domestic discretionary
spending in federal employment next year. (Applause.) And I've also
proposed to curb the growth of mandatory programs without touching
Social Security. Mandatory spending -- spending on programs that
need no annual congressional action to keep growing consumes
almost two-thirds of the entire federal budget. Over the next
decade, this spending, if left unchecked, will grow by $2 trillion
more than is needed for inflation and new beneficiaries.
Currently, most of these programs grow automatically
without congressional review or even a chance for a presidential
veto.
My proposal, which is before Congress now, would permit
these programs to grow for inflation and new beneficiaries and, where
necessary, some amount above that. But we need some ceiling to keep
their growth within reasonable bounds. Uncontrollable spending is a
major cause of the federal deficit that I'm working to contain and it
must be addressed. (Applause.)
Today I am sending to Capitol Hill the first of a series
of additional measures to cut federal spending now, this year. I
have also directed all agency heads to look for further areas where
spending cuts can be made now. The line item rescissions, identified
so far in total, will cancel out about $4 billion in unnecessary
spending -- funds for local parking garages, $100,000 for asparagus
yield declines, mink research, prickly pear research. The examples
would be funny if the effect weren't so serious. And this kind of
wasteful spending destroys public confidence in the integrity of the
government. And Americans have every right to be outraged and
disgusted. It's their money.
And I will work with the Republicans in the House to
bring these items to a vote individually. Forcing the Democratic
leadership to allow line-by-line votes on items of pork will bring us
a step closer to the accountability and the power that 43 governors
have, the line-item veto. (Applause.)
Da
Some argue that the President already has that
authority, the line-item veto authority, but our able Attorney
General in whom I have full confidence and my trusted White House
Counsel backed up by legal opinions from most of the legal scholars,
feel that I do not have that line-item veto authority. And this
opinion was shared by the Attorney General in the previous
administration.
And I ask the American people then to demand that a
president be given line-item veto authority legislatively or, if
necessary, by changing the Constitution. The line-item veto is
essential, and I need it now. (Applause.)
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And secondly, I've directed the Vice President to step
up the assault on unnecessary regulation and paperwork. Let me give
you a progress report that he gave to me -- and he's doing a superb
job on this. Though some in Congress oppose regulatory relief, I've
already taken specific steps to remove the regulatory roadblocks to
growth. We've implemented plans to promote biotechnology, to lower
construction costs, help small business, ease the credit crunch, help
clean up the air, reduce costs in transportation, and cut through the
morass of regulation and agriculture.
And today, we're launching a new public-private
partnership to promote research and development by bringing the good
ideas from our federal labs into the marketplace. Over the coming
months, we will be announcing many more such steps to chop away at
needless regulation and paperwork wherever we can. Too much
regulation smothers innovation, eliminates jobs, and makes America
less competitive.
I realize that these are only modest steps, but they
reflect a fundamental attitude. And if the Democratic leadership
that runs the status quo Congress will not help us change America, we
have to change it without them. And if the Democratic leadership
that runs the status quo Congress will not help us reform government,
we must reform it without them.
You see, change is nothing to fear. For more than two
centuries, America has been a force for change. Our restlessness is
legendary. Our energy is boundless. Because of this, today America,
even given our economic problems, is the most productive nation on
the face of the Earth, with the highest standard of living. And we
have only one-twentieth of the world's population. But we produce
one-fourth of the world's output. Twice that of Japan; four times
that of Germany.
Today America's credibility and prestige in the world,
not to mention our strength, have never been greater. But we didn't
get where we are by standing still. We got where we are by always
striving to do better. And that's why the current paralysis of the
Congress, controlled over and over again by that liberal Democratic
majority, is so troubling.
It's caused too many Americans, at the exact moment of
triumph for American values around the world, to lose confidence.
Americans are understandably worried about their future -- not only
about the economy right now; all of that is a key problem -- but
about the economic competition of the future; about the central
question that lies at the heart of the American Dream: Will our
children have a better life than we do?
Make no mistake: We will compete and win in the global
economy. In the last 10 years we've become more productive. Our
exports have more than doubled. Manufacturing productivity has
increased. And we are capturing new markets around the world from
Europe to Africa to Latin America.
But in order to keep succeeding in this global economic
competition we've got to change America in five key ways. We need a
strategy that is confident, forward-looking, future-oriented, and we
need to be willing to change.
First, we must expand markets for American products. So
I will continue to pursue a GATT agreement to open markets further.
I will push for a North American Free Trade Agreement to unlock the
potential of markets in Mexico and Canada. And I will work for
bilateral agreements to knock down barriers to American exports.
To win these markets we must guarantee that America will
lead the world in knowledge, in new ideas, in making products of the
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highest quality. And that requires specific investments today. I've
proposed to invest more in basic R&D -- research and development --
and in key technologies like high-performance computing, new and
advanced materials in biotechnology.
Congress should approve these investments. And not only
the government must invest more in the future. To maintain our edge
by increasing private sector investment, Congress should pass the
capital gains tax cut and make the R&D tax credit permanent.
(Applause.)
And second, we must prepare our work force to compete,
through better education, better training. And I've proposed a set
of dramatic reforms in education called America 2000, and a new
approach to job training -- Job Training 2000. The idea of America
2000 is simple: to revolutionize American education. And that means
creating new kinds of schools with new technology and new ways of
learning. It means measuring progress and holding schools
accountable for their performance. And it means giving all families,
including low- and middle-income families, choice in picking their
children's schools. (Applause.)
We've put the resources behind our efforts. Although
budget dollars are very tough, education is so important to me that
I've increased funding -- funding for education -- by 42 percent just
since 1989, and gave it the biggest increase this year. I put in
place a new program to help train teachers in math and science, and
increased funding for math and science education by over 69 percent.
But more money alone won't do it. We need reform.
And thirdly, we must reform health care. America has
provided the best quality health care in the entire world. But we
are plagued by two problems: Too many Americans are not covered by
health insurance, and health care costs too much. And I have
proposed a comprehensive plan to make health care more affordable,
more available, more sensible. It guarantees access for affordable
health care, affordable health insurance for all Americans. Congress
should pass it, and that will help our competitiveness all around the
world.
Fourth, we've got to fix our legal system. America is
drowning in a sea of litigation. Too many lawsuits means higher
prices for consumers and reduced competitiveness for all America. It
is estimated that fear of medical practice alone generates up to
about $20 billion per year in increased health costs. This must
change. In some cases we should require the loser to pay the-
winner's legal fees, and that would stop some of these frivolous
lawsuits. (Applause.)
You know the problem. When parents won't coach little
league teams, when obstetricians won't deliver babies, and when
community pools are closed in the summertime, all because the fear of
liability, we know that something is wrong. And now is the time for
Congress to pass my legislation to fix it.
And fifth, we must tackle each of these challenges
without higher taxes or more government spending. (Applause.)
America doesn't need bigger government it needs better government.
(Applause.) On every one of these issues the Democrats in Congress
are standing in the way of reform. They've cut my budgets for R&D
and investing in the future and then voted instead for pork.
They've stripped choice and accountability out of the
education bill. They are working on a government takeover as a
solution to our health care program, to be financed by a massive tax
increase. And the special interests have made them afraid of legal
reform. Well, it is time for Congress to either lead, to follow, or
simply get out of the~way. (Applause.)
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On every one of these challenges there are two very
different ways of looking at the world, one is reformist and the
other protects the status quo. And that difference is driven by
values.
The special interests and the foot-draggers do not
believe in the kind of change that we seek. Change which respects
markets more than government dictates; which recognizes fundamental
American values and the difference between right and wrong; which
rewards excellence and punishes wrong-doing. They do not believe
that actions should have consequences.
Well, one set of actions should have consequences. The
failure of Congress to move on our program of change means only one
thing: it is time for a new Congress. Give others a chance to
control the United States Congress. (Applause.)
You give me the right lawmakers and I'll give you the
right laws. (Laughter.)
Over the coming weeks I'll be speaking more about these
changes and I'll be laying out further specific plans that I have for
each. And I ask the American people to compare those plans to the
response of the Democratic-led status quo Congress and the do-nothing
caucus that has dominated that Democratic Party for too long.
Patrick Henry said, "I like the dreams of the future
better than the history of the past." Well, Patrick Henry was right.
Imagine the irony. As the world is beating a path to freedom's door,
if we, ourselves, were to turn back now. If we carry the change
forward we can have a nation of productive workers and competitive
companies, of healthy and secure communities, of schools that are the
best in the entire world. And America can remain a nation whose
exuberant confidence and commitment to freedom are admired worldwide.
I am ready to build such an America. And because if we
can change the world, we can change America.
Thank you all. And may God bless the United States of
America. Thank you very much.
END
4:34 P.M. EST
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
March 12, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF STATE LEGISLATURES
Old Executive Office Building
5:12 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Let me salute those who preceded me. I
guess -- has Dick Cheney been over here yet? And Sam Skinner, our
Chief of Staff. And then the piece de resistance, our fabulous
Secretary of HHS, Lou Sullivan, who is -- I mean that -- he's just
doing a superb job for the country. But I'm pleased to be here. I
remember last year being unable to show up. I think it was the
aftermath of the storm -- of Desert Storm. But I'm glad to be here.
Glad to see Bud Burke and Bill Pound and Bob Conner and Terry
Anderson is just greeting us.
And last year, I think I owe you an apology for that.
That Desert Storm, I think, was a triumph for our country. And I
still believe that it holds an enduring lesson for how we in
government can get things done. It's different, but there's some
lessons that apply.
We saw a challenge. We met it with resolve. The
subject, as you will recall, was debated vigorously. And our duty as
Americans -- I think the country came together, seeing that our duty
demanded nothing less than the action. But when the time came to
act, partisanship was laid aside, and we put an end to the
squabbling. And the job got done and Kuwait was liberated.
Incidentally, it is my judgment that that action, and I
salute the people that participated in it, really restored
credibility to the United States all around the world. I see it
every single day that I interact with these foreign leaders.
So now I don't have to tell you all who are on the
firing lines in your various states that we face a great challenge
again today. We're in tough economic times. We owe it to our
country to do all in our power to get the economy moving.
I am not gloomy about that, incidentally, Retail sales
figures today were good. We've got some fundamentals that are
getting in place, such as interest rates and inflation, that could be
the forerunners of a very good recovery. But we've got to do
something. So I take this getting the economy moving very seriously.
I don't believe there's any one single magic wand that
can be waved to accelerate recovery. But I also know that by taking
just a few common-sense steps -- and taking them now -- we can
stimulate investment, help struggling businesses back to their feet,
and put Americans to work.
And what will happen if we can do what I'm about to
suggest to you, I think you're going to see a rapid restoration of
confidence. One of the great problems we have in this country today
is, even though unemployment, for example, is statistically far lower
than it was 10 years ago in the recession of '82, the confidence
isn't there. And I think that what I'm about to suggest would
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restore confidence if they saw that these things were going to be put
into effect.
To free up investment capital, we've asked for a new
investment tax credit. It's a tax allowance, really. And what it
does is speed up depreciation on the front end and would encourage,
therefore, the purchase of new capital equipment, which obviously
means jobs. I still favor -- strongly favor -- a cut in the capital
gains tax. I think that would create jobs. And I also think that
would restore confidence. We remember that both Houses had a
majority for that Democrats and Republicans supporting it a couple
of years ago. We could never get it to a vote.
On the housing industry - and I'm sure many are
familiar with this one -- we've asked for a $5,000 tax credit and
that would be for the first-time homebuyers, and penalty-free
withdrawals from IRAs for the first-time homebuyers. The
homebuilders have enormously high estimates as to what the credit
itself would do for the homebuying business. So I think these would
have a stimulative effect.
When I submitted this plan to the Congress, I asked
them, as you remember, to put aside the partisanship and try to get
some action -- pass it 52 days. We set a deadline -- March 20th.
And so now we're back in the political wars, and they're
fixing to send me a package that I simply cannot and will not sign.
And there is a massive increase in taxes on that package. And I
fully believe that a tax increase here would be a disaster for the
economy. I think it would hurt our future competitiveness.
And I think that Congress -- I don't think they will,
but they ought not to doubt my resolve on this particular veto,
because if they send that tax-and-spend plan down here I have to veto
it, send it back. And then possibly in the Senate we can get action
because some of the -- I know we've got a bipartisan group here --
but some of the Democrat incentives are very close to what we're
suggesting here. And if we can narrow this package down and just go
for the incentives, then when we get into all this campaign stuff we
can debate whether you need a middle-income tax or a tax break on the
rich or a tax increase on the rich, or whatever it is. So I'm going
to keep trying very hard to keep the focus on these incentives.
I know that you feel, and I know I feel, that people are
tired of the business-as-usual from Washington. And I know it's
burdening some of your state capitols, too. In that area, I'm
talking business-as-usual -- I'm talking about these unfunded
mandates.
Every time I meet with the governors or legislators,
they say please help us keep Congress from inflicting mandates on us.
Give us the flexibility. We might have a better answer in Mobile
than they do in Moline, so let us try it our way. And I understand
what happens when an unfunded mandate drops in on you from
Washington. You've got to find the money, if you want to participate
in it, to pay for somebody else's wish list -- either by cutting out
programs that you have on the books that you feel might be better or
raising taxes at the local level.
In other words, Washington takes the credit and you end
up taking the heat. And this message has been drilled home to me
over and over again. And I think these mandates are irresponsible
and they cut right to the heart of the federal system.
So I've told the Congress if they pass a mandate, they
just simply cannot pass the buck. They've got to pay for it without
a tax increase.
Then there's other front in our fight to restore
federalism. More than a year ago -- and I know you all have been
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helpful working with us on this, and we're very grateful -- we
proposed a $15-billion block grant for the states, because I believe
that states are the laboratories of democracy. And you need, and
your constituents need, the flexibility and the freedom to experiment
-- the freedom and flexibility that this grant would permit.
And the conference has been invaluable -- your
conference in helping get this proposal in shape. We introduced
it last year, but we're going to be introducing to Congress soon
-- again. And I call on them to give it swift consideration.
The key -- we all know this -- is working together --
Republicans and Democrats, the federal and state governments, the
legislative and executive branches.
And I would be the first to confess that I understand
the pressures of an election year. But we know what we can do in
those moments when we can set partisanship aside. And I think that's
what the American people are calling out for right now. And we must
not let them down.
So, again, my thanks to you all for your support of this
block for those of you who are -- supporting this block grant
concept, helping us fend off more and more mandates from the
Congress, and those who are with us in the idea that what we need for
this economy now is something that will in a laser-like way stimulate
an economy that is really ready to move and really ready to recover.
I really do thank you. And I hope this hasn't been too
inconvenient -- off and on again on the schedule. But I'm off early
in the morning. And I just looked forward to having a chance to at
least drop in and say hello. So thank you all very, very much.
(Applause.)
END
5:21 P.M. EST
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
March 11, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT NIXON LIBRARY DINNER
Four Seasons Hotel
Washington, D.C.
THE PRESIDENT: Mr. President, thank you, sir, for that
wonderfully warm introduction. I, like, I think everybody across our
country, was once again so impressed when we saw what you did today
in outlining foreign policy objectives of this country. And it's a
wonderful privilege for me to be introduced by you.
If you will excuse me a little reminiscence, why, in
1966 -- '64, I ran with a spectacular lack of success for the United
States Senate. In 1966, I started off to run for the Congress in
Houston -- Harris County. And it was then Richard Nixon, former Vice
President, President-to-be, who came down there to kick off my little
campaign. And I thought I was right on top of the world, and what he
did in endorsing and supporting me and many others like me that year
resulted in our picking up some 49 seats, I think it was, in the
Congress, and propelling me into a life that has been full and
fascinating -- sometimes frustrating -- but always rewarding. And I
am very, very grateful to him then; I was grateful to him when I
served -- while he was President, while I was head of the Republican
National Committee.
And I value his advice today. I get it. I appreciate
it. And I'm very grateful to him for his continued leadership in
this area that is so vital to the United States of America.
So, Mr. President, my sincere thanks. And it's a great
privilege to be here tonight. (Applause.)
And, of course, I want to thank our friend, all of our
friend, Jim Schlesinger, for his leadership on this; and Walter and
Lee Annenberg for their fantastic support; of course, Julie and David
Eisenhower over there -- I agree with everything Jim Schlesinger said
about Julie, first-class and wonderful. To Gavin and Annetta Herbert
and our friend, George Argyrous from California; John Taylor; Brian
-- over here; distinguished guests all; ladies and gentlemen. It is
a pleasure to be here among friends and to renew old ties.
A writer once said of Richard Nixon, his life "somehow
was central to the experience of being an American in the second half
of this century." I am proud tonight to salute a President who made
a difference -- not because he wished it, but because he willed it.
As our 37th President, he placed crime and drugs on the
national agenda; he created a pioneering cancer initiative; he ended
the draft; and he created the EPA. And we've been fighting over the
spotted owl ever since he created the EPA. But nevertheless --
(laughter.)
As I said when his library opened, Richard Nixon will be
remembered for another reason: dedicating his life to the noblest
cause offered any President -- the cause of peace among nations -- a
cause told in his books -- now, nine of them -- each written out in
long-hand on those famous yellow pages -- yellow legal pads.
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So I could not be more pleased -- and I know I speak for
Barbara on this, both of us -- to be here this evening, and I'm
pleased to be able to speak before this gathering devoted to
exploring "America's Role in the Emerging World.' The subject could
not be more timely. The auspices couldn't be more appropriate. The
Richard Nixon Library and I was privileged to be there at the
opening -- stands as a monument to a President and to an
administration devoted to an active, thoughtful and, above all,
realistic approach to the world.
The challenge faced by President Nixon could hardly have
been more daunting: How to maintain domestic support for a foreign
policy mandated by a growing Soviet threat at a time that an over-
burdened America was fighting an unpopular war in Vietnam. What
emerged -- the policies of detente and the doctrine that bears the
name of the 37th President -- provided a balance between
confrontation and cooperation.
President Nixon managed this and more, extricating us
from a war, negotiating the first comprehensive U.S.-Soviet arms
control agreement, opening up relations with China, mediating
disengagement pacts in the Middle East -- all while preserving a
consensus at home favoring continued engagement in world affairs.
To be sure, today's challenge is fundamentally
different. Yet I think we'd all agree it does bear some resemblance.
Once again we've got to find a way to square the responsibilities of
world leadership with the requirements of domestic renewal. What we
must do is find a way to maintain popular support for an active
foreign policy and a strong defense in the absence of an overriding
single external threat to our nation's security and in the face of
severe budgetary problems. In this post-Cold War world, ours is the
wonderful, yet no less real or difficult challenge really of coping
with success.
This challenge is by no means unprecedented. Think back
to the era after World War I or the years in the immediate wake of
World War II. In both instances, the American people were anxious to
bring their victorious troops home, to focus their energies on making
the American dream a reality.
Perhaps more instructive, though, are the differences
between our reactions following this century's two great wars. After
World War I, the United States retreated behind its oceans. We
refused to support the League of Nations. We allowed our military
forces to shrink and grow obsolete. We helped international trade
plummet, the victim of beggar-thy-neighbor protectionism. And we
stood by and watched as Germany's struggling democracy, the Weimar
Republic, failed under the weight of reparations, protectionism and
depression, and gave way to the horror that we all know as the Third
Reich.
Likewise, our initial reaction to victory in World War
II showed little learning. But galvanized by an emerging communist
threat spearheaded by an imperialist Soviet Union, the United States
acted. NATO, the IMF, the World Bank, the Marshall Plan -- these and
other institutions prove that Americans grasped the nature of the
challenge and the need to respond. Our military was modernized, free
trade nourished, U.S. support for former adversaries Germany and
Japan made generous. It was fitting that Dean Acheson titled his
memoirs "Present at the Creation", for these years were truly
creative.
The result, as they say, is history. We kept the peace.
We won the Cold War. Democracy is on the march. Now, for the third
time this century, we've emerged on the winning side of a war -- the
Cold War involving the great powers. And so the question before
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us is the same: We have won the war, but are we prepared to secure
the peace?
That is the challenge that we must face. Yet already,
there are voices across the political spectrum calling -- in some
cases, shouting -- for America to "come home, gut defense, spend the
peace dividend, shut out foreign goods, slash foreign aid."
You all know the slogans. You all know the so-called
solutions: Protectionism. Isolationism. But now we have the
obligation, the responsibility to our children, to reject the false
answers of isolation and protection, to heed history's lessons.
Turning our back on the world is simply no answer. I don't care how
difficult our economic problems are at home. (Applause.) To the
contrary, the futures of the United States and the world are
inextricably linked.
Just why this is so could not be more clear. Yesterday
we saw conflict, and today, yes, the world is a safer place. Yes,
the Soviet Union, aggressive, looking outward, that we feared is no
longer. But the successor republics are still struggling to
establish themselves as democracies, still struggling to make the
transition to capitalism. We invested so much to win the Cold War.
We must invest what is necessary to win the peace. If we fail, we
will create new and profound problems for our security and that of
Europe and Asia. If we succeed, we strengthen democracy, we build
new market economies -- and in the process, we create huge new
markets for America. We must support reform, not only in Russia, but
throughout the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe.
As a former President, Richard Nixon is a prolific
author. As President, he wrote a chapter that previewed the New
World Order. Today we are building on RN's roots planted in Tel Aviv
and Cairo and Moscow and Beijing. (Applause.) Look at the lands of
the former Soviet Union, reaching out toward Western ways. Look at
the fledgling democracies here in our own hemisphere. You talk about
an exciting story -- look what's happening south of the Rio Grande.
All moving towards democracy except one. Look at Cambodia and its
neighbors in Southeast Asia, yearning for an end to decades of
violence. or at the historic peace process in the Middle East -- one
that holds out the hope of reconciling Israel and her Arab neighbors.
Long way to go, but they're talking. Look at a U.N. that may at long
last be in a position to fulfill the vision of its founders.
Look at Africa, the changes in South Africa. Look at
the exciting changes in Angola, or what happened in Zambia. The
success of each depends on U.S. support and leadership. Look, too,
at the threats that know no boundaries: these insidious threats like
drugs and terrorism and disease and pollution -- and above all, the
one that concerns me perhaps the most, the spread of weapons of mass
destruction and the means to deliver them. They, too, will yield
only to an America that is vigilant and that is strong.
In the Nixon Library in Yorba Linda there's a -- I hope
all of you have seen it. If you haven't, you ought to do that.
There's a world leaders room, a room of giants who provided such
leadership Churchill and Chou En-Lai and Charles deGaulle.
President Nixon not only knew the greatest statesmen of the 20th
century, he became one of them like them, judged by disasters
averted and dreams achieved.
A former aide once told of how President Nixon asked
about a foreign policy speech. The aide shook his head. "Frankly,"
he said, "it's not going to set the world on fire." President Nixon
shook his head. "That's the whole object of our foreign policy, he
said almost to himself, "not to set the world on fire.' (Laughter.)
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Yes, carrying out a leadership role in determining the
course of the emerging world is going to cost money. But like any
insurance policy, the premium is modest compared to the potential
cost of living in a warring and hostile world. Many in Congress
today, perhaps for understandable reasons, domestic policy
considerations, are calling for a peace dividend. They would have us
slash defense spending far below the reduced levels that we have
calculated would be prudent. This must be resisted. The United
States must remain ready and able to keep the peace; a well-trained,
well-equipped military cannot simply be created overnight if and when
the need arises. Anyone who has ever gone to war knows that peace is
its own dividend.
Those who would have us do less ignore the intimate
interrelationship between overseas developments and those here at
home. If we had not resisted aggression in the Gulf a year ago, if
we had not liberated Kuwait and defeated Iraq's invading army, we
would now be facing the economic consequences not of a mild
recession, but of a deep depression brought on by Saddam Hussein's
control over the majority of the world's oil. And I am absolutely
certain -- I expect we could get a good lively debate in this room of
enormously intellectual people -- but I am absolutely certain in my
mind that is we had not moved against Saddam, he would be in Saudi
Arabia today. The coalition would have fallen apart, he would be in
Saudi Arabia, and we would be facing agony like we've never faced
before in the history of our country.
It is a pipedream to believe that we can somehow
insulate our society or our economy or our lives from the world
beyond our borders. (Applause.) This is not meant to suggest that
we should not do more here at home. Of course, we should. But
foreign policy, too, is a powerful determinant of the quality of life
here at home.
Isolationism is not the only temptation we need to
avoid. Protectionism is another siren song which will be difficult
to resist. There are, indeed, many examples of unfair trade
practices where U.S. firms get shut out of foreign government markets
owing to trade barriers of one sort or another or owing to foreign
government subsidies. But the way to bring down barriers abroad is
not to raise them at home. In trade wars there are no winners, only
losers.
Export growth is a proven economic engine. Every
billion dollars -- we estimate every billion dollars in manufactured
exports creates 20,000 jobs for Americans. And we should have no
doubts about the ability of our workers and farmers to thrive in a
competitive world. Our goal must be to increase, not restrict trade.
Opting out, be it under the banner of protection or isolation, is
nothing more than a recipe for weakness, and ultimately, for
disaster. And that's why I am so determined to do all I can to bring
to -- to successfully conclude the Uruguay Round, GATT, and to get a
fair trade agreement with Mexico, the North American Free Trade
Agreement with Mexico and Canada. It is important to us; it creates
jobs in the United States. (Applause.)
Now, if I can choose a theme for you to take away from
what I have to say tonight, it is this: There is no distinction
between how we fare abroad and how we live at home. Foreign and
domestic policy are but two sides of the same coin. True, we will
not be able to lead abroad if we are not united and strong at home.
But it is no less true that we will be unable to build the society we
seek here at home in a world where military and economic warfare is
the norm.
Ladies and gentlemen, the responsibility for supporting
an active foreign policy is one for every American. But this task,
in some ways, falls especially upon those in this room tonight. We
are entering a world that promises to be more rather than less
complicated I think thought when we were facing an imperial Soviet
communism, that that was the most complicated of times. I don't see
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it that way -- more rather than less difficult to lead in this world.
And again you have a special responsibility to help show the way, all
of you
Mr. President, there have been literally millions of
words written about you. As President Reagan said, some even have
been true. (Laughter.) But let me close with words that you used 33
years ago in the kitchen in Moscow in that famous meeting with
Khrushchev -- former Premier Khrushchev.
You describe the scene memorably in your last book,
Seize the Moment. When Khrushchev bragged that, "Your grandchildren
will live under communism," you responded that his grandchildren
would live in freedom. He was wrong, but at the time you weren't
sure you were right. Today, we know you were -- just as you were
right in helping build a safer, more peaceful world.
As we look toward the future, the only thing that is
certain is that it will bring a new world. Our task -- our
opportunity -- is to make it orderly, to build a new world order of
peace, democracy and prosperity. Let's dedicate ourselves to making
the most of this precious opportunity, of this privilege.
Thank you all very much. Mr. President, thank you, sir.
It's a joy being with you. And may God bless the United States.
(Applause.)
END
# 7789
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Memphis, Tennessee)
For Immediate Release
March 5, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN ADDRESS TO FEDERAL EXPRESS EMPLOYEES
AND BUSH-QUAYLE SUPPORTERS
Memphis International Airport
Memphis, Tennessee
2:35 P.M. CST
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you so very much. Thank you so
much for that enthusiastic welcome. And thank you to my friend,
Howard Baker, one of the great leaders in the United States Senate in
all of its history.
Thank you for the introduction, Howard. And may I
salute Congressman Don Sundquist who has been at my side in the
political wars -- a good friend, a great congressman. (Applause.)
And I'm delighted to be here at Federal Express. (Applause.) A 1990
Malcolm Baldrige Quality Award winner -- a national winner.
(Applause.)
My staff told me they weren't sure they could fit this
stop in our schedule. But when I said it was a "Fred said," I knew
we had to do it -- and fast. (Applause.) Fred, thank you.
You know, Fred Smith has always been very, very
generous. And Fred, it's good to know that if Air Force One ever has
a problem, I can always ride in the jump seat. And I hope I don't
forget the cookies. And you know what that means. (Applause.)
The people of Memphis -- indeed, all Americans -- face a
momentous decision this year. And I would never presume to tell you
how to vote, it must be between you and your conscience: Which Elvis
should be on the postage stamp? I noticed the sign. (Applause.)
And, really, it is a delight to be in this state,
because the people of Tennessee believe in big things and we agree on
the values that are closest to our hearts. And I'm talking about job
security, I'm talking about family, I'm talking about world peace for
us and our children, and for our families for generations to come.
(Applause.)
I'm here today because the people in Memphis, as well as
people at Federal Express, embody the values that have made America
number one in the world. And I know that with leaders like you,
America will stay number one. Don't listen to the gloom and doom
pessimists on that evening news every night. (Applause.) You don't
shrink from a challenge, whether in the marketplace or in the world
at large. Think back to a year ago. Think back to Operation Desert
Storm. America faced a great challenge then, and Tennessee met it
proudly. More than 6,000 Tennesseeans served their country as
Reservists of the National Guard. And Fed Ex flew more missions than
any other single civilian carrier. (Applause.) And believe me, that
is not a contribution that America will ever forget. Thank you all
very much, and all of you that helped make that possible.
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What makes this city, this state and this company so
successful? It's not hard to figure out. Look closely at what
happens right here at Federal Express. You seek out new
technologies, you make them work, you see job training not as a one-
shot deal, but as an ongoing process. And you set high standards,
constantly asking more of yourselves and your coworkers, and you're
satisfied with nothing short of excellence. Innovation -- that's
what being competitive is all about. (Applause.)
The key to success, to our success as a nation is
competitiveness. And for some, that word, "competitiveness" is just
this year's political buzzword. Here in Memphis it's a reality.
Competitiveness is your key to leadership. And companies like this
one here, Fed Ex, understand a central truth about America: If we
are to succeed economically at home we must lead economically abroad.
And that's what you are doing. (Applause.)
And here at Fed Ex that's just common sense. More than
1.5 million packages pass through here everyday en route to all parts
of the globe. And Memphis, therefore, is already America's
distribution center, and now you're becoming the world's. And that
means economic opportunity and it means jobs for the American people.
(Applause.)
You know, in this political year, this political year
some people can't seem to understand that. They see the challenges
of a global economy and they say let's draw the blinds, bolt the
doors, maybe the world will go away. And they push protectionism, an
ugly word that really means surrender. Don't be fooled by the tough
talk and the patriotic political bluster out there -- protectionism
comes from fear. Fear that Americans can't compete, fear that
Americans have no ideas and no foresight, fear that America can no
longer lead. And let those skeptics come to Memphis, Tennessee --
(applause) -- and let them come to Federal Express and see what it
really is about. (Applause.) And maybe then they'll understand what
you and I already know, Americans here and across our country can
outthink, outperform, outproduce anybody in the world. (Applause.)
Never in this country's history have Americans turned
their back on a challenge. And we don't run and hide. We compete.
As long as I am President, we will continue to compete and we will
continue to compete, and I don't believe in protectionism and I don't
believe in isolationism. (Applause.) Yes, we've got a lot of work
to do to keep America on top. And, of course, you know and I know
that our biggest challenge, my first priority, is to get this economy
moving, to create and preserve American jobs.
And in my State of the Union Address in January I laid
out a two-part plan for the economic recovery. First, a short-term
plan to strengthen the economy right now. And then, second, a
longer-term plan to keep America growing strong for years to come.
And my plan gets business moving again, hiring again. It gets the
housing market back on its feet with a $5,000 tax credit for that
first-time homebuyer. Give those young families a chance to own
their own home -- (applause) -- common-sense proposals to get people
buying homes and then building homes.
Fortunately, Congress can't tie my hands on everything.
I've been able to take some steps on my own. For example, I put a
90-day freeze on new government regulations so that all major Cabinet
departments and agencies can conduct a top-to-bottom review. And
I've given them some advice: Wherever possible, they must speed up
any regulations that encourage economic growth and scrap regulations
that restrict economic growth in this country. (Applause.)
Overregulation robs the inventiveness and risk-taking
the economy needs to grow. And you all understand that better than
anybody. For the first year, Fed Ex ran its business with 32 small
planes. Any further expansion was inhibited by cargo -- air
cargo -- regulations. And deregulation allowed Fed Ex to buy more
planes, larger planes, for transport. And. literally, Federal
- 3 -
Express took off when the regulatory burden was lifted from their
backs. (Applause.)
And so we're going to energize our economy nationally
the same way. The days of overregulation are just that -- they are
over. (Applause.)
And also there's another thing on the minds of the
people in this great area, and that means reforming our legal system.
When parents won't coach Little League for fear of being slapped with
a liability lawsuit, and doctors stop delivering babies for fear of a
malpractice suit, there is something wrong. (Applause.) And that's
why I've sent a bill to the Congress, supported by Don Sundquist, to
stop the frivolous lawsuits that drain our wallets and tear apart our
society. (Applause.)
And here's the bottom line: America won't find its way
out of this mess until we spend more time helping each other than we
do suing each other. (Applause.)
We've got to also reform our health care system. Anyone
who's had even a check-up knows that medical costs are going right
through the roof. And I believe all Americans deserve quality
Americans deserve quality health care. However, too many families go
without health care coverage. And our plan focuses on opening up
access to health care to all Americans, rich or poor. And some want
to take us down the road of nationalized health care, and I think you
and I both know that nationalized health care where government makes
all the decisions would be a national disaster. (Applause.)
And so I say to the Congress, the Congress of the United
States, the American people need your help and now is not the time
for the government to play doctor. Give us an improved health care
program for this country. (Applause.)
I'd like them to do it now. But, see, I know Congress
can be a little slow doing things. (Laughter.) That's like the guy
that takes and hour and a half to watch 60 Minutes. (Laughter.) So
I gave them a deadline, March 20th, to enact this short-term plan.
And unfortunately for the American people the Democrats, the liberals
that control the Congress, had other ideas. Last week they passed a
plan of their own. And here's what it does: In exchange for a two-
bit tax cut, literally about 25 cents a day per taxpayer, they will
raise another $100 billion in taxes. And they call that $100 billion
new revenues. And I have another word for it: your money.
(Laughter and applause.)
No matter how the Democrats try to dress it up, any
economist can tell you the last thing we need right now is a $100
billion tax hike. So if the Democrats in Congress want to send that
bill to me, I've got a message for them. I will veto it, absolutely,
positively, overnight. (Applause.)
No, the American people have had enough of the old tax
and spend, and they want to get our economy back on track. And every
day each one of you hears Federal Express airplanes flying overhead.
To some people that might sound like noise, but it is music, to my
ears. It is the sound of an economy on the move, an economy that is
worldwide. (Applause.) It is the sound of American ingenuity taking
off.
Since I took office it has been my responsibility to
work for what is right for America. And I often go back, I expect we
all do as families, and I wish Barbara Bush were with me to see this
marvelous crowd today. (Applause.) We often go back to the simple
ideal that -- in our case, that my parents taught me: Try your
hardest, be honest, do your best. And let me tell you something:
I'm not finished yet. I want your support for four more years to
finish this job. And I say to the people of Tennessee -- (applause)
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-- together, we're going to make a change -- a change that for once
Congress will believe in you and give you values you believe in, give
those values a real chance to work. Thank you for your hard work,
thank you all for this enthusiastic welcome and your continued
support, and may God bless the greatest, freest country on the face
of the Earth, the United States of America. Thank you so much.
(Applause.)
END
3:50 P.M. CST
7772
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Chicago, Illinois)
For Immediate Release
March 3, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE 50TH ANNUAL CONVENTION OF THE
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF EVANGELICALS
The Hyatt Regency O'Hare Hotel
Chicago, Illinois
11:57 A.M. CST
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you for that welcome. And to Dr.
Johnson, Dr. Billy Melvin, Don Argue, Dave Rambo, Bob Dugan, my
sincere thanks, not just to you all, to everyone up here, but to all
of you for that very warm welcome.
And I'd like to open, if I may, on a personal note -- to
thank you for the help that you've given me over the years. And I'm
not really referring to the fine work that your team in Washington
has been doing, although they ve been of great help to our
administration advancing the values we share. Nor am I thinking only
of the wonderful work you do in world relief and in helping people
around this world, which is superb work. But my thanks are really
more personal than that, and Barbara and I particularly want to thank
you for your prayers.
As I said many times before, prayer always has been
important in our lives, and without it, I really am convinced, more
and more convinced, that no man -- or no woman, eventually -- who has
the privilege of serving in the presidency could carry out their
duties without prayer. I think of Lincoln's famous remark: "I've
been driven many times to my knees by the overwhelming conviction
that I had nowhere else to go."
The intercessionary prayers that so many Americans make
on behalf of the President of the United States -- in this instance,
on behalf of me, and also of my family -- they inspire us and they
give us strength. And I just wanted you to know that -- and Barbara
and I are very, very grateful to you.
I am delighted to have this opportunity to speak to this
most prestigious meeting, to speak with you today on the occasion of
your 50th anniversary. Your theme -- "Forward in Faith" -- and that
says as much about your movement, much about what evangelicals have
brought to America over its lifetime. Evangelicals point our country
toward the future, and with the diligence and hard work and
confidence that only a firm faith can provide. In so many crucial
ways, your concerns are the concerns of your countrymen.
We agree on the big issues that shape the world, and on
the values -- on the values so close to home. I'm talking about
jobs, obviously; about family; about world peace, for ourselves, and
I along. guess even more important, for our kids, for the generations coming
And we agree that we must speak out against racial
bigotry and against anti-Semitism. And as I stressed in my State of
the Union address, it's especially critical in these days of economic
difficulty to point out that racial bigotry and anti-Semitism simply
have no place in America. (Applause:)
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You want, as all Americans do, safe streets for your
children. You want schools where your children can receive the
finest possible education, to prepare them for a life of industry and
good citizenship and faith in God. And I believe that means that you
are entitled to choose your children's schools. (Applause.)
You want a government that understands the limited role
that it must play in a nation of free men and women; a government
that promotes economic growth and opportunity; a government that
spends your tax money for the common good, and for the common good
alone.
And you want for yourselves and your country that most
precious of gifts -- peace on Earth. You understand that peace comes
not from vacillation and weakness, but from clarity of purpose and
from strength. The last time a President came before you, I note
that it is almost eight years to the day, our country was nearing the
climax of a titanic struggle, the Cold War.
President Reagan spoke to you then of what America must
do to win this hard and bitter peace. Like you, President Reagan and
I understood that the Cold War wasn't simply some mundane competition
between rival world powers. It was a struggle for the mind of man.
On one side was a system dedicated to denying the life
of the spirit and celebrating the omnipotence of the state. On the
other was a system founded on a profound truth -- that our Creator
has endowed his children with inalienable rights that no government
can deny. (Applause.)
And now, eight years later, we can say confidently,
Americans won the Cold War. We won it by standing for what's right.
Tonight our children and grandchildren -- and I take great joy in
this -- tonight our children and our grandchildren will go to their
beds untroubled by the fears of nuclear holocaust that haunted two
generations of Americans. In our prayers we asked for God's help. I
know our family did, and I expect all of you did. We asked for God's
help. And now in this shining outcome, in this magnificent triumph
of good over evil, we should thank God. We should give thanks.
(Applause.)
BY the way, I notice from your Washington newsletter
that recently even Time Magazine called the old Soviet Union an evil
empire. Now they tell us. (Laughter.) I think you will recall only
a few years ago when -- many of you know this -- about the time when
Bill Graham went to the Soviet Union. And he came back and told a
lot of people, told us of the people's hunger for religion. And some
did not believe him then. Nobody here doubted that. But some across
our country simply could not believe that. But now, no one doubts
him. I know evangelicals understood this all along.
Our victory in the Cold War came from the kind of work
performed by people here in this room. Many of you -- many of you
bravely brought Bibles behind the Iron Curtain, sharing the word of
God with people who longed for it. And through your World Relief
Corporation and other enterprises, you helped resettle thousands who
were fleeing oppression. Many evangelicals risked their lives to
bring theological training where such training was forbidden.
And now in the free countries of the former communist
bloc your work continues, to ensure that the vacuum left by
communism's demise is filled by faith. You and I both know there is
more to do in the cause of religious freedom, and you have my full
support in that effort. (Applause.) Rest assured: Our country --
indeed, the world -- will be forever grateful for what you have done.
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Americans are the most religious people on Earth. And
we have always instinctively sensed that God's purpose was bound up
with the cause of liberty. The Founders understood this. As
Jefferson put it: "Can the liberties of a nation be thought secure
when we have removed their only firm basis, a conviction in the minds
of the people that these liberties are the gift of God?"
That conviction is enshrined in our Declaration of
Independence and in our Constitution. And it's no accident that in
drafting our Bill of Rights, the Founders dedicated the first portion
of our First Amendment to religious liberty. We rightly emphasize
the opening clause of that amendment, which forbids government from
establishing religion. In fact, I believe the establishment clause
has been a great boon to our country's religious life. One reason
religion flourishes in America is that worship can never be
controlled by the state.
But in recent times we have too often ignored the clause
that follows, which forbids government from prohibiting the free
exercise of religion. (Applause.) This myopia has in some places
resulted in an aggressive campaign against religious belief itself.
Some people seem to believe that freedom of religion requires
government to keep our lives free from religion. Well, I believe
they're just plain wrong. (Applause.)
Our government was founded on faith. Government must
never promote a religion -- of course; but it is duty-bound to
promote religious liberty. And it must never put the believer at a
disadvantage because of his belief. (Applause.) That is the
challenge that our administration has undertaken. To be succinct --
it is my conviction that children have a right to voluntary prayer in
the public schools. (Applause.)
And we must hold the line on state intervention in other
areas as well. Two years ago, for example, we were in a tough fight
on Capitol Hill over child care legislation. But with the invaluable
help of your group and of other pro-family organizations, we kept
choice of child care out of the hands of the government bureaucrats
and kept it where it belongs -- in the hands of the parents.
(Applause.)
And you remember the fight, but we were determined to
help families get the kind of child care they want, and that included
church-based care. And that's the way the law, is now, and that's the
way it should be. (Applause.)
And we will continue to fight for the parents' right to
choose their children's schools. School choice is at the heart of
America 2000, our strategy to literally revolutionize American
education. All parents -- rich or poor -- must have the right to
choose the kind of education their children will receive. And as
I've said many times, that must include religious-based schools.
(Applause.)
For many years Americans saw another disturbing trend.
Judges, legislating from the bench, steadily expanded the power of
government over the lives of ordinary Americans. Today, I am happy
to report to you that that trend is over. Over the past three years
I have appointed more than 160. judges who understand the limits of
government and the rights of parents; judges who punish criminals,
not honest cops out trying to do their jobs. And I am very proud of
the two fine men who have taken their place on the Supreme Court
since I've been President -- Justice David Souter and Justice
Clarence Thomas. (Applause.)
We must do everything in our power to preserve the
institution that nurtures faith, the family. And I am firmly
convinced that our greatest problems today -- from drugs and welfare
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dependency to crime and moral breakdown spring from the
deterioration of the American family. (Applause.)
And too often overweening government has aided the
tragedy. Recently I announced a new commission to isolate the causes
of the family's decline. And I did that after meeting with
Democratic mayors and Republican mayors from the National League of
Cities -- some from big cities, some from small -- all saying what
I've just said. The fundamental problem is the decline of the family
when you look at these urban problems. I think you'll agree that I
found the right man to lead the commission: your Layman of the Year
last year, Governor John Ashcroft of the state of Missouri.
(Applause.) John knows the importance that we place on strengthening
-- on strengthening the families. Families must come first in
America.
We must always guard against laws that weaken the
family, weaken traditional values. And at the same time, we can take
positive steps to strengthen them. Here's an example that will begin
to address the real costs of child-rearing: I have asked Congress to
increase the child tax exemption by $500 per child, and I want the
Congress to do it now.
We're also waging war against the forces that would tear
the family apart. In 1990 alone, our agents from the FBI and Customs
and Postal Inspection Service won 245 convictions against the smut
merchants who deal in child pornography. These creatures have been
put on notice: There is no place in America for this horrifying
exploitation of children. (Applause.)
Faith, family -- these are the values that sustain the
greatest nation on Earth. And to these values we must add the
infinitely precious value of life itself. Let me be clear: I
support the right to life. (Applause.)
Six times the Congress has sent me legislation
permitting federal funding of abortion, and six times I've told them
no and vetoed these bills. (Applause.) Now we've got another fight.
The Democratic Congress has opened up yet another front in this
battle. Tomorrow, they will begin hearings on new legislation, and
they call it the "freedom of choice act." And it would impose on all
50 states an unprecedented regime of abortion on demand going well
beyond even Roe versus Wade. It would block many state laws
requiring that parents be told about abortions being performed on
their young daughters -- even though the Supreme Court has upheld
such laws five times. It would override state laws restricting
sex-selection abortions. And it would severely limit the state's
ability to impose meaningful restrictions on abortions performed in
the eighth or even the ninth month of pregnancy. This is not right.
And it will not become law as long as I am President of the United
States of America. (Applause.)
Lincoln once said, "My concern is not whether God is on
our side, but whether we are on God's side." (Applause.) As
President I have often spoken of service -- not simply public
service, but personal service, one human being coming to the aid of
another. And I'm always reminded of a phrase from the Book of Common
Prayer: "Oh, God ... whose service is freedom.' We must be
sustained by the confidence that in serving others -- in promoting
the values of faith and family and life, we serve Him as well. It is
this confidence that will enable us to move our country forward in
faith, and -- remember -- one nation under God.
Thank you, and may God bless you and your wonderful
work. And thank you for having me with you. (Applause.)
END
12:18 P.M. CST
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
February 14, 1992
PRESS CONFERENCE BY THE PRESIDENT
Arborview
Riverside Development Construction Site
Belcamp, Maryland
2:35 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Let me just make a quick statement here.
Today many families all across America share the same hope of owning
their own home. But hard times have put a hold on the dream. And to
these young families I made a pledge, and that is that we will help
you get your dream within reach.
And I submitted to Congress an action plan to help the
economy, not hurt the taxpayer. And I sent this plan to the House
and the Senate and brought it along -- great big thing here. It
includes a $5,000 tax credit for first-time homebuyers and a tax
break for middle class families. It's all there.
And we do not need to raise taxes in order to get this
economy moving again. We need to cut the taxes and cut spending.
And I've asked Congress for nothing flashy, just common sense -- good
common sense. And as I told these people I've been working with --
construction workers and would-be homebuyers -- I want that $5,000
tax credit for first-time homebuyers and penalty-free withdrawals
from IRAs for the purchase of a first home. I want a modification in
the tax rules that currently discourage real estate investors -- it's
known as the passive loss rules. And furthermore, I want a cut in
the capital gains tax to boost real estate values and heat up the
housing market, especially with interest rates at such low levels.
And I told them that my plan will work. They're the
experts here, but some representatives of the National Association of
Homebuilders are with us today also. And that organization -- and
I'll let them speak for themselves, but that organization estimates
that if Congress passes my plan by March 20th, we will create 415,000
new construction industry jobs and generate $20 billion in new
economic activity. These figures from the experts. (Applause.)
And so I would ask you to ask one expert right here
standing with me here, John Colvin, and he tells me that if Congress
passes my plan by March 20th, he expects to add an additional 90
homes to the 256 he already plans to sell and build in 1992. Now,
that's 355 new homes here at Arborview, homes within reach of the
middle class buyers.
Two days after the State of the Union I sent a plan to
Congress to get our economy moving this spring. Now, let me tell you
what happened to the plan this week.
Wednesday, the majority, the Democrats on the Ways and
Means Committee in the House voted against my plan twice. And just
yesterday in a closed meeting the Democrats surfaced a scheme that
raises taxes and, more importantly for you, everyone here, I think
kills my plan to help these first-time homebuyers.
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Many firms in the housing industry have reached the
make-or-break point. And so I've set a deadline for the Congress to
act -- you heard it in the State of the Union -- March 20th, 35 days
from today. Make a note of that date.
But remember, anyone who wants to buy a home like this,
under my plan, would get a $5,000 tax credit. And under the
Democrats' current package, they would get zero.
And I've asked these good people here today to tell
Congress not to send me a package that I have to veto on carrying a
tax increase. The Democrats refuse to pass my plan out of the
committee and instead their considering a package that would raise
these taxes. And because it's not paid for, it would trigger cuts in
the Medicare benefits.
The American people, I really believe, want action. And
they will not stand for this maneuver there in the committee. I'm
hoping the whole House of Representatives, Helen, will do a better
job on this -- and Wayne, our other Congressman with me here today
-- they need to pass this plan and to quit playing kind of partisan,
election-year politics.
So I'm glad to take this opportunity to encourage the
Congress to move. And on this bill, this rifle-shot approach that we
have, it can be done almost overnight. It literally -- it is not
that complicated. There are seven stimulative tax provisions in
here, and it will get the job done. It will really move this
economy.
And so I hope that everybody, regardless of political
affiliation, will weigh in with the Congress and help us get this
done.
So that is it. And thank you all very, very much.
(Applause.)
Everybody read this and I'm going to give you a quiz now
on this. (Laughter.)
I
Mr. President, the Democrats say your March 20 plan
is too front-end-loaded for the rich.
THE PRESIDENT: That doesn't look like it to me -- a
$5,000 tax credit for first-time homeowner -- that doesn't seem to me
to be helping the rich. It seems to me to be helping people own a
home. It seems to me to be stimulating the housing business.
So that's the charge, I understand, but I wish they'd
get out here and talk to some people that are working in these
buildings and maybe talk to some that aspire to own a home. You
know, there's plenty of time for politics later on, after March 20th.
We ought to pass this one. Ask the head of the homebuilders, Jay
down here. I mean, this is their business, and they 11 tell you that
that alone will have an enormously stimulative effect.
So I'm asking them to say, let's set aside the politics
as usual, get this part done, and then I'll go to battle stations
with them on how I think the rest of this program should be enacted.
But it's too urgent now. The economy's getting ready to move.
Interest rates are down. Inflation is down. Everything's not all
gloomy. But what it needs is a stimulative push right now. And it's
good for the homebuyer; it's good for the homebuilder. It's good for
the community.
Each one of these jobs, I was told out here, each one of
these houses stimulates a lot of other jobs, whether it's in
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landscaping business or finishing these units out, or all kinds of
things -- highway construction, whatever it might be.
So that's what I would say.
Q
Mr. President, what's wrong with a tax increase on
the wealthy as part of that?
THE PRESIDENT: We don't need any tax increases. What
we need to do is stimulate the economy. And every time they aim at
the wealthy, you hit these guys. That's just the way it works. And
so I don't think that -- why divide, kind of keep trying to divide
America class against class? Why not get on with stimulating this
economy so everybody's going to have a piece of a bigger pie?
(Applause.) That's the way I look at it.
&
Are you trying to compromise with them, though, Mr.
President, to sit down and --
THE PRESIDENT: I don't want to compromise. I want them
to pass this, and then we'll get into a negotiation on this big baby
here. And there's a lot of things in there that are very important.
I'm all for the provision on the child care credit, for example. But
what I think is most important to the country now is to stimulate the
economy where it will begin to move forward on jobs.
This will restore confidence. One of the problems we've
had in this economy is the lack of confidence. And a couple of guys
standing over here near this truck said, well, I'm beginning to get a
little better feel for it. This will give it a boost. And I really
think that's the approach we ought to take -- get this done and then
let's have the debate wherever it may be, on taxing the rich, or
taxing somebody else.
Marlin predicted yesterday to you all, they're going to
come out with a tax increase. It was 12 hours later that I read in
the paper a great big bill that was going to do just exactly that.
And so I'm just going to keep urging and trying to get the support of
the American people to go for this stimulative package. I really
think that's what's needed.
2
Mr. President, did you just say that you're open to
negotiating a tax increase once --
THE PRESIDENT: No. No. I'm glad you put that -- I
said I'm glad to be talking about this whole package later on. But
not negotiating a tax increase. Thank you for letting me clear that
up.
Q
But you appeared to leave the door open, sir.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, let me close it right here --
wham. (Laughter.) We don't need it. (Applause.)
Thank you. Thank you, Jim. No, I'm glad he raised it
because sometimes they think I'm a little less than clear in what I
say.
Q
Do you agree with Marlin's characterization of the
Democrats on the tax and Ways and Means Committee as weasels?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I thought -- I can't remember
exactly what he -- I thought it was eloquent, but I don't want to
agree with him until I go back and review exactly what he said.
Q
Are they weasels?
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Q
Are you confirmed that a tax cut now will do long-
term damage to the economy?
THE PRESIDENT: No, I don't think SO. I think this kind
of stimulative effect, which is paid for under our plan, is a good
thing to do. And I also think that if the economy does what I think
it will when stimulated, it will just create more and more jobs, and
that, of course, would mean more and more revenues.
Q
James Cheek sees a hostile environment following
the dismissal of Robert Goodwin who heads your office, your
initiative on black colleges and universities. Do you know why
Robert Goodman was fired?
THE PRESIDENT: No, but I certainly have a lot of
respect for Dr. Cheek and would like to talk to him about that. But
I don't.
Q
Mr. President, Pat Buchanan says your proposal is a
cynical betrayal of the middle class.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I'd vowed to try to get through
this election without responding to him, and I think I've got a good
chance because the election is Tuesday up there. And I'm going to
keep on doing that, keep my sights focused on what's going to help
this economy, country; what's going to help, in this instance,
stimulate the housing industry. And then I'll be prepared to engage.
But this is too important. And I really mean it.
So I've been able to absorb these shots in New Hampshire
-- from all sides. It's not just him. They're all having a field
day. But what I'm trying to do is get the country moving, and then
I'll come out with my dukes, up and ready to do battle. But this is
too important to get it caught up in charge and countercharge; it
really is.
And I'm a competitor and I don't like being the javelin
catcher, but I really believe this. I really believe that if we can
somehow -- if I can preserve the climate in which to get this done,
that's the best politics and it's the best -- I know it's the best
approach for our country. So I'm going to stay with this.
Q
How competitive are you going to be in New
Hampshire, Mr. President?
MR. FITZWATER: Final question, please.
THE PRESIDENT: How what?
Q
How competitive will you be in New Hampshire? How
will you do?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I think I've got a good chance to
win. Is that what you mean? (Laughter.)
Q
Well, how well do you think you'll do? Will Pat
Buchanan get 42 percent of the vote?
THE PRESIDENT: Oh, I'm going to stay out of the
prediction business. A guy asked me the other day, he said, what do
you have to have to win? I said, help me will you; what does it take
to win the Super Bowl, I can't remember? The guy said, one point --
thank you very much, thank you very much. (Laughter.)
THE PRESS: Thank you.
END
2:47 P.M. EST
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Atlanta, Georgia)
For Immediate Release
January 17, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT JOB TRAINING 2000 CEREMONY
Jordan Hall
Morris Brown College
Atlanta, Georgia
11:52 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Let me say it's been a joy to be back in
Atlanta. I was privileged to be over at the Martin Luther King
Center, pay fitting and appropriate tribute to that great leader, and
now have an opportunity to be here.
And I want to single out again to those who weren't over
there, Secretary Sullivan who -- Dr. Sullivan is the Secretary of
HHS, the largest department in the federal government and doing a
superb job. And for you kids, he's from Morehouse Medical right here
and went to Morehouse. So we've got an Atlanta man running this
enormous part of the federal government and doing a superb job at it.
I was so pleased to have been greeted by the Mayor, who
I don't think is here right now and the Governor, both of whom gave
me a warm welcome -- one to Georgia, and one to Atlanta.
I want to salute the Private Industry Council of Atlanta
members who have taken the time to be with us. Pleased to be joined
by Alvin Darden, members of this effective CATALYST team now on their
coffee break. (Laughter.) And I've come here to Morris Brown
College in the center - the Atlanta University center -- to see this
wonderful work in progress and to announce a pioneering new approach
to job training, a program that I call Job Training 2000.
Programs like the CATALYST Project highlight just how
critical job training is to the American economy, to American
competitiveness, and, yes, to the American Dream.
As a nation, America's ability to prosper in the century
coming up rests on our collective capacity to learn new skills and
test the limits of our potential. On an individual level, what we
learn, defines who we are. No one -- young, old or in between -- can
hope to reach their dreams without sharpening their skills and
mastering the tools of thought.
And that's the idea behind our overall national
education strategy -- America 2000. And it's the impulse behind the
initiative that I'm announcing today -- Job Training 2000.
Job training must be more than merely make-work. It's
got to suit the needs of the workplace and the marketplace. And the
private sector will always bear primary responsibility for training
the workers it needs to get the jobs done -- the unions here taking a
very active and critical role in all of this. But government, at all
level, can and must play a role -- to use a word that's well-known,
as catalysts in this process.
And we are, right now, the federal government's
commitment to worker training spans more than 60 programs, seven
federal agencies, resources totaling some $18 billion a year.
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Well, we've got to make certain that these funds are
spent to maximum effect, and that's where Job Training 2000 comes in.
It's the product of hard work of our Vice President and of Secretary
of Labor Lynn Martin, of our Education Secretary -- all these working
together trying to express a commitment to this country's future.
Job Training 2000 rests on four cornerstones. First,
the creation of a 21st century training system. Job training 2000
creates a one-stop shopping center for job training, coordinated by
private industry councils all across the country. It will move us
away from the heavy hand of a bureaucratic overkill to a system that
allows greater freedom for the private sector and local governments
to shape programs that work. I've been asking that question -- does
this work? And each person I've asked said this one works. It's
effective.
Second, this program will help ease the transition from
welfare to work, from dependence to independence. Under Job Training
2000, we'll dedicate more than $20 million to demonstration projects
to place welfare recipients in permanent jobs. And then we'll enlist
market forces to break the welfare dependency. A substantial portion
of the money government saves as each new worker leaves welfare
behind will be shared with the company that helped that person get a
job.
And thirdly, this program will ease the transition from
school to work. Job Training 2000 will encourage voluntary
apprentice programs for high school students, combining quality
education, on-the-job training and mentoring. This approach will
help these apprentices keep their options open, to pursue their
education or alternatively to enter the work force as they wish.
Fourth, and finally, Job Training 2000 promotes lifelong
learning. Job Training 2000 establishes lifetime training in
education that counts, enabling the federal government to provide the
average American tens of thousands of dollars-worth of education and
training over the course of his lifetime.
Job Training 2000 will create a kind of passport to
continuing education, making it easter for people of all ages to
receive grants and loans that they need to keep pace with the
challenges of the 21st century workplace. This program is our plan
to capture the spirit of programs like the ones that I've been
privileged to see today, and bring that innovative Atlanta approach,
if you will, to every American community.
Let me say to the young men and women that I've met
today, not long from now these four walls will house the new Project
CATALYST Center. But what you're building here is far more than a
work of bricks and mortar or plaster or paint. This renovation is a
symbol of the larger commitment of this community to generate
opportunity for the people who call it home.
So, once again, my congratulations on the future that
you're building here, on the opportunity you're giving the young
people here. And my thanks to the CATALYST team for showing me
around this site. And thanks to all of you, whether you're in city
government, state government, marketplace, business, labor unions,
whatever, for the fine work you are doing, the example you're
setting.
And now, back to work. (Laughter.) Hammer time.
(Applause.) Thank you all very, very much. (Applause.)
END
12:00 P.M. EST
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Melbourne, Australia)
For Immediate Release
January 3, 1992
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO U.S. -AUSTRALIAN COMMUNITY LEADERS
World Congress Centre
Melbourne, Australia
12:40 P.M. (L)
THE PRESIDENT: Premier, thank you for that wonderfully
warm introduction; and to all of the people of Victoria, this
wonderful city, for the warmth of your reception. I'd like to salute
the Deputy Premier Jim Kennan, and his wife, Janet; Governor
McCaughey and his wife, Jean; our Ambassador Mel Sembler, and his
wife, Betty. I'd like to single out and identify for those of you
who have not met him, our very able Secretary of Commerce who's
traveling with me on this trip, Secretary Bob Mosbacher, over here;
and thank our hosts for a wonderful day here, two of whom I think are
also with us at this luncheon -- Dick Warburton, who's President of
the American Chamber of Commerce; and Brian Loton, the President of
the Business Council of Australia.
Australia's national anthem speaks of a land abounding
in nature's gifts, of beauty rich and rare. Well, Barbara and I feel
richer for the rare privilege of being with you today. And, Joan,
tell your friend that the only button that I have my finger on these
days is the one where I try to set the clock on my VCR. (Laughter.)
And I hope it always stays that way. (Applause.)
And I'm also glad to visit this country where much of
your beautiful land is known as bush country. (Laughter.) And now,
if I can just get that description to apply to 50 states back home,
all will be well. (Laughter.)
Ten years ago this May, I first visited Australia to
mark the 40th anniversary of the Battle of the Coral Sea. And since
then, we have toiled together to advance what I call the hard work of
freedom.
And I'm here to talk of how Australia and America can
use that work to help build a better world. And we will build it
through liberty and opportunity and through trade that is both free
and fair. And we will build it by using our common culture and
principles to promote prosperity at home and democracy abroad --
especially the jobs and economic growth that is my highest priority.
This morning, Barbara and I visited the Australian War
Memorial, where our alliance reminded me of General Patton's words:
"Wars may be fought with weapons, but they are won by men." The
memorial stirs the memory of heroes who stood with our troops in
combat, heroes who fought together to defend our common ideals. And
our task now is to join together to create a world where the force of
law outlasts the use of force.
The successful end of the Cold War brings the promise of
a world of peace and dignity. Its triumph is inevitable, but only if
democracies are resolute. Globally, you all, Australia, has
encouraged this concept by supporting a more engaged United Nations.
And regionally, you helped shape the framework for the Cambodia peace
settlement agreed to by warring factions. And I assure you, here,
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too, we, America, are your partners. We will not abandon the special
responsibility we have to help further stability in this region.
More than 150 years ago, President Andrew Jackson
appointed J. H. Williams as the first American consul here. And
arriving from Boston, Williams was greeted by a newspaper article.
"We welcome his arrival," read the Australian paper, "as a pledge of
increasing intimacy between the two countries from which mutual
advantages may be expected to flow." One hundred and fifty years
ago.
In the Persian Gulf conflict, those advantages served
the cause of peace. And you were quick to condemn the Iraqi
invasion, to endorse economic sanctions, to send ships to participate
in the multinational coalition. And I thank you also for sending
medical teams and humanitarian relief to Kurds and Iraqis fleeing
Saddam's oppression. On Iraq, it is my hope that the Iraqi people
now will rid themselves of that brutal dictator, Saddam Hussein, so
that our countries can start over with Iraq. You see, we have no
argument with the people of Iraq or even with the military in Iraq.
Our difference is with the bully, Saddam Hussein.
Australia has stood fast for principles of decency and
peace. In 1984 you helped create the Australia Group, which today
includes 22 member nations, each dedicated to preventing the use and
spread of chemical and biological weapons. Australia believes that
multilateral solutions can solve global problems. And so do I.
Through two world wars and other international conflicts, Americans
have learned that they cannot divorce their destinies from the
destinies of Europe and Asia.
History teaches that peace is indivisible; political
isolationism doesn't work. As a new century beckons, we will use
that lesson in support of peace and in hopes of preventing future
wars. The Australian statesman, Alfred Deakin, once said, "Next to
our own nation we place our kindred in America." He knew that we are
all members of the world community. And so we need to strengthen our
already steadfast commitment to Asia and to the Pacific region,
increasing democracy, free expression, and, yes, free markets.
In 1990, the two-way trade between this region and the
United States totaled $300 billion. And I say that we can, we must,
and we will expand our ties of trade.
In America, one-third of our growth between 1986 and
1990 flowed from merchandise exports. To increase that growth --
which means more jobs -- Australia and America need the cooperation
that must be a cornerstone of the post-Cold War world. That
cooperation will increase trade, open markets, and ensure jobs.
On the other hand, economic isolationism is a bankrupt
notion. Protectionism -- it closes markets, it ensures poverty and
it costs jobs. America cannot and must not go down that dead-end
street -- and we won't as long as I am President of the United
states. (Applause.)
You know that America is enduring tough economic times,
and I know that Australia is facing hard times as well. American
companies exported $8.5 billion in merchandise to Australia in 1990
-- $200 million more than in 1989. And we both need the new jobs
that increased exports provide. Competition has compelled American
companies to produce better goods and services than ever before. And
I have full confidence that on a level playing field our workers can
compete with anybody, anywhere.
And speaking of success in a free and fair trade
environment, I have with me a delegation of American business
leaders, including some that do business very successfully right here
in Australia. Their success is a tribute not only to their
commitment to quality, but also to the basic openness and fairness of
Australia's markets.
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I had an outstanding chance to visit today with
businesses doing business right here in Victoria -- some American,
some others -- but all doing business and pleading for more open and
fair access to markets.
The business delegation is with me to help our efforts
to open markets and spur economic growth all around the Pacific Rim.
We ask no more and no less than you do: a playing field where
partners treat each other fairly. And like us, you understand that
free trade must be fair trade. I applaud your policies to foster
greater openness and competitiveness in the economy, especially
erasing most import quotas and cutting domestic subsidies and
tariffs. And I commend your efforts to strengthen the international
by erasing trade barriers.
economic system -- spurring a regional effort to promote freer trade
None of this has come easily, but thanks to you, we have
made steady progress. And I am grateful that several years ago
Australia led the way to create Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation --
APEC -- the premier economic forum in the Pacific. Since APEC's
first ministerial meeting in Canberra two years ago, it has mobilized
the support of all 15 participants to push for progress in the GATT
Uruguay Round.
And like the United States, other APEC members want to
find ways to achieve sustainable growth, increase employment, and
preserve the environment. And so do we. We want the jobs that stem
from economic cooperation among Pacific Rim market economies,
including the United States.
And just as we need your help, I want to pledge you our
help. It is true that with so much in common, our two nations
generally agree on goals. And let's face it, it is also true that
occasionally we differ on means. I've heard a good deal about one:
One difference is our use of this Export Enhancement Program -- the
EEP, it is known as -- to counter the agriculture subsidies of the
European Community.
And let me be clear: Australia is not the target of the
program. As I said before the Parliament yesterday, the EEP has one
and only one objective: to force the EC to stop its avalanche of
subsidized exports. The EC subsidizes 10 times the exports as do we
in the United States of America.
I know discussions on this issue are difficult, and that
Australia's position is based on the fact that Australian farmers are
enduring hardship. I've learned that firsthand on this trip. I know
-- I met with representatives of Australia's farmers just yesterday.
And I heard firsthand their deep concerns and I shared with them the
depth of sentiment among America's farmers. Our farmers are hurting
too. I told them we weren't looking for sympathy, but I pointed out
that our wheat production dropped by 30 percent last year.
Both of us want progress. Back in Washington, an
Australian delegation recently visited our Department of Agriculture.
We heard your perspective on the current world market situation, and
your appeal for sensitivity to Australian trade.
Australian officials have expressed interest in holding
follow-up talks early this year. That, too, is very encouraging.
Both our governments are working hard on the real solution to this
difficult problem. We can regain the momentum for progress by using
what's called the Dunkel Draft as a basis for achieving a successful
conclusion to the GATT Round of trade talks. It is essential --
believe me, it is absolutely essential, not just for agriculture, but
for world trade, that those talks succeed and that we make real
progress in a wide array of areas, but particularly on agriculture.
I have agreed to greater bilateral dialogue on this and
other economic issues. Let us show how the "Waltzing Matilda" can
meet the "Texas Two-Step." It can be done. And we will seek
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understanding in the future as in the past. We can be proud of
working together over the last five decades. And so together, let's
build upon that record.
We must expand our bilateral relationship in new ways
that help our people. We both breathe the same air. So last April,
we agreed to pursue energy policies that will increase exports while
preserving our environment.
We both believe in the importance of education. So we
launched the Australian Center for American Studies. This new center
will expand bilateral links by developing programs of value to
business and education and the universities. We hope this center
will cause future generations to say of America and Australia, in the
words of a great hymn: "Blest be the ties that bind."
These ties are economic, military, social, and cultural.
This trip I'm on is about broad principles that draw our two nations
together. It's about the security of the Pacific. And it's about
our global partnership. And it's about our prospects for economic
growth.
Our relationship rests upon the shared values of our
people -- love of family, faith in God, pride in country, desire to
conquer the unknown. The first pictures of Neil Armstrong's
adventure on the moon were beamed from Australia's radio telescope at
Parkes to a waiting world. Later, Apollo XV was named "Endeavor"
after Captain Cook's ship -- in the hope of many future endeavors
between our two nations.
So this new year, 1992, let's look forward to our next
century together. Let's do the hard work of freedom for ourselves,
and especially for our children. Let's help them meet the challenges
of their time, as we've met ours: Building the peace, creating
opportunity, increasing the benefit of God's bounty for all.
Thank you all very much, and may God bless the people of
this great land, Australia. (Applause.)
END
12:58 P.M. (L)
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
December 11, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT FUNDRAISER FOR SENATOR MURKOWSKI
The Willard Hotel
Washington, D.C.
12:32 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Frank, thank you. And good luck.
(Applause.) Thank you for that very nice welcome. To you all
assembled, my thanks to you. And, Nancy, Barbara and I send our very
best wishes, not just for the holiday season, but for what's over the
horizon for you and that wonderful family. And let me just say good
morning -- early morning, or breakfasttime, to our supporters joining
us through the magic of television -- all Frank's friends up there in
Anchorage, with Senator Ted Stevens, our great leader up there who is
doing a wonderful job, side by side with Frank in Fairbanks; Mr.
Richard Wien, who I understand is connected to this, and so I salute
you, sir, and all assembled. And thank you for your work on this.
And good afternoon, of course, to our friends here in
Washington. I'm told that Ed Derwinski was to be here. I saw
Senator Strom Thurmond; Kit Bond is to be here -- Senator from
Missouri; Larry Craig, another great Senator; and, of course,
standing at my left, and chairman of this event, the indefatigable
and wonderful Lod Cook, to whom we are all very, very grateful.
(Applause.)
I had a chance to greet some of you all, and I know that
many of you have traveled from all corners of America -- New York and
California, well represented; and of course, Alaska, just to be here.
And to anyone here that I've missed, warm greetings to you. Let me
salute the marvelous music we had earlier on, and I just wish you all
the greatest for Christmas.
May I say to all of you that your support means an awful
lot. It means a great deal to Frank. He's touched, and I'm sure
you've been touched, too. (Laughter.) But it is very important that
this man be reelected. And I'm here today saluting what I think is
one of our essential key members of the team up there on Capitol
Hill. He is a public servant -- and Lod put it well -- dedicated to
the people of his state. He never forgot how he got sent here to
Washinton, D.C., and he is a leader that is constantly looking
forward, helping us try to find ways to build a better America. So
the people of Alaska are fortunate, and the people of this country
are fortunate to have Senator Frank Murkowski in the United States
Senate, and please keep him there. (Applause.)
We need him. We need him in the Senate, and we need
more people in Congress like Frank -- men and women who believe in
growth and opportunity for all Americans, elected leaders who are
committed to excellence at home and then are fighting for this
competitiveness abroad. And I need more Republicans in Congress --
and we need to keep the good ones there that we've already got.
He just came back, as he mentioned in his opening
remarks, from Taiwan, Korea, Japan -- where he did reach agreement to
end this drift net fishing. Took a leadership role there, took on
what was considered an extraordinarily tough problem and of enormous
help in getting it resolved.
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As Vice Chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee,
and as Ranking Member of the East Asian and Pacific Foreign Relations
Subcommittee, he understands -- he understands far better than most
that we are a Pacific nation -- Alaska is a Pacific state. We have
all these other events unfolding all around the world -- in Eastern
Europe, in the Middle East, in South America -- all of them positive,
I might add. But we must never forget that we are a Pacific power.
Our largest trading partners, in total, are in the Pacific area, the
Pacific Rim.
Last week -- and it was emotional -- I went out to Pearl
Harbor to commemorate that "Day of Infamy" in 1941. And sadly, Pearl
Harbor was a tragedy brought about by the folly of isolationism.
Today's neo-isolationism and then its economic accomplice --
protectionism -- are just as dangerous today as they were some 50
years ago.
The fact is, this country has enjoyed its most lasting
growth and economic opportunity -- and security, I might add -- when
we rejected isolationism -- both political and economic -- in favor
of engagement and leadership. We are, then, a Pacific nation. Next
month in Asia -- and I'm looking forward to this -- I'll discuss with
some of our Pacific friends and allies their responsibility to share
with us the challenges and burden of leadership in the post-Cold War
world.
In today's world, American lives and American jobs, our
prosperity, our security, depend upon our ability to compete and to
lead. That's why I am looking forward to this trip, and we are
determined to go there, do what Frank has been doing as your Alaskan
Senator -- to help open up new markets for American products and
create new opportunities for American workers. The answer isn't to
turn inward, it's to extend our opportunities outward.
We feel the benefits of foreign trade here at home --
particularly in Alaska -- with its exports of timber and fish and
coal. It is important to acknowledge that last year alone, the total
gross exports accounted for virtually all of the economic growth in
the country. So with a sluggish economy, we will continue to do all
we can to reach out and expand our overseas markets.
Speaking of our economy, certainly we all know that some
people are having a rough go of it, a tough time. I see that message
in letters, and I hear it in conversations in the communities I
visit. While Congress is home for the holidays, they'll be hearing
that same message. And I hope they listen closely. Because when I
give the State of the Union Address before Congress in January, I
will ask them to put politics aside and come together and take some
very important steps for growth and opportunity. I intend to propose
a new -- we've sent up three different economic growth packages in
the last three years -- but I intend now to propose a new economic
growth package to get this economy moving.
Among the most -- I believe Congress will act. I know
leaders like Frank Murkowski will be at my side on this -- but I
believe Congress will act. I think the American people want us to
get the job done. They don't care who gets credit. They're tired of
the bickering. Let's get on with it.
Among the most important elements of what we've tried to
get acted upon these last three years is our plan to boost American
competitiveness -- through initiatives like our America 2000
Initiative for excellence in education. It's a wonderful program to
revolutionize our schools. Our job-creating Transportation Strategy
to efficiently move goods and services between markets -- and I'm
looking forward to signing that bill. Our Civil Justice Reform plan
to keep employers in the factories and out of the courtrooms; and our
National Energy Strategy to cut our dependence on foreign oil.
(Applause.)
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Let me say a word about this, about our Energy Strategy,
and say this: that Frank is committed -- and let me just assure you
I remain committed -- to environmentally responsible access to ANWR.
It is absolutely essential.
You know, the critics said years ago when the debate was
on, on the pipeline up there, the Alaska pipeline, that caribou would
be extinct because of this. (Laughter.) Well, there's so many
caribou they're rubbing up against the pipeline, they're breeding
like mad. They're having a great time. And it is a sound
environment up there. (Applause.) So don't listen to the arguments
from the same people that gave us the same arguments before and were
proved wrong. Listen to the President who says we -- our national
security, our own national interest depends upon our having an energy
program that makes us less dependent on foreign oil. And I'm never
going to change my view on that. (Applause.) If Caribou could vote,
Murkowski would be in by a landslide. (Laughter.)
Let me just close this way: I am determined to get this
economy moving again. We've got to make the American Dream come
alive for all Americans. And we've got to keep this good American,
this fine servant of Alaska and our country in the United States
Senate. And with your help, I am absolutely confident that that will
be done.
Frank, keep up the good work. Take a little time off
for Christmas and possibly New Year. And to all in Alaska who are
plugged in, my greetings to you, and may you have a wonderful holiday
season. And God bless the United States of America. Thank you very,
very much. (Applause.)
END
12:42 P.M. EST
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Ontario, California)
For Immediate Release
December 6, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN ADDRESS TO MAG INSTRUMENT EMPLOYEES
Mag Instrument Factory
Ontario, California
11:51 A.M. PST
THE PRESIDENT: Well, thank you, Tony and Claire, and
thank all of you for the tour we just went on. It's nice to see both
Tony and Claire. I saw them a couple of weeks ago back in
Washington. The Maglicas are doing a great job. And I also am
pleased to see Senator Seymour, one of California's two senators with
us here today, sitting up here with me.
And we brought another person along, but I don't see her
-- Pat Saiki over here, who is with me on our way out to Pearl
Harbor. And she is the Head of the Small Business Administration
back in Washington. Pat, welcome. (Applause.)
There was a bit of confusion on the way in today. I
arrived at the factory; one of my aides handed me a beer. And I said
to them, look, I said I wanted a Maglite. (Laughter.)
I got to know Tony and Claire during the inauguration,
when they sent 40,000 points of light -- these mini Maglites that you
all make -- as symbolic, what we call Points of Light, to demonstrate
their faith in the power volunteers have to build a better America.
And Mag Instrument represents the spirit of enterprise, the devotion
to quality, the principle of hands-on leadership that will carry us
into the next American century. Let me tell you why.
Tony Maglica's story, in essence, is the story of the
American Dream. A tale of opportunity that began in a Los Angeles
garage in 1955. And later, in his job shop, he invented a superior
quality flashlight for use by police and firemen whose lives might
depend on the quality of the light. Let me add, in fact, Mag
Instrument showed its ongoing commitment to these heroes with very
generous support for the National Law Enforcement Memorial, which we
dedicated in October.
Over the last 10 years, your company has led the way for
American competitiveness and excellence, growing from that small shop
I talked about, to one of the largest flashlight manufacturers in the
entire world.
Mag Instrument products are made in America, made with
American parts and they're made by the best, they're made by American
workers. And the commitment to American quality -- from raw
materials to design to production -- has put your company, has put
Mag Instrument right up at the top. And that's what will put our
country right up at the top, too.
Tony is living proof, when the fight is fair, American
manufacturers can outproduce, outsell and outcompete any other nation
on Earth. (Applause.)
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And that's why we're striving hard in the administration
to open foreign markets to American goods and services -- to continue
solid, job-creating export growth. We want companies to follow Mag
Instrument's lead in building export business. Their exports
comprised over a quarter of their total sales this year. And that's
good business, because last year alone total gross exports accounted
for virtually all of this nation's economic growth.
We want to keep inflation low, interest rates down,
productivity high so that American business can stay competitive.
And to do it we've proposed initiatives to cut senseless government
regulation, to improve education. And Barbara's working very hard in
her way on helping people learn to read -- improve education, improve
job training. And here's one Tony will like -- reform our civil
justice system so that employers can stay on the factory floors and
out of the courtrooms. And we're going to continue to work on that
one, too. (Applause.) I won't tell you the figure Tony told me that
he had to spend in protecting patent rights of the products that you
all develop here, but it is mind-boggling.
All of this is part of our strategy then for long-term
economic growth in this country, particularly as it relates to
exports -- a strategy I laid out from day one of my presidency.
Since then, frankly, I've called on the Congress to act on our
capital gains tax cut to stimulate investment. But more important,
it would stimulate job creation all across the state of California.
And we need more jobs in the state of California. I've called on
Congress to act on our R&D tax credit, to create new technologies and
new jobs; to act on IRAs, these retirement accounts, you know, for
first-time home buyers -- that would stimulate the housing market.
And to enact banking reform legislation to make our banks more
competitive and to make that capital flow to entrepreneurs like Tony
that have created so many jobs right here.
People are hurting. And I hear it from just plain
everyday Americans, and the letters I read back in Washington,
conversations on the shop floor in places like this and more recent,
just before this, down in Florida and over in the state of
Mississippi.
And while Congress is home for the holidays, I hope that
they're getting the message, too. Then, when they come back in
January, what I plan to do is to ask them to put politics aside
-- it's going to be an election year -- but lay the politics aside
just long enough to take some important steps to get this economy on
the move again.
And I'm going to hold out my hand, extend it, I promise
you that. And that's because I believe we can create more hope for
the future. We can build greater prosperity. We can bring the
American Dream to life for all Americans. You give America the tools
and they 11 get the job done. And you give me a Congress I can work
with and more businessmen like Tony and Claire here, more companies
like this one in America, and we all together will get the job done.
So I really wanted to come by and learn, and I have.
I've watched how this all works in there. I've heard the enthusiasm
of Tony Maglica; it's contagious, it's an infectious feeling. He
says anybody can get this job done, and I believe we can. I am
absolutely confident that things are going to be better, and I'm
going to keep right on working hard in Washington and then when
Congress comes back, to do my part.
Thank you for a very inspiring day. And you might be
interested in this. Barbara and I, when we leave here, we go to a
lunch downtown, a Kiwanis lunch, and then we're heading out to Pearl
Harbor for the commemoration of Pearl Harbor Day, which will be
tomorrow -- turning point really in terms of peace and freedom in the
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world; certainly a memorable time in the history of our great
country. But as I conclude, I think it's also a blessing that it
looks like, because of the leadership of the United States of
America, your kids and our grandkids can grow up in a much more
peaceful world. And that's something to say our thanks to God for.
Thank you all and God bless our country. (Applause.)
END
12:00 P.M. PST
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
November 18, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN PRESENTATION OF THE MEDAL OF FREEDOM AWARDS
The State Floor
11:30 A.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Welcome. Welcome, and please be
seated. Let me first single out President Ford and say how pleased
we are to have him here. And, of course, members of our Cabinet over
here. And especially today, the families and friends of the
recipients.
It's a special honor to have the privilege of presenting
the nation's highest civilian award, the Presidential Medal of
Freedom. Since the first Presidential Medal, since those first
recipients were chosen by President John Kennedy in 1963, some of the
world's most notable individuals have been honored. In this
administration alone, the medal is awarded to war heroes like General
Doolittle -- Jimmy Doolittle; General Schwarzkopf; diplomats and
public servants like Jim Baker and Margaret Chase Smith and Douglas
Dillon; world-famous entertainers such as Lucille Ball; and just last
year, a world leader of enormous consequence, former Prime Minister
Margaret Thatcher.
And each of these extraordinary individuals were
pioneers in their own right. Each a monument to individual
achievement. I'll never forget that November night two years ago
when Lech Walesa accepted his medal right here in this room, saying.
that now one of the greatest dreams of his life had been fulfilled
because this medal stood for the freedom of a nation and the freedom
of mankind.
Today we recognize 10 men and women who have enriched
our nation, whether as leaders of popular movements, as friends of
the common man, or as intellectual giants. Their achievement and
dedication are unparalleled in America. And their standards of
excellence are just as towering as their commitment to the ideal of
freedom.
Author Bill Buckley is the celebrated founder of one of
the largest journals of opinion in America, a preeminent intellectual
in the American conservative movement and a distinguished author.
Bill Buckley raised the level of political debate in this country and
our nation is better for it. A true renaissance man, we honor him
today for a lifetime of achievement in American political and social
thought.
Clergyman and civil rights leader, Reverend Leon
Sullivan. Leon has been a voice of reason throughout the latter half
of this century. A vigorous proponent of equal rights for all,
Reverend Sullivan founded OIC, Opportunities Industrialization
Centers, one of the world's largest self-help and job training
facilities. More recently, he has worked hard to develop closer ties
between this country and Africa. Reverend, we salute your leadership
in one of the great movements of our time, here and throughout the
world: Equal rights under law.
Conservationist Russell Train has devoted his life to
the protection and conservation of our land and wildlife. Serving
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both in private environmental groups and in the federal government.
I've often referred to President Theodore Roosevelt's idea that we
don't inherit the environment from our parents so much as borrow it
from our children. For the legacy you are helping us leave to the
children of America, sir, we thank you.
Baseball great Ted Williams whom I don't see sitting
here -- oops, there he is over on the -- don't say anything --
(laughter) -- is an American legend, a remarkable figure in American
sports and a twice-tested war hero. At the height of his athletic
career, he answered the call of patriotism, serving his country in
both World War II and the Korean War. A true champion in the eyes of
many Americans. An author wrote of his retirement from baseball,
"And now Boston knows how England felt when it lost India.'
(Laughter.) Ted, congratulations.
Former First Lady Betty Ford, she first inspired our
nation when fighting her own battle against breast cancer, she drew
national attention to the importance of early detection. Later, as
President of the Betty Ford Center, she restored hope and dignity to
those lost in the desparation of drug and alcohol dependency. Mrs.
Ford, your compassion and caring have shown millions the way to new
lives of freedom.
Former Speaker of the House, Tip O'Neill is a legendary
figure in American politics, blessed with the common touch like few
others. Over 50 years ago, Tip entered the rough-and-tumble of
Massachusetts politics and soon became the Bay State's first
Democratic speaker. Throughout 40 years as a member of Congress and
a decade as Speaker of the House, Tip O'Neill built one of the most
remarkable political careers of this century. He is a tough partisan
-- Jerry, would you agree to that. (Laughter.) But above all, far
more important, a true patriot. Congratulations.
And to former Puerto Rico Governor Don Luis Ferre, an
old friend. He's known as the grand old man of Puerto Rico. Beloved
by his people as a patron of the arts, a savvy businessman, and a
public servant of the first order, Don Luis is a life-long advocate
of statehood for Puerto Rico. And, sir, we honor you today as an
extraordinary leader in the life of Puerto Rico.
Historian and humanist, Hanna Gray is a world-class
educator. The first woman to serve as president of a major
university, the University of Chicago. Throughout her career, Mrs.
Gray has been widely regarded as an outstanding renaissance scholar.
An example for others in her profession, she continues to teach at
least one class a semester. Mrs. Gray, for your pursuit of the
highest ideals in your profession and your commitment to excellence
in American education, we salute you.
Vernon Walters enlisted in the Army as a private in 1941
before the outbreak of World War II. Nearly half a century later, he
was our ambassador to Germany during the fall of the Berlin Wall. In
the years between, he served six presidents as a statesman, an
ambassador and a trusted aide. His brilliant mastery of the art of
diplomacy is renowned, and his extraordinary linguistic skills have
frequently advanced our diplomatic efforts, often in the face of
grave danger. It's been said that courage is the price that life
exacts for granting peace. For your courageous service, sir, to the
cause of peace and the American ideal, we thank you.
And, finally, we honor Professor Friedrich von Hayek for
a lifetime of looking beyond the horizon. At a time when many saw
socialism as ordained by history, he foresaw freedom's triumph. Over
40 years ago, Professor von Hayek wrote that "the road to serfdom"
was not the road to the future or to the political and economic
freedom of man. A Nobel Laureate, he is widely credited as one of
the most influential economic writers of our century. Professor von
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Hayek is revered by the free people of Central and Eastern Europe as
a true visionary and recognized worldwide as a revolutionary in
intellectual and political thought. How magnificent it must be for
him to witness his ideas validated before the eyes of the world. We
salute him.
The people of the United States are indeed indebted to
each of our honorees. You have touched us. You have enriched us.
You have shaped our nation's destiny. And you've also shown us the
strength and joy of a simple but powerful idea, the idea of freedom.
God bless each of you, and may God bless our country.
And now Barbara and I have the honor to present these awards, and the
aide will read the citations for us.
(Presentation of awards.)
THE PRESIDENT: That concludes the ceremony. And
Barbara and I look forward to greeting all of you out here. And
we'll see you in a minute. (Applause.)
END
11:52 A.M. EST
#6904
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
October 31, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN PRESENTATION OF PRESIDENT'S ENVIRONMENT
AND CONSERVATION CHALLENGE AWARDS
The Rose Garden
11:29 A.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Some beautiful day here in the Rose
Garden. And may I salute Secretary Lujan and Secretary Jim Watkins
here and Bill Reilly, EPA Administrator. of course, Chairman Mike
Deland and Dick Austin of GSA. Welcome to the White House, and happy
Halloween to all. (Applause.)
I saw something on TV last night that I'd like to
respond to before we begin here. Despite what happens to Linus every
year in the pumpkin patch, I do believe in the Great Pumpkin.
(Applause.) Now you old guys wouldn't get it, but I'll tell you --
(Applause.)
It is a real pleasure to have our Presidential Award
winners -- the Challenge Award, it's called -- here on such a
beautiful late October day. And I'd especially like to thank the
Awards Partners who made this first-time awards ceremony possible.
Gil Grosvenor behind me here of the National Geographic; Frank
Bennack here of the Hearst Corporation; Mr. Allison is here today
representing Drew Lewis of the Business Roundtable; and Russell Train
of the World Wildlife Fund. Let me also add a note of thanks to the
Awards Selection Committee and the technical advisors.
Last month, I had the chance to visit the Grand Canyon,
a magnificent, almost miraculous sight on a spectacular day. And the
scale of all that actually staggers the senses. And that day in
September, I spoke about the power of innovation and the strength of
cooperation as the foundation for a new generation of environmental
action.
Today, we are honoring nine medalists and 23 citation
winners who embody the new generation of environmental entrepreneurs.
As President, I've had the distinction of honoring Americans for
their achievement in the arts, humanities, sciences, and this time
now has come for the country to honor achievement in the
understanding and conservation of our environment.
We have with us today people who have formed
partnerships to protect natural wildlife -- from the Great Lakes in
the North to the Playa Lakes in the Great Southwest, and from the
Sacramento River to the Barrier Islands off the Atlantic Seaboard.
We are also recognizing companies that have integrated
environmental values into virtually every single business decision --
whether they are involved in fast food or financial services,
newspapers, utilities, household products or furniture.
And we honor other winners because they pioneered new
technologies that save both money and the environment -- with
creative solutions to challenges like agricultural pollution and
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ozone depletion, and state-of-the-art techniques for recycling paper,
metal and plastics.
And finally, we recognize groups who have inspired a new
respect for the environment in millions of Americans: newspaper and
magazine groups, book publishers, teaching institutions, media
advisors to TV and film industries -- even the Girl Scouts. And
these outstanding Americans have given us cleaner technologies and
products, better ways to manage natural areas, and a greater capacity
for environmental problem-solving. They are working to improve the
quality of life for all Americans through a safe and healthy
environment.
Earlier in this century, a man I deeply admire also
visited the Grand Canyon -- and likewise shared his thoughts with the
crowd assembled. Looking out over what he called a vista of "great
loneliness and beauty, President Theodore Roosevelt said: "The ages
have been at work on it, and man can only mar it. We have gotten
past the stage when we are to be pardoned if we treat any part of our
country as something to be skinned for two or three years for the use
of the present generation, whether it is the forest, the water, the
scenery. Whatever it is, handle it so that your children's children
will get the benefit of it."
Each of you understands President Roosevelt's challenge.
Each of you has acted on it -- taken it upon yourselves to ensure
that future generations will inherit a safe and healthy environment.
And for that, you have my admiration, my gratitude. And please keep
up the good fight. And now let's, if we could, Mike, hand out these
well-earned awards.
(The Awards are presented.)
While you all are here, I have a special announcement to
make. We talk a lot about recycling. Well, today we're going to
save a few trees by giving two speeches at the same time --
(laughter) --piloting a new program in recycling audiences, too. So
here goes. (Laughter.)
But seriously, we are taking a major step in placing the
federal government in its proper role of leadership by example by
increasing all federal recycling and use of recycled materials. By
signing this Executive Order today, we will establish a Federal
Recycling Coordinator and individual recycling coordinators at each
federal agency. And we are directing, where possible, products made
from recycled materials are procured for government use. Simply put,
we are requiring all federal agencies to strengthen their recycling
efforts, hopefully thus setting an example for others around our
country.
And so, with that said, I am very pleased to sign this
Executive Order. (Applause.)
(The Executive Order is signed.)
Thank you all. Such a beautiful day. Thank you for
being with us.
END
11:40 A.M. EST
#6880
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
October 28, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN SATELLITE TELECONFERENCE WITH THE AMERICAN GAS CONFERENCE
OF THE
AMERICAN GAS ASSOCIATION
Room 459
Old Executive Office Building
12:09 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Mike, thank you very much, and thank you
for those good words. And may I salute your Chairman, Bill
McCormick, the incoming Chairman, Dick Farman. And I am delighted to
be able to join you by satellite in San Diego at the 73rd Annual
Conference of the American Gas Association.
I'd like to talk to you today about our energy future --
about America's energy future -- the indispensable foundation for the
goods we produce, the enterprises we launch, and the quality of life
we enjoy. When our administration developed our national energy
strategy, three principles guided our policy making: reducing our
dependence on foreign oil, protecting our environment, and promoting
economic growth. As a part of our comprehensive energy strategy,
natural gas is key to all three.
First, decreasing our dependence on insecure energy
supplies is a top priority of this administration. We're willing to
practice what we preach. In April of this year, I took action to put
the federal government in the lead on increasing energy efficiency by
issuing an Executive Order that calls for sharp reductions in federal
energy use. Under this new mandate, overall federal energy
consumption will be reduced by 20 percent from 1985 levels within a
decade. Fuel consumption in the federal fleet will be pared by 10
percent from current levels within four years, and the federal
government will increase its purchases of vehicles powered by
alternative fuels like compressed natural gas.
Contrary to gloomy predictions of the '70s, when
misguided federal regulation created natural gas shortages, we are
blessed now with abundant supplies of natural gas within our own
borders. In fact, the Department of Energy recently reported a 113
percent replacement of reserves for 1990 in the lower 48 -- the lower
48 states. To assure that supplies of natural gas remain ample, we
must rely on the logic of the marketplace, and that is why in 1989 we
enacted a law phasing out the last federal wellhead price controls on
natural gas so that the free market could do its work.
Second, we're committed to preserving and protecting the
environment. No question about that. We looked to the ingenuity of
the free market as we worked to defend our precious environment
through enactment of the Clean Air Act Amendments. The AGA was one
of the first major trade groups to endorse our administration's
proposal for clean air legislation, and I am very grateful, and I
thank you for that effort. As clean-burning natural gas is put to
work in generating electricity, for fueling vehicles, cooling and
heating, and supplying the needs of the industry, Americans know that
the environment stands to benefit.
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And third, energy security and environmental protection
must go hand in hand with economic growth. And that growth depends
upon opening new markets and new opportunities for American industry.
A North American free trade agreement will promote economic growth
throughout this continent. Your industry knows what I am talking
about. The northern tier of Mexico is the largest single export
market for U.S. natural gas, and with this agreement we are looking
forward to continued growth and opportunity.
Economic growth also depends upon an educated work
force. America's natural gas producers, companies and utilities are
doing a great job -- a great deal to make their communities places
where learning can happen. Your Education 2000 program -- a 10-
year, industry-wide commitment to helping our nation reform its
schools -- is a great example of the partnerships necessary to invent
a new generation of American schools. I urge you and all of your
members to continue to engage in the education reform movement so
that we can prepare American children to compete and win in the
global marketplace.
Economic growth, environmental protection, energy
security and a well-prepared work force are crucial to America's
success in the next century. As part of the fabric of daily life in
America, your companies and employees can make a real difference. In
many ways, you already are -- and for that, I thank you.
I wish you a successful conference and best wishes in
the coming year. And now I'll be glad to take a few questions.
(Applause.)
MODERATOR: Mr. President, our Chairman, Bill McCormick
has a question for you.
MR. MCCORMICK: Mr. President, we praise you for your
leadership in the Clean Air Act Amendments passed by the Congress
last year, and we were pleased to support the administration's goals
in the Act. We also appreciate your work toward enactment of the
national energy strategy that you proposed earlier this year. AGA
has been supportive of this initiative since the outset. The Senate
looks like it will begin debate soon on the NES, and we wanted to
know how you foresee the debate shaping up and your administration's
role as the debate unfolds?
THE PRESIDENT: Bill, as I said earlier, securing a
clean and affordable energy future is a very important objective of
our entire administration. And that is why I am supporting this
bipartisan energy bill -- S.1220 to the technocrats there -- that
should go before the Senate very soon. This bill incorporates many
important principles of this national energy strategy of ours.
During the Senate's deliberations on this bill, we are
going to be working very closely with Senators Bennett Johnston --
well known to all of you there -- Malcomb Wallop the same -- to
ensure that our key provisions remain intact. In keeping with our
goal of increased domestic energy production, I remain committed to
providing environmentally-responsible energy development in ANWR --
in the Alaskan Wildlife Refuge. And I want to avoid the crippling
effects of excessive cafe standards because we cannot sacrifice
public safety and jobs all in the name of fuel efficiency mandates.
We need your industry's help in getting a good bill on
my desk. We are expecting some very tough votes, but I am confident
that the American people will understand the importance of enacting a
comprehensive balanced energy bill. And let me add, I'm very
comforted by the fact that our national security requirements are
clearer now and that the threat is less difficult. But I do not want
to see us increasingly dependent on foreign sources of energy. And I
want to see drilling in this country continue -- it can be done in an
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environmentally sound way and I think everybody in your audience
there knows that we must continue to drill and produce in this
country. We'll do our best, though, to get this energy bill passed.
That's it.
MODERATOR: Mr. President, our Chairman-elect, Dick
Farman has a question.
THE PRESIDENT: Shoot Dick --
MR. FARMAN: Mr. President, in your remarks, you
mentioned AGA's Education 2000 program and we're all looking forward
to hearing later in today's meeting from Greg Petersmeyer on your
administration's national service efforts. Would you care to comment
on what other domestic initiatives your administration is currently
working on or has plans to introduce this year?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, Dick, thank you and I'm glad Greg
Petersmeyer will be there -- he's been made famous by Doonesbury, if
any of you inflict that upon yourselves -- reading that cartoon --
because Greg has done a great job on this Points of Light principle
that we believe in and that your association believes in with your
own approach to education. So I'm delighted that Greg will be out
there with you.
But look, on the domestic agenda, we've advanced a broad
aggressive domestic agenda over the last two years. It's included
such legislative successes as the Clean Air Act Amendments, the ADA
-- that's the Americans with Disabilities Act -- a sweeping piece of
civil rights legislation. Our Child Care Bill, one that gives choice
to parents, and our HOPE Bill -- that's H-O-P-E, our housing bill
that promotes tenant management and ownership of public housing. And
we've already mentioned our America 2000 Education Initiative,
touched on this national energy strategy of ours. And Congress,
right now, is considering provisions of the administration's Crime
Bill.
We've sent up two crime bills since 1989, and we're just
now seeing action on the key provisions. Some of you may remember
that I challenged the Congress to complete action on two bills --
that crime bill and our transportation bill in 100 days -- that was
back at the time of the state of the union, I believe. And
incidentally, the transportation bill is a bill that would stimulate
a sluggish economy. It's job intensive and it would do that --
stimulate -- without busting the budget agreement, without increasing
our federal deficit. But here we are, almost eight months later,
still waiting for both.
We now have a Civil Rights Bill that I can certify to
the American people is not a quota bill. It is fair and it's good.
And just last week, I signed an Executive Order to enact reforms in
our civil justice system -- I hope some of you saw that.
We need liability reform. We need to check the reckless
use of lawsuits and the propensity for more and more outrageous
settlements. We'll be sending legislation to the Congress on that
very, very soon. And there is one area where you all weighing in can
really get something done.
But most importantly, we have offered numerous economic
reform proposals which, if they had been enacted by Congress, would
have long ago promoted the economic growth that America needs. I am
sure some of you are sick of hearing this, but I have proposed a
capital gains cut that would, in my view, create more jobs -- and
create them soon. We've proposed penalty-free withdrawals from these
IRAs for first-time homebuyers. Clearly, that would stimulate -- or
would have stimulated the housing market. I've proposed more federal
funds for research and development -- a little longer range, but
very, very important. Your industry knows this. I've proposed
- 4 -
enterprise zones to stimulate our hardest-hit urban areas. It's not
going to cost the taxpayer; it will eventually mean money to the
Treasury, because you get those new businesses started in those
areas. And then the transportation bill that I just mentioned. And
incentives for increased savings and investment.
Throughout the coming legislative year, we will fight
tooth and nail for economic growth, opportunity and jobs. And I will
fight against legislation that will bust the budget agreement and
further burden the young people of this country with more and more
debt -- with bigger and bigger federal deficits.
Now, and I realize that this only is a thumbnail sketch
of our agenda, but I hope I have responded to your question, and I
know there is a lot to be done. I am not relaxed about the economy,
but I am not going to jump in and take steps out of some
Congressional panic that might make the situation worse or might
burden future generations of America more.
So thank you very much for asking the question, and
thanks for the opportunity to be out there with you today in this
unique way. It works well from our standpoint, and I hope it came
through loud and clear over there. But over and out, and many
thanks. (Applause.)
END
12:23 P.M. EST
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Los Angeles, California)
For Immediate Release
September 19, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT FUNDRAISING BREAKFAST FOR
SENATOR BOB PACKWOOD
Oregon Convention Center
Portland, Oregon
8:25 A.M. PDT
THE PRESIDENT: Senator Packwood, thank you for that
warm and personal introduction. May I salute Bill Packwood down here
on the end lest some of you don't recognize this recent graduate of
Penn State who flew out with us today. I was just delighted to see
him. Also pleased that our Secretary of Transportation Sam Skinner,
seating over here, is with us. And he's doing a superb job. We're
going off to Los Angeles right after this breakfast to do a little
more in the transportation front.
I understand that Senator Seymour is here. I haven't
seen him, but Senator Seymour of California is with us. John, why
don't you stand up if you are, because I've -- well, so he's not --
where is he? Oh, way back there. (Applause.) He'll be flying down
with us to his state of California.
And may I salute Craig Berkman, who -- my friend of long
longstanding who the Senator and everyone else tells me is doing a
superb job for this party. (Applause.) And Tim Lee, the event
chairman -- he's done a mighty good job also, and I salute him.
Don't let him rest up too much, we're going to need him for more of
these events before this is over, I'm sure. (Applause.)
I also thank the band, the Wilson High School Band over
there; the Waverly Children's Home, who led the Pledge of Allegiance;
and of course, the choir that put great life into our complicated but
wonderfully moving National Anthem. All of them did a first-class
job. (Applause.)
Portland, Oregon -- the "City of Roses." Portland is a
very special place. But I was thinking, if you had to borrow a name
from the state of Maine, how about "Kennebunkport"? Nice ring to it.
But let me say it's been an amazing month or so in our
world. I focus going back to Maine this summer in the month of
August. Before Congress went on recess, a few remnants of the Cold
War remained intact. By the time it had returned -- that Congress
had come back, a coup tried to unseat Mikhail Gorbachev -- and
instead of that, the coup de grace was given to communism itself.
And I couldn't help note, Reverend, your special appeal
about the Baltic States. It's most appropriate as these countries,
once considered satellites -- never by the United States -- but
considered satellites in the Soviet Union are now free, independent
countries, their flags flying at the United Nations as well as over
their own capitals. And that is historic. It's long overdue. And I
take great pleasure, as I know all Americans do, in their
independence. So I'm pleased you mentioned them in your fitting and
lovely invocation.
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The changes in the world are indeed staggering and, for
the most part, positive. I am very proud of the fact that it is the
United States of America that is leading the way. You travel abroad
-- and many of you have -- and you see clearly that it is our country
which is out front, helping many new fledgling democracies find their
way -- in Africa, in South America, and Eastern Europe and, yes, in
what used to be an iron Marxist state called the Soviet Union. It is
mind-boggling to think of the changes that have taken place just in
the last six or seven weeks.
We have an unprecedented opportunity to build a new era
of peace and prosperity here and abroad; to build a new world order
where the rule of law prevails over the use of force. None of these
changes would have taken place if the United States had not remained
firmly committed to the cause of freedom. Over the years we stood
firm and in this year's tense debates about the Gulf -- these changes
couldn't have taken place if Congress hadn't authorized the use of
force to stop a brutal dictator.
Bob Packwood was one of those who, against those public
opinion polls of the moment, stood with me in that historic debate.
And that's just one reason, one of many, that I'm happy to join him
here today -- because he is a force for positive good on Capitol
Hill. (Applause.)
You know his accomplishments as Chairman of the Senate
Finance Committee, where he's now the ranking Republican -- his
influence on tax reform and employee benefits. You know the impact
he's had on free enterprise, on trade, and on deregulation --
especially when he was Chairman of Commerce, Science and
Transportation Committee.
But I want to tell you this, and tell you urgently --
and, yes, this is a political gathering to honor him -- but you must
return Bob Packwood to the United States Senate. (Applause.) His 23
years -- it will be 24 at election time -- of seniority make him a
solid leader of strength and experience. So we need him. The party
needs him as a spokesman, as a leader.
And Bob effectively works behind the scenes sometimes to
make sure that our message is heard. And it's not easy when you're
up against an automatic moving majority that wants to do things just
the opposite from the way I was elected to perform. And so I'm
delighted he's up there doing that. And one other point: he has a
sound record. He hasn't forgotten the human equation. The fact that
people need jobs and must not be thrown out of work by extreme
environmental positions is known to him. And I don't believe we need
extremes to solve the problem. (Applause.)
If that overall message of his is not listened to, we
do face trouble. I spoke to Congress 197 days ago, and I issued a
simple challenge and here, if I might, repeat it. If America can
defeat a brutal dictator in a matter of weeks, then surely its
legislative body can manage to pass two bills the administration's
crime and transportation bills -- within 100 days. That was in the
State of the Union message 197 days ago.
Well, almost twice that time, that 100 days,, has elapsed
-- and we still do not have those two bills. And it's clear that the
Democrats have no desire to help us advance what is a sound and
strong domestic agenda. Their alternative is not a domestic agenda -
- it's a political one -- to block our agenda. And we cannot let
that succeed.
Occasionally, we have been able to break the logjam
we're proud of the Clean Air Act that was passed. I think it's good
environmental policy; I think it's just good plain national policy.
I'm proud of the Americans with Disabilities Act that we managed to
pass last year -- the most forward-looking peace of civil rights
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legislation in years. And I'm proud with our success in child care.
But we can succeed only with the help of the American people. To
continue the fight, we need you to elect and reelect leaders who care
deeply about this country -- who care about the approach that I've
outlined here -- strong, competent, principled men like Bob Packwood.
And to continue this nation's victories, the American
people must rediscover their own genius. That's the heart of our
domestic philosophy that overlies our domestic agenda -- the concept
that the true power and potential in this land must rest in the hands
of the people. Our domestic policy begins by trusting you.
Let me elaborate. Our domestic agenda tries to carry
that faith forward into the future. Our housing proposals, for
example, would turn housing residents into homeowners; would
emphasize tenant management -- letting people in the area itself
manage their own affairs. It relies on the belief that our public
housing citizens can care for themselves and contribute to our
society. Our energy package attempts to conserve energy while
encouraging innovation. The transportation package that Sam Skinner
has been so inventive in gives more power to local authorities, who
know their own needs. The National Drug Strategy is all
encompassing, with lots of the most effective work being done by the
private sector and at the local level. And our crime package -- the
most comprehensive in American history -- tries to give our streets
back to the people.
In each case, we want Washington to give power back to
the people and give them a chance to shape their own destinies --
rather than having to answer to distant bureaucrats.
And this philosophy serves as the foundation for an
issue I'd like to just touch on in a little more detail. I'm
talking, of course, about education. Our democracy can remain vital
only if we continue to grow in knowledge and wisdom: understanding
the increasingly complex and competitive world in which we live.
We Americans can and must revitalize our education
system for our children -- for our future. We don't want just a good
education system. We want the best. We deserve a system that will
give every citizen the power to throw open his or her own door of
opportunity.
I came to this job believing that education is our most
enduring legacy -- vital to everything that we are and everything we
can become. I believe it with even more conviction now.
Five months ago we issued a challenge that we call
"America 2000" -- a call to reinvent, revolutionize, if you will,
American education. This initiative sketched out the framework for a
national education strategy made up of four elements: accountable
schools for today -- and I emphasize that word "accountable" -- a new
generation of schools for tomorrow -- not do it the same old way;
each community find a new way to approach the education challenges in
that community, that state; a nation of students committed to a
lifetime of education -- I'm floundering around trying to learn how
to use that computer a little better and I'm getting up there in
years. Nobody is too old to learn -- and a community where learning
can happen. And by that I mean an environment in which education
can take place, in which kids feel free from fear and they can go on
about the business of learning.
Now, you play the critical role in making that strategy
work. You must ensure that each of your communities as a whole
engages in this commitment to education. People who want Washington
to solve all problems are simply missing the point. What happens
there doesn't matter half as much as what happens in each hometown.
Remember, on the total figures for education, six percent is federal
government spending; 94 percent by local and state private entities.
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Every person, every school, every town must join this special
national army -- an army undertaking the most important crusade of
all -- the crusade to prepare our children and ourselves for our
country's future. You can -- you must -- make our communities places
where learning can happen.
Let me give you just a handful of examples of what
Oregonians are doing to help improve education around them. The
National Guard, a Willamette University fraternity, Kiwanians and
individuals joined together to "adopt" Salem's Richmond Elementary
School, which serves a large migrant population. This community so
enriches the lives of the students and the school that they won this
year's Governor's Volunteerism Award and the district award for
outstanding business school partnership.
In Albany, more than 2000 residents have come together
to focus on the district's 22 schools through a remarkable business
partnership program begun, in this case, by the Chamber of Commerce.
In West Linn, not only do parents assist teachers in classrooms, but
over 50 percent of middle school science students have been given the
chance to strengthen lessons learned in schools through local
internships as a part of a program called "Future Makers."
And then there's my favorite place -- I like the name at
least -- Salem's Bush Elementary School. (Laughter.) Everyone there
in that community has joined to give this school new life, and make
it a centerpiece of community life. In this school, where 75 percent
of the families live below the poverty level, and one-third speak no
English, residents set up an "Even Start" literacy program for kids
and parents.
Local college students provide tutoring, mentoring, and
help with therapy groups. Volunteers from businesses, hospitals, and
the community contribute to weekly tutoring programs. Anyone can
join: 85-year-old Esther Wilson has been working with at-risk kids
in Salem for nine years. Members of a local church help students
with languages -- but they're also building a playground. In salem,
you see, people understand that you must help kids be students --
without forgetting that they're kids. That's because kids ought to
experience education as one of life's great joys. The community also
encourages parents to volunteer at the school -- this enriches the
school and makes citizens feel more a part of their children's
education.
There are thousands of stories like this, tens of
thousands across this country. This could never happen if somebody
tried to design a program in a subcommittee on education in the House
of Representatives or in the United States Senate. It couldn't
happen. You cannot generate that kind of love and that kind of
concern by some federal legislation back in Washington, D.C.
There are thousands of stories like these. And you can
write your own versions in your own neighborhoods. America cannot
afford to wait, or to waste, an entire generation. As we look ahead
to the year 2000 we must answer the call -- "Let tomorrow begin
today."
I will stay personally involved. Our new Secretary of
Education, Governor Lamar Alexander, is taking a crucial leadership
role in advocating and promoting our program called Education 2000.
I don't want to turn what is an upbeat, enthusiastic rally for Bob
Packwood into a lecture on education, but I feel so strongly about
this -- I urge you take a hard look at it. It's not partisan. It
gets all across partisan lines. And it really answers the future
challenge and says that these kids sitting right over here are going
to have a better shot if we get this program fully implemented and
fully into effect.
Here in Oregon, you can do something about it also
because it is part of the philosophical underpinning of our
administration -- and that is to reelect Bob Packwood to the Senate.
- 5 -
You know, I am delighted to be back here in Portland.
I'll remember this day next spring when I welcome the Trailblazers to
the White House after they win the NBA title. (Applause.) But I
reserve the right to change these remarks when I get to Los Angeles.
(Laughter.) And then tomorrow I'm going to be in Chicago, so --
(laughter.)
But listen, let me just say this. I am very privileged
to be President of the United States at this historic time. The
change around the world is so rapid; the ferment and turmoil and
change in our country so challenging. I am blessed. And Barbara
feels exactly the same way as First Lady. And if I might say a word
about her, I think she is doing a superb job as she travels around
teaching literacy in this country. (Applause.)
But the longer I'm in this job, the more convinced I am
that to get the job done, to finish what so many of you helped me
begin, I need good people that look at these broad views
philosophically the way we do. Sure, there are going to be
differences on one issue or another. But the big thing is Bob
Packwood and I share this philosophical underpinning that the best
answer is to keep government as close as possible to home. That's
education, that's fighting drugs -- whatever it is.
And so, let me just say, please, go all out in '92 and
return this good man to the United States Senate.
Thank you all very, very much. (Applause.)
Well, again, thanks for your welcome and your support.
God bless you all.
END
8:44 A.M. PDT
# 6243
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Kiev, Ukraine, USSR)
For Immediate Release
August 1, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT LUNCHEON WITH CHAIRMAN KRAVCHUK
Mariisnkiy Palace
Kiev, Ukraine, USSR
3:10 P.M. (L)
PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you very much. And I am very
grateful to Chairman Kravchuk and people of Ukraine for welcoming us
so warmly through your Golden Gate.
I will shorten these remarks because our lives are
controlled by satellites these days. But I've come here to Kiev to
learn more about the tremendous challenges you face, to strengthen
the ties that link the people of America and the people of Ukraine,
and to signal our strong support for free markets and free
government.
Our people are not strangers. In Chicago and Cleveland,
Pittsburgh and Philadelphia, and all across America, hundreds of
thousands of Ukranian Americans preserve your proud heritage and
history.
The end of the of Cold War opens opportunities to forge a
new relationship. Through increased trade, expanded exchanges --
through American medical assistance, efforts aimed at helping you
cope with the after-effects of Chernobyl -- the United States and
Ukraine can build a future based on shared aspirations and common
interests.
So our visit marks a beginning. We don't come to tell
you how to pursue your future. We won't preach, nor prescribe
solutions. We come to offer our expertise, our hopes. And we will
do our best to build sturdier ties of culture, ideas and trade with
the Soviet Union and all of its republics.
America stands ready to support the forces of reform in
Ukraine -- especially those of economic reform. But in the end, we
recognize that Ukraine will shape its own future. And only you can
transform an economy based on the concept of command and control into
one based on the laws of supply and demand.
Only you can guarantee the sovereign rights of the
individual -- political, religious, and economic.
You will bear responsibility for making your land more
prosperous and free -- according to your traditions and cultures,
your hopes and dreams.
May God bless both our lands. And may I say, thank you
Chairman for your hospitality. Mrs. Bush and I and all that travel
with us are just delighted to be here. Thank you, sir. (Applause.)
END
3:20 P.M. (L)
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
July 24, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
ON NATIONAL ENERGY STRATEGY
Room 450
Old Executive Office Building
2:53 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Please be seated. Thank you all very
much. Well, may I just thank everybody for coming, and first of all
greet our Secretaries: Jim Watkins, who is doing an absolutely
superb job on the energy front, and I'm delighted that he's here.
And I think after I do my number here, why, he will get into a lot
more of the substance. But I want to salute also Manuel Lujan and
Bill Reilly, key players in our drive to do a better job on the
energy front.
And, of course, we have in the front row, in case those
of you in the back haven't seen them, Senator Wallop and Senator
Bennett Johnston and Phil Sharp. And Mike Deland is over here. I'm
getting in trouble because I'm going to -- I thought Martin Allday
was supposed to be here from FERC. There he is right there in the
second row -- Midland, Texas man. (Laughter.) Thank you again.
Five months ago -- and many of you, maybe not all, but
put it this way, most were probably here that day -- we announced our
comprehensive and balanced strategy for an energy future that is
secure, efficient and environmentally sound. And our National Energy
Strategy is designed to meet needs this nation can't afford to
compromise: continued economic growth, increased energy efficiency,
strong environmental protection and then a reduced dependence on
foreign oil.
This strategy relies on the magic of the marketplace, the
resourcefulness of the American people and the responsible leadership
of industry and government. As we enter the next American century,
this balanced approach will propel a larger and larger American
economy in a more and more energy-efficient way.
And some have pushed for radical measures in order to
reduce the oil imports and reduce our dependency; measures that, in
my view, would hurt American industries and jobs and consumers. So
we've got to act with care, but it is our firm belief that we've got
to act comprehensively.
And our Energy Strategy strikes a balance. We believe it
is a sound and reasonable middle ground that will achieve greater
energy security without endangering the environment or stopping the
economy in its tracks.
We start by using energy more efficiently. And we've got
to accelerate our research efforts, to keep America on the cutting
edge of new energy technologies like alternative fuels, electric
cars, high-speed rail, solar and geothermal, safer and more secure
nuclear technology.
Today, we want to build an energy future that opens the
door to new and diverse energy sources, because our energy future
should never be at the mercy of foreign exporters.
As Jim Watkins will tell you, most of the initiatives
contained in this strategy can be implemented under existing
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authority. And the administration has already made, I think, a great
deal of progress. We've set in motion a substantial part of the
strategy already, in other words, without waiting for needed
legislation -- legislation that's needed in other areas.
On the legislative front, we've made substantial headway
since we released the strategy last February. And I just can't tell
you how much I appreciate the leadership of the members of Congress
that are here. We're talking principally about the Senate bill here,
but Senator Johnston and Senator Wallop, the Senate Energy Committee
passed a comprehensive and a balanced energy bill, one which embodies
the key elements of our strategy. And for them it hasn't been easy.
They've had to compensate and consider a lot of interests up there,
but they've done a superb job. And I urge the full Senate to act
swiftly on this bill which should win support from conservationists
and industry alike.
There's been a lot said about the Johnston-Wallop bill,
some of it, frankly, not very accurate. Let me tell you what it
actually does. On balance, it defines a very positive role in energy
for the federal government. It enhances efficiency, energy
efficiency, in areas like building efficiency standards, federal
energy management efforts, energy conservation investments by
utilities, and the development of new transportation technologies and
alternative fuels.
On the supply side, it ensures access to the energy we
need to sustain continued growth, growth that is environmentally
sound. And we've made a lot of progress on cleaner-burning gasoline
over the last few years -- private industry doing a superb job with
its own research in this area. And in the bill before the Senate,
we've encouraged the use of a whole range of environmentally-sound
fuels like ethanol, methanol, electricity, propane, and certainly,
encouraging the use of more clean burning natural gas.
We anticipate that the Johnston-Wallop bill will reach
the Senate floor hopefully right after the August recess. I would
defer to the experts, but that's what we're hoping for. It won't get
there -- they've a pretty full calendar before the August recess.
The House began mark-up on the bill last week, and we're hoping for
the same comprehensive approach there that was achieved in the
Senate.
We need Congress to act wisely and, I think, act soon --
and I know these members agree with that -- on this important
domestic policy initiative. And we need action on all fronts: to
remain world leaders in technology; to protect the environment; to
make the most of our domestic resources; and to encourage energy
efficiency through incentives for industrial, commercial and private
consumers.
Unfortunately, some critics don't seem to see the big
picture. They focus on one or two issues that admittedly are
controversial. And if I think they're controversial, talk to the
senators and congressmen about it, because they get hammered on all
sides on these issues. ANWR clearly is one of them.
And let me give you a little history. In 1980, Congress
specifically avoided designating part of the coastal plain in Alaska
-- the ANWR, the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge -- as wilderness.
And instead, Congress asked the Interior Department to determine
whether the resources of ANWR could be developed without harming the
environment.
Well, since then, Interior has conducted or examined more
than 170 studies. And time after time, these studies have shown that
under strict environmental oversight, ANWR's coastal plain and its
resources could, indeed, be developed safely. The wildlife will be
protected. John Turner, the Director of Fish and Wildlife, is here
today, and he's conducted rigorous studies. The way of life will be
protected. And finally, the state of Alaska fully supports ANWR's
development.
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So I urge the Congress to take a look at these facts,
more than 170 studies and the considered opinion of Alaska's own
government, and not to be distracted by the critics, many of whom
come from the extreme side. There are some that aren't, that just
reasonably have doubt, but we cannot let our policy be shaped in this
manner. And so please encourage people to take a look at the record.
Of course, all of you are here today because you can make
a difference in the energy future of this country. And some people
act as if Washington can snap its fingers and impose an energy
strategy on the rest of the country. We know that just won't work.
The best part of our strategy is that it does draw upon
our greatest resource -- I'd call it a national resource -- and that
is the ingenuity of our own people. With their resourcefulness, we
can ensure that America in the next century will be energy efficient,
environmentally sound and economically strong.
And so I really wanted to come over here today, first of
all to say thank you, to salute those members of Congress who are out
front and laying it on the line -- it's not without a political
downside to any of them -- to stand up courageously for the kind of
program that we've talked about here.
And as Bennett, Malcolm and Congressman Sharp will tell
you, sure there are differences from time to time, but we're all on
the same general track here. And I think it's the right one for our
country.
So I want to thank you for your support. And I hope, and
I'm right confident looking around this room, that we can count on
your continuing support. So thank you all very much for your
interest, taking the time from these fantastically busy schedules
that everybody around this room has. And we're with you. I'm
strongly in support of this program that our able Secretary, Jim
Watkins will outline in more detail. And once again, thanks for
coming. (Applause.)
END
3:04 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Ankara, Turkey)
For Immediate Release
July 20, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT STATE DINNER
Presidential Palace Garden
Ankara, Turkey
8:35 P.M. (L)
THE PRESIDENT: Mr. President and Mrs. Ozal and ladies
and gentlemen. Let me begin by thanking President Ozal for inviting
us over here to see this wonderful country. We were standing outside
of Ataturk's tomb this morning, and I couldn't help but think of the
parallels between the founder of the modern Turkish Republic -- whose
name means "Father of the Turks" -- and the man we Americans call
the Father of our Country, George Washington.
Both were great generals; both were great leaders. And
both used their words, their times and their opportunities to build
great nations. Each knew that to win a war one must secure the
peace. And each had a vision for his country's future that, through
courage, labor and selfless determination, became the nation's
destiny.
And then, as now, we believe in what Ataturk called
"peace at home and peace abroad." We know that protecting peace
sometimes means being willing to defend it. That's why we've worked
together in NATO for close to 40 years. That's why we fought
together in the Korean War. And that's why we stood together to
reverse the occupation of Kuwait.
There were many people -- many men and women --
responsible for the success of the international coalition and the
liberation of Kuwait. But I firmly believe that no one provided
greater leadership or clarity of purpose than President Turgut Ozal.
I know because we talked together by phone countless times. And he
never flinched and he was always courageous and farsighted.
Let me add, sir, that our respect and gratitude
certainly extends also to Turkey's military leaders -- the Turkish
General Staff -- who displayed uncommon dedication to the coalition's
objectives. It was a comfort for all of us in Washington to know
that when the United Nations decided to take that step and impose
sanctions against Iraq, Turkey would not hesitate to do what was
right. I want you to know -- and on this one I speak confidently on
behalf of the American people -- that Turkey's role in the Gulf
crisis has not, and will not be, forgotten.
Let me also say that we know the cost of your courage.
Your Turkey's incurred enormous damage -- especially in the southeast
-- from its compliance with U.N. sanctions, its decision to deploy
troops, and its generous relief assistance to hundreds of thousands
of displaced people camped along its borders.
As we look ahead, let's use the last year as a model of
cooperation. As allies, Mr. President, we must expand and deepen our
relationship -- we must create a new strategic relationship.
It's been said that great tasks and important missions
are accomplished only through cooperative efforts. And that's why I
talked today with President Ozal and Prime Minister Yilmaz of
strengthening the bonds that link our countries.
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Turkey's genius can advance not only prosperity at home
but also peace abroad. So let us build a new future together. A
future of peace in the Middle East; a future of peace on Cyprus; and
peace between two great countries, Turkey and Greece, led by wise and
responsible men. And let us work together to build a U.S.-Turkish
relationship with the knowledge that our paths are common, our
interests and values are intertwined, and our fate -- as free and
democratic peoples -- will be always linked.
Mr. President, let our path be straight and true. Let
us achieve the real peace that Ataturk and General Washington dreamt
of. And let us enrich this generation -- and all generations to
come.
And may I ask all the guests here to join me now in a
toast to the health of the President and Mrs. Ozal, and to the great
and strong relationship between the United States and Turkey. And
thank you, sir, for your hospitality.
(A toast is offered.)
END
8:40 P.M. (L)
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Athens, Greece)
For Immediate Release
July 18, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN EXCHANGE OF TOASTS
Presidential Palace
Athens, Greece
8:50 P.M. (L)
PRESIDENT BUSH: Well, thank you, Mr. President, not only
for that warm welcome today, but for those very kind words. And I
simply cannot tell you how happy I am to return to Greece -- "the
cradle of democracy" -- at a time in which ancient principles and
modern aspirations meet, come together.
Some 25 centuries ago, the democratic idea was born right
here in Athens. And you kept that idea alive and inspired our
founding fathers to begin the American experiment. And while this
year we celebrate the 200th anniversary of our Bill of Rights, you
celebrate the 2,500th anniversary of democratic government.
Mr. President, we speak often of democratic principles
and individual liberties and the rule of law. And together, we've
stood strong so that democracy would survive in Europe. Greece was
among the first countries to resist fascism when you fought
Mussolini's army in 1940. And you were also the first to stop Soviet
expansionism in Europe after World War II.
And now our North Atlantic Alliance supports those same
guiding principles, principles that inspire nations all around the
world. And today, the human spirit vanguishes the evils of
totalitarianism. And the spark of freedom glows brightly in
virtually every corner of Europe.
Mr. President, you have played a tremendously important
role in preserving the flame of democracy for half a century. And
many have stood for democracy, but only a gallant few have risen to
the call of reversing autocracy and restoring democratic principles
to government and society. And you, sir, are one of those few.
THE PRESIDENT: As a matter of fact, you're unsurpassed
in that small, very distinguished group. You fought the forces of
evil in the Second World War. You fought communism afterward. And
you restored democracy to Greece in 1974. Your success in this
profound endeavor was a victory for Greece and for the world.
Mr. President, these are brilliant accomplishments. And
we pay tribute this evening to your magnificent record as one of the
West's great statesmen.
Thucydides wrote that "the bravest are surely those who
have the clearest vision of what is before them, glory and danger
alike, and yet, notwithstanding, go out and meet it." Twice Prime
Minister of Greece, and now twice President, you inspire the people
of Greece, the people!of the United States, and free men and women
everywhere.
So ladies and gentlemen, will you please join me in a
toast. To the good fortune of President Karamanlis, to the many
times throughout history our two countries have inspired and
supported each other, and to the deep friendship -- the real and
lasting friendship between our peoples. And may God bless Greeks and
American peoples as well.
END
8:55 P.M. (L)
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
July 10, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT THE WHITE HOUSE CONFERENCE
ON LIBRARY AND INFORMATION SERVICES
The D.C. Convention Center
Washington, D.C.
1:50 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all very much for that welcome,
and may I thank our marvelous band over there who brought us the
music. (Applause.) What a job they always do. (Applause.) And may
I, at the outset of these comments, thank those who have served and
worked so hard to make this successful event a reality -- Charles
Reid, the Chairman of the White House Conference -- (Applause.) I'm
glad his family's out there. (Laughter.) Richard Akeroyd, the
Cochairman; and Jean Curtis, Joseph Fitzsimmons and all the rest of
you out there who have participated in this very active, and, I am
told, successful conference. And welcome to all the state delegates
out there.
First, let me say I am delighted to be here. I just
checked in with the boss of the East Wing of the White House -- that
is Barbara Pierce Bush -- (laughter) -- and she, who -- (applause) --
she was just so pleased with the response, and she is so intimately
involved in the work of all of you, but of many of you specifically
in this room. And I just wanted to say that I appreciate very much
your kindness and courtesy to her.
Since presidents seem to get their own libraries --
(laughter) -- goes with the territory -- it's nice not to worry that
one of you will try to collect my overdue fines. (Laughter.)
I'm proud of our country's libraries. And, you know, a
member of my family wrote a book that's available in most of them.
Ironically, Millie is not allowed to get a library card. (Laughter.)
And there's a great injustice and discrimination out there.
(Laughter.) Incidentally, that book -- it just shows you the power
of books. That book, which was written to benefit Barbara's
educational foundation -- maybe she mentioned it this morning, I
don't know -- but it is raised for that educational cause over
$1,100,000. (Applause.) It shows you the power of books, and the
power of what can happen. And I know you all understand what I mean
by that.
You know, Franklin Delano Roosevelt once gave his son
James some advice that I've always tried to follow; sometimes I fail.
To give a good speech, he said, you must "be sincere, you must be
brief and be seated." (Laughter.) Well, I promise to do all three,
not because I'm not enthralled with the work of the conference, but
because tomorrow Barbara and I leave for Maine, where I will be
receiving the Japanese Prime Minister -- (applause) -- Kennebunkport
contingent over here -- (laughter) -- and receive the Japanese Prime
Minister and then go on -- we both head abroad for the G-7 meeting
and then on to Greece and Turkey. So you've caught us at the
beginning or at the end of a busy week, and the beginning of another
one.
But I am glad to be here with you today, because this
magnificent event builds upon years of hard work. And let's face it:
the world has changed dramatically since the last White House
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Conference on Library and Information Services. The thirst for
freedom has swept aside the acceptance of tyranny. New and amazing
technologies have made ideas accessible to everyone. Books, faxes,
computer disks, television broadcasts have simply shattered the reign
of ignorance and created a whole new world of enterprise, competition
and, with it, intellectual growth.
So you have come together from across this land to honor
a common, exciting dream -- the dream of making this the greatest
nation that it can possibly be. (Applause.)
Your poster captures beautifully the essence of this
challenge. The background picture of the world emphasizes the fact
that we now live in a world united by information highways and joined
in productive competition.
The three photographs superimposed over that globe
represent your three goals: Literacy, productivity and democracy.
An open book, surrounded by other books, reminds us that the quest
for the future begins with literacy. And again, with great pride,
Barbara has joined many of you, and she has devoted a great deal of
time to this fundamental and important cause. Because, you see, she
knows and you all know better than most Americans that to open a book
is to open the doors of opportunity. Illiteracy bars those doors and
it wastes our most precious resource -- our minds.
Second on your poster is a photo of a computer keyboard.
Now, I can talk about computers now. (Laughter.) Marginally
qualified to talk about computers now. (Laughter and applause.) But
seriously, part of our education America 2000 Strategy is that nobody
is too old to learn, and I think it's a very important concept. So a
couple of months ago I decided to keep up with our grandchildren, not
just in Nintendo, but I mean in trying to learn how to run one of
these things. So I started taking lessons. And it's amazing --
youngsters understand the technology upon which our future rests, and
we've got to rush to catch up with them.
Technology can make us more productive as a society, and
information technology arms us with unprecedented power. Our kids
will need high-tech skills to compete in the global marketplace of
the 21st century. And we already know they have the character:
we've seen them create a computer industry out of virtually nothing.
And in the Gulf, we've seen them turn these sophisticated weapons
into not what some would want us have believe are totally tools of
destruction -- in this instance, tools of liberation. And if we want
to let our national spirit soar, we must cultivate ideas and
knowledge. Perhaps no one will play a bigger role in setting the
American spirit aloft than the very people in this room. (Applause.)
You will help us explore and conquer a new electronic
frontier. Already, these fiber optic cables carry billions of pieces
of information in a wire as thin as a strand of hair. Satellite
systems beam information around the world. Computers combine music
and video and text for interactive teaching systems, opening up whole
new horizons for our fantastic teachers all across this country. And
as I look at this, and I expect as you look at it, we recognize that
this is just a beginning.
The administration's high performance computing and
communications initiative proposes developing a national information
network. Now, this network would offer high-speed computing
capabilities to research and educational institutions. And it also
would give experts the experience necessary to develop a broader,
privately-operated national information network. Such an
infrastructure would allow all Americans to share quality information
and entertainment when and where they want -- and at a reasonable
cost.
This amazing beginning equips us to take on the challenge
of democracy -- symbolized again in your poster by our Constitution.
Thomas Jefferson once wrote, "A democratic society depends upon an
informed and educated citizenry." Jefferson knew that education is
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not a trivia game -- a contest to acquire little scraps of data. A
sound education informs our passion and protects our values, and
instills respect for the truth. Information is democracy's greatest
and surest weapon -- and our world's greatest and surest hope.
I expect -- well, put it this way -- I know that you
don't often get credit as revolutionaries. Too often, people think
of the library and information science professionals as people who go
around saying, "Shhhhhh!" -- do that for a living. But in fact --
and this is the way we look at it in the Bush family, and I say
family advisedly -- Barbara is my anchor to windward in all of this
-- you preserve democracy's greatest resource -- the ideas that have
helped reshape an entire world. (Applause.)
Earlier this year -- and I hope all are familiar with it
-- we introduced a new education strategy. America 2000 we call it.
America 2000 isn't another slogan, wrap-around some proposed
legislation. America 2000 calls for a revolution in American
education. It challenges all Americans to raise expectations, to
pledge genuine accountability, and above all, to create a new
generation of American schools. And when we say "new generation,"
we're not just talking about putting a coating of paint on an old way
of educating, we're talking about really a revolution in American
schools. It sets out to transform a nation at risk into a nation of
students. And it urges everyone to make our communities places where
learning will happen.
Libraries and information services stand at the center of
this revolution. (Applause.) And today, our more than 15,000 public
libraries serve nearly 70 percent of our population, they loan 1.3
billion items each year, and they use less than one percent of our
tax dollars. I think you'll agree -- that is quite a bargain.
(Applause.) Our libraries serve as the schoolrooms for lifetime
learning -- and the launching pads for our future.
All of you involved with this conference have made an
invaluable contribution to the progress of American life. And so I
look forward to receiving your policy recommendations, and I am
committed to working with you to improve our libraries and
information networks -- and to carry America 2000 forward.
(Applause.)
J. Robert Oppenheimer said it beautifully: "The
unrestricted access to knowledge may make a vast, complex, ever more
specialized and expert technological world -- nevertheless a world of
human community."
So together, I think we will ensure an America of the
greatest technological and human success. The potential is
limitless. And this is an exciting time to be alive, and I can tell
you, I view it as a fantastically exciting time in our history to
have the honor of being President of the United States. (Applause.)
So thank you all very much for your part in shaping the
future. I don't think you can be a President and live in that
magnificent house down the road there without thinking about the
future. And to do that, we have to count our blessings for the past.
We have to count our blessings for what we call A Thousand Points of
Light as well, and that is men and women -- a volunteer commitment,
getting out there and helping others and setting standards that the
rest of the world admires and respects. And that is where each and
every one of you come in.
Thank you, and may God bless the United States of
America. Thank you very much. (Applause.)
END
2:04 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
July 9, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN PRESENTATION OF NATIONAL MEDAL OF THE ARTS
The East Room
12:03 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all for coming to the White
House. And I'm sure glad we're doing this indoors -- (laughter) --
instead of out. But may I salute Secretary Lujan, a member of our
Cabinet. Mr. Frohnmayer, my dear friend who heads this arts effort,
and does it most effectively, I might say. Senator Hatch was to be
-- right back here, Orrin Hatch. And then, in front of him, Chairman
-- our distinquished Senator Claiborne Pell. And Congressman Yates
was coming and he is over -- modestly in the back row, along with
another Congressman, Ralph Regula there -- but more than welcome.
Both champions of the arts, bringing good judgment and balance to the
questions that concern us all. so I salute them.
And let me just say how pleased we are to see here the
members of the President's Committee on the Arts and the Humanities
-- so many corporate patrons without whom the arts would not flourish
as much as they do -- and then, of course, especially today, the
family and the friends of the honored recipients.
We're delighted to welcome you to this historic East
Room. This afternoon, we honor with the National Medal of the Arts a
group of men and women whose creative efforts really do capture
America's vigor and spirit.
Our artists draw on inspirations and cultures from around
the world, but then reinterpret them in distinctive ways, creative
ways, American ways. And their passion and their genius and their
courage add new dimension to our lives. They remind us of a truth
expressed long ago by William Blake, who wrote: "Nations are
destroyed or flourish in proportion as their poetry, painting, and
music are destroyed or flourish."
And fortunately for us, art in America is alive and well.
In all its forms, it captures the exhilarating feeling of being an
American -- daring everything, dreaming everything, reaching for
everything. And more importantly, it inspires Americans to dare
more, dream more and reach further.
Today, we honor several. The honorees express vital
emotions and truths. Pearl Primus weaves together dance and
anthropology; calls forth the joy and excitement and spiritual vigor
of our African and Caribbean heritage. Pietro Belluschi's innovative
architectural designs -- they evoke the grandeur of this land,
particularly the Pacific Northwest. His works evoke scenes as
various as soaring mountain summits and quiet forest floors checkered
by slanting sunbeams.
Roy Acuff keeps alive the undying tradition of authentic
country music -- and I confess, I love that music. And he has helped
make country music -- really he's the father of it, you might say. I
don't want to date Roy, but -- (laughter) -- the father, and really
has made it what it is today -- a music for all Americans, an art
form that doesn't hold back one single thing. And it captures the
joys and the aches and the frustrations that most of us feel, but few
of us can express.
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In a world where people too often try to reduce life's
imponderables to black-and-white entries on a spreadsheet, our award
winners provide color and depth and perspective.
Teacher and painter Richard Diebenkorn does not blink
from the challenge of expressing himself as he sees fit. In his
studio or his classroom, he teaches the importance -- the necessity
-- of personal integrity. Honi Coles -- Charles "Honi" Coles's
exuberant dance captures the sheer vitality and the joy of the
American spirit. And it shows that you can't be fully American
without breaking into a sweat and having fun from time to time.
(Laughter.)
We often talk of a new world characterized by competition
and enterprise, but our kids will not enjoy full lives if they don't
experience and appreciate art. A life without art is flat and dull
and gray. And it contains none of the highs and lows that give
meaning to daily affairs.
Some of our honorees have devoted their careers to
ensuring that all Americans enjoy the enriching influence of art.
Maurice Abravanel keeps symphony music popular by
conducting and teaching with his Santa Fe Opera. John Crosby gives
young American singers the opportunity to train and perform here in
their own country. And Isaac Stern -- Barbara demanded to sit next
to Isaac Stern -- (laughter) -- expresses the nobility that lies
within us all with his heart and that magnificent violin. And just
this year, in the middle of a threatened Scud attack -- Scud missile
attack in Tel Avia, he returned to the stage and continued playing.
Isaac Stern does more than play an instrument; he inspires us with
his virtuosity, his courage and his commitment to humanity.
We also want to recognize benefactors who, through vision
and steadfast commitment, keep art alive. American art thrives
because of arts administrators like our own J. Carter Brown, who has
molded the National Gallery into a museum really for the entire
nation. Volunteers enhance our arts: men and women like R. Philips
Hanes, Jr., whose generous patronage has guided the regional and
national growth of the Arts Council movement. It is unlikely, but
Philip will not want to claim that he and I were classmates at
college many years ago, but I claim it -- proudly, as a matter of
fact. (Laughter.)
We owe a debt to passionate stewards of the arts such as
the famed Kitty Carlisle Hart, a distinguished performer committed to
making quality art available to all Americans. And artists can
continue to develop and flourish, as I mentioned earlier, because of
corporate sponsors like Texaco, which has set a standard in corporate
philanthropy through its half-century of generous support for the
arts.
As we honor these beacons of excellence, I'm reminded of
something that President Kennedy once said: "In serving his vision,
the artist best serves his nation." And you honorees have all served
our nation brilliantly. Thank you. Congratulations. It's a joy to
have you here.
And now, I'd simply like to ask John Frohnmayer to assist
me in presenting to you these symbols of our nation's gratitude and
high esteem. (Applause)
END
12:10 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Grand Rapids, Michigan)
For Immediate Release
July 4, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN FOURTH OF JULY PARADE CELEBRATION
City County Building
Grand Rapids, Michigan
5:41 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, ladies and gentlemen. And may
I first --
AUDIENCE: USA, USA, USA --
THE PRESIDENT: You're darn right.
AUDIENCE: USA, USA, USA --
THE PRESIDENT: USA. Thank you, Governor Engler,
Michelle; and Congressman Paul Henry and Karen; our Mayor who we just
heard from, Mayor Helmholdt. And thank you all, all of you, for
making Barbara and me feel so at home on this marvelous parade -- 4th
of July parade in Grand Rapids. It has been sensational. Thank you.
(Applause.)
You know, this is one manifestation of the 4th, and it's
very special because of the men and women who served in Desert Storm
and Desert Shield and were ready to go -- (applause.) But I think
when we hear the words, "4th of July," we think of family -- family
at reunions, family at parades like we've just seen, and our American
family, united in pride, united in patriotism, and the joy, the sheer
joy of living in a great and prosperous land. Ne are very lucky to
call America our home. (Applause.) And I think all those who served
in Desert Storm helped us understand important things about ourselves
and our country because I think we all realized that we belong to a
great family, a fortunate family. As Americans, we share more than a
magnificent land: we share values, we share commitments, we share
experiences, beliefs and challenges.
Even before the troops returned home, it was the 4th of
July in America again. Every one of us -- every one of us feels
proud to say, I am an American and love my country. And let's not
be embarrassed to say SO. (Applause.)
A couple of months ago I asked every town to make this 4th
of July a day of special celebration for our troops. We are here, as
the Governor said, to honor our troops -- and the people who have
supported them through long nights and tense days. And also, we're
here to thank the families and the neighbors and the friends. To
every American who wore a yellow ribbon, wrote a letter, or baked a
cookie, or said a prayer -- to every American who linked hands and
hearts in hopes of helping the men and women who defended freedom
overseas, America says, thank you to each and every one of you. You
are an integral part of all of this. (Applause.)
I saw a sign on the parade -- something saying, "War is
not great. Of course, it's not great. We're not here to glorify
war. Tragically, people sometimes must, though, shed blood to defend
simple decency and justice. But we must never feel bashful about
supporting the values that bind us, or the commitment to freedom that
makes America so very special -- a land of dreams; a land revered and
now respected by the rest of the entire world. And that's what it's
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all about. (Applause.)
And, look, loved ones did lose ones close to them. And
victory does provide no comfort for war's victims. But today we can
offer some solace to those whose loved ones fell in defense of
principle. We can tell them we want to thank your sons and
daughters. He will never forget our fighting men and women of this
war -- or of all our wars -- World War I, World War II, Korea, those
who fought in Grenada, Panama and the Gulf. And I take special pride
today in seeing that in some wonderful and perhaps unseen way, what
happened in Desert Storm -- what you guys did -- what happened there
brought home long-overdue recognition and honor to those who served
us in Vietnam. (Applause.)
So I think today, we celebrate the American character.
Just look into the face of any soldier who dug in the desert sands --
or any sailor who stood watch on the dark, distant waters of the
Gulf, the airmen -- look into these faces and you 11 see the American
character. You'll understand the principles upon which this nation
was founded are no more abstract than a heartbeat. They form the
flesh and blood, the heart and soul of our nation.
I see the American character right here in Grand Rapids.
You helped each other through Desert Storm. Your war experience
summarized -- in personal and moving ways -- this nation's war
experience.
From the beginning, you felt the war up close. Creston
High grad Lt. Steven Harper was among the first -- the first pilots
in action over Iraq. The war hit home even more closely when your
reservists left for the Gulf -- citizen-soldiers from groups like the
180th Army National Guard from Grand Rapids -- (applause) -- and
Greenville's 1073rd ANG. (Applause.) And your reservists from the
207th Evacuation Hospital. (Applause.) They helped care for those
kids who were wounded in the Scud missile attacks. And I understand
that in today's parade are families representing your other reserve
unit, Company A, First Batallion of the 24th Marines, which is still
deployed overseas. (Applause.) Good, strong, decent men and women,
all of them. They make us proud to be Americans. And God bless each
and every one of them. (Applause.)
You know, some don't know this, but even the high-tech
story of this war unfolded here. Every time we saw a helicopter or
jet fighter or M-1 tank -- or saw a tape of a Tomahawk cruise missile
or laser-guided bomb -- we saw components produced by hard work right
here in the Grand Rapids area. (Applause.)
And, yes, and more somberly, the war inflicted grief
here, too. The Edwards family -- Gayle, Bennett, Spencer, Adriane --
we shared your pain when Jack became the first Culf war casualty
buried at Arlington. The entire nation poured out condolences in
letters addressed -- simply they came in this way: "Gayle Edwards,
Grand Rapids." What a tribute to a courageous family. (Applause.)
And so, for Barbara and me, to walk these streets is to
feel the pulse of America. A couple of months ago, thousands of you
rallied at Veterans Memorial Park, in a sea of red, white and blue ---
and, yes, yellow -- yellow ribbons that joined the nation's hearts,
and really, for those of you that were overseas, were unifying the
American family. The yellow of the ribbons worn by the kics from Lee
High and Middle Schools. The yellow of the lapel pins that your
policemen made for this county's officers. The spirit of Grand
Rapids is and was the spirit of America. (Applause.)
So in that spirit -- the spirit of brotherhood, devoid of
all arrogance and gloating, the spirit of compassion and pride --
let's celebrate this Independence Day. Let's rejoice in the gift of
every day being able to live life and pursue happiness in our
freedom's first and finest home.
The troops of Desert Storm not only rescued a nation
abroad, they transformed a nation at home.
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Now let's use our strength and our credibility to take on
challenges here at home. We can make our schools the best in the
entire world -- and we will. (Applause.) We can restore order to
our streets -- and we will. And we can build a society, as the
Governor said, in which people who want to work will have
opportunities; in which people who seek to build a just society will
conquer the divisive forces of prejudice -- and we will build that
society. We owe it to the generation to come. (Applause.)
If we didn't know it before Desert Storm, we know now:
Nothing can stop us.
So let's all of us -- you and me, your family, our family
-- let's make this America the best that it can possibly be.
Listen to the American spirit expressed in a letter to me
from a Michigan teacher. Martha Milliams -- here's what she wrote:
"I try to teach my young people that freedom isn't free -- that its
price is dedication to an ideal -- and sometimes its price is
sacrifice. My classroom theme is 'answering the call' -- in civilian
life as well as military -- in everyday humble contributions as well
as heroic, notable efforts."
Well, you know something? Martha's right. The American
spirit of service -- service to each other and to good and bright
ideals -- made our nation great. It will keep our nation great. And
that spirit -- if I take away anything else, it's the feeling that
that spirit thrives right here in Grand Rapids. You can see it. You
can feel it. You can be proud of it. I know I am.
I am very proud -- and I know I speak confidently for
Barbara, which I do not always do -- (laughter) -- when I tell you
that we are very proud, indeed, to share this special day.
And now may we say thank you, God bless you all, and God
bless this freest, fairest, greatest country on the face of the
Earth, the United States of America. Thank you all. Thank you very
much. (Applause.)
END
5:55 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
June 4, 1991
For Immediate Release
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT PRESENTATION OF AWARDS FOR
FALASHA DEPARTURE FROM ETHIOPIA
The Rose Garden
3:19 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: I am just delighted to see all of you
here in the Rose Garden to celebrate a wonderful thing and to honor
four people of the many who participated in permitting people to go
home. And I have had a chance to express my personal appreciation to
Senator Boschwitz and this team of able American diplomats who made
possible a humanitarian rescue mission of heroic proportions.
Their efforts set a the stage for an airlift over the
weekend of May 24th which brought freedom for one of history's most
remarkable people -- the Ethiopian Jews.
As civil war escalated in that country, we worried. This
year it grew stronger and prospects for the Falashas' departure to
Israel were jeopardized and their future security looked increasingly
in question. And I know everybody out here that has talked to me
about this and checked in with friends in the administration felt
very strongly about that.
In April, as insurgent forces closed in on the capital, I
called Rudy Boschwitz. I asked Senator Boschwitz to go to Addis
Ababa urgently as a personal emissary of the President to seek to
arrange the expedited departure of the Ethiopian Jews. Events since
Senator Boschwitz and his team took their trip have unfolded with
dazzling speed. And thanks to him and especially to his colleagues
here and others who aren't with us today, arrangements were put in
place between Israel and Ethiopia for one of the most bold
humanitarian airlifts in history. It succeeded -- in less than 24
hours -- in carrying more than 14,000 Ethiopian Jews to new lives in
Israel.
The London Roundtable, chaired by the United States,
resulted in a joint declaration by the Ethiopian combatants, who have
agreed to organize an all-parties conference to select a transitional
goverment there. We view that decision as a commitment to the
democratic process and hope that all Ethiopian political parties and
groups in Ethiopia will take advantage of this opportunity to help
build a pluralistic future for their country.
As I say for all of us here today, and I think for all
the Jews around the world, this is an emotional -- this was an event
of emotional proportions. And I just want you to know that I share
in that emotional feeling that something wonderful has happened.
So in recognition of his extraordinary efforts to arrange
for the evacuation of the Falashas at this crucial moment during this
period of dramatic political change in Ethiopia, I am today awarding
Senator Boschwitz the Presidential Citizens Medal. And at the same
time, I am presenting special awards for exceptional service to the
three individuals who made up the Senator's courageous diplomatic
team -- and Rudy sings their praises to high heavens for the word
they did -- Irvin Hicks, a Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for
African Affairs; Robert Frasure, the Director of the African Affairs
here in the White House at the National Security Council; and then
one who's not with us today, but is ably represented, Robert Houdek,
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our Charge D'Affaires of our Embassy in Addis, operating under fire,
under great pressure, performing admirably. Mrs. Mary Houdek is
accepting the award on behalf of her husband who is still in
Ethiopia.
And in presenting these awards, I also want to make
special mention of someone else, and I'm talking about Assistant
Secretary Hank Cohen in his role in this remarkable odyssey.
Operation Solomon represents a culmination for his
leadership over the years on this question of the Ethiopian Jews.
And all of this occurred at the same time when the Angola Accords
were signed, a negotiation in which, as we all know, Hank Cohen
played an extraordinarily important role.
I salute the contribution which all of them have made to
this tremendous success in removing the Ethiopian Jews from harm's
way and reuniting them with their loved ones in Israel. And I also
salute your efforts to bring peace and democracy to that country --
to Ethiopia -- a troubled country with which we feel a special
kinship in spite of the years of bad relations under the previous
regime.
And now it's a privilege and a pleasure to get on with
this small awards ceremony, but I think I speak for everybody in the
audience when I say we do this with grateful hearts. And now I might
ask my military aide, Major Boschwitz -- (laughter) -- Major
Boschwitz. (Laughter.) Sorry, Major Bonwit to -- close, Dave -- to
read the first citation, if you would, sir.
(The awards are presented.)
END
3:25 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
June 3, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO GOVERNORS EDUCATION POLICY ADVISORS
AND CHIEF STATE SCHOOL OFFICERS
Indian Treaty Room
Old Executive Office Building
4:45 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: This is what we call in the White House a
cameo appearance. In, out. (Laughter.) But we have our new Deputy
Secretary, number two in the department, David Kearns here. I want
to tell you something about him. He was the former Chief Executive
of Xerox, and he comes to this big job, but with a total dedication
and commitment to education. And I think it says a wonderful thing
to our country that a man with his extraordinary business
achievements -- all the time, incidentally, when he was in that job
he was constructively engaged in helping our schools and helping
education -- but here he is now working hand-in-hand with our very
able Secretary, who all of you know and to whom I just once again
express my real appreciation for the job he and this fantastic team
we've got over there at the Department is doing.
I'm not here, though, to talk about what the center can
do for the people. That's not the way we're going to reform
education in this country. What I want to do is talk about or just
thank you for what you are doing and what we're counting on you to do
as we reach out to achieve our national education goals, goals that
were established in a totally nonpartisan way by the governors;
unanimously adopted by the governors.
Governor Romer was going to come on over here today,
Governor Campbell with him on our Education Panels of the Governors
Association. But they're actively involved in another meeting which
the three of us attended not so many minutes ago. And I say that
because they wanted to be here, too. But we're grateful to Governor
Romer of Colorado, Governor Carroll Campbell and the others that are
participating on the Governors Panel.
Lamar and I were talking -- he said, well, look, remind
these people that they're the ones that stand at the center of this
crusade to reform the American schools and to reach the six national
goals that you all are familiar with, and reach them by the year
2000. It's a strong agenda, a tough agenda in some ways. But all of
us are determined that, with your help, we can do it.
So what we talk about in the America 2000 strategy you
put into action, and the ideas for implementing a lot of our strategy
has got to come from you all and thousands like you across this
country. It can't succeed; we cannot dictate from Washington. I am
not anti-Washington. I am not antibureacracy. We've got some
wonderful people who have given their lives in these departments, but
this program, America 2000, cannot succeed if we try to do it from
Washington itself.
And so we've got to spread the message. And along those
lines I'm going over to Delaware next week -- I think with Lamar; I
hope -- to attend a graduation for graduates of an adult education
program. One of our goals, as you know, is you're never too old to
stop learning. And by going there we hope that this will put some
focus on the program -- many of you are already involved in that kind
of education -- give a boost to what you're doing, and maybe in the
process, get some good ideas as to how we can do it better.
Then the following week, I go by to Colorado and see
Governor Romer, who's our chairman really of the governors of this,
in the education field, talking about the role of community in
education. Once again, community in education, because we simply,
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dedicated though I know our people are here, can't get it done
without a sense of community. Governor Romer and his colleagues in
the Colorado 2000 effort are going to hold meetings in 176 locations
across the state in a single night. I don't think he'll be at all of
them, but nevertheless -- (laughter.) He's a good man, but not that
good.
And that's an impressive effort. I cite it because it
builds on this theme of participation that is absolutely essential.
And we hope that kind of thing will happen all across the country.
And so we've urged all cities and states to take a few simple, common
sense steps to get the reform going in whatever way they feel they
can be most effective. First, they have to adopt the goals for
themselves - the national education goals. And as some of you know,
there may be resistance here and there. But look at them carefully;
put them all together, and I think you'll think it's the right
approach or the right program for the country.
And the approaches, they may well vary. They have to
adopt these goals. They've got to devise a community-wide strategy
to meet them; develop a report card system to assess progress towards
the goals; and then be willing to create and support a new school.
One of the aspects of this that Lamar has me fired up the
most about is citizens and communities starting from scratch -- and
we haven't done it well enough yet -- and creating new schools. And
hopefully we'll be able, with the effort of David and Lamar, to
supplement those efforts with some funds to get these things going in
the different states.
But it's a wonderful concept. And some may need longer
school terms. Some may want to have varied hours. Some may want
different curricula -- whatever it is. But that's the genius of it,
the diversity of it. And I think it's an exciting project.
I think you can stimulate the kinds of local activities
that you need, that we need, and I know you will. So I really want
to say thanks. Lamar told me you all are disproportionately involved
for American citizens, so in some ways, I'm singing and preaching to
the choir. But the choir can get out there and get others in phase
and get them creating.
And of all the things that we're trying to do -- we're
trying to clean up the streets, and help with the neighborhoods, and
Barbara and I are trying to at least in some tiny way say how
important we think family is. And we're trying to deal with the
Soviet Union, and all of these things that you have the privilege of
doing as President. But there's nothing that I feel more excited
about or more whose importance I think is priority than this
program of America 2000.
So I've told the Secretary that I want to help in every
way possible. And I mean it. And Barbara has already, in my view,
set a pretty good example in her own way in terms of reading and the
emphasis on that, and helping kids. But she's a point of light. You
all are points of light. And we're going to do what we should do in
terms of legislation and all of that, but I need your help. The
country needs your help your leaders. And I'm very grateful to
those of you who are already out there doing the Lord's work in
helping these young kids of ours.
Thank you very, very much. (Applause.)
In order to feel that you're never too old to learn, I'm
going off to a lecture on Andrew Jackson's presidency. And I expect
I'll be better informed when I finish. But I will now turn this
podium over to Lamar and to David. And, again, with my sincere
thanks to all of you; thank you very much. (Applause.)
END
4:53 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
April 17, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AND PRESIDENT VIOLETA CHAMORRO
OF NICARAGUA DURING ARRIVAL CEREMONY
The South Lawn
10:15 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: It gives me great pleasure to welcome to
the United States a woman of courage, a leader of conviction, a
person of morality and vision: Mrs. Violeta Chamorro, President of
Nicaragua. (Applause.)
We stand here at the White House almost a year to the day
after the extraordinary moment when you stood at Managua's National
Stadium to be sworn in as your nation's first freely-elected
president.
What a moment that was. In you we saw the exhilarating
victory of democracy, of that glorious new breeze that, in one
amazing year, swept out oppression and dictatorship, from Prague to
Managua. In you we saw your nation's peacemaker, the person who
would close the books on 11 years of cruel civil war.
In you we saw the symbol of national reconciliation with
the inner strength and resolve to turn the face of your country
toward the path of healing.
In you we saw what your countrymen saw when they cast.
their ballots in their first fair, open election. We all saw the
person who inspired her people to believe in the triumphant return of
peace and freedom.
On that Inauguration Day we saw Dona Violeta, candidate
of compassion, become President Chamorro, leader of reconciliation.
On that day you closed a painful chapter in your nation's history;
and you began to forge a new one. The beautiful land of Ruben Dario
had been exhausted by strife, embittered by repression, polarized by
government attempts to dominate every single aspect of society,
impoverished by a cynical and mismanaged regime.
But you are the leader who once said: "As a mother, I
feel with great intensity the obligation to teach while governing and
to govern while forming peaceful hearts." And you've begun to bring
life and dreams back to your people in your "mission to help them."
As you call it, "mission to help them. Your courageous countrymen
are showing that they are ready to dig in and work hard to reap the
benefits of free government and free enterprise.
Following the course of your slogan: "Yes, we can change
things," your reforms are realistic. Restoration of democratic
liberties, religious freedom, economic reconstruction, free market
opportunities, reallocation of military funds to vital economic and
social programs and reincorporation of former combatants and
refugees.
But your reforms are also visionary. The restoration of
moral values and human dignity. The importance of an inheritance for
your children of reconciliation and respect. And the belief in the
goodness of a people that still turns for guidance to its patron
Saint, La Purisima.
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And your reforms, your "new sun of justice and freedom"
bring hope to the watching world. For with the democratization of
Nicaragua, we are one crucial step closer to the incredible goal of
becoming this world's first fully democratic hemisphere.
We know that the tasks facing the Nicaraguan people are
difficult. Your economic stabilization plan requires hard choices.
Economic reform after years of mismanagement is never easy and
presents challenges to leadership. But sacrifice in the short run is
vital to achieve long-term growth and development. And we hope that
all elements of Nicaraguan society will work with you for the good of
your country.
The Nicaraguan people do not stand friendless and alone
to face these challenges. We are confident that as you confront
them, all Nicaraguans will enjoy renewed and widely shared
prosperity.
Dona Violeta, I am proud to stand with you -- and our
nation is proud to stand by you. We're offering over $500 million in
aid over your first two years as President. And we've joined with
other developed countries to work with the international financial
institutions to help Nicaragua. And beyond aid, we're offering
opportunities for trade and investment that will benefit both our
countries through the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative.
And most of all, we're offering something from our hearts
to your proud country -- your blue and white Nicaragua where, as your
National Anthem says, "the voice of the cannon no longer roars." We
are offering you our respect, our admiration, and our friendship.
As your nation renews itself under your leadership, the
world shares the view of Nicaraguan poet Pablo Antonio Cuadra, who
wrote about your late husband, Pedro Joaquin -- who was tragically
assassinated for the pure passion of his political idealism. Cuadra
said of you: "Pedro's flag could not be in better hands."
Madam President, your nation is fortunate to have you as
a leader. I am proud to have you as a friend. We salute you. And
may God Bless you and your proud and courageous land. And welcome to
the United States. (Applause.)
PRESIDENT CHAMORRO: President Bush, my good friend; Mrs.
Barbara Bush, my good friend, also; ladies and gentlemen. Many years
have elapsed since the President of Nicaragua has made a state visit
to the White House.
It is a great honor for me to be here with you this
morning, for it represents the establishment of a new and precious
relationship between our two nations.
The genuine friendship extended by a noble country such
as the United States deserves in turn the friendship of democratic
governments that respect the rights of their people. For only in
this manner can there exist a sincere relationship between both
nations.
As we meet today, Mr. President, it is our responsibility
as leaders of two democratic nations to begin fertilizing the seed of
a new friendship, a friendship based on our shared belief in
democracy and mutual respect.
I would also like to take this opportunity to express our
gratitude to the people and government of the United States of
America for the assistance they have provided to Nicaragua. That
assistance was a decisive factor during my first year in office. And
now, Nicaragua has begun to recover from the years of political
instability and continuous conflict.
I must conclude by reiterating my government's firm
commitment to the sacred principles of democracy shared by our
peoples. This commitment is, and will continue to be, to work
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towards consolidating peace, strengthening our democratic
institutions, respecting human rights and putting our economy in
order.
I shall work toward achieving this goal, without wavering,
because I have adopted as my own those universal truths which Abraham
Lincoln bequeathed to mankind: "A government of the people, by the
people, and for the people."
God bless and protect the peoples and governments of the
United States and Nicaragua. Thank you. (Applause.)
END
10:27 A.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Ludwigshafen, Germany)
For Immediate Release
November 18, 1990
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT SPEYER TOWN WELCOME
Speyer Town Square
Speyer, Germany
12:50 P.M. (L)
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, Chancellor Kohl. And I'm
delighted to be back in the Rhine Country in the beautiful village of
Speyer. (Applause.) To be with your great Chancellor, and most of
all, to be the first American President to visit the new Germany.
(Applause.) It is also a sign of the times that just a week ago the
Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev walked your streets, saw your
majestic cathedral and joined with you in the celebration of German
unity. (Applause.)
When we were here last year, Germans still lived in two
societies: one free and one oppressed; one alive, the other frozen
in tyranny. Two very different governments, but one people; one
Germany.
In May of 1989, I talked to the citizens of Mainz. And
on that day, we spoke not only of our mutual defense, but of our
shared values; not just of the matters of the mind, but of the deeper
aspirations of the heart. Ana we heard the call for a common
European home, but insisted on another home -- one in which all
within would be free to move from room to room, free to enjoy their
right of self-determination. (Applause.)
I will never forget November 1989 when word came from
Berlin: the Wall has been breached. And soon the world was
transfixed by startling images, scenes of celebration and triumph as
thousands of Germans joined hands across a mass of concrete that had
divided your nation for far too long. That was an exciting moment
and I'm delighted today to celebrate that moment in the home area of
the first Chancellor of this new Germany, Chancellor Helmut Kohl, the
man who united Germany. (Applause.)
I'm also here because the unification of Germany is not
just cause for celebration by one people. It's a cause for
celebration for all who love freedom. And let me just tell you, no
people on Earth are more thrilled by your achievement than your
friends in America. (Applause.)
I see the rains are coming. (Laughter.) So I will
conclude, mercifully, by saying thank you to all the citizens of this
marvelous part of Germany. Thank you for this warm welcome for
Barbara and me, and I say, symbolically for the United States of
America. (Applause.) And thank you, Chancellor, for your words
about standing together in the face of tyranny, standing together to
see that aggression will not pay in this world. (Applause.) God
bless the people of a united Germany. Thank you. God bless each and
every one of you. Thank you for this warm hospitality. (Applause.)
Good Luck.
END
12:56 P.M. (L)
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Los Angeles, California)
For_ Immediate Release
September 18, 1990
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT WILSON FOR GOVERNOR FUNDRAISING DINNER
The Westin Bonaventure Hotel
Los Angeles, California
7:46 P.M. PDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much, Pete and Gayle.
Pete, thank you for that welcome. And all of you. And to
Assemblyman Ross and Diane Johnson, Senator Marian Bergeson and
Garth, Councilwoman Joan Milke-Flores, Matt and Paula Fong down here,
and our state chairman, Frank Visco; of course, Dan and Bobby
Lundgren; and Chuck Heston, my friend here; Tom and Mary Hayes; and
Johnny Grant. What a wonderful turnout. Thank all of you.
Robby Britt -- that was an inspiring rendition of The
National Anthem. Thank you very, very much. (Applause.)
Let me convey the apologies of a very close member of my
family who couldn't make it tonight. As it turns out, Millic is back
East, promoting her new book. (Laughter.) Her celebrity status has
gone to her head. (Laughter.) I gave her a bowl of Alpo and she
asked to see the wine list. (Laughter.)
I'm sorry that our national fitness czar, Arnold
Schwarzenegger, could not be with us tonight. You know, he wanted to
entertain the troops in Saudi Arabia, but we had to put him down, say
no. It turned out they didn't think it was very entertaining to
watch a guy bench-press an M-1 tank. (Laughter.) But we do have
another czar with us tonight, and that is our Drug Czar Bill Bennett,
who flew in with me today on Air Force One. (Applause.)
Bill's bringing his tough and fearless leadership to our
national war against the scourge of drugs. A few days ago, there at
the White House, he and I gave a one-year update on our National Drug
Strategy. And we both feel that in many ways we are, indeed, making
significant progress, and that's due to the tireless fight that Bill
and so many communities and so many police forces -- including the
one right here, the L.A.P.D. -- are making, waging against drugs.
And we're grateful to you, Bill, and we're grateful to the citizens
out here from whatever walk of life that are participating in this
war against drugs. (Applause.) We owe him a vote of thanks. And,
again, all of the volunteers that are pitching in.
Let me say it is great to be back with so many good
friends, back here in this Golden State. You know, the people who
came to California wouldn't stop looking for gold and glory until the
trail stopped at the edge of the Pacific. That's why this state is a
place where the dreamers are the doers and why California is leading
America into the future. And I can't think of anyone better
qualified to lead California into that future than your next governor
-- Pete Wilson. (Applause.)
I will say I am very sorry that Barbara's not with us
tonight, but she thinks the world of Gayle, just as I do. And both
of us are strongly in your corner as you go down to the stretch.
I'll have a lot to say tonight about Pete and the
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Republican future in California. But first, let me just speak of two
matters that are critical to the future of America and the world.
A week ago tonight, I went before the Congress and the
American people to discuss two urgent, yet interrelated matters --
the aggression in the Middle East -- and, Rabbi, thank you for your
overly generous comments, sir -- and the federal budget deficit.
Even before the Persian Gulf crisis, we were already more
economically vulnerable than we should ever be, especially with a
projected federal deficit of $232 billion. So I told the Congress,
and I know that Pete Wilson agrees, that we must address our budget
deficit -- not in 1991 or '92, but right now.
We need a budget agreement that meets four basic tests.
It must include measures to increase economic growth and cut our
national dependence on foreign oil. It must be fair. Everyone
should be called upon to make a sacrifice, but no one should bear the
burden alone.
A budget agreement should address the growth of the
government's hidden liabilities and it must reform the budget
process. And one thing more: We can cut this budget without hurting
the economy. Without another phoney-baloney plan. With an agreement
that is credidble, real and enforceable -- one that will save America
half a trillion dollars in five years. (Applause.)
I also told the Congress that if America remains strong
at home, America can continue, and will continue, to lead abroad.
But there's another component of American leadership that has no
price tag -- none at all -- and I'm talking about the men and women
who are serving this country in the Persian Gulf.
America is a mighty nation. But we are a great nation
only because of those who are ready to leave-the comfort of their
homes in Oceanside or San Bernardino to serve on the front line
halfway around the world in defense of freedom. (Applause.) America
is great because its courage is great.
And we all wish their job was done, but we know that it's
not. Certain objectives must be,met. Iraq must withdraw from Kuwait
without condition. (Applause.) Kuwait's legitimate government must
be restored. The security and stability of the Persian Gulf must be
assured. And American citizens abroad must be protected.
(Applause.)
These objectives are not ours alone. They'v been
endorsed by the United Nations Security Council six times in seven
weeks. And let me note the good news from our allies. West Germany
has pledged to support the mission with almost $2 billion, and
provide transport ships and planes. Japan has now pledged a package
worth $4 billion. France has added another 4,000 troops. And Great
Britain has sent 120 tanks, 6,000 troops, the famous Desert Rats that
some of us remember from World War II. It is truly then Iraq against
the world.
We've also put tight sanctions into effect, while working
with the United Nations Security Council to allow food to reach
innocent children, mothers, the sick and the elderly. And we've been
working with many nations to get relief to the most pitiful victims
of this conflict - I'm talking about those thousands and hundreds of
thousands of refugees. Those that can afford it the least, humbled
in the desert outside of -- off the Iraq border.
I spoke of our four objectives. But we have another,
final objective. And that is to create a new partnership of nations.
A new world order, freer from the threat of terror, stronger in the
pursuit of justice, more secure in the quest for peace. (Applause.)
The international community has already taken a giant
step toward that day. Together with our friends and allies, ships of
the the United States Navy are patrolling the Mideast waters.
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already intercepted more than 700 ships to enforce these sanctions
against Iraq. And the world is simply telling Saddam Hussein, we
will not give in to intimidation.
On matters like these, we are called upon to put country
before self, and patriotism before party. And so it's good that
politics now are stopping at the water's edge; but that still leaves
a lot of America in between. And from Long Beach to Long Island, we
should, and we will vigorously campaign right up to the November
election. (Applause.) And for those of us at home, we can serve our
country by being the best candidates, the best citizens, and, yes,
the best Republicans and Democrats we can be.
I am sure every Democrat agrees -- we will not allow our
political life to be held hostage to a crisis. When Californians go
to the polls, absentee ballots will be coming in from Americans in
uniform, including those stationed in the Persian Gulf region. And
if our soldiers, sailors, airmen and Marines can find time to vote
under such difficult circumstances, surely those of us at home will
do our civic duty as well. (Applause.)
Just a few moments ago I spoke of international
intimidation. Well, it does Americans no good to stop aggression
abroad if bullies take over the streets at home. As a former U.S.
Marine, as a Senate leader in foreign policy and defense, Pete Wilson
understands the need to repel, stand up against, aggression abroad.
But he also understands the need to repel aggression at
home. Let me tell you a story that means a lot to him, about an
immigrant from Ireland named Michael Callahan, who came to these
shores to find peace and prosperity. Michael Callahan moved to
Chicago, started a family, worked hard, and rose to the rank of
detective sergeant on the city police force. And then one evening,
while on duty, Sergeant Callahan tried to arrest two cocaine dealers.
They drew their guns first. And although Callahan managed to shoot
one of the dealers, the other one shot him. Sergeant Callahan died
in Chicago at the age of 30, fighting the first wave of cocaine to
sweep America. But that was not in 1990 or 1980. Michael Callahan
died fighting cocaine in 1908. And his grandson, Pete Wilson, is
with us tonight. (Applause.)
So when your Senator says we need to protect the public
and the police from cop killers and kingpins, and when he says that
those who deal in death should reap what they sow, you can be sure
Pete Wilson means business. (Applause.)
And I share his sense of mission. On a rain soaked
morning in May of 1989, surrounded by hundreds of law-enforcement
officers at the foot of the Capitol, I called on Congress to pass a
tough crime bill to build on what our Attorney General here tonight,
Bill -- William French Smith -- worked on. To build on what my
predecessor, Ronald Reagan, worked on and tried to accomplish. We
put forward a new program. And now 16 months have now gone by. And
despite the leadership of Pete Wilson and others in the Senate, the
House Democratic leadership has gone off into deep left field. And
even worse, several measures receiving serious consideration in the
House last week would actually weaken law enforcement; would actually
make our cities and our streets less safe than they are now. And
such a bill will stop at my desk. It will not become law. I'll
guarantee you that. (Applause.)
Pete Wilson and I want a crime bill that will stop the
abuse of habeas corpus. A bill that guarantees that criminals who
use serious weapons will face serious weapons charges and serious
time. A bill that guarantees that evidence gathered by good cops
acting in good faith isn't barred by technicalities that let bad
people go free. (Applause.)
I cannot sign a bill that overturns Supreme Court
decisions limiting frivolous habeas corpus petitions, expands the
coverage of the exclusionary rule, and weakens capital punishment.
And I will not sign a bill that handcuffs the police officers all
- 4 -
across the United States of America. (Applause.)
But if some in the House have been an obstacle to
tougher laws, Pete Wilson has been an advantage in the Senate. He
played a key role in passing the death penalty provisions of the 1988
Antidrug Act; one that allows capital punishment for the murder of a
law enforcement officer working on a drug-related case.
And Pete says, "I will not have California under seige
to rapists and thugs and drug dealers." He wants to govern a -
California where wamen need no longer fear the night, because drug
dealers and criminals will instead fear the law. And he would start
by extending capital punishment in California to major drug
traffickers, the same as my proposals before the United States
Congress. (Applause.)
And so, thus, I have to ask: Is it any wonder that the
endorsement of a dozen law enforcement organizations has gone to the
grandson of Michael Callahan?
Pete, we need you to continue the work in this anticrime
field. (Applause.)
Tomorrow in San Francisco, I'll speak of Pete Wilson's
fiscal philosophy and especially of his long-standing environmental
leadership. He is, and always has been, a conservative. But Pete
Wilson also is, and always has been, an activist who wants to use
government creatively to improve our quality of life.
And this balanced approach is the key to his success as
a legislator in Washington and Sacramento, and as Mayor of San Diego.
It was as Mayor that Pete first showed a flair for executive
leadership. And now he seeks the largest executive job in America,
second only to my own. And he faces a California skeptical of all
rhetoric, impressed only by action. But he's faced the voters
before, retaining a Senate seat that six predecessors lost. The broke
the jinx and made history because he delivers on his promises.
(Applause.)
And now Pete says, "If the voters think I'll be more
useful as a governor than as a member of the U.S. Senate, then that's
what I'll be." Well, all of us here know that filling the
governorship after George Deukemejian is not going to be easy. But
all of us here know that if there's anyone that can do it, it is Pete
Wilson. And I am very proud to be here for him. He should be the
Governor. And that is what he must be -- Governor Pete Wilson of
California. (Applause.)
Thank you for your support. Keep it up. And God bless
the United States. (Applause.)
END
8:07 P.M. PDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
September 17, 1990
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT THE CEREMONY FOR WINNERS OF THE
ELEMENTARY SCHOOL RECOGNITION PROGRAM
The South Lawn
3:36 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, and welcome to the White House
lawn on this beautiful fall day. We're delighted to have you all
here. And thank you, Secretary Cavazos, and thank you especially for
your leadership in keeping education at the very top of our national
agenda. And special welcome to the governors who are with us today,
and those who participated in last year's economic summit. I'm so
glad that this many are here. And I want to greet Governor Campbell,
and Governor Casey, Governor Perpich, Governor Schaefer; and I'm just
delighted they are here. Will you all stand up, please, and have a
welcome from the crowd here? (Applause.)
And also with us today is Gil Grosvenor, a great friend
of ours, friend of education, President of the National Geographic
Society to whom we are indebted for the distribution of this
pro-education poster. Gil, thank you very much to you and your
associates. (Applause.) And a special welcome to all of you, our
special guests. You know, Barbara's here. I happen to think with
some husbandly pride that she's doing a remarkable job for education.
(Applause.)
She's just finished a reception inside for her new radio
program: Barbara Bush Story Time. It's going to be kind of like
Fiorello LaGuardia for you old-timers -- (laughter) -- used to do
this. There's a slight complication on this, however, because
attending that reception, and with us today, is Bob Saggett of
America's Funniest Home Videos. Is he over there somewhere?
(Applause.) Bob, you're welcome to stay, but your act is over there
in the press room; that's where you ought to be to get your material.
(Laughter.) Thank you very much for joining us today.
I'm honored to welcome the representatives of the 221
elementary schools chosen this year as winners in our School
Recognition Program. Each of your schools is as diverse as this
great country. They are public and private, they range in size from
170 to 1,400 pupils. They serve children from scarcely-populated
rural areas to some of our largest cities. But you all have
something important in common: your success and achievement --
ideals to which the other schools across the breadth of this nation
can look for inspiration.
This year's winners were judged on the quality of the
education they provide, their students' achievments and attitude, and
their teachers' and administrators' leadership. But perhaps the most
important criteria was a sense of shared purpose among faculty,
students, parents, and then the entire community.
These schools share a vision of hope that they can foster
the full potential and development of each child and, by doing that,
help make this a better-nation and a better world.
However, those higher goals may have been lost on some of
the youngest winners. I understand that when one first-grader from
Colwyn Elementary School told her parents about her principal being
honored, she exclaimed: "Sister Mary won the Academy Award?"
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(Laughter.)
We're here today not only to salute these individual
schools, but also to restate our commitment as a nation to education.
(Applause.) For our democracy can remain vital only if our people
continue to grow in knowledge and wisdom; facing each new choice with
an increased understanding of the complex and competitive world in
which we live. And we must realize that education is the key to our
future, to our identity as a nation, and to our very soul as a
people.
I came to this job believing that America can and must
have a restructured and revitalized education system to enable us to
compete successfully in the world; and to empower each citizen to
achieve his or her fullest potential. After all, education is our
most enduring legacy, vital to everything we are and everything we
can become.
We're celebrating an important anniversary here. One
year ago this month, we held the President's Education Summit with
the governors. In fact, my first stop after the summit was right
here where I spoke to last year's winner of this prestigious award.
And the summit itself grew out of our pledge to lead a national
effort toward a renaissance of excellence in American schools. As a
result of this historic event, involving the nation's governors and
our Cabinet, we emerged with a sense of direction for individual and
collective efforts to improve the quality of education for all. For
the first time, Americans now have a clear sense of direction toward
national education.
With the invaluable cooperation of teachers, and parents,
and community leaders, and a variety of educators, and working with
the governors at the beginning of this year, I announced our six
education goals to be met by the year 2000. Absolutely essential
goals that recognize education as a lifelong enterprise. And I want
to repeat them now, because they must become so familar that they
seem wöven into the fabric of our lives.
First, by the year 2000, all children in America must
start school ready to learn. And second, the high school graduation
rate must increase to at least 90 percent. And third, American
students must be competent in five critical subjects with their
progress measured in grades four, eight and twelve.
Fourth, our students must be first in the world in
science and math. And fifth, every adult American must be able to
read. And finally, every one of our schools must be safe,
disciplined, and drug-free. (Applause.)
I am very pleased today to be able to unveil a wonderful
poster displaying these important goals that have been produced, as I
said earlier, by the National Geographic Society; and it will be sent
to every single school in the nation. National Geographic has joined
the fight to ensure a first-class education for every American child.
And once again, Gil Grosvenor, we are very, very grateful to you and
your associates over there. (Applause.)
And I'm grateful to you two for holding that up in the
wind. (Laughter.) You're doing a first-class job there, Marcus and
Jennifer.
You know, in this past year since our summit, as we've
turned our attention to the formidable task of ensuring that these
goals are attained, we've seen an extraordinary response, as reform
took off across our nation. And one of the most important reforms
sweeping our great country is educational choice; empowering parents
to get involved in their children's education. Today, with us -- and
I spot her right down here -- is Polly Williams, a courageous leader
who brought choice to Milwaukee, Wisconsin's school. Polly, would
you please stand up, too? (Applause.)
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And it's teamwork that's engendering this inspiring
success -- an extradordinarily constructive partnership between the
federal level, the governors of our states and territories. Showing
our administration-wide commitment to educational excellence, we've
also begun exciting programs involving all of the Cabinet
departments.
Today, I issue a challenge to every American to join us.
Step forward in your own way to respond to one of the most crucial
issues that we face. And students, set your sights and your personal
goals high, so that your future can match your finest dreams.
Educators, you're engaged in noble, terribly important
work. And we congratulate you, and look forward to your continuing
dedication to American educational excellence. And then to parents,
we urge you to become more involved -- more involved in your
children's education. And lastly, to the communities, we've made
great leaps in getting communities more engaged. The governors have
done a sensational job going to the communities getting them more
engaged in local-level action, too. But we need more.
All of us must commit ourselves fully now. Right now.
And America, really on this one, can't afford to wait -- or waste --
a generation. To all of you, as we look ahead to our goals and to
the year 2000, let's answer the call: "Let tomorrow begin today."
Congratulations to all of you. Thank you for interest in
education. Thank you for caring about our kids. Thank you very,
very much. (Applause.)
END
3:45 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(New York, New York)
For Immediate Release
July 24, 1990
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE NEW YORK REPUBLICAN PARTY
Waldorf Astoria Hotel
New York, New York
7:50 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all. Thank you so much,
Senator. And let me say how very pleased I am to be here. A salute
first to Senator D'Amato who's doing such a superb job in Washington.
(Applause.) He and I have to leave before the broccoli to get back
to -- (laughter) -- get back down there, so I hope you'll excuse us.
But let me salute my old friend, the Borough President. Mr.
President, we're proud of you, Guy Molinari. (Applause.) And, of
course, our Senate Leader, Ralph Marino. I just met with him and we
talked about the importance of keeping control of this Senate, given
the significance of redistricting coming up.
It is absolutely essential, and thus I want to thank
everybody that has helped in this dinner. It is key that Ralph
continue to run the Senate on the Republican side. We've got to keep
control of it. (Applause.) And I expect because of his
responsibilities as head of this whole campaign for the Senate, Guy
Valella, over here, knows that he's got some big shoes to fill, too
-- big responsibilities. Rapp, it's good to see you again -- Rapp
Rappleyea, the leader over here on our -- I wish we had some more
troops for him, and maybe we will out of this selection on the
assembly.
I want to salute our able Party Chairman, Pat Barrett, a
man whose given up an awful lot to lead our troops. (Applause.) And
my old friend, Dick Rosenbaum, the National Committeeman.
(Applause.) Comptroller Ned Regan, and Bernard Smith, running here.
Is it okay to mention my brother John? Okay. All right.
(Applause.) And I'm going to be in real trouble, but Rita -- Rita
DiMartino. I see her all over the place. She's like Batman -- she's
everywhere. And Joe Mondello and many other leaders -- I'm very,
very pleased to be here. (Applause.) I want to single out two,
however, who deserve our support. They have mine, and they are going
to surprise a lot of people. Pierre Rinfret for Governor, and Geoff
Yancey. (Applause.) We need them. They're a good team. They've
got great families.
You know, for two years, when I was Ambassador to the
U.N., Barbara and I lived up here, in this -- rough living here in
this very hotel, room 42 A. And whenever I complained about
anything, the Silver Fox would roll her eyes and say: "Just where do
you think we live? The Waldorf Astoria?" Well, here we are back
again, and I'm pleased to be here. And I understand that New York
has been selected as the site of a very important event in 1992 -- a
convention that will attract thousands of participants from all over
the country -- people who hope to put their past setbacks behind them
and plan a winning strategy for future. That's right -- the first
reunion of all the ex-managers of the New York Yankees will be held
right here in New York City. (Laughter and applause.)
Then there's another -- the other future New York
convention -- the Democrats'. Let me say that my hand is still
extended to them when it comes to working for the good of the nation.
I look forward to the Senate hearings of David Souter; I am sure that
they will find him to be tough, but fair. He's a first-rate
appellate judge, an outstanding jurist and a great legal mind. And I
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am delighted that he is the nominee for the Supreme Court.
(Applause.)
Many Democrats in Washington have supported me in meeting
this fantastic era of change abroad that Al D'Amato so generously
referred to, are working with me now to pass the first revision of
the Clean Air Act in more than 13 years -- tougher standards to cut
down on acid rain and other air pollutants. And they worked with me
so I could sign into law a bill ending discrimination against
disabled Americans. So tough negotiations can get results. I see
Amory Houghton out here, and he and other congressmen on the
Republican side know this. They're in the minority, but they're
working hard. Tough negotiations can get results. But differences
between the parties are still broad and they're still deep, and much
remains to be done -- too much. With more Republicans in Washington
and in Albany, think of how much more we can achieve.
In New York, we face a tremendous opportunity to fight
the Democrat gerrymander -- an opportunity to end discrimination
against voters by race and by party. That is our mission this
November -- (applause) -- that is our mission, and it is one that
transcends mere politics because we're deeply concerned about the
future of this great state.
To coin a phrase, we love New York, all of New York, from
the oak-lined avenues of Long Island, to Yankee Stadium, to Broadway.
From the city streets of Buffalo, to the New York of farm towns and
the Adirondacks -- New York is a city of lights, a state of grandeur,
a place where dreams come true. It certainly is for me -- after all,
New York is where Barbara Bush was born, and she's doing pretty darn
well. (Applause.)
But we are concerned for the future, because New York has
become something else -- it's become a showcase of liberal policies.
And after 16 years of dominance by liberal Democrats, it's time to
judge the results.
For 92 months, America has enjoyed peacetime economic
expansion and the creation of more than 22 million jobs. But not all
the benefits of those years were enjoyed by the people of New York
State. Throughout the 1980s, while most of America was growing and
looking forward to the future, life in New York -- especially in the
City -- was becoming more expensive, more difficult and more
dangerous, regrettably, than ever before.
Liberal Democrats blame every problem on Republican
policies, especially Republican economic policies. But in the late
'70s, a large airline centered in New York didn't go out of business.
It just decided to move south, to Texas, taking more than a thousand
jobs with it. And in 1987, a large energy corporation based in New
York didn't go out of business. It just decided to move south to
Virginia, taking 3, 600 jobs with it. In fact, since 1983, almost a
third of the Fortune 500 corporations based here have chosen to
leave.
Now, New Yorkers want a change. New Yorkers want the
companies and the good jobs they represent to stay -- right here in
New York. And New Yorkers want an end to open-air drug marts and
these muggings. And New Yorkers want -- (applause) -- and New
Yorkers want a government the empowers people -- not bureaucracies.
(Applause.)
Twenty-nine out of the last 35 years of Democratic
dominance in Congress have also taken their toll. Only a President
carries a national mandate.
But like Republicans before me, I know that to deal with
a Democrat Congress is to often face government by gridlock -- with
spending skyrocketing out of control, good legislation thrown aside
for pork, and a budget deficit looming over our children's children.
It is time we asked the American people to end the
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gridlock. To choose the liberal mindset of the Democratic Party or
to choose our path -- the Republican path of opportunity and growth.
To empower government to run their lives, or to empower people to run
their lives for themselves. Time to ask America to choose.
(Applause.)
Here in New York, you must choose a governor. And let it
be a Republican governor -- Pierre Rinfret. Here's a family man -- I
hope you've all met his family -- a decorated war hero, a successful
entrepreneur who pulled himself out of Hell's Kitchen, and wants to
lead others out of poverty. And some say maybe he's not be a
politician. Well, he may not be a politician, but maybe New York
doesn't need another politician. Maybe New York needs a change right
now. (Applause.) So, Pierre, we are all for you -- you and your
ticket -- best of luck. (Applause.)
You know, New York faces another choice: to keep your
outstanding Senate Leader Ralph Marino and his colleagues as your
prime line of defense against a liberal governor and his assembly.
Republicans, you see, like what works. And that's why your
Republican Senate has been -- and will remain -- your watchdog
against big spenders. And, more, a sane proponent of what works.
So be thankful that your Republicans in the Senate forced
a spending cap, forced baseline budgeting. It is the Republicans in
the New York Senate who managed to trim $1.5 billion in Democratic
spending proposals. (Applause.) They know you can't trust a party
that would double the fare of the Staten Island Ferry. (Laughter.)
And kidding aside, think of what these Republicans would achieve if
they could work with a Republican governor in a Republican assembly.
Jobs and spending are important. But safe streets are of
equal concern, especially in a city that lives in fear. And that's
why New York agrees with us: those violent criminals deserve nothing
less than punishment, swift and sure. (Applause.)
So Republicans are united in wanting to change lenient,
blame-the-victim laws -- liberal Democrats don't want to change these
laws. (Applause.) Republicans want to allow the women of this state
to be able to defend themselves with MACE, and liberal Democrats
don't. (Applause.) And Republicans -- and this is a big one
nationally -- Republicans want murderers and drug kingpins to pay the
ultimate penalty and liberal Democrats don't. (Applause.)
In Washington, we argue that those who sell drugs are
selling death. And we propose that drug kingpins reap what they SOW.
But our crime bill faces another obstacle. Fifteen months ago, I
stood before the U.S. Capitol and announced America's determination
to take back the streets.
The Senate has now cleared a crime bill -- Al D'Amato
fighting for it -- a major new package, 423 days after I proposed it.
It's not a perfect bill. It does nothing to ensure that evidence
gathered by good, decent policemen acting in good faith isn't barred
by technicalities that let bad people go free. But this bill will go
a long way toward toughening sentences for violent crime, and
reducing repetitive appeals.
Now this legislation is over in the House side now,
before the House. And let us tell the members of the House, 423 days
is long enough. Don't keep our men and women in blue waiting. Pass
a tough bill, and pass it soon. (Applause.)
Let me give you another example of how a liberal
Congress, long in power, jealously clings to the failed policies of
the past. In April of last year, our Administration asked Congress
to pass the Education Excellence Act -- reform proposals to reward
achievement and allow educational choice. And yet Congress killed
many of these sensible and cost-effective proposals. And then they
doubled our request with hundreds of millions of dollars' worth of
unnecessary, unrelated and costly changes.
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If liberal Democrats should have learned anything, it is
that you cannot reform an education system by throwing billions of
dollars at it. So when is it going to penetrate liberal thinking
that we shouldn't throw money at an ineffective education system that
is already the most expensive in the entire industrialized world?
When are they going to start demanding results and stop measuring the
value of a program by the size of its price tag? And when are they
going to stop blocking genuine, much-needed reform? (Applause.)
Where the liberal mindset dominates, the net result has
been the same: Bad schools, dangerous streets, big deficits. Of
course, times can change, and I hope they do. As you know, I met
this morning, and will meet every morning this week, with the
congressional leadership, the Speaker and the Democratic leader and
the minority leader on the House side, and the two Senate leaders,
one Republican, one Democrat on the Senate -- met to work for an
agreement to lower our federal deficit.
We all know that the Democrats have a long track record
on spending. But if the Berlin Wall could come down in the same year
that America goes nuts over the Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles, who
knows what could happen next? (Applause.)
And again, times can change. The leaders of Congress can
work with me to break the impasse on reducing the budget deficit.
And I think they are trying. I've saluted Dick Gephardt and I'll do
it here again tonight. I believe he's trying hard. He's the one
that has to lead this enormously diverse group into trying to get a
deal. The spotlight is on both sides to place progress over
partisanship and the national interest over special interest. I
welcome sincere efforts from both sides of the aisle, and I'm eager
to get an agreement with congressional leaders to achieve, meaningful
budget reform. And this is my hope. But as. long as the liberal
mindset dominates, we will be forced to measure our successes in
catastrophes averted and calamities mitigated.
The genius of the American system is that it allows for
checks and balances. But this doesn't mean that the voters must
choose political stalemate, year after year, decade after decade. So
let me be blunt: Divided government just isn't good enough, for
America or for New York. We must have more Republicans up there in
Albany and in Washington. And I think it's time to ask the American
people to let us show what we. can do without the albatross of liberal
legislatures. It's time to ask America to choose.
As we go. into the 1990 election season, remember an adage
from a. great. Republican governor of New York, and a great President.
Theodore Roosevelt said: "In life, as in a: football game, the
principle to follow is: Hit the line hard. The choice is clear:
Republican reform or the Democratic status. quo. And when we present
the people with this stark choice, rest assured -- we will hit the
line hard in November.
Thank you for all you have done to help this party. We
are pledged to be in there supporting Pierre Rinfret and the rest of
the ticket. May God bless you, and God bless the United States of
America. Thank you all very, very much.
END
8:09 P.M. EDT
#3589
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Billings, Montana)
For Immediate Release
July 20, 1990
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT ANTIDRUG RALLY
Daylis Stadium
Billings, Montana
9:10 A.M. MDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you for that warm welcome on this
cool day. And thank you, Governor. I am so very happy that SO many
of you could join us this morning in this Daylis Stadium -- home of
the Big Sky State Games. Cycling, golf, handball, shooting,
swimming, tennis, -- (applause) -- track and field -- sounds like a
weekend at Camp David. (Laughter.) How come no horseshoes around
here? (Laughter.) I am very pleased to see sports play a prominent
role in education, drug awareness programs, and scholarship
activities. And first, best of luck to all tomorrow's participants.
Good luck to each and every one of you. (Applause.)
I want to thank everybody and single out a few for this
special hospitality. Doris Poppler, the Acting United States
Attorney, has done a superb job on pulling all this together. The
Attorney General, Marc Racicot. Senators Baucus and Burns and
Governor Stephens and Mayor Larsen. We're honored to have with us
also Robert Helmick, the President of the U.S. Olympic Committee.
And then, of course, a very special hello to a special guest, Edwin
Moses, whom I just was chatting with earlier -- an Olympic hurdler,
and would you believe a bobsledder, too? (Laughter.) But you got a
great turnout and great participants.
And I'm especially honored to be able to congratulate the
5th and 6th grade graduates of the DARE program who are out there in
the crowd. (Applause.) You see, these kids are setting a wonderful
example, not only for their friends and classmates, but for all the
adults as well. And they're proof that each of us, no matter how
young or how old, has a part to play in this war on drugs.
The drug problem facing America is the reason that I'm
out here today with you. For over 100 years now, the people of
Montana have been known as proud, hardworking, community-minded
people. lies And that is where the answer to this nation's drug problem
great that all of us working together cannot solve.
right here in the community. And there is no problem so
nationwide efforts, against drugs are working. And last summer, a major
We're beginning to see signs that our efforts, national
survey found that the number of current drug users in this
good country had dropped by almost 40 percent in just three years. That's
showed (Applause.) And then in February, mid-February, another
news for America. It's good news for the next generation.
lowest a long-term trend that has brought seniors' drug use to its
1989, that the number of high school seniors using drugs survey declined in
news isn't level in 15 years. So that's all good news. But the
state of limited to just these national statistics. Last year, good the
violations. Montana reported a decrease in the number of drug abuse
It is news like this that deepens my faith,
conviction, (Applause.) that together we can win this national war against my drugs.
country andeas a community. Parents, teachers, children, law
But like all wars, we must be united in our efforts as a
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enforcement officials must join as one. Business, labor, the
professions -- all must be a part of this crusade for a drug-free
America.
Each of you here today, by your presence, is sending the
dealers of death a strong Montana message: We will not surrender our
children. We will not surrender our community. (Applause.)
Billings, Montana is in this fight to win -- and win it you will, win
it we will.
You know, I know you're going to win because this state,
like SO many others across this great land, is taking the initiative
-- you're fighting back. You've had enough. Last year, the Montana
Board of Crime Control began the innovative Drug Abuse Resistance
Education program throughout the state. For those of you not
familiar with that, with DARE, it is a unique program that targets
primarily 5th and 6th graders by using well-trained uniformed
officers to teach the kids about the dangers of drug use. The
program helps students recognize and resist the subtle pressures that
influence kids to experiment with drugs and alcohol. Over 7,500
children statewide received instruction in the program's first year
and this number does not include the kids in kindergarten through 4th
grade who were taught about drugs through another program designed
especially for them. So let's give a pat on the back to all the kids
who have said no to drugs, and our thanks to the law enforcement
officers who help them say no. (Applause.) We're very proud of all
of them. Keep up the good work. In your own way, you are making
America proud.
Another example of community involvement with young
people are the antidrug programs supported by the Freemasons of
America, like the Center for Adolescent Development's Montana Teen
Institute. This innovative center takes at-risk teens who
willing need to commit to swear off drugs and gives them the tools are
Teen to avoid drug use. Teens like Manual Zuniga. An alum of they
he Institute, Manual's new goal in life is to be a U.S. Marshal the so
and can all help others. Manual says "all kids need the help of
to adults to fight the bad guys. I would rather be a role parents model
my community and have made a stand to live a drug-free life."
Often, kids, themselves, are some of our best
gaining friendship in helping one another avoid drugs. One such power
the front line against drugs. They understand the enormous troops on of
middle is Youth to Youth -- a community drug prevention the for
world, recognition not just around the country, but around program
that force of peer pressure, the Youth to Youth the
influential school and high school age young people. Recognizing program
reflected Proof that kids talking to kids can make a difference, and
lives. pressure to encourage young people to live alcohol program drug-free uses
"All friends in the words of a young man in Landisville, is
way Wise, wise words.
to my be." are drug free, so I've learned that drug PA, free who said, is the
heart-wrenching alcohol dim the than to witness something as sinister more as drugs and
Parents will agree that there is nothing
by and hope destroy their dreams. But, parents don't their stand
exuberance, sparkle of your childrens' eyes, steal
difference cousins, neighbors, friends, anyone aunts and
uncles, every one of us - that means grandparents,
each and their kids are spared from this devastation. have Instead, to
signs the by setting a good example, and by -- watching can make a huge overt
overt signs of abuse, the overt signs of trouble. for the
them. talking Then, to them about drugs, and even more important -- is by
But, the most effective way to reach our kids
listen, he will on drugs. not care When about a kid drugs. has someone who cares -- help enough them to
their backs through caring, and, yes, discipline, listening turn to
big special as Los allies this battle. In towns small have some
But, in kids, communities, families and friends
Angeles, brave men and women who as believe as that Laurel this and country as
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is worth fighting for, face danger and face death every single day.
They form the "thin blue line" between good and evil protecting our
children from drugs protecting all of us from the terrible threat
of crime.
Right here in Montana, you know all too well that
sometimes these modern-day champions are called upon to pay the
ultimate price. You've lost one of the town of Hardin's finest in
Janet Rogers, and our hearts go out to George Rogers and his three
boys, Jace, Logan, and Chad, whom I'm told are here today. Your
wife, your mother was a true American hero. (Applause.)
But let's face it heroes alone can't win wars. So in
Washington the administration, under the able leadership of our tough
Drug Czar Bill Bennett, is taking action to help support our law
enforcement officers across the country. As we meet today in
Montana, this beautiful state, we're still waiting for the House to
act on our Anticrime Package. Earlier this year, we were pleased
that Congress passed our request for more agents, more prosecutors,
and more prisons to get criminals off the streets and behind bars
where they belong. But we must do more.
I urge the House -- the House of Representatives -- to
pass a major portion of the Violent Crime Act. Legislation that will
back up our new lawmen with new laws -- laws that are fair, fast, and
final. Fair --- an exclusionary rule designed to punish the guilty --
and not punish the good cops who have acted in good faith.
(Applause.) And when I say fast -- fast -- we need habeas corpus
reforms to stop the frivolous appeals that are choking our courts.
(Applause.) And final I'm talking about fair and constitutionally
sound death penalty provisions for these major traffickers.
(Applause.) To win the war on drugs, we must have a united effort.
This isn't Republican or Democrat or liberal or conservative. It's
got to be bipartisan.
But now, it's time for Congress to act. Our children,
our communities and our cops have waited long enough.
As I look out over this magnificent audience .
of red, white, and blue, I see America at her best. This -- an ocean
stranger in trouble down the street. This was true over a
always helped, not only for the neighbor next door, but for the
strength has always been her people, people who for generations country's have
years then, the ago, when this great land -- Montana became a state. hundred Back
farmers sight of smoke on the horizon, a sure sign of
would drop their plows and mountain men would leave trouble,
Americans sense of community, this sense of caring still light." In as
1990, this Some of our first what I call "points of
in traps, distress. and shopkeepers would abandon their stores, to help a their neighbor
this stadium again smoke on the horizon, and every single one Today,
there is support one another in this battle against drugs. remains,
by are here to help. You're a community bound of you in
Montana. you having me here and God bless the great state very of
thank geography, for but by caring. And you should be very, together proud. not So
Thank you all very, very much. Thank you. (Applause.)
END
9:20 A.M. MDT
1926
Oct. 11 / Administration of George Bush, 1992
Remarks on Signing the Benjamin
ing building or responding to an accident.
Franklin National Memorial
For your bravery and for your unfailing dedi-
Commemorative Medal and Fire
cation, I say this from the bottom of my
Service Bill of Rights Act in
heart: Thank you on behalf of all Americans.
Springfield, Pennsylvania
Also included in this act is the Fire Service
October 12, 1992
Bill of Rights. It is a tribute to all of you.
It acknowledges the important contributions
Curt, thank you so very much. And I just
that firefighters make to their communities.
can't tell you what this event means to me.
But most of all, the Fire Service Bill of Rights
I want to offer a special salute to Curt
is long-awaited and much-deserved recogni-
Weldon. He has got to be, when you look
tion for all you do for your country.
at the whole Nation, the firefighter's, the
As some of you may know, Teddy Roo-
emergency responder's best friend. He is un-
sevelt is among my favorite Presidents in his-
believable in his steadfast support for every-
tory, and let me share with you what his fa-
thing we believe in. Curt is very generous
ther said to him on his 16th birthday. He
in his assessment of my role, but it is his
said, "We are not placed here to live exclu-
work, his labor, his efforts that make this his-
sively for ourselves." And you serve, you
toric bill here-gives us this bill to sign today.
serve. You serve not only for yourselves
I want to salute Chief Gallagher; Gene
alone, obviously, but for the family called
Bidoli, the president of the Firemen's Asso-
America.
ciation of Delaware County. I want to salute
And on behalf of that family, thank you.
the 20 national presidents that are here today
May God bless each and every one of you.
representing a million and a half emergency
All of you are heroes in my book. And may
responders all across our great country.
God bless the State of Pennsylvania and this
It's an honor to be here. And I guess like
wonderful country that we are fortunate
every kid in America, I grew up wondering
enough to live in, the United States of Amer-
whether I could ever be a fireman. Barbara
ica.
saw me drilling a hole in the Lincoln Bed-
And now you will see me sign enthusiasti-
room the other day, trying to put a fire pole
cally and make official this very important
down, curving it around to go down into the
act. Thank you all very much.
Oval Office. But I am here today to sign the
Benjamin Franklin National Memorial Com-
Note: The President spoke at 11:35 a.m. at
memorative Medal and Fire Service Bill of
Springfield Township Fire Co. No. 44. In his
Rights Act. It authorizes the minting of a
remarks, he referred to U.S. Representative
medal commemorating Benjamin Franklin's
Curt Weldon. H.R. 2448, approved October
contribution to the advancement of science
12, was assigned Public Law No. 102-406.
and the American fire service.
A tape was not available for verification of
The activities funded through the sale of
the content of these remarks.
the medal we're going to authorize today will
help to carry out your important bill of rights.
The proceeds will help promote education
Remarks to the Community in
and training programs, a greater public
Springfield
awareness and support of the many hazards
October 12, 1992
of firefighting and emergency response. And
they will help assure that should the ultimate
The President. Thank you very, very
tragedy occur, your loved ones will be taken
much. Give them the sign. [Laughter] Thank
care of.
you very, very much. Let me say it's great
The list of benefits from this medal goes
to be back here in Springfield, great to be
on and on, and so does the courage of the
back in this all-important part of Pennsylva-
American firefighters. And I know that it can
nia, and great to be accompanied by one of
be touch and go in some situations, some of
the true national leaders who is your Con-
the calls that you respond to, the danger that
gressman, Curt Weldon. He's doing an out-
every firefighter faces when entering a burn-
standing job.
262
Feb. 14 / Administration of George Bush, 1992
States of America the two hundred and six-
Currently Mr. Baas serves as Chargé d'Af-
teenth.
faires for the U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa,
George Bush
Ethiopia. Prior to this, he served as Deputy
Chief of Mission in the U.S. Embassy in
[Filed with the Office of the Federal Register,
Kinshasa, Zaire, 1987-1991; Deputy Chief of
2:01 p.m., February 14, 1992]
Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Lome, Togo,
1985-1987; and a student at the Naval War
Note: This proclamation will be published in
College in Newport, RI, 1984-1985. From
the Federal Register on February 19.
1980 to 1984, Mr. Baas served as Deputy
Economic Counselor and Resource Officer
at the U.S. Embassy in Tokyo, Japan.
Mr. Baas graduated from American Uni-
Nomination of George J. Terwilliger
versity (B.A., 1970). He was born June 23,
III To Be Deputy Attorney General
1948, in Grand Rapids, MI. Mr. Baas served
February 14, 1992
in the District of Columbia National Guard,
1970. He is married and resides in Washing-
The President today announced his inten-
ton, DC.
tion to nominate George J. Terwilliger III,
of Vermont, to be Deputy Attorney General
at the Department of Justice. He would suc-
ceed William Pelham Barr.
The President's News Conference in
Currently Mr. Terwilliger serves as Prin-
Belcamp, Maryland
cipal Associate Deputy Attorney General at
February 14, 1992
the U.S. Department of Justice in Washing-
ton, DC. Prior to this, he served as U.S. At-
The President. Let me just make a quick
torney for the District of Vermont, 1986-
statement here. Today many families all
1990; First Assistant U.S. Attorney for Ver-
across America share the same hope of own-
mont, 1986; and Assistant U.S. Attorney in
ing their own home. But hard times have put
Vermont, 1981-1986. From 1978 to 1981,
a hold on the dream. And to these young
Mr. Terwilliger served as Assistant U.S. At-
families I made a pledge, and that is that
torney for the District of Columbia.
we will help you get your dream within reach.
Mr. Terwilliger graduated from Seton Hall
And I submitted to Congress an action
University (B.A., 1973) and Antioch School
plan to help the economy, not hurt the tax-
of Law (J.D., 1978). He was born June 5,
payer. And I sent this plan to the House and
1950, in New Brunswick, NJ. Mr. Terwilliger
the Senate and brought it along, great big
is married, has three children, and resides
thing here. It includes a $5,000 tax credit for
first-time homebuyers and a tax break for
in Oakton, VA.
middle-class families. It's all there.
And we do not need to raise taxes in order
to get this economy moving again. We need
to cut the taxes and cut spending. And I've
Nomination of Marc Allen Baas To
asked Congress fc. nothing flashy, just com-
Be United States Ambassador to
mon sense, good common sense. And as I
Ethiopia
told these people I've been working with,
February 14, 1992
construction workers and would-be home-
buyers, I want that $5,000 tax credit for first-
The President today announced his inten-
time homebuyers and penalty-free withdraw-
tion to nominate Marc Allen Baas, of Florida,
als from IRA's for the purchase of a first
a career member of the Senior Foreign Serv-
home. I want a modification in the tax rules
ice, class of Minister-Counselor, to be Am-
that currently discourage real estate inves-
bassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary
tors; it's known as the "passive loss" rules.
of the United States of America to Ethiopia.
And furthermore, I want a cut in the capital
He would succeed Frederick L. Chapin.
gains tax to boost real estate values and heat
Administration of George Bush, 1992 / Feb. 14
263
up the housing market, especially with inter-
maneuver there in the committee. I'm hop-
est rates at such low levels.
ing the whole House of Representatives-
And I told them that my plan will work.
Helen, will do a better job on this, and
They're the experts here, but some rep-
Wayne, our other Congressman with me here
resentatives of the National Association of
today-they need to- pass this plan and to
Homebuilders are with us today also. And
quit playing kind of partisan, election-year
that organization, and I'll let them speak for
politics.
themselves, but that organization estimates
So I'm glad to take this opportunity to en-
that if Congress passes my plan by March
courage the Congress to move. And on this
20th, we will create 415,000 new construc-
bill, this rifleshot approach that we have, it
tion industry jobs and generate $20 billion
can be done almost overnight. It literally-
in new economic activity, these figures from
it is not that complicated. There are seven
the experts.
stimulative tax provisions in here, and it will
And so I would ask you to ask one expert
get the job done. It will really move this
right here standing with me here, John
economy.
Colvin, and he tells me that if Congress
And so, I hope that everybody, regardless
passes my plan by March 20th, he expects
to add an additional 90 homes to the 256
of political affiliation, will weigh in with the
he already plans to sell and build in 1992.
Congress and help us get this done.
Now, that's 355 new homes here at
So that is it. And thank you all very, very
much.
Arborview, homes within reach of the mid-
dle-class buyers.
Everybody read this, and I'm going to give
Two days after the State of the Union I
you a quiz now on this. [Laughter]
sent a plan to Congress to get our economy
First-Time Homeowners
moving this spring. Now, let me tell you what
happened to the plan this week. Wednesday,
Q. Mr. President, the Democrats say your
the majority, the Democrats on the Ways and
March 20 plan is too front-end loaded for
the rich.
Means Committee in the House voted
against my plan twice. And just yesterday in
The President. That doesn't look like it
a closed meeting the Democrats surfaced a
to me, a $5,000 tax credit for first-time home-
scheme that raises taxes and, more impor-
owner. That doesn't seem to me to be help-
tantly for you, everyone here, I think, kills
ing the rich. It seems to me to be helping
my plan to help these first-time homebuyers.
people own a home. It seems to me to be
Many firms in the housing industry have
stimulating the housing business.
reached the make-or-break point. And so I've
So that's the charge, I understand, but I
set a deadline for the Congress to act, you
wish they'd get out here and talk to some
heard it in the State of the Union, March
people that are working in these buildings
20th, 35 days from today. Make a note of
and maybe talk to some that aspire to own
that date.
a home. You know, there's plenty of time for
But remember, anyone who wants to buy
politics later on, after March 20th. We ought
a home like this, under my plan, would get
to pass this one. Ask the head of the home-
a $5,000 tax credit. And under the Demo-
builders, Jay down here. I mean, this is their
crats' current package, they would get zero.
business, and they'll tell you that that alone
And I've asked these good people here today
will have an enormously stimulative effect.
to tell Congress not to send me a package
So, I'm asking them to say, let's set aside
that I have to veto on carrying a tax increase.
the politics as usual, get this part done, and
The Democrats refuse to pass my plan out
then I'll go to battle stations with them on
of the committee and instead they are con-
how I think the rest of this program should
sidering a package that would raise these
be enacted. But it's too urgent now. The
taxes. And because it's not paid for, it would
economy's getting ready to move. Interest
trigger cuts in the Medicare benefits.
rates are down. Inflation is down. Every-
The American people, I really believe,
thing's not all gloomy. But what it needs is
want action. And they will not stand for this
a stimulative push right now. And it's good
Administration of George Bush, 1992 / Mar. 5
409
And I ask for your support to help keep
get back for a great big Super Tuesday. But
our Party strong and united. I want to be.
show them what we can do on Saturday. And
your President for 4 more years. I will try
thank you for this great Governor at my side.
my level best to continue to lead this country
Thank you all.
with honor, with decency, with respect for
the principles that all of us hold dear.
Note: The President spoke at 1:10 p.m. at
Barbara and I are very, very privileged,
Columbia Metropolitan Airport. In his re-
and we know it. Every single day we live in
marks, he referred to Governor Carroll
that White House we know that we are
Campbell. A tape was not available for ver-
amongst the most privileged in the world to
ification of the content of these remarks.
be able to serve in this way. I'm going to
continue to try my hardest. I'm going to con-
tinue to do my level best for the people of
this country. I ask for your support.
Remarks to Federal Express
Thank you, and may God bless the greatest
Employees in Memphis, Tennessee
country on the face of the Earth. Thank you
March 5, 1992
very much.
[At this point, Richard Sendler presented the
Thank you so very much. Thank you so
much for that enthusiastic welcome. And
President with an oversize hammer.]
thank you to my friend, Howard Baker, one
Thank you all very, very much. I'll take
of the great leaders in the United States Sen-
this and flee and bring it to bear next week
ate in all of its history. Thank you for the
on the Congress. Thanks a lot.
introduction, Howard. And may I salute Con-
gressman Don Sundquist, who has been at
Note: The President spoke at 10:37 a.m. at
my side in the political wars, a good friend,
South Carolina State Fair Grounds. In his
a great Congressman. And I'm delighted to
remarks, he referred to Richard Sendler,
be here at Federal Express, 1990 Malcolm
president of the South Carolina Home Build-
Baldrige Quality Award winner, a national
ers Association; Charles Newman, first vice
winner.
president of the Home Builders Association
My staff told me they weren't sure they
of Greater Columbia; Mike McMichael,
could fit this stop in our schedule. But when
president of the Home Builders Association
I said it was a "Fred said," I knew we had
of South Carolina; and Dottie Lafitte-
to do it and fast. Fred, thank you. You know,
Woolston, BUILD-PAC trustee.
Fred Smith has always been very, very gener-
ous. And Fred, it's good to know that if Air
Force One ever has a problem, I can always
ride in the jump seat. And I hope I don't
Remarks Upon Departure From
forget the cookies. And you know what that
Columbia, South Carolina
means.
March 5, 1992
The people of Memphis, indeed, all Amer-
icans, face a momentous decision this year.
Hey, listen, let me just ask you now to go
And I would never presume to tell you how
out and be sure to vote on Saturday and send
to vote; it must be between you and your
the rest of the Super Tuesday States a strong
conscience: Which Elvis should be on the
message: I want to be your President for 4
postage stamp? I noticed the sign.
more years. So give me that vote. And thanks
And, really, it is a delight to be in this State
for your fantastic support, and don't let all
because the people of Tennessee believe in
the doomsayers get you down. I love this
big things, and we agree on the values that
South Carolina optimism, the South Carolina
are closest to our hearts. And I'm talking
pride, the South Carolina patriotism.
about job security. I'm talking about family.
So thanks for this warm welcome. Now
I'm talking about world peace for us and our
we're off to Tennessee, Oklahoma, Mis-
children and for our families for generations
sissippi, Louisiana, and then we're going to
to come.
410
Mar. 5 / Administration of George Bush, 1992
I'm here today because the people in
blinds; bolt the doors. Maybe the world will
Memphis, as well as people at Federal Ex-
go away." And they push protectionism, an
press, embody the values that have made
ugly word that really means surrender. Don't
America number one in the world. And I
be fooled by the tough talk and the patriotic
know that with leaders like you, America will
political bluster out there. Protectionism
stay number one. Don't listen to the gloom
comes from fear, fear that Americans can't
and doom pessimists on that evening news
compete, fear that Americans have no ideas
every night. You don't shrink from a chal-
and no foresight, fear that America can no
lenge, whether in the marketplace or in the
longer lead. And let those skeptics come to
world at large. Think back to a year ago.
Memphis, Tennessee, and let them come to
Think back to Operation Desert Storm.
Federal Express and see what it really is
America faced a great challenge then, and
about. And maybe then they'll understand
Tennessee met it proudly. More than 6,000
what you and I already know; Americans here
Tennesseans served their country as reserv-
and across our country can outthink, out-
ists of the National Guard. And Fed Ex flew
perform, outproduce anybody in the world.
more missions than any other single civilian
Never in this country's history have Ameri-
carrier. And believe me, that is not a con-
cans turned their back on a challenge. And
tribution that America will ever forget. Thank
we don't run and hide. We compete. As long
you all very much and all of you that helped
as I am President, we will continue to com-
make that possible.
pete, and we will continue to compete. And
What makes this city, this State, and this
I don't believe in protectionism, and I don't
company so successful? It's not hard to figure
believe in isolationism. Yes, we've got a lot
out. Look closely at what happens right here
of work to do to keep America on top. And
at Federal Express. You seek out new tech-
of course, you know and I know that our big-
nologies, you make them work, you see job
gest challenge, my first priority, is to get this
training not as a one-shot deal but as an on-
economy moving, to create and preserve
going process. And you set high standards,
American jobs.
constantly asking more of yourselves and
And in my State of the Union Address in
your coworkers, and you're satisfied with
January, I laid out a two-part plan for the
nothing short of excellence. Innovation,
economic recovery. First, a short-term plan
that's what being competitive is all about.
to strengthen the economy right now. And
The key to success, to our success as a Na-
then, second, a longer term plan to keep
tion is competitiveness. And for some, that
America growing strong for years to come.
word, competitiveness, is just this year's po-
And my plan gets business moving again, hir-
litical buzzword. Here in Memphis it's a re-
ing again. It gets the housing market back
ality. Competitiveness is your key to leader-
on its feet with a $5,000 tax credit for that
ship. And companies like this one here, Fed
first-time homebuyer. Give those young fam-
Ex, understand a central truth about Amer-
ilies a chance to own their own home, com-
ica: If we are to succeed economically at
monsense proposals to get people buying
home, we must lead economically abroad.
homes and then building homes.
And that's what you are doing.
Fortunately, Congress can't tie my hands
And here at Fed Ex that's just common
on everything. I've been able to take some
sense. More than 1.5 million packages pass
steps on my own. For example, I put a 90-
through here everyday en route to all parts
day freeze on new Government regulations
of the globe. And Memphis, therefore, is al-
so that all major Cabinet departments and
ready America's distribution center, and now
agencies can conduct a top-to-bottom review.
you're becoming the world's. And that means
And I've given them some advice: Wherever
economic opportunity, and it means jobs for
possible, they must speed up any regulations
the American people.
that encourage economic growth and scrap
You know, in this political year, this politi-
regulations that restrict economic growth in
cal year some people can't seem to under-
this country.
stand that. They see the challenges of a glob-
Overregulation robs the inventiveness and
al economy, and they say, "Let's draw the
risktaking the economy needs to grow. And
Administration of George Bush, 1992 / Mar. 5
411
you all understand that better than anybody.
In exchange for a two-bit tax cut, literally
For the first year, Fed Ex ran its business
about 25 cents a day per taxpayer, they will
with 32 small planes. Any further expansion
raise another $100 billion in taxes. And they
was inhibited by cargo, air cargo regulations.
call that $100 billion new revenues. And I
And deregulation allowed Fed Ex to buy
have another word for it: your money.
more planes, larger planes, for transport. And
[Laughter]
literally, Federal Express took off when the
No matter how the the Democrats try to
regulatory burden was lifted from their
dress it up, any economist can tell you the
backs. And so, we're going to energize our
last thing we need right now is a $100 billion
economy nationally the same way. The days
tax hike. So if the Democrats in Congress
of overregulation are just that; they are over.
want to send that bill to me, I've got a mes-
And also there's another thing on the
sage for them: I will veto it, absolutely, posi-
minds of the people in this great area, and
that means reforming our legal system. When
tively, overnight.
parents won't coach Little League for fear
No, the American people have had enough
of being slapped with a liability lawsuit and
of the old tax-and-spend, and they want to
doctors stop delivering babies for fear of a
get our economy back on track. And every
malpractice suit, there is something wrong.
day each one of you hears Federal Express
And that's why I've sent a bill to the Con-
airplanes flying overhead. To some people
gress, supported by Don Sundquist, to stop
that might sound like noise, but it is music
the frivolous lawsuits that drain our wallets
to my ears. It is the sound of an economy
and tear apart our society. And here's the
on the move, an economy that is worldwide.
bottom line: America won't find its way out
It is the sound of American ingenuity taking
of this mess until we spend more time help-
off.
ing each other than we do suing each other.
Since I took office, it has been my respon-
We've got to also reform our health care
sibility to work for what is right for America.
system. Anyone who's had even a checkup
And I often go back, I expect we all do as
knows that medical costs are going right
families-and I wish Barbara Bush were with
through the roof. And I believe all Americans
me to see this marvelous crowd today-we
deserve quality health care. However, too
often go back to the simple ideal that in our
many families go without health care cov-
case, that my parents taught me: Try your
erage. And our plan focuses on opening up
hardest, be honest, do you best. And let me
access to health care to all Americans, rich
tell you something: I'm not finished yet. I
or poor. And some want to take us down the
want your support for 4 more years to finish
road of nationalized health care, and I think
this job. And I say to the people of Ten-
you and I both know that nationalized health
nessee, together we're going to make a
care where Government makes all the deci-
change, a change that for once Congress will
sions would be a national disaster. And so,
believe in you and give you values you believe
I say to the Congress, the Congress of the
United States, the American people need
in, give those values a real chance to work.
your help and now is not the time for the
Thank you for your hard work, thank you
Government to play doctor. Give us an im-
all for this enthusiastic welcome and your
proved health care program for this country.
continued support. And may God bless the
I'd like them to do it now. But see, I know
greatest, freest country on the face of the
Congress can be a little slow doing things.
Earth, the United States of America. Thank
[Laughter] That's like the guy that takes an
you so much.
hour and a half to watch "60 Minutes."
[Laughter] So I gave them a deadline, March
Note: The President spoke at 2:35 p.m. at
20th, to enact this short-term plan. And un-
Memphis International Airport. In his re-
fortunately for the American people, the
marks, he referred to Frederick W. Smith,
Democrats, the liberals that control the Con-
chairman and chief executive officer of Fed-
gress, had other ideas. Last week they passed
eral Express. A tape was not available for
a plan of their own. And here's what it does:
verification of the content of these remarks.
Administration of George Bush, 1991 / Nov. 14
interest that I do that, and I'm going to
Remarks at the Welcoming Ceremony
keep on doing it. I don't care what your
for President Carlos Menem of
Congressman from Missouri says about it.
Argentina
As we approach the 21st century, let's
November 14, 1991
remember, isolationism makes no sense;
never did. It represents an old ignorance
President Bush. Thank you all very
that was scorned by my predecessors Roose-
much. And President Menem, it gives me
velt, Truman, and Kennedy, and that all
great pleasure to welcome you to the White
House. The ties between our countries have
Presidents and the American people since
have looked upon with disdain. I speak of
never been stronger, and a great deal of
credit goes to you and your administration.
the ignorance that inspires people to hide
from the rest of the world, wishing our
Nearly a year ago, a revolt by renegade
soldiers faced you in your nation's capital.
problems away instead of creating solutions.
And you stood firm in defense of freedom
It urges them to blame others rather than
and liberty and in defense of your people's
to call forth the best in ourselves.
right to a government of their choice.
I want to do better. I will continue to
In the end, freedom triumphed. It was an
work my heart out to see that this economy
honor to join you, just a few days later, in
gets on the move. I just wish I had more
beautiful Buenos Aires, the capital of a
Members of Congress to implement this
proud and free Argentina.
program I've outlined for you here tonight.
In your inaugural address you asked Ar-
More Members like Kit and Jack, we could
gentina to "arise and walk." When we met
be moving sooner. But we're going to keep
last year in the capital, we spoke about the
on. And I'm going to keep that hand of
challenges your country faces and the
friendship and cooperation extended to the
changes that have already been set in
Congress of the United States. I think I owe
motion.
that to the American people. But I am not
Today, Mr. President, Argentina is assum-
going to do it their way. The only way you
ing its rightful place as a leader in the
can make-when you don't have a majori-
democratic community of nations. Nowhere
ty-make something good happen, is to
in this hemisphere is the shape of the post-
cold-war world more evident than in Ar-
veto bad legislation. And I'm going to keep
right on vetoing it until we can make some-
gentina. Under your leadership, Argentina
thing good happen for this country.
has become one of the hemisphere's strong-
est defenders of democracy, both at home
Kit Bond's work embodies his motto, I
and abroad.
think there's some of the things I've talked
When Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait,
about tonight, "Values we believe in, expe-
you sent your Navy to join the international
rience we trust." So, my plea tonight is let's
coalition which liberated that pillaged
make the most of those values. And let's use
nation. And when tanks rumbled through
them to celebrate America. Let's use them
the streets of Moscow, threatening the
to reelect Kit Bond to. be Senator from the
Soviet Union's forces of democratic reform,
great State of Missouri. Let's use them to
you were one of the very first in Latin
enhance the standing of the United States
America to speak out in defense of liberty.
of America at home and abroad. We are
You have called for democratic reform in
lucky to be Americans and God bless the
Cuba and made major contributions to the
United States of America.
efforts of the Organization of American
States to restore democratic government to
Haiti.
At home, you have slashed government
spending, privatized state-owned industries,
Note: The President spoke at 6:38 p.m. at
and abolished harmful overregulation of the
the Riverport Amphitheater. A tape was not
economy. You have brought once-rampant
available for verification of the content of
inflation under control. And last year, Ar-
these remarks.
gentina had a trade surplus of nearly $8
1661
Nov. 14 / Administration of George Bush, 1991
billion, and U.S. firms alone invested over
along the path of transformation my gov-
$200 million in Argentina.
ernment has chosen.
Despite facing many difficult challenges
There is still a lot to be done in Argenti-
when you took office in 1989, your efforts
na. Many expectations are still unfulfilled.
have earned the respect of the international
Many are the problems. However, with
community. More importantly, they
effort, firmness, and determination, we are
strengthened Argentina's competitive posi-
conquering the slope of decadence. With
tion in the global economy, by attracting
civil freedom, with economic freedom, with
new confidence and investment from
an unprecedented freedom of the press,
around the world. I share that confidence in
after 2 years of hard work to achieve
Argentina's future under your leadership.
change, most of the Argentine people have
In the rapidly evolving relationship
ratified recently their support during our
among the nations of the Southern Cone,
last elections.
you have taken the lead in achieving re-
This means backing the government,
gional economic integration and arms con-
backing the economic cause and also a new
trol.
way of insertion in the world. Our determi-
For example, by the end of 1995, the
nation is today firmer than ever before to
Mercosur common market aims to elimi-
continue implementing state reform, priva-
nate tariffs between Argentina, Brazil, Para-
tizations, open trade, stimulation of foreign
guay, and Uruguay, linking your economies
investment, deregulation, and also the
together in a way consistent with GATT to
return to Argentina of assets that were sent
form one of the hemisphere's largest open
abroad. Argentina has also decided to con-
markets. You're taking a giant step toward
tinue playing an active role in the defense
the goal I stated last year in announcing the
Enterprise for the Americas Initiative: To
of peace and international security, giving
make the Americas the world's largest part-
all possible support to United Nations initia-
tives.
nership of free-trading nations.
We also welcome your efforts to set in
When this year began, a distant region in
place nuclear safeguards that will increase
the world was in crisis. In the Gulf, we
international security. And your decisions to
faced, then, serious risks with possible con-
forswear chemical weapons and halt missile
sequences for the whole planet. Within the
proliferation do create a safer hemisphere,
framework of what the United Nations de-
a safer world.
cided and as the result of the great effort of
From Rivadavia to Rio Gallegos, from
the United States and its allies, it was possi-
Zapala to Buenos Aires, your strong, com-
ble to end aggression and restore the full
mitted leadership is bringing your people
rule of international law. We participated in
hope for change, faith in their countrymen,
that joint action, and we are proud we did.
and the courage to "arise and walk" togeth-
Some months later, you, yourself, my
er.
friend, Mr. President, had the initiative to
On behalf of the people of the United
propose unilaterally a significant reduction
States, it is my great pleasure to welcome
of nuclear weaponry.
you to the White House. And may God
The Middle East had, for time immemori-
bless the Argentine Republic.
al, been a region where all expectations to
President Menem. My dear friend, Mr.
obtain a just and lasting peace floundered
President, distinguished Mrs. Bush, ladies
and were thwarted. A few days ago, you
and gentlemen, sisters and brothers of
inaugurated a conference that has renewed
America. Thank you very much for your
the hope of a constructive dialog in the
warm words of welcome. It is to me a
region when calling to the same negotiating
source of deep satisfaction to be once again
table antagonists who seemed only yester-
here in this great country whose institutions
day to be implacably hostile: This is a really
and values have been and still are an exam-
formidable progress, I insist, a formidable
ple of freedom and human dignity. More-
and spectacular progress. A new interna-
over, I come back with the satisfaction of
tional order is being generated on the basis
having already traveled a long distance
of peace, of justice, of reason, and under
1662
Administration of George Bush, 1991 / Nov. 14
the guidance of God, our only source of
may eliminate subsidies that distort trade."
reason and justice.
We hope we may be able to translate into
This is the reason why we recognize
concrete results some political statements
today our vast coincidence with the United
allowing markets to exist whose transparen-
States. For instance, in the common aim of
cy will reward efficient producers. We trust
restoring the democratic government of the
in the oldest constitutional democracy in
Republic of Haiti. That is why we rely on
the world, and that democracy is the one in
integration. We want to consolidate Merco-
the United States.
sur with our regional brothers. And we also
We place our trust in the United States
want to add our own efforts so that the
and its leaders, who, in 1991, have faced up
ambitious Enterprise for the Americas Initi-
to their responsibilities towards the interna-
ative that you, Mr. President, conceived
tional community with maturity and imagi-
and announced last year will bear fruit.
nation and commendable moderation.
With Brazil, we have signed an agree-
Mr. President, I am really moved by this
ment for the exclusively peaceful use of nu-
reception. I am sure that our stay here will
clear energy, and we are about to conclude
not only be a pleasure but also very fruitful.
an agreement on safeguards with the Inter-
I thank you for your warmth and your hos-
national Atomic Energy Agency. With
pitality.
Brazil, too, and Chile and Uruguay-Para-
God bless you, Mr. President. God bless
guay and Bolivia will join us in the future-
your country and God bless our America.
we have made the commitment of not pro-
ducing nor buying, storing, or transferring
chemical or biological weapons; of course,
Note: President Bush spoke at 9:58 a.m. on
banning any kind of use for them.
the South Lawn at the White House where
Furthermore, we have also joined the
control system for missile technology,
President Menem was accorded a formal
known by the acronym MTCR. Whitman's
welcome with full military honors. Presi-
dent Menem spoke in Spanish, and his re-
prophetical dreams are renewed, entwined
marks were translated by an interpreter.
with the illusions of having a single and
great America as they were presaged
Ruben Dario, Jose Marti, and Domingo
Faustino Sarmiento.
To this end, it will be necessary to find in
each and every country of our America a
Exchange With Reporters in the
representative democracy with full respect
Cabinet Room
for human rights and a free economy. I
repeat, in all the countries of this continent
November 14, 1991
with absolutely no exceptions.
To this end, it will be necessary, Mr.
'92 Election
President, to bring a message of a nation
Q. Mr. President, is Buchanan doing the
that is looking inwards. The message is very
right thing thinking about running?
simple: The Argentine nation faces with se-
The President. I haven't paid much atten-
riousness the need of having a place in the
tion to that yet.
new international order. This we are sure to
obtain since we have a representative de-
Libyan Indictments
mocracy, we respect human rights, and we
chose a free economy.
Q. Mr. President, do you have any com-
We trust that the European Economic
ment on the Lockerbie indictments?
Community and the developed world will
The President. We will have, but I want
not persist in applying old protectionist
all that to come out properly. And then I'll
schemes that menace the hope of a better
undoubtedly have something to say. That
future.
was à terrible event. And indictments-we
We hope that we may be able to cooper-
have a system of justice in this country. But
ate firmly so that, and I quote your own
I gather from briefings I've had that they're
words, my dear President and friend, "we
serious. I mean, this isn't some quick hit,
1663
1926
Oct. 11 / Administration of George Bush, 1992
Remarks on Signing the Benjamin
ing building or responding to an accident.
Franklin National Memorial
For your bravery and for your unfailing dedi-
Commemorative Medal and Fire
cation, I say this from the bottom of my
Service Bill of Rights Act in
heart: Thank you on behalf of all Americans.
Springfield, Pennsylvania
Also included in this act is the Fire Service
October 12, 1992
Bill of Rights. It is a tribute to all of you.
It acknowledges the important contributions
Curt, thank you so very much. And I just
that firefighters make to their communities.
can't tell you what this event means to me.
But most of all, the Fire Service Bill of Rights
I want to offer a special salute to Curt
is long-awaited and much-deserved recogni-
Weldon. He has got to be, when you look
tion for all you do for your country.
at the whole Nation, the firefighter's, the
As some of you may know, Teddy Roo-
emergency responder's best friend. He is un-
sevelt is among my favorite Presidents in his-
believable in his steadfast support for every-
tory, and let me share with you what his fa-
thing we believe in. Curt is very generous
ther said to him on his 16th birthday. He
in his assessment of my role, but it is his
said, "We are not placed here to live exclu-
work, his labor, his efforts that make this his-
sively for ourselves." And you serve, you
toric bill here-gives us this bill to sign today.
serve. You serve not only for yourselves
I want to salute Chief Gallagher; Gene
alone, obviously, but for the family called
Bidoli, the president of the Firemen's Asso-
America.
ciation of Delaware County. I want to salute
And on behalf of that family, thank you.
the 20 national presidents that are here today
May God bless each and every one of you.
representing a million and a half emergency
All of you are heroes in my book. And may
responders all across our great country.
God bless the State of Pennsylvania and this
It's an honor to be here. And I guess like
wonderful country that we are fortunate
every kid in America, I grew up wondering
enough to live in, the United States of Amer-
whether I could ever be a fireman. Barbara
ica.
saw me drilling a hole in the Lincoln Bed-
And now you will see me sign enthusiasti-
room the other day, trying to put a fire pole
cally and make official this very important
down, curving it around to go down into the
act. Thank you all very much.
Oval Office. But I am here today to sign the
Benjamin Franklin National Memorial Com-
Note: The President spoke at 11:35 a.m. at
memorative Medal and Fire Service Bill of
Springfield Township Fire Co. No. 44. In his
Rights Act. It authorizes the minting of a
remarks, he referred to U.S. Representative
medal commemorating Benjamin Franklin's
Curt Weldon. H.R. 2448, approved October
contribution to the advancement of science
12, was assigned Public Law No. 102-406.
and the American fire service.
A tape was not available for verification of
The activities funded through the sale of
the content of these remarks.
the medal we're going to authorize today will
help to carry out your important bill of rights.
The proceeds will help promote education
Remarks to the Community in
and training programs, a greater public
Springfield
awareness and support of the many hazards
October 12, 1992
of firefighting and emergency response. And
they will help assure that should the ultimate
The President. Thank you very, very
tragedy occur, your loved ones will be taken
much. Give them the sign. [Laughter] Thank
care of.
you very, very much. Let me say it's great
The list of benefits from this medal goes
to be back here in Springfield, great to be
on and on, and so does the courage of the
back in this all-important part of Pennsylva-
American firefighters. And I know that it can
nia, and great to be accompanied by one of
be touch and go in some situations, some of
the true national leaders who is your Con-
the calls that you respond to, the danger that
gressman, Curt Weldon. He's doing an out-
every firefighter faces when entering a burn-
standing job.
262
Feb. 14 / Administration of George Bush, 1992
States of America the two hundred and six-
Currently Mr. Baas serves as Chargé d'Af-
teenth.
faires for the U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa,
George Bush
Ethiopia. Prior to this, he served as Deputy
Chief of Mission in the U.S. Embassy in
[Filed with the Office of the Federal Register,
Kinshasa, Zaire, 1987-1991; Deputy Chief of
2:01 p.m., February 14, 1992]
Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Lome, Togo,
1985-1987; and a student at the Naval War
Note: This proclamation will be published in
College in Newport, RI, 1984-1985. From
the Federal Register on February 19.
1980 to 1984, Mr. Baas served as Deputy
Economic Counselor and Resource Officer
at the U.S. Embassy in Tokyo, Japan.
Mr. Baas graduated from American Uni-
Nomination of George J. Terwilliger
versity (B.A., 1970). He was born June 23,
III To Be Deputy Attorney General
1948, in Grand Rapids, MI. Mr. Baas served
February 14, 1992
in the District of Columbia National Guard,
1970. He is married and resides in Washing-
The President today announced his inten-
ton, DC.
tion to nominate George J. Terwilliger III,
of Vermont, to be Deputy Attorney General
at the Department of Justice. He would suc-
ceed William Pelham Barr.
The President's News Conference in
Currently Mr. Terwilliger serves as Prin-
Belcamp, Maryland
cipal Associate Deputy Attorney General at
February 14, 1992
the U.S. Department of Justice in Washing-
ton, DC. Prior to this, he served as U.S. At-
The President. Let me just make a quick
torney for the District of Vermont, 1986-
statement here. Today many families all
1990; First Assistant U.S. Attorney for Ver-
across America share the same hope of own-
mont, 1986; and Assistant U.S. Attorney in
ing their own home. But hard times have put
Vermont, 1981-1986. From 1978 to 1981,
a hold on the dream. And to these young
Mr. Terwilliger served as Assistant U.S. At-
families I made a pledge, and that is that
torney for the District of Columbia.
we will help you get your dream within reach.
Mr. Terwilliger graduated from Seton Hall
And I submitted to Congress an action
University (B.A., 1973) and Antioch School
plan to help the economy, not hurt the tax-
of Law (J.D., 1978). He was born June 5,
payer. And I sent this plan to the House and
1950, in New Brunswick, NJ. Mr. Terwilliger
the Senate and brought it along, great big
is married, has three children, and resides
thing here. It includes a $5,000 tax credit for
in Oakton, VA.
first-time homebuyers and a tax break for
middle-class families. It's all there.
And we do not need to raise taxes in order
to get this economy moving again. We need
to cut the taxes and cut spending. And I've
Nomination of Marc Allen Baas To
asked Congress fc. nothing flashy, just com-
Be United States Ambassador to
mon sense, good common sense. And as I
Ethiopia
told these people I've been working with,
February 14, 1992
construction workers and would-be home-
buyers, I want that $5,000 tax credit for first-
The President today announced his inten-
time homebuyers and penalty-free withdraw-
tion to nominate Marc Allen Baas, of Florida,
als from IRA's for the purchase of a first
a career member of the Senior Foreign Serv-
home. I want a modification in the tax rules
ice, class of Minister-Counselor, to be Am-
that currently discourage real estate inves-
bassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary
tors; it's known as the "passive loss" rules.
of the United States of America to Ethiopia.
And furthermore, I want a cut in the capital
He would succeed Frederick L. Chapin.
gains tax to boost real estate values and heat
Administration of George Bush, 1992 / Feb. 14
263
up the housing market, especially with inter-
maneuver there in the committee. I'm hop-
est rates at such low levels.
ing the whole House of Representatives-
And I told them that my plan will work.
Helen, will do a better job on this, and
They're the experts here, but some rep-
Wayne, our other Congressman with me here
resentatives of the National Association of
today-they need to pass this plan and to
Homebuilders are with us today also. And
quit playing kind of partisan, election-year
that organization, and I'll let them speak for
politics.
themselves, but that organization estimates
So I'm glad to take this opportunity to en-
that if Congress passes my plan by March
courage the Congress to move. And on this
20th, we will create 415,000 new construc-
bill, this rifleshot approach that we have, it
tion industry jobs and generate $20 billion
can be done almost overnight. It literally-
in new economic activity, these figures from
it is not that complicated. There are seven
the experts.
stimulative tax provisions in here, and it will
And so I would ask you to ask one expert
get the job done. It will really move this
right here standing with me here, John
economy.
Colvin, and he tells me that if Congress
And so, I hope that everybody, regardless
passes my plan by March 20th, he expects
of political affiliation, will weigh in with the
to add an additional 90 homes to the 256
he already plans to sell and build in 1992.
Congress and help us get this done.
Now, that's 355 new homes here at
So that is it. And thank you all very, very
much.
Arborview, homes within reach of the mid-
dle-class buyers.
Everybody read this, and I'm going to give
Two days after the State of the Union I
you a quiz now on this. [Laughter]
sent a plan to Congress to get our economy
First-Time Homeowners
moving this spring. Now, let me tell you what
happened to the plan this week. Wednesday,
Q. Mr. President, the Democrats say your
the majority, the Democrats on the Ways and
March 20 plan is too front-end loaded for
the rich.
Means Committee in the House voted
The President. That doesn't look like it
against my plan twice. And just yesterday in
a closed meeting the Democrats surfaced a
to me, a $5,000 tax credit for first-time home-
scheme that raises taxes and, more impor-
owner. That doesn't seem to me to be help-
tantly for you, everyone here, I think, kills
ing the rich. It seems to me to be helping
my plan to help these first-time homebuyers.
people own a home. It seems to me to be
Many firms in the housing industry have
stimulating the housing business.
reached the make-or-break point. And so I've
So that's the charge, I understand, but I
set a deadline for the Congress to act, you
wish they'd get out here and talk to some
heard it in the State of the Union, March
people that are working in these buildings
20th, 35 days from today. Make a note of
and maybe talk to some that aspire to own
that date.
a home. You know, there's plenty of time for
But remember, anyone who wants to buy
politics later on, after March 20th. We ought
a home like this, under my plan, would get
to pass this one. Ask the head of the home-
a $5,000 tax credit. And under the Demo-
builders, Jay down here. I mean, this is their
crats' current package, they would get zero.
business, and they'll tell you that that alone
And I've asked these good people here today
will have an enormously stimulative effect.
to tell Congress not to send me a package
So, I'm asking them to say, let's set aside
that I have to veto on carrying a tax increase.
the politics as usual, get this part done, and
The Democrats refuse to pass my plan out
then I'll go to battle stations with them on
of the committee and instead they are con-
how I think the rest of this program should
sidering a package that would raise these
be enacted. But it's too urgent now. The
taxes. And because it's not paid for, it would
economy's getting ready to move. Interest
trigger cuts in the Medicare benefits.
rates are down. Inflation is down. Every-
The American people, I really believe,
thing's not all gloomy. But what it needs is
want action. And they will not stand for this
a stimulative push right now. And it's good