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Soviet Union Trip [Research Materials] 1991 [OA 6902]
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Soviet Union Trip [Research Materials] 1991 [OA 6902]
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Records of the White House Office of Speechwriting (George H. W. Bush Administration)
Carol Aarhus Alpha Files
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Originally Processed With FOIA(s):
FOIA Number:
S
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
Library Staff.
Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting, White House Office of
Series:
Aarhus, Carol, Files
Subseries:
Alpha File, 1990-1992
OA/ID Number:
13866
Folder ID Number:
13866-008
Folder Title:
Soviet Union Trip [Research Materials], 1991
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G
19
2
5
7
91
87:32PM
USSR
DIY.
Services Mead Data Central
PAGE
2
1ST STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1991 Times Newspapers Limited
The Times
February 6, 1991, Wednesday
SECTION: Overseas news
LENGTH: 502 words
HEADLINE: Third priest murdered in Moscow crime wave
BYLINE: From Mary Dejevsky in Mascow
BODY: THE young dean of a central Moscow church, Father Serafim Shlykov, has been
found battered to death in the flat where he was living temporarily. Police say
he was bound and gagged and then struck several times on the head with a blunt
object. They say the motive was probably robbery. A radio, video recorder,
cassettes and money were missing.
An official report of Father Shlykov's murder, distributed by Tass, said the
priest, who was 32, had fallen victim to the Moscow crime wave in which flat
burglaries figure prominently.
Unofficial church sources cast doubt on this account, however. Father Shlykov
is the third priest to meet a violent death in the Moscow area in the past five
months. In the autumn, Father Aleksandr Men was found murdered in woods near
Moscow after he had set out to conduct an early morning service. The
investigation into the killing is still in progress, but police said that they
believed robbery to be the motive.
Many of the priest's followers, however, suspect a political motive. Father
Men, whose parish was close to the town of Zagorsk 50 miles from Moscow, had a
large and devoted following among the Moscow intelligentsia who travelled miles
to talk to him and receive his blessing.
Last month, a second priest, Father Lazar Solnyshko, was killed in his
flat in central Moscow. He was another popular priest who devoted himself to
charitable work in orphanages and hospitals. Again, police said that the motive
was robbery, although some suspected a political aspect because he was a member
of the church commission investigating Father Men's death.
A report published last week in Izvestia, the government newspaper, claimed
that Father Solnyshko was a homosexual and alleged he was "not too particular
about the men he invited back to his flat''. On the night he was murdered, he
was seen returning to his flat with two men, neither of whose identity has yet
been established.
So far, police have said only that the motive for Father Shlykov's death was
also robbery. They reported the missing goods and money and noted that he had
recently spent a year at the Russian Orthodox monastery in Jerusalem, suggesting
that he would have had access to foreign goods.
Priests may be especially vulnerable to violent robbery in Russia at present
because they would be expected to have icons and other religious art, which
XIS®
LEXIC®
XIS
07. 23. 91 07 : 32PM *VOA USSR DIV.
P05
Services Mead Data Central
PAGE 3
(c) 1991 Times Newspapers Limited, February 6, 1991
commands large sums on the black market. Even 50, Moscow's crime rate, while
and the suspicion of a political motive has not been convincingly excluded.
rising, still bears no comparison with that of big cities in the United States,
The latest murder will only fuel speculation. The combination of robbery,
moral weakness (as in the case of Father Solnyshko) and politics is familiar
terrain to the KGB. The enhanced status of the organisation in recent months, in
connection with the campaign against crime and corruption, may have given some
sections the boldness to revert to methods and objectives familiar from the
pre-perestroika age.
TERMS:
Soviet Union
LEXIS® NEXIS® LE
SENT BY:Xerox Telecopier 7020 ; 7-25-91 ; 3:26PM ;
2026473506-
94566218;# 1
United States Department of State
Washington, D.C. 20520
Bureau OF Europeam3an@ 8
Canadian Affairs
OFFICE OF SOVIET UNION AFFAIRS (EUR/SOV)
FAX COVER SHEET
RETURN FAX NO. (202) 647-3506
DATE:
7/25/91
TO:
Carol Blymire
FAX NO.
456.6218
Dan Sainz
FROM: EUR/SOV -
SUBJECT:
Glasnost articles, Matlock Bio
REMARKS:
2
NUMBER OF PAGES TO FOLLOW:
SENT BY:Xerox Telecopier 7020 ; 7-25-91 ; 3:27PM ;
2026473506->
94566218;# 2
Carol,
Attached is copy of Matlock's bio.
Sidney Gloss (tel. 647-9186) in our Intelligence and Research
Bureau (INR) had already received an inquiry from George
Washington University about the subject of your inquiry. He
says that although some people recall Gorbachev saying
something like "our history books are full of lies," he may not
actually have said that. Gloss believes Gorbachev left it to
others to criticize textbook inaccuracies and to withdraw the
books.
Gloss thinks the closest Gorbachev came to those kinds of
comments was in his October, 1987 speech on the 70th
anniversary of the revolution, in which he praises Khruschev.
The speech is available through the Foreign Broadcast
Information Service (FBIS), Tel. 338-6735. Carroll Hamilton, Publications officer
You may be hearing from INR; Gloss and some colleagues are
looking for articles which will help. They also believe Nexus
would be a fast way to locate relevant articles. You could
also call a system called "Access" at 785-6630.
Hope this helps.
Dan
Мир будує a війна руйнує
Myr buduie a viina ruinuie.
Peace is constructive and war distructive
KBiTaM потрібне сонце a людям мир.
Kvitam potribne sontse a liudiam myr.
Flowers needsun and peaple peace
PN6081
A53
1989
WH
THE ÇONCISE COLUMBIA
DICTIONARY OF QUOTATIONS
Robert Andrews
Columbia University Press
New York
$ 19.95
Cults
60
61
Women's weapons, water-drops.
William Shakespeare (1564-1616)
Culture is an instrument wielded by professors
to manufacture professors, who, when their
Cynics
Oh! too convincing - dangerously dear -
turn comes, will manufacture professors.
What is the use of straining after an amiable
In woman's eye the unanswerable tear!
view of things, when a cynical view is most
Simone Weil (1909-1943)
Lord Byron (1788-1824)
likely to be the true one?
French mystic, philosopher
George Bernard Shaw (1956-1950)
Crying is the refuge of plain women, but the
Mrs Ballinger is one of the ladies who pursue
ruin of pretty ones.
Culture in bands, as though it were dangerous
Cynicism is intellectual dandyism.
Oscar Wilde (1854-1900)
to meet it alone.
George Meredith (1828-1909)
Edith Wharton (1862-1937)
English author
'It opens the lungs, washes the countenance,
exercises the eyes, and softens down the
American novelist
A cynic is just a man who found out when he
temper', said Mr Bumble. 'So cry away'.
One of the surest signs of the Philistine is his
was about ten that there wasn't any Santa
Oliver Twist
reverence for the superior tastes of those who
Claus, and he's still upset.
Charles Dickens (1812-1870)
put him down,
James Gould Cozzens (1903-1978)
American author
Whatever tears one may shed, in the end one
Pauline Kael (b. 1919)
always blows one's nose.
American critic
A cynic is not merely one who reads bitter
Heinrich Heine (1797-1856)
SEE McCarthy on STATUS
lessons from the past, he is one who is
German poet, journalist
prematurely disappointed in the future.
Cunning
Sydney J. Harris (b. 1917)
Cults
'Frank and explicit' - that is the right line to
American journalist
What is a cult? It just means not enough
take when you wish to conceal your own mind
people to make a minority.
and to confuse the minds of others.
Robert Altman (b. 1922)
Benjamin Disraeli (1804-1881)
American film director
With foxes we must play the fox.
A cult is a religion with no political power.
Thomas Fuller (1654-1734)
Tom Wolfe (b. 1931)
English physician
American journalist, author
The greatest cunning is to have none at all.
Culture
Carl Sandburg (1878-1967)
Culture, the acquainting ourselves with the
American poet
best that has been known and said in the
And all your future lies beneath your hat.
world, and thus with the history of the human
spirit.
John Oldham (1653-1683)
English poet
Matthew Arnold (1822-1888)
English poet, critic
SEE DISCRETION
Instead of dirt and poison, we have rather
Curiosity
chosen to fill our hives with honey and wax;
Curiosity is one of the most permanent and
thus furnishing mankind with the two noblest
certain characteristics of a vigorous intellect.
of things, which are sweetness and light.
Dr Samuel Johnson (1709-1784)
Jonathan Swift (1667-1745)
Disinterested intellectual curiosity is the life
Culture is the bed-rock, the final wall, against
blood of real civilization.
chaos. which one leans one's back in a god-forsaken
G. M. Trevelyan (1876-1962)
British historian
John Cowper Powys (1872-1963)
We never stop investigating. We are never
British author, poet
satisfied that we know enough to get by. Every
One ought, every day at least, to hear a little
question we answer leads on to another
song, read a good poem, see a fine picture,
question. This has become the greatest sur-
and, if it were possible, to speak a few
vival trick of our species.
reasonable words.
Desmond Morris (b. 1928)
Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749-1832)
British anthropologist
The poor have no business with culture and
The thirst to know and understand,
should beware of it. They cannot eat it; they
A large and liberal discontent.
cannot sell it; they can only pass it on to
Sir William Watson (1858-1935)
others and that is why the world is full of
British poet
hungry people ready to teach us anything
under the sun.
Be not curious in unnecessary matters: for
understand. more things are shewed unto thee than men
Aubrey Menen (b. 1912)
British novelist, essayist
Apocrypha, Ecclesiasticus
has He that breaks a thing to find out what it is
left
the
60
61
Cynics
Iture is an instrument wielded by professors
Cynics
It takes a clever man to turn cynic, and a wise
manufacture professors, who, when their
What is the use of straining after an amiable
man to be clever enough not to.
n comes, will manufacture professors.
view of things, when a cynical view is most
Fannie Hurst (1889-1968)
Simone Weil (1909-1943)
likely to be the true one?
American novelist, playwright
French mystic. philosopher
George Bernard Shaw (1956-1950)
What is a cynic? A man who knows the price
S Ballinger is one of the ladies who pursue
Cynicism is intellectual dandyism.
of everything and the value of nothing.
ture in bands, as though it were dangerous
George Meredith (1828-1909)
Oscar Wilde (1854-1900)
neet it alone.
English author
Cynics are only happy in making the world as
Edith Wharton (1862-1937)
A cynic is just a man who found out when he
barren for others as they have made it for
American novelist
was about ten that there wasn't any Santa
themselves.
e of the surest signs of the Philistine is his
Claus, and he's still upset.
George Meredith (1828-1909)
:rence for the superior tastes of those who
James Gould Cozzens (1903-1978)
English author
him down.
American author
Cynic. A blackguard whose faulty vision sees
Pauline Kael (b. 1919)
American critic
A cynic is not merely one who reads bitter
things as they are, not as they ought to be.
lessons from the past, he is one who is
Ambrose Bierce (1842-1914)
SEE McCarthy on STATUS
prematurely disappointed in the future.
American author
ing
Sydney J. Harris (b. 1917)
SEE Berkeley on HONESTY
nk and explicit' - that is the right line to
American journalist
when you wish to conceal your own mind
to confuse the minds of others.
Benjamin Disraeli (1804-1881)
h foxes we must play the fox.
Thomas Fuller (1654-1734)
English physician
greatest cunning is to have none at all.
Carl Sandburg (1878-1967)
American poet
I all your future lies beneath your hat.
John Oldham (1653-1683)
English poet
SEE DISCRETION
sity
iosity is one of the most permanent and
in characteristics of a vigorous intellect.
Dr Samuel Johnson (1709-1784)
interested intellectual curiosity is the life
d of real civilization.
G. M. Trevelyan (1876-1962)
British historian
never stop investigating. We are never
sfied that we know enough to get by. Every
tion we answer leads on to another
tion. This has become the greatest sur-
trick of our species.
Desmond Morris (b. 1928)
British anthropologist
The thirst to know and understand,
A large and liberal discontent.
Sir William Watson (1858-1935)
British poet
ot curious in unnecessary matters: for
things are shewed unto thee than men
rstand.
Apocrypha, Ecclesiasticus
at breaks a thing to find out what it is
eft the path of wisdom.
J. R R. Tolkien (1892-1973)
Historians
122
123
Sir, you are making a monarchy of what
Sapping a solemn creed with solemn sneer.
should be a republic.
Gossip is none the less gossip because it C.
Lord Byron (1788-1824)
from venerable antiquity.
Oliver Goldsmith (1728-1774)
of Gibbon
Mandell Creighton (1843-
reproving Boswell's
idolisation of Johnson's work
In analysing history do not be too profound,
English prelate, his-
for often the causes are quite superficial.
Hero-worship is strongest where there is least
If a man could say nothing against a char
R. W. Emerson (1803-1882)
regard for human freedom.
but what he can prove, history could no
American essayist, poet, philosopher
written.
Herbert Spencer (1820-1903)
History
Dr Samuel Johnson (1709-
English philosopher
The principal office of history I take to be this:
Historians
History is better written from letters.
to prevent virtuous actions from being for-
Events in the past may be roughly divided into
public character has ever stood the revel
gotten, and that evil words and deeds should
those which probably never happened and
of private utterance and correspondence.
fear an infamous reputation with posterity.
those which do not matter. That is what
Lord Acton (1834-1
Tacitus (c. 55-c. 120)
makes the trade of historian so attractive.
English hist
Roman historian
W. R. Inge (1860-1954)
The so-called lessons of history are for
Dean of St Paul's, London
Those who cannot remember the past are
most part the rationalisation of the vic
condemned to repeat it.
Very few things happen at the right time, and
History is written by the survivors.
George Santayana (1863-1952)
the rest do not happen at all; the conscientious
Max Lerner (b. I
American philosopher, poet
American acad
historian will correct these defects.
Herodotus (484-425 BC)
History repeats itself, first as tragedy, second
History. An account, mostly false, of ev.
as farce.
History repeats itself; historians repeat each
mostly unimportant, which are brought a
Karl Marx (1818-1883)
other.
by rulers, mostly knaves, and soldiers, m.
Every time history repeats itself the price goes
fools.
Philip Guedalla (1889-1944)
up.
Ambrose Bierce (1842-1
British author
anonymous
American at
Historians are like deaf people who go on
answering questions that no one has asked
History is Philosophy teaching by examples.
History, which is, indeed, little more than
them.
Henry St John (Viscount Bolingbroke) (1678-1751)
register of the crimes, follies, and misfort
Leo Tolstoy (1828-1910)
English politician, intriguer
of mankind.
Edward Gibbon (1737-
God cannot alter the past; that is why he is
But what experience and history teach is this -
obliged to connive at the existence of
that peoples and governments have never
The history of the world is the record
historians.
learned anything from history, or acted on the
man in quest of his daily bread and butt
Samuel Butler (1835-1902)
principles deduced from it.
Hendrik Van Loon (1882-,
English author
Georg Hegel (1770-1831)
American journalist. hist
A historian is a prophet in reverse.
History is bunk.
Who has fully realised that history is
Friedrich von Schlegel (1772-1829)
Henry Ford (1863-1947)
contained in thick books but lives in our
blood?
German historian, literary critic
There is nothing new in the world except the
Carl Jung (1875-
Historian: an unsuccessful novelist.
history you do not know.
H. L. Mencken (1880-1956)
Harry S. Truman (1884-1972)
English history is all about men liking
fathers, and American history is all about
American journalist
Only the history of free peoples is worth our
hating their fathers and trying to burn
The first duty of an historian is to be on his
attention; the history of men under a despot-
everything they ever did.
guard against his own sympathies.
ism is merely a collection of anecdotes.
Malcolm Bradbury (b.
J. A. Froude (1818-1894)
Nicolas-Sébastien Chamfort (1741-1794)
British a
British author
French writer. wit
That great dust-heap called 'history'.
The middle sort of historians (of which the
The essential matter of history is not what
Augustine Birrell (1850-
most part are) spoil all; they will chew our
happened but what people thought or said
British Liberal poi
meat for us.
about it.
Frederic W. Maitland (1850-1906)
SEE Emerson on MINORITIES; Elic
Michel de Montaigne (1533-1592)
French essayist
English writer on law
WO!
To give an accurate and exhaustive account of
History, a distillation of Rumour.
Holland
that period would need a far less brilliant pen
Thomas Carlyle (1795-1881)
Where the broad ocean leans against the I
than mine.
Scottish author
Oliver Goldsmith (1728-
Sir Max Beerbohm (1872-1956)
Ancient histories are but fables that have been
Apart from cheese and tulips, the
British author
agreed upon.
product of the country is advocaat, a
Another damned, thick, square book! Always
Voltaire (1694-1778)
made from lawyers.
scribble, scribble, scribble! Eh! Mr Gibbon?
History is the crystallisation of popular beliefs.
Alan Coren (b.
William Henry, Duke of Gloucester (1743-1805)
British editor, hun
Donn Piatt (1819-1891)
brother of George III
American journalist
122
123
Hollywood
ig a solemn creed with solemn sneer.
Gossip is none the less gossip because it comes
Hollywood
Lord Byron (1788-1824)
from venerable antiquity.
Strip away the phony tinsel of Hollywood and
of Gibbon
Mandell Creighton (1843-1901)
you find the real tinsel underneath.
lysing history do not be too profound,
English prelate, historian
Oscar Levant (1906-1972)
in the causes are quite superficial.
If a man could say nothing against a character
American pianist, composer
R. W. Emerson (1803-1882)
but what he can prove, history could not be
Hollywood is a place where people from Iowa
American essayist, poet, philosopher
written.
mistake each other for a star.
Dr Samuel Johnson (1709-1784)
Fred Allen (1894-1957)
cipal office of history I take to be this:
American comic
History is better written from letters.
No
ent virtuous actions from being for-
public character has ever stood the revelation
How much talent, initiative, genius and creat-
and that evil words and deeds should
of private utterance and correspondence.
ive ability have been destroyed by the film
nfamous reputation with posterity.
Lord Acton (1834-1902)
industry in its ruthlessly efficient sausage
Tacitus (c. 55-c. 120)
English historian
machine?
Roman historian
The so-called lessons of history are for the
Ingmar Bergman (b. 1918)
ho cannot remember the past are
Swedish film and
most part the rationalisation of the victors.
ed to repeat it.
theatre director
History is written by the survivors.
George Santayana (1863-1952)
Max Lerner (b. 1902)
You can't call Hollywood 'The Industry' any
American philosopher, poet
American academic
more. Today we have a chance to put our
:peats itself, first as tragedy, second
History. An account, mostly false, of events,
personal fantasies on film.
mostly unimportant, which are brought about
John Frankenheimer (b. 1930)
Karl Marx (1818-1883)
American director
by rulers, mostly knaves, and soldiers, mostly
e history repeats itself the price goes
fools.
In a mere half-century, films have gone from
Ambrose Bierce (1842-1914)
silent to unspeakable.
American author
anonymous
Doug Larson
Philosophy teaching by examples.
History, which is, indeed, little more than the
Hollywood is like being nowhere and talking
hn (Viscount Bolingbroke) (1678-1751)
register of the crimes, follies, and misfortunes
to nobody about nothing.
English politician, intriguer
of mankind.
Michelangelo Antonioni (b. 1912)
Edward Gibbon (1737-1794)
Italian film director
<perience and históry teach is this -
es and governments have never
The history of the world is the record of a
To survive there, you need the ambition of a
thing from history, or acted on the
man in quest of his daily bread and butter.
Latin-American revolutionary, the ego of a
educed from it.
Hendrik Van Loon (1882-1944)
grand opera tenor, and the physical stamina of
Georg Hegel (1770-1831)
American journalist. historian
a cow pony.
unk.
Who has fully realised that history is not
Billie Burke (1885-1970)
American actress
Henry Ford (1863-1947)
contained in thick books but lives in our very
blood?
In Europe an actor is an artist. In Hollywood,
hing new in the world except the
Carl Jung (1875-1961)
if he isn't working, he's a bum.
do not know.
English history is all about men liking their
Anthony Quinn (b. 1915)
Harry S. Truman (1884-1972)
fathers, and American history is all about men
To be an Englishman in the film business is to
tory of free peoples is worth our
hating their fathers and trying to burn down
know what it's like to be colonialised.
e history of men under a despot-
everything they ever did.
Tony Garnett (b. 1936)
a collection of anecdotes.
Malcolm Bradbury (b. 1932)
British film producer
las-Sébastien Chamfort (1741-1794)
British author
French writer, wit
You can seduce a man's wife there, attack his
That great dust-heap called 'history'.
daughter and wipe your hands on his canary,
matter of history is not what
Augustine Birrell (1850-1933)
but if you don't like his movie you're dead.
what people thought or said
British Liberal politician
Joseph von Sternberg (1894-1969)
American director
Frederic W. Maitland (1850-1906)
SEE Emerson on MINORITIES; Eliot on
English writer on law
WOMEN
Working for Warner Brothers is like fucking a
llation of Rumour.
Holland
porcupine. It's a hundred pricks against one.
Thomas Carlyle (1795-1881)
Where the broad ocean leans against the land.
Wilson Mizner (1876-1933)
Oliver Goldsmith (1728-1774)
American dramatist, wit
Scottish author
S are but fables that have been
Apart from cheese and tulips, the main
An associate producer is the only guy in
product of the country is advocaat, a drink
Hollywood who will associate with a
Voltaire (1694-1778)
made from lawyers.
producer.
Alan Coren (b. 1938)
Fred Allen (1894-1957)
vstallisation of popular beliefs.
British editor, humorist
American comic
Donn Piatt (1819-1891)
Hollywood's a place where they'll pay you a
American journalist
Ret.
P.N6781
M4
WHRC
¿A New
DICTIONARY OF
QUOTATIONS
ON HISTORICAL PRINCIPLES
FROM
ANCIENT AND MODERN SOURCES
Selected and Edited by
H. L. MENCKEN
NEW YORK : ALFRED A. KNOPF : 1976
History
History
537
History
History is only a picture of crimes and mis-
A history. Describe the man, of whom
hat happened before one was
fortunes.
VOLTAIRE: L'Ingénu, x, 1757
His own coevals took but little note,
S to be a child.
And paint his person, character and views,
IBID.
My dear Smollett
disgraces his talent by
As they had known him from his mother's
ophy teaching by examples.
writing those stupid romances commonly
womb.
OF
called history.
WILLIAM COWPER: The Task, III, 1785
MARY WORTLEY MONTAGU: Letter to the
Countess of Bute, Oct. 3, 1758 (SMOL-
History makes one shudder and laugh by turns.
etry are of little value unless
LETT'S History of England appeared 1756) in
HORACE WALPOLE: Letter to Lord Straf-
e highest perfection; but his-
ford, 1786
ver asure. way it may be executed, is
On whatever side we regard the history of Eu-
The histories of mankind that we possess are
HE YOUNGER: Letters, v, c. 110
rope, we shall perceive it to be a tissue of
histories only of the higher classes.
histories are those written by
crimes, follies, and misfortunes.
T. R. MALTHUS: The Principle of Popula-
OLIVER GOLDSMITH: The Citizen of the
tion, II, 1798
1 command in the events they
World, XLII, 1762
The important events in the world are not de-
E MONTAIGNE: Essays, II, 1580
Happy is the nation that has no history.
liberately brought about; they simply occur.
C. B. BECCARIA: Trattato dei delitti e delle
G. C. LICHTENBERG: Reflections, 1799
ce of history to represent the
pene, intro., 1764
Ives, together with the coun-
History, in general, only informs us what bad
ive the observations and con-
How much charlatanry has been put into his-
government is.
ipon judgment. to the liberty and faculty
tory, either by astonishing the reader with
THOMAS JEFFERSON: Letter to John Nar-
prodigies, by titillating human malignity with
vell, 1807
S BACON: The Advancement of
satire, or by flattering the families of tyrants
Learning, II, 1605
with infamous praisel
I am determined to apply myself to a study
VOLTAIRE: Philosophical Dictionary, 1764
that is hateful and disgusting to my very
eholden to Machiavel[li] and
vrite what men do, and not
We are very uncorrupt and tolerably enlight-
soul, but which is, above all studies, neces-
sary for him who would be listened to as a
ht to do.
ened judges of the transactions of past ages;
IBID.
mender of antiquated abuses. I mean that
where no passions deceive and where the
record of crimes and miseries - history.
out of history a policy no less
whole train of circumstances, from the tri-
P. B. SHELLEY: Letter to Thomas Hook-
rnal, by the comparison and
fling cause to the tragical event, is set in an
ham, Dec. 17, 1812
other men's forepassed mis-
orderly series before us. Few are the partisans
own like errors and ill de-
of departed tyranny; and to be a Whig on the
History's pen its praise or blame supplies,
business of an hundred years ago is very
And lies like truth, and still most truly lies.
ALEIGH: Historie of the World,
consistent with every advantage of present
BYRON: Lara, I, 1814
pref., 1614
servility. EDMUND BURKE: Thoughts on the Cause of
A morsel of genuine history is a thing so rare
in sense he supplies in history.
the Present Discontents, 1770
as to be always valuable.
MS: Diseases of the Soul, 1616
THOMAS JEFFERSON: Letter to John Adams,
There is but a shallow stream of thought in
1817
th the irregular effects of the
prices of men.
history. SAMUEL JOHNSON: Boswell's Life, April 19,
There is the moral of all human tales;
D DE FONTENELLE: Histoire du
1772
"Tis but the same rehearsal of the past,
ouvellement de l'Académie des
Sciences, pref., 1708
All history, so far as it is not supported by con-
First freedom, and then glory - when that fails,
temporary evidence, is romance.
Wealth, vice, corruption, - barbarism at last.
SAMUEL JOHNSON: Boswell's Tour to the
BYRON: Childe Harold, IV, 1818
"ory, for history must be false.
ALPOLE: On his deathbed, on
Hebrides, Nov. 20, 1773
History fades into fable; fact becomes clouded
asked what should be read to
That certain kings reigned and certain battles
with doubt and controversy; the inscription
him, 1715
were fought we can depend upon as true,
molders from the tablet: the statue falls from
er it runs, contracts the more
but all the coloring, all the philosophy of
the pedestal. Columns, arches, pyramids,
ns in it the additional ordure
history is conjecture.
what are they but heaps of sand; and their
rough which it passes.
SAMUEL JOHNSON: Boswell's Life, April 11,
epitaphs, but characters written in the dust?
1775
WASHINGTON IRVING: The Sketch-Book,
BURTON (BISHOP OF GLOUCES-
1820
The Causes of Prodigies and
History
is little more than the register of
Miracles, I, 1727
the crimes, follies and misfortunes of man-
The public history of all countries, and all ages,
.vell written only in a free
kind.
is but a sort of mask, richly colored. The in-
EDWARD GIBBON: The Decline and Fall of
terior working of the machinery must be foul.
Letter to Frederick the Great,
the Roman Empire, I, 1776 (Cf. VOL-
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS: Diary, Nov. 9, 1822
May 27, 1737
TAIRE, ante, 1754 and 1757)
Man is fed with fables through life, and leaves
confused heap of facts.
This is my history; like all other histories, a
it in the belief he knows something of what
:STERFIELD: Letter to his son,
narrative of misery.
has been passing, when in truth he has known
Feb. 5, 1750
SAMUEL JOHNSON: Letter to Bennet Lang-
nothing but what has passed under his own
ton, Aug. 25, 1784
eye.
great events of this world is
Some write a narrative of wars and feats,
THOMAS JEFFERSON: Letter to Thomas
n the history of crimes.
E: Essai sur les mœurs, 1754
Of heroes little known, and call the rant
Cooper, 1823
History
538
History
The historic muse, from age to age,
in order that mankind may break away from
Through many a waste heart-sickening page
its past in good spirits.
Hath traced the works of man.
KARL MARX: A Criticism of the Hegelian
JOHN KEBLE: The Christian Year, 1827
Philosophy of Right, 1844
I should like much to tell the truth; but if I did,
History, showing us the life of nations, has
I should be torn to pieces, here or abroad.
nothing to record save wars and revolutions:
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON: Quoted in
the peaceful years appear only as brief pauses
SAMUEL ROGERS: Recollections,
or interludes, scattered here and there.
c. 1827
ARTHUR SCHOPENHAUER: Parerga und
Paralipomena, II, 1851
History, at least in its state of ideal perfection,
is a compound of poetry and philosophy. It
The study of history is said to enlarge and en-
lighten the mind. Why? Because, as I con-
impresses general truths on the mind by a
vivid representation of particular characters
ceive, it gives it a power of judging of pass-
and incidents.
ing events, and of all events, and a con-
T. B. MACAULAY: Hallam, 1828 (Edin-
scious superiority over them, which before it
did not possess.
burgh Review, Sept.)
J. H. NEWMAN: On the Scope and Nature of
To come to the true history of a country you
University Education, v, 1852
must read its laws; you must read books
The only history worth reading is that written
treating of its usages and customs in former
at the time of which it treats, the history of
times; and you must particularly inform
what was done and seen, heard out of the
yourself as to prices of labor and of food.
mouths of the men who did and saw.
WILLIAM COBBETT: Advice to Young Men,
JOHN RUSKIN: Stones of Venice, III, 1853
II, 1829
He that would know what shall be, must con-
Peoples and government have never learned
sider what hath been.
anything from history, or acted on principles
H. G. BOHN: Handbook of Proverbs, 1855
deducible from it.
History is all party pamphlets.
G. W. F. HEGEL: The Philosophy of History,
R. W. EMERSON: Journal, Feb. 18, 1855
1832
Not that which men do worthily, but that which
It is part of my creed that the only poetry is
they do successfully, is what history makes
history, could we tell it right.
haste to record.
THOMAS CARLYLE: Letter to R. W. Emer-
H. W. BEECHER: Life Thoughts, 1858
son, Aug. 12, 1834
History has the great virtue of soothing.
Universal history, the history of what man has
VICTOR DURUY: Instruction ministérielle,
accomplished in this world, is at bottom the
Sept. 4, 1863
history of the great men who have worked
There is no law of history any more than of a
here.
kaleidoscope.
THOMAS CARLYLE: Heroes and Hero-
JOHN RUSKIN: Letter to J. A. Froude, Jan.,
Worship, I, 1840 (Lecture in
1864
London, May 5)
History is a voice forever sounding across the
Histories are a kind of distilled newspapers.
centuries the laws of right and wrong.
THOMAS CARLYLE: Heroes and Hero-
J. A. FROUDE: The Science of History, 1864
Worship, III (Lecture in London,
(Lecture in London, Feb. 5)
May 12)
Happy the people whose annals are blank in
The two parties which divide the state, the
history-books.
party of conservatism and that of innovation,
THOMAS CARLYLE: Frederick the Great,
are very old, and have disputed the posses-
XVI, 1865 (Cf. BECCARIA, ante, 1764)
sion of the world ever since it was made.
The march of Providence is so slow and our de-
This quarrel is the subject of civil history.
sires so impatient; the work of progress is so
R. W. EMERSON: The Conservative, 1841
immense and our means of aiding it so feeble;
I am ashamed to see what a shallow village tale
the life of humanity is so long, that of the
our so-called history is.
individual so brief, that we often see only the
ebb of the advancing ways, and are thus dis-
R. W. EMERSON: History, 1841
couraged. It is history that teaches us to hope.
There is less intention in history than we ascribe
ROBERT E. LEE: Letter to Charles Marshall,
to it. We impute deep-laid, far-sighted plans
c. 1866
to Cæsar and Napoleon; but the best of their
The time is not come for impartial history. If
power was in nature, not in them.
the truth were told just now it would not be
R. W. EMERSON: Spiritual Laws, 1841
credited.
ROBERT E. LEE: To David Macrae (quoted
The last phase of a world historical figure is
in MACRAE: The Americans at Home, 1),
generally comical. History takes this course
c. 1868
History
History
539
History, Materialistic Conception of
t mankind may break away from
The whole history of civilization is strewn with
Every student during his academic period
od spirits.
creeds and institutions which were invaluable
ought to get up one bit of history thoroughly
ARX: A Criticism of the Hegelian
at first, and deadly afterward.
from the ultimate sources, in order to con-
Philosophy of Right, 1844
WALTER BAGEHOT: Physics and Politics,
vince himself what history is not.
1869
W. G. SUMNER: Folkways, 1907
ng us the life of nations, has
cord save wars and revolutions:
years appear only as brief pauses
History is a record of the gradual negation of
History is bunk.
man's original bestiality by the evolution of
Ascribed to HENRY FORD, c. 1915 (On the
scattered here and there.
his humanity.
stand during the trial of his suit against the
'UR SCHOPENHAUER: Parerga und
M. A. BAKUNIN: Dieu et l'état, 1871
Chicago Tribune, July 15, 1919, Mr. Ford
Paralipomena, п, 1851
denied the use of the word bunk, but was
istory is said to enlarge and en-
I don't believe the truth will ever be known,
somewhat vague about what he did say.
nind. Why? Because, as I con-
and I have a great contempt for history.
The following is from the record: Q. You
it a power of judging of pass-
GEORGE G. MEADE: On being asked to write
said in 1915 and 1916, didn't you, that you
and of all events, and a con-
his memoirs of the Civil War, 1871 (Cf.
did not take any stock in history; it was
rity over them, which before it
WELLINGTON, ante, c. 1827; LEE, 1868)
tradition? A. Yes. Q. You think so more
SS.
now than then? A. I do, yes. Q. Did you
AN: On the Scope and Nature of
The masses of worthless gossip furnished us by
mean to support your argument by a refer-
University Education, v, 1852
historians.
ence to history, the thing that you said
HERBERT SPENCER: The Data of Ethics, IV,
was bunk? A. I say Mr. Delavigne added
worth reading is that written
1879
that. I don't remember ever reading it. Q.
which it treats, the history of
Those are not your sentiments? A. Well, I
e and seen, heard out of the
When a history book contains no lies it is always
don't know about that. Q. You don't be-
men who did and saw.
tedious.
JACQUES THIBAULT (ANATOLE FRANCE):
lieve in history? A. I don't say I don't be-
SKIN: Stones of Venice, ш, 1853
lieve in it)
Le crime de Sylvestre Bonnard, 1881
know what shall be, must con-
th been.
History is a fairy tale whose end is death.
All history is only one long story to this effect:
:: Handbook of Proverbs, 1855
Author unidentified (Quoted in J. A.
men have struggled for power over their
CRAMB: The Origins and Destiny of
rty pamphlets.
fellow-men in order that they might win the
Imperial Britain, I, 1915)
IERSON: Journal, Feb. 18, 1855
joys of earth at the expense of others, and
might shift the burdens of life from their
en do worthily, but that which
People think too historically. They are always
own shoulders upon those of others.
ssfully, is what history makes
living half in a cemetery.
W. G. SUMNER: The Forgotten Man, 1883
1.
ARISTIDE BRIAND (1862-1932)
SEECHER: Life Thoughts, 1858
History is a pageant and not a philosopher.
It is not the neutrals or the lukewarms who
AUGUSTINE BIRRELL: Obiter Dicta, II, 1887
great virtue of soothing.
make history.
URUY: Instruction ministérielle,
Anybody can make history. Only a great man
ADOLF HITLER: Speech in Berlin, April 23,
Sept. 4, 1863
1933
can write it.
of history any more than of a
OSCAR WILDE: The Critic as Artist, 1891
The history of the world is the judge of the
History is merely gossip.
world.
N: Letter to J. A. Froude, Jan.,
OSCAR WILDE: Lady Windermere's Fan, II,
HERMANN ULLMANN: Article in Geist der
1864
1892
Zeit (Berlin), 1938
e forever sounding across the
aws of right and wrong.
The memorable events of history are the visible
History is a tired old man with a long beard.
: The Science of History, 1864
effects of invisible changes in human thought.
Author unidentified
(Lecture in London, Feb. 5)
GUSTAVE LEBON: Psychologie des foules,
intro., 1895
History is something that never happened,
le whose annals are blank in
written by a man who wasn't there.
IBID.
History is simply a piece of paper covered with
:ARLYLE: Frederick the Great,
print; the main thing is still to make history,
Of all history the most instructive to a man is
15 (Cf. BECCARIA, ante, 1764)
not to write it.
his own.
IBID.
OTTO VON BISMARCK (1815-98)
vidence is so slow and our de-
The history of the world is only the opinion of
nt; the work of progress is so
A boy who hears a lesson in history ended by
the world.
GERMAN PROVERB
ir means of aiding it so feeble;
the beauty of peace, and how Napoleon
anity is so long, that of the
brought ruin upon the world and that he
Human history is similar to the heroic tales pigs
ief, that we often see only the
should be forever cursed, will not long have
relate of swine.
WELSH PROVERB
ncing ways, and are thus dis-
much confidence in his teacher. He wants to
istory that teaches us to hope.
hear more about the fighting and less about
[See also Historian, Pedagogue, Poetry, Prog-
E: Letter to Charles Marshall,
the peace negotiations.
ress, Sin.
c. 1866
WILLIAM LEE HOWARD: Peace, Dolls and
Pugnacity, 1903
ome for impartial history. If
History, Materialistic Conception of
old just now it would not be
An account mostly false, of events unimportant,
The method of production of the material
which are brought about by rulers mostly
things of life generally determines the social,
To David Macrae (quoted
knaves, and soldiers mostly fools.
political, and spiritual currents of life. It is
The Americans at Home, 1),
AMBROSE BIERCE: The Devil's Dictionary,
not the consciousness of men which deter-
c. 1868
1906
mines their mode of existence; rather, it is
PN6081
m29a
WH
=
THE MACMILLAN
DICTIONARY
OF QUOTATIONS
MACMILLAN PUBLISHING COMPANY New York
136
CRITICS
CRITICS
an insect, and the other is a horse
quoted dead languages to hide his
still.
ignorance of life.
1 I will try to account for the degree
Samuel Johnson Life of Johnson (J. Boswell),
Herbert Beerbohm Tree (1853-1917) Brit-
of my aesthetic emotion. That, I
Vol. I
ish actor and theater manager. Referring to A.
conceive, is the function of the
B. Walkley. Beerbohm Tree (Hesketh Pear-
critic.
10 Dear Roger Fry whom I love as a
son)
man but detest as a movement.
Clive Bell (1881-1964) British art critic. Art,
20 A critic is a man who knows the
Pt. II, Ch. 3
Edward Howard Marsh (1872-1953) British
civil servant and writer. Roger Fry (1866-
way but can't drive the car.
2 A man must serve his time to
1934) was an artist and art critic, who champi-
Kenneth Tynan (1927-80) British theater crit-
oned the postimpressionists. Edward Marsh
ic. New York Times Magazine; 9 Jan 1966
every trade
(Christopher Hassall), Ch. 11
Save censure - critics all are ready
21 A good drama critic is one who
made.
11 Insects sting, not from malice, but
perceives what is happening in the
Lord Byron (1788-1824) British poet. Eng-
because they want to live. It is the
theatre of his time. A great drama
lish Bards and Scotch Reviewers
same with critics - they desire our
critic also perceives what is not
3 Reviewers are usually people who
blood, not our pain.
happening.
would have been poets, historians,
Friedrich Wilhelm Nietzsche (1844-1900)
Kenneth Tynan Tynan Right and Left,
German philosopher. Miscellaneous Maxims and
Foreword
biographers,
if they could; they
Reflections
have tried their talents at one or at
CRUELTY
the other, and have failed; therefore
12 Nor in the critic let the man be
they turn critics.
lost.
See also hurt, nastiness, violence
Samuel Taylor Coleridge (1772-1834) Brit-
Alexander Pope (1688-1744) British poet.
ish poet. Lectures on Shakespeare and Milton,
An Essay on Criticism
1 The wish to hurt, the momentary
I
intoxication with pain, is the
13 They will review a book by a writer
4 A good critic is one who narrates
loophole through which the pervert
much older than themselves as if it
the adventures of his mind among
climbs into the minds of ordinary
were an over-ambitious essay by a
masterpieces.
men.
second-year student
It is the
Anatole France Jacques Anatole François Thi-
Jacob Bronowski (1908-74) British scientist
little dons I complain about, like so
bault; 1844-1924) French writer. The Literary
and writer. The Face of Violence, Ch. 5
Life, Preface
many corgis trotting up, hoping to
nip your ankles.
2 Man's inhumanity to man
5 I sometimes think
J. B. Priestley (1894-1984) British novelist.
Makes countless thousands mourn!
His critical judgement is so exquisite
Outcries and Asides
Robert Burns (1759-96) Scottish poet. Man
It leaves us nothing to admire except
was Made to Mourn
his opinion.
14 The greater part of critics are
Christopher Fry (1907- ) British dramatist.
parasites, who, if nothing had been
3 Fear is the parent of cruelty.
The Dark is Light Enough, II
written, would find nothing to write.
J. A. Froude (1818-94) British historian.
J. B. Priestley Outcries and Asides
Short Studies on Great Subjects, 'Party Politics'
6 Asking a working writer what he
thinks about critics is like asking a
15 Pay no attention to what the critics
4 A cruel story runs on wheels, and
lamp-post how it feels about dogs.
say. No statue has ever been put
every hand oils the wheels as they
run.
Christopher Hampton (1946- ) British writ-
up to a critic.
Ouida (Marie Louise de la Ramée; 1839-1908)
er and dramatist. The Sunday Times Magazine,
Jean Sibelius (1865-1957) Finnish composer.
16 Oct 1977
British novelist. Wisdom, Wit and Pathos,
Attrib.
'Moths'
7 What is a modern poet's fate?
16 Unless the bastards have the
5 I must be cruel only to be kind.
To write his thoughts upon a slate;
courage to give you unqualified
The critic spits on what is done,
William Shakespeare (1564-1616) English
praise, I say ignore them.
dramatist. Hamlet, III:4
Gives it a wipe - and all is gone.
John Steinbeck (1902-68) US novelist. A Life
Thomas Hood (1799-1845) British poet. Al-
in Our Times (J. K. Galbraith)
6 Whipping and abuse are like
fred Lord Tennyson, A Memoir (Hallam Tenny-
laudanum: You have to double the
son), Vol. II, Ch. 3
17 I doubt that art needed Ruskin any
dose as the sensibilities decline.
more than a moving train needs one
8 There is a certain race of men that
Harriet Beecher Stowe (1811-96) US novel-
of its passengers to shove it.
ist. Uncle Tom's Cabin, Ch. 20
either imagine it their duty, or
make it their amusement, to hinder
Tom Stoppard (1937- ) Czech-born British
dramatist. Times Literary Supplement, 3 June
the reception of every work of
CULTURE
1977
learning or genius, who stand as
sentinels in the avenues of fame,
18 I had another dream the other day
See also civilization, philistinism
and value themselves upon giving
about music critics. They were
1 Culture, the acquainting ourselves
Ignorance and Envy the first notice
small and rodent-like with padlocked
with the best that has been known
of a prey.
ears, as if they had stepped out of
and said in the world, and thus with
Samuel Johnson (1709-84) British lexicogra-
a painting by Goya.
the history of the human spirit.
pher. The Rambler
Igor Stravinsky (1882-1971) Russian-born US
Matthew Arnold (1822-88) British poet and
composer. The Evening Standard, 29 Oct 1969
9 A fly, Sir, may sting a stately horse
critic. Literature and Dogma, Preface
and make him wince; but one is but
19 A whipper-snapper of criticism who
2 Culture is the passion for
DAMNATION
137
ide his
sweetness and light, and (what is
7 Curiosity will conquer fear even
CUSTOM
more) the passion for making them
more than bravery will.
1917) Brit-
James Stephens (1882-1950) Irish novelist.
See also habit
prevail.
ring to A.
Matthew Arnold Literature and Dogma, Pref-
The Crock of Gold
1 0 tempora! 0 mores!
h Pear-
ace
8 Disinterested intellectual curiosity is
What times! What customs!
3 Culture is an instrument wielded by
the life blood of real civilisation.
Cicero (106-43 BC) Roman orator and states-
S the
man. In Catilinam, I
professors to manufacture
George Macaulay Trevelyan (1876-1962)
theater crit-
professors, who when their turn
British historian English Social History, Preface
2 Custom, then, is the great guide of
n 1966
comes will manufacture professors.
human life.
Simone Weil (1909-43) French philosopher.
CURSES
David Hume (1711-76) Scottish philosopher.
who
The Need for Roots
An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding
in the
1 Then said his wife unto him, Dost
drama
4 Mrs Ballinger is one of the ladies
3 Custom calls me to't.
thou still retain thine integrity?
who pursue Culture in bands, as
What custom wills, in all things
not
curse God, and die.
though it were dangerous to meet it
should we do't,
Bible: Job 2:9
The dust on antique time would lie
Left,
alone.
Edith Wharton (1862-1937) US novelist.
2 Curse the blasted, jelly-boned
unswept,
And mountainous error be too highly
Xingu, Ch. 1
swines, the slimy, the belly-
wriggling invertebrates, the
heap'd
CURIOSITY
miserable sodding rotters, the
For truth to o'erpeer.
flaming sods, the snivelling,
William Shakespeare (1564-1616) English
dramatist. Coriolanus, II:3
entary
See also interfering, wonder
dribbling, dithering, palsied,
pulseless lot that make up England
4 But to my mind, though I am native
1 Ask no questions and hear no lies.
pervert
today.
here
Proverb
linary
D. H. Lawrence (1885-1930) British novelist.
And to the manner born, it is a
On a publisher's rejection of Sons and Lovers.
custom
2 Curiosity killed the cat.
Letter to Edward Garnett, 3 July 1912
More honour'd in the breach than the
h scientist
Proverb
h. 5
observance.
3 Down, down to hell; and say I sent
William Shakespeare Hamlet, I:4
3 Be not curious in unnecessary
thee thither.
mourn!
matters: for more things are
William Shakespeare (1564-1616) English
shewed unto thee than men
dramatist. Henry VI, Pt. 3, V:6
CYNICISM
poet. Man
understand.
Bible: Ecclesiasticus 3:23
4 A plague o' both your houses!
1 One is not superior merely because
They have made worms' meat of me.
one sees the world in an odious
y.
storian.
4 There is no such thing on earth as
William Shakespeare Romeo and Juliet, III:1
light.
-y Politics'
an uninteresting subject; the only
Vicomte de Chateaubriand (1768-1848)
thing that can exist is an
5 Curses are like young chickens,
French diplomat and writer. Attrib.
-Is, and
as they
uninterested person.
they always come home to roost.
2 Cynicism is an unpleasant way of
G. K. Chesterton (1874-1936) British writer.
Robert Southey (1774-1843) British poet.
Heretics, Ch. 1
The Curse of Kehama, Motto
saying the truth.
Lillian Hellman (1905-84) US dramatist. The
839-1908)
athos,
5 The world is but a school of
6 "The curse is come upon me,' cried
Little Foxes, I
inquiry.
The Lady of Shalott.
3 Cynicism is humour in ill-health.
kind.
Michel de Montaigne (1533-92) French es-
Alfred, Lord Tennyson (1809-92) British
H. G. Wells (1866-1946) British writer. Short
English
sayist. Essais, III
poet. The Lady of Shalott, Pt. III
Stories, "The Last Trump'
6 I ofen looked up at the sky an'
7 She has heard a whisper say,
4 A man who knows the price of
assed meself the question - what is
A curse is on her if she stay
everything and the value of nothing.
le the
the stars, what is the stars?
To look down to Camelot.
Oscar Wilde (1854-1900) Irish-born British
line.
Alfred, Lord Tennyson The Lady of Shalott,
dramatist. Referring to a cynic. Lady Winder-
Sean O'Casey (1884-1964) Irish dramatist.
) US novel-
Juno and the Paycock, I
Pt. II
mere's Fan, III
D
And you will be damned if you
DAMNATION
don't.
selves
Lorenzo Dow (1777-1834) British churchman.
See also devil, hell
known
Speaking of Calvinism. Reflections on the Love
1 Blot out his name, then, record one
of God
ius with
One wrong more to man, one more
rit.
lost soul more,
insult to God!
3 Now hast thou but one bare hour to
poet and
One task more declined, one more
Robert Browning (1812-89) British poet.
live,
footpath untrod,
The Lost Leader
And then thou must be damn'd
One more devils'-triumph and sorrow
for angels,
2 You will be damned if you do -
perpetually!
HISTORY
251
4 But did thee feel the earth move?
GALILEO. No, unhappy the land that
6 And even I can remember
For Whom the Bell Tolls, Ch. 13
needs heroes.
A day when the historians left blanks
Bertolt Brecht (1898-1956) German drama-
5 If you are lucky enough to have
in their writings,
tist. Galileo, 13
lived in Paris as a young man, then
I mean for things they didn't know.
wherever you go for the rest of
5 In short, he was a perfect
Ezra Pound (1885-1972) US poet. Cantos,
XIII
your life, it stays with you, for
cavaliero,
it work.
Paris is a moveable feast.
And to his very valet seem'd a hero.
7 A historian is a prophet in reverse.
A Moveable Feast, Epigraph
Lord Byron (1788-1824) British poet. Beppo
Friedrich von Schlegel (1772-1829) German
diplomat, writer, and critic. Das Athenäum
es another.
6 A man can be destroyed but not
6 Every hero becomes a bore at last.
defeated.
Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803-82) US poet
8 Historians are like deaf people who
The Old Man and the Sea
and essayist. Representative Men, 'Uses of Great
go on answering questions that no
'll scratch
Men'
one has asked them.
7 Because I am a bastard.
7 I'm a hero with coward's legs. I'm a
Leo Tolstoy (1828-1910) Russian writer. A
When asked why he had deserted his wife for an-
Discovery of Australia, 'Being an Historian'
other woman. Americans in Paris (B. Morton)
hero from the waist up.
(Manning Clark)
the broth.
Spike Milligan (1918- ) British comic actor
8 Poor Faulkner. Does he really think
and author. Puckoon
HISTORY
big emotions come from big words?
than one.
He thinks I don't know the ten-
8 Being a hero is about the shortest-
dollar words. I know them all right.
lived profession on earth.
See also experience, historians, past
But there are older and simpler and
Will Rogers (1879-1935) US actor and humor-
1 History repeats itself.
- but look
better words, and those are the
ist. Saturday Review, 'A Rogers Thesaurus',
Proverb
25 Aug 1962
ones I use.
British dramatist.
2 Political history is far too criminal
In response to a jibe by William FAULKNER.
9 I think continually of those who
and pathological to be a fit subject
Attrib.
were truly great -
of study for the young. Children
nother; it is
The names of those who in their
should acquire their heroes and
HEREDITY
lives fought for life,
villains from fiction.
Who wore at their hearts the fire's
95) French poet.
W. H. Auden (1907-73) British poet. A Cer-
1 What mean ye, that ye use this
centre.
tain World
proverb concerning the land of
Stephen Spender (1909- ) British poet. I
Israel, saying, The fathers have
Think Continually of Those Who Were Truly
3 Man is a history-making creature
Y,
Great
eaten sour grapes, and the
who can neither repeat his past nor
children's teeth are set on edge?
leave it behind.
HISTORIANS
W. H. Auden The Dyer's Hand, 'D. H. Law-
for much of his
Bible: Ezekiel 18:2
rence'
was The Sun
See also history
include A Fare-
HEROISM
4 All things from eternity are of like
he Bell Tolls
1 A good historian is timeless;
nd admirer of
forms and come round in a circle.
See also courage, endurance, patriotism, war
although he is a patriot, he will
Marcus Aurelius (121-180 AD) Roman em-
never flatter his country in any
peror. Meditations, Bk. II, Ch. 14
1 Some talk of Alexander, and some
ingway
respect.
of Hercules,
François Fénelon (1651-1715) French writer
5 History does not repeat itself.
eft Bank,
Of Hector and Lysander, and such
and prelate. Letter to M. Dacier
Historians repeat each other.
milksop's
great names as these;
Arthur Balfour (1848-1930) British Conserva-
But of all the world's brave heroes
2 The historian must have
some
tive prime minister. Attrib.
there's none that can compare
conception of how men who are not
sh journalist.
With a tow, row, row, row, row,
historians behave. Otherwise he will
6 History is the essence of
row for the British Grenadier.
move in a world of the dead.
innumerable biographies.
byment so
Anonymous The British Grenadiers
E. M. Forster (1879-1970) British novelist.
Thomas Carlyle (1795-1881) Scottish histori-
Abinger Harvest, 'Captain Edward Gibbon'
an and essayist. Critical and Miscellaneous Es-
reat
says, 'History'
1, and
2 Superman, disguised as Clark Kent,
He
mild-mannered reporter for a great
3 History repeats itself; historians
7 No great man lives in vain. The
repeat each other.
race and
metropolitan newspaper, fights a
history of the world is but the
never-ending battle for truth,
Philip Guedalla (1889-1944) British writer.
biography of great men.
Attrib.
S writer.
justice, and the American way.
Thomas Carlyle Heroes and Hero-Worship,
Anonymous Hence the description "Mild-man-
4 Great abilities are not requisite for
"The Hero as Divinity'
nered Clark Kent'. Introduction to radio series
an Historian
Imagination is not
8 The history of every country begins
way
3 They died to save their country and
required in any high degree.
in the heart of a man or woman.
in which
they only saved the world.
Samuel Johnson (1709-84) British lexicogra-
Willa Cather (1873-1947) US writer and poet.
pher. Life of Johnson (J. Boswell), Vol. I
eath and
Hilaire Belloc (1870-1953) French-born British
0 Pioneers!, Pt. II, Ch. 4
iance in
poet. The English Graves
5 History is too serious to be left to
9 History is philosophy teaching by
he
historians.
4 ANDREA. Unhappy the land that has
examples.
no heroes.
Iain Macleod (1913-70) British politician. The
Dionysius of Halicarnassus (40-8 Greek
Observer, "Sayings of the Week', 16 July 1961
historian. Ars rhetorica, XI:2
252
HISTORY
10 History is an endless repetition of
happened and those which do not
prevent the millennium folk from
the wrong way of living.
matter.
forgetting that the history of the
Lawrence Durrell (1912- ) British novelist.
Dean Inge (1860-1954) British churchman.
world was the history of war.
The Listener, 1978
Assessments and Anticipations, 'Prognostications'
Lieut-Col. Charles A'Court Repington
(1858-1925) British soldier and journalist. Dia-
11 History teaches us that men and
20 It takes a great deal of history to
ry, 10 Sept 1918
nations behave wisely once they
produce a little literature.
have exhausted all other
Henry James (1843-1916) US novelist. Life
29 Progress, far from consisting in
alternatives.
of Nathaniel Hawthorne, Ch. 1
change, depends on retentiveness.
Abba Eban (1915- ) Israeli politician. The
Those who cannot remember the
Observer, "Sayings of the Week', 20 Dec 1970
21 'History', Stephen said, 'is a
past are condemned to repeat it.
nightmare from which I am trying
12 There is properly no history; only
George Santayana (1863-1952) US philoso-
to awake'.
pher. The Life of Reason
biography.
James Joyce (1882-1941) Irish novelist.
Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803-82) US poet
Ulysses
30 The history of the World is the
and essayist. Essays, 'History'
World's court of justice.
22 If the science of medicine is not to
13 History is more or less bunk. It's
Friedrich von Schiller (1759-1805) German
be lowered to the rank of a mere
dramatist. Lecture, Jena, 26 May 1789
tradition. We don't want tradition.
mechanical profession it must pre-
We want to live in the present and
occupy itself with its history. The
31 I have looked upon the face of
the only history that is worth a
pursuit of the development of the
Agamemnon.
tinker's damn is the history we
human mind, this is the role of the
Heinrich Schliemann (1822-90) German ar-
make today.
historian.
chaeologist. On discovering a gold death
Henry Ford (1863-1947) US car manufacturer.
mask at an excavation in Mycenae. The Story of
Maximilien-Paul-Emile Littré (1801-81)
Chicago Tribune, 25 May 1916
Civilization (W. Durant), Vol. 2
French lexicographer and philosopher.
14 There are moments in history when
32 History is past politics, and politics
brooding tragedy and its dark
23 Hegel says somewhere that all
present history.
shadows can be lightened by
great events and personalities in
John Robert Seeley (1834-95) British histori-
recalling great moments of the past.
world history reappear in one
an. Quoting the historian E. A. Freeman. The
fashion or another. He forgot to
Indira Gandhi (1917-84) Indian stateswoman.
Growth of British Policy
Letter to Richard Nixon, 16 Dec 1971
add: the first time as tragedy, the
second as farce.
33 The Cavaliers (Wrong but
15 History never looks like history
Karl Marx (1818-83) German philosopher and
Wromantic) and the Roundheads
when you are living through it. It
revolutionary. The Eighteenth Brumaire of
(Right but Repulsive).
always looks confusing and messy,
Louis Napoleon
W. C. Sellar (1898-1951) British humorous
and it always feels uncomfortable.
writer. 1066 And All That
24 The history of medicine does not
John W. Gardner (1912- ) US writer. No
Easy Victories
depart from the history of the
34 1066 And All That.
people.
W. C. Sellar Book title
16 His reign is marked by the rare
James G. Mumford (1863-1914)
advantage of furnishing very few
35 The Roman Conquest was,
materials for history; which is,
25 Think of it, soldiers; from the
however, a Good Thing, since the
indeed, little more than the register
summit of these pyramids, forty
Britons were only natives at the
of the crimes, follies, and
centuries look down upon you.
time.
misfortunes of mankind.
Napoleon I (Napoleon Bonaparte; 1769-1821)
W. C. Sellar 1066 And All That
Edward Gibbon (1737-94) British historian.
French emperor. Speech before the Battle of
Referring to the reign of Antoninus Pius. Decline
the Pyramids, 21 July 1798.
36 Napoleon's armies used to march on
and Fall of the Roman Empire, Ch. 3
their stomachs, shouting: 'Vive
26 It is impossible to write ancient
l'intérieur!'
17 A history of humanity to the
history because we do not have
W. C. Sellar 1066 And All That
present time in which Shakespeare
enough sources, and impossible to
is not mentioned and Jesus is
write modern history because we
37 America became top nation and
dismissed in a page carelessly, as if
have far too many.
history came to a full stop.
not worth contempt, shocks me.
Charles Pierre Péguy (1873-1914) French
W. C. Sellar 1066 And All That
Frank Harris (1856-1931) British editor and
writer. Clio
writer. Referring to H. G. Wells' writing. My
38 When in the chronicle of wasted
Life
27 There is no history of mankind,
time
there are only many histories of all
18 It is not the neutrals or the
I see descriptions of the fairest
kinds of aspects of human life. And
wights.
lukewarm who make history.
one of these is the history of
Adolf Hitler (1889-1945) German dictator.
William Shakespeare (1564-1616) English
political power. This is elevated into
dramatist. Sonnet 106
Speech, Berlin, 23 Apr 1933
the history of the world.
19 What we know of the past is mostly
Karl Popper (1902- ) Austrian-born British
39 History gets thicker as it
philosopher. The Open Society and Its Ene-
not worth knowing. What is worth
approaches recent times.
mies
knowing is mostly uncertain. Events
A. J. P. Taylor (1906- ) British historian.
in the past may roughly be divided
English History, 1914-1945, Bibliography
28
we mutally agreed to call it
into those which probably never
The First World War in order to
40 All our ancient history, as one of
HOLISTIC MEDICINE
253
k from
our wits remarked, is no more than
7 A racing tipster who only reached
of the
accepted fiction.
2 For everything that lives is holy,
Hitler's level of accuracy would not
life delights in life.
var.
Voltaire (François-Marie Arouet; 1694-1778)
do well for his clients.
William Blake America
epington
French writer. Jeannot et Colin
A. J. P. Taylor (1906- ) British historian.
urnalist. Dia-
41 Indeed, history is nothing more
The Origins of the Second World War, Ch. 7
3 I am certain of nothing but the
than a tableau of crimes and
8 Germany was the cause of Hitler
holiness of the heart's affections and
ing in
misfortunes.
just as much as Chicago is
the truth of imagination - what the
iveness.
Voltaire L'Ingénu, Ch. 10
er the
responsible for the Chicago Tribune.
imagination seizes as beauty must
eat it.
42 Anything but history, for history
Alexander Woollcott (1887-1943) US writer
be truth - whether it existed
and critic. Woollcott died after the broadcast.
before or not.
US philoso-
must be false.
Radio broadcast, 1943
John Keats (1795-1821) British poet. Letter
Robert Walpole (1676-1745) British states-
to Benjamin Bailey, 22 Nov 1817
man. Walpoliana
$ the
Quotations by Hitler
43 The greater part of what passes for
HOLISTIC MEDICINE
9 All those who are not racially pure
)5) German
diplomatic history is little more than
are mere chaff.
1789
the record of what one clerk said to
Mein Kampf, Ch. 2
1 A careful physician
before he
another clerk.
attempts to administer a remedy to
e of
George Malcolm Young (1882-1959) British
10 Only constant repetition will finally
his patient, must investigate not
historian. Victorian England: Portrait of an Age
succeed in imprinting an idea on the
only the malady of the man he
German ar-
memory of the crowd.
wishes to cure, but also his habits
death
The Story of
HITLER,
Mein Kampf, Ch. 6
when in health, and his physical
Adolf
constitution.
11 The broad mass of a nation
will
Cicero (106 BC-43 BC) Roman orator and
politics
(1889-1945) German dictator, who became president
more easily fall victim to a big lie,
statesman. On the Orator, II
than to a small one.
of the Nazi party in 1921 and chancellor of Germany
itish histori-
in 1933. His campaign of world conquest led to
Mein Kampf, Ch. 10
2 A bodily disease, which we look
man. The
World War II, defeat and disgrace for Germany, and
his own suicide.
12 Germany will be either a world
upon as whole and entire within
power or will not be at all.
itself, may, after all, but but a
Quotations about Hitler
symptom of some ailment in the
Mein Kampf, Ch. 14
eads
spiritual part.
1 The people Hitler never
13 In starting and waging a war it is
Nathaniel Hawthorne (1804-64) US novelist
humorous
understood, and whose actions
not right that matters, but victory.
and writer. The Scarlet Letter, Ch. 10
continued to exasperate him to the
The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich (W. L.
end of his life, were the British.
Shirer), Ch. 16
3 Natural forces are the healers of
disease.
Alan Bullock (1914- ) British academic and
historian. Hitler, A Study in Tyranny, Ch. 8
14 The essential thing is the formation
Hippocrates (c. 460 BC-c. 377 BC) Greek
of the political will of the nation:
physician. Epidemics, VI
2 Hitler showed surprising loyalty to
that is the starting point for political
ce the
Mussolini, but it never extended to
action.
4 When the minds of the people are
the
trusting him.
Speech, Düsseldorf, 27 Jan 1932
closed and wisdom is locked out
Alan Bullock Hitler, A Study in Tyranny, Ch.
they remain tied to disease. Yet
11
15 I go the way that Providence
their feelings and desires should be
dictates with the assurance of a
investigated and made known, their
arch on
3 I have only one purpose, the
sleepwalker.
wishes and ideas should be
destruction of Hitler, and my life is
ve
Referring to his successful re-occupation of the
followed; and then it becomes
much simplified thereby. If Hitler
Rhineland, despite advice against the attempt.
Speech, Munich, 15 Mar 1936
apparent that those who have
invaded Hell I would make at least
a favourable reference to the Devil
attained spirit and energy are
16 When Barbarossa commences, the
flourishing and prosperous, while
d
in the House of Commons.
world will hold its breath and make
Winston Churchill (1874-1965) British states-
those perish who lose their spirit
no comment.
man. The Grand Alliance
and energy.
Referring to the planned invasion of the USSR,
Huang Ti (2697 BC-2597 BC) Chinese emper-
ed
4 The Italians will laugh at me; every
Operation Barbarossa, which began on 22 June
or, known as "The Yellow Emperor'. Nei Ching
1941. Attrib.
time Hitler occupies a country he
Su Wên, Bk. 4, Sect. 13
sends me a message.
st
17 Is Paris burning?
Benito Mussolini (1883-1945) Italian dictator.
5 Knowledge indeed is a desirable, a
Referring to the liberation of Paris, 1944
Hitler (Alan Bullock), Ch. 8
lovely possession, but I do not
nglish
scruple to say that health is more
5 That garrulous monk
HOLINESS
so. It is of little consequence to
Benito Mussolini Referring to Hitler. The
store the mind with science if the
Second World War (W. Churchill)
1 "Twas on a Holy Thursday, their
body be permitted to become
innocent faces clean,
6 I wouldn't believe Hitler was dead,
debilitated. If the body be feeble,
torian.
The children walking two and two, in
even if he told me so himself.
the mind will not be strong.
y
red and blue and green.
Hjalmar Schacht (1877-1970) German banker.
Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826) US statesman.
of
William Blake (1757-1827) British poet.
Attrib.
Letter to Thomas M. Randolph, Jr., 27 Aug
Songs of Innocence, 'Holy Thursday'
1786
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5TH STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1987 Chicago Tribune Company;
Chicago Tribune
November 29, 1987, Sunday, FINAL EDITION
SECTION: TEMPO; Pg. 1; ZONE: C
LENGTH: 1657 words
HEADLINE: GORBACHEV SEEKS SUGAR FOR A LEMON
BYLINE: By Jim Gallagher. Jim Gallagher was The Tribune's Moscow correspondent
for five years. He recently spent a week in the Soviet capital
BODY:
Earlier this fall, a young Soviet worker was entertaining a foreign friend
in his small Moscow apartment. His wife had spent most of the afternoon
preparing the various tasty dishes that crowded one another on the narrow
kitchen table.
A few mouthfuls, at most, had been eaten before the light bulb in the
ceiling suddenly exploded, showering the dinner with shards of glass. Stunned at
first, and then embarrassed, the young man shook his head resignedly as his wife
cleared the table and threw away the food.
"This country is a lemon," he complained quietly.
That, in essence, is the main point made by the charismatic Kremlin leader,
Mikhail Gorbachev, in his new book, "Perestroika," a blueprint for improving
Soviet life by revamping and reenergizing the country's sagging economy.
"This society is ripe for change. It has long been yearning for it,"
Gorbachev asserts on the very first page of "Perestroika" (Harper and Row,
$19.95).
It's a point he has been stressing almost incessantly since becoming general
secretary of the Soviet Communist Party almost three years ago. And one might
expect that the young Mosow worker-bright and ambitious, but deeply
disgruntled-would have lined up behind the Soviet leader by now.
In fact, he has not. He fears that the reforms advocated by Gorbachey -
especially the call to let market forces play a greater role in production and
pricing-will leave ordinary people like himself even worse off in the immediate
future, paying higher prices for basic goods that will be harder to find.
Unhappy with his present lot but fearful that change-any change, really-
will bring new hardship, the young man personifies one of the biggest problems
Gorbachev must overcome to have any prospect of permanently reshaping his
country's economy-and forestalling, as he puts it, a Soviet future "fraught with
serious social, economic and political crises."
The ultimate success or failure of perestroika-the term, which literally
means restructuring, has come to be the catchword for all of the reforms
envisioned by the Soviet leader-will depend largely on the degree to which
Gorbachev is able to ignite a new idealism and patriotic fervor in that
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instinctively wary and long-jaded creature, the common Soviet man.
He concedes as much in his book. "In the final account," the Soviet leader
writes, "the most important thing for the success of perestroika is the people's
attitude to it."
Although there is clearly a propoganda aspect to the 254-page book-
especially when the Soviet leader presents his views on a variety of
international issues, including arms control and super-power relations-it
nevertheless should make interesting reading for those intrigued by, or seeking
to make some sense of, developments in the Kremlin.
The book's style is clear and generally uncluttered; that's the best that
can be said for it. But Gorbachev lays out his strategy for change quite
neatly, and the hurdles in his path can be surmised by reading between the
lines.
Without the enthusiastic backing of a large part of the Soviet population,
it seems unlikely that Gorbachev can build up enough steam to offset the
powerful forces resisting change that are firmly entrenched in the political and
economic bureaucracies.
"The only people to resent the changes are those who believe that they
already have what they need," he notes. Unfortunately for him, and for his hopes
for the future, these are also the very same people who can ultimately undermine
his program of reforms-unless ordinary citizens clamor for them loudly and throw
themselves into the decision-making process on even its lowest levels.
"Perestroika means mass initiative," Grobachev writes, but he puts the cart
before the horse. In truth, the success-and even the survival-of his program in
the difficult days ahead will depend very much on the right sort of mass
initiative.
II
the initial task of restructuring-an indispensable condition
necessary if it is to be successful-is to 'wake up' those people who have
'fallen asleep' and make them truly active and concerned, to ensure that
everyone feels as if he is the master of the country, of his enterprise, office
or institute," he explains.
"This is the main thing. To get the individual involved in all processes is
the most important aspect of what we are doing."
Of course, when you wake up those who have been sleeping, you cannot always
anticipate how they will behave. Gorbachev's reform drive is fast approaching
a critical juncture. Barring a change of plans, or a loss of heart, prices for
basic consumer items-which have been heavily subsidized for decades-will soon
begin to reflect more accurately the real costs of production, distribution and
handling. Prices will increase, and that will surely wake up people.
The Soviet leader has been working hard all fall to get them to wake up on
his side of the issue. During a recent visit to Murmansk, for example, he
appealed to the peasant values many of his people share. The low price of
bread-some loaves cost only pennies-has caused people to lose respect for this
most basic of foodstuffs, he said; you even see children playing soccer in the
street not with a ball but with a bread loaf.
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He's right, of course. Bread prices are such that it is cheaper for farmers
to feed store-bought bread to their livestock rather than newly harvested
grains-which are sold to the state and, some at least, used to bake more bread.
This is just a small part of what Gorbachev means when he decries in his
book "an absurd situation" that has developed in his country.
"The Soviet Union, the world's biggest producer of steel, raw materials,
fuel and energy, has shortfalls in them due to wasteful or inefficient use," he
scolds. "One of the biggest producers of grain for food, it nevertheless has to
buy millions of tons of grain a year for fodder. We have the largest number of
doctors and hospital beds per thousand of the population and, at the same time,
there are glaring shortcomings in our health services. Our rockets can find
Halley's comet and fly to Venus with amazing accuracy, but side by side with
these scientific and technological triumphs is an obvious lack of efficiency in
using scientific achievements for economic needs, and many Soviet household
appliances are of poor quality."
In the long run, Gorbachev contends, his reforms will solve these problems
and make life better for most people. But the short run comes first, and there's
a real risk that the masses will bridle when prices rise. If Gorbachev needs
popular support to build momentum for his program, opponents of reform will try
to exploit public discontent at the expense of perestroika.
A lot will depend on whether enough people trust Gorbachev to follow
through on his program, to keep it from getting bogged down in the burdensome
early stages, to achieve some real gains after the pain. That's a lot to expect
from a people whose past has taught them to be skeptical about leaders who
promise reforms.
They remember what came of most of the reforms advocated by Nikita
Khruschev, and those later pushed by Alexei Kosygin, the former premier who
eventually presided over the downward economic spiral that produced today's
problems. And they remember what became of some of those who embraced these
earlier reform efforts.
Then there is the fate of Boris Yeltsin, recently removed from the ruling
Politburo for criticizing the slow pace of reform under Gorbachev, which must
throw a least of few drops of new cold water on public expectations.
Given Gorbachey's political skill and charisma, he may yet overcome the
widespread cynicism. To this end, he is banking heavily on glasnost -loosely
translated as openness, a stated commitment to deal frankly and honestly with
current problems and past errors.
Sounds good, but what does it mean in practice? A lot less than some have
suggested, judging by Gorbachev's book.
For example, one searches in vain for any mention of Stalin. The rigidly
centralized economic system that Gorbachev wants to reform was put in place by
Stalin and maintained by his heirs. The lack of individual initiative that
Gorbachev decries is largely a legacy of the cruel dictator, who caused the
death of millions of people in prison camps and imposed famine.
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Yet Stalin's role in Soviet history is completely glossed over in
"Perestroika." Vladimir Lenin, who masterminded the Bolshevik revolution and
served as first head of the Soviet state, laid down the basic tenets for
successful socialism, Gorbachev writes. But his ideas, including self-
management by workers, "were not always adhered to after his death.
"The specific situation in the country made us accept forms and methods of
socialist construction corresponding to the historical conditions. But those
forms were canonized, idealized and turned into dogma. Hence the emasculated
image of socialism, the exaggerated centralism in management, the neglect in the
rich varieties of human interests, the underestimation of the active part people
play in public life, and the pronounced egalitarian tendencies."
If you look hard, you can find Stalin lurking somwhere in that verbal
thicket. But is this the best we can expect from glasnost? And if so, how
effective can glasnost be in inspiring the masses to rally behind
Gorbachev's program?
As have all his predecessors, Gorbachev also seeks to bolster his policies
by adorning them in the legacy of Lenin, the one former leader whose reputation
has survived unsullied, if embroidered. Perestroika is nothing more, or less,
than a return to the true spirit of Leninism, he argues in his book.
After all this time, it will be interesting to see whether the Lenin
mystique-nakedly manipulated and constantly recast in the decades since his
passing-still has the power to make the medicine taste better.
GRAPHIC: PHOTO: AP Laserphoto. Michail Gorbachev discusses what he describes
as outmoded policies with townspeople of Zelenograd.
TERMS: SOVIET UNION; BOOK; OFFICIAL; CHANGE; ISSUE
LEXIS NEXIS'LEXIS'NEXIS
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6TH STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1987 The Washington Post
November 29, 1987, Sunday, Final Edition
SECTION: BOOK WORLD; PAGE X1
LENGTH: 1538 words
HEADLINE: Mikhail Gorbachev's Manifesto
BYLINE: John Lewis Gaddis
BODY:
PERESTROIKA New Thinking for Our Country and the World By Mikhail Gorbachev
Cornelia & Michael Bessie/Harper & Row
GEORGE KENNAN and Paul Nitze have not often agreed on policy toward the
Soviet Union since, between the two of them, they largely shaped the
intellectual foundations of "containment" four decades ago. But they were in
accord on one point: neither regarded "containment" as a permanent strategy;
both acknowledged the possibility that the Soviet Union might evolve in time
from a state seeking to challenge the existing international system to one
capable of living peacefully within it.
How, though, would one know when the Soviet Union had reached that stage? Are
we today sure, after 50 many years of hostility, that we would even recognize
it? General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev's book, Perestroika (the word
literally means "restructuring"), provides an important opportunity for
Americans to think about how far the Soviet Union has come since Stalin's day,
and what those changes might imply for the future. The fact that the book
appears on the eve of the third Reagan- Gorbachev summit makes careful
consideration of it all the more vital.
Perestroika results from an invitation the American publishers Cornelia and
Michael Bessie extended to Gorbachev shortly after he took power. They asked
him to write a "real book," not simply a collection of speeches or propaganda.
To their surprise, the general secretary agreed, delivering the manuscript early
in September after having presumably worked on it during his conspicuous absence
from the public spotlight this summer. The volume is intended as a personal
statement of Gorbachev's program: it is not just aimed at an American
audience, but has already been published in the Soviet Union and is to appear
throughout much of the rest of the world as well.
The book differs in several respects from comparable literary efforts by
earlier Soviet leaders. Although often repetitious, it is informal, almost
conversational in tone. It is also, in places, very candid: the general
secretary quotes with irreverent approval a description of his predecessors as
"stone-faced sphinxes"; they were, he tells us, too much given to "grandiloquent
twaddle.
unwarranted splendor, abstract slogans, and recurrences of
pompous ostentation." The first chapter contains what must be the most withering
public criticism of the Soviet system ever made by an incumbent Kremlin
official: "We only thought that we were in the saddle," Gorbachev concludes,
writing of the late 1970s, "while the actual situation was one that Lenin warned
against: the automobile was not going where the one at the steering wheel
thought it was going."
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(c) 1987 The Washington Post, November 29, 1987
The reference to Lenin is not casual. Gorbachev invokes the Founder's
spirit with an almost religious fervor: he sees his own program as both a return
to Leninist principles and an extension of them. Even Lenin acknowledged, he
pointedly notes, that a single revolution would be insufficient to transform
society: perestroika for Gorbachev is nothing less than a second Russian
Revolution, aimed this time at reinvigorating socialism by linking it to
democracy. If "democratic processes had developed normally in our country," he
admits, "we would have been able to avoid many
difficulties
We have
learned this lesson of our history well and will never forget it."
But perestroika extends to the realm of world affairs as well. Nuclear
weapons, Gorbachev insists, have placed inescapable constraints on the
feasibility of class struggle: even "peaceful coexistence" must now be separated
----- as Brezhnev was unwilling to do - from the ultimate determination of one
class to prevail over the other. It follows from this that "security" must
become multilateral: no single nation can any longer obtain it by making others
insecure. Capitalism and socialism will have to exist "within a framework of
peaceful competition which necessarily envisages cooperation." History, not
class struggle, will decide who wins. WHAT IS one to make of all this? There
are, to be sure, ambiguities, evasions and contradictions. Since Marxists have
traditionally equated history" with "class struggle," the distinction
Gorbachev makes between the two is not all that clear. Historians can easily
show that Lenin's own enthusiasm for democracy was, at best, inconstant.
Gorbachev's one-sided explanation of how the Cold War began adds nothing to
our understanding of that event: glasnost, it appears, has yet to extend to
recent diplomatic history. The difficulty of reconciling democratic principles
with what Gorbachev acknowledges will continue to be the absence of an
official opposition is an obvious problem. And if nuclear weapons have in fact
constrained the class struggle -- and if that is a good thing -- then it is not
immediately apparent why the general secretary is SO keen to abolish them.
There will also be competing explanations in the West of Gorbachev's
motives. "Kremlin-bashers" will treat perestroika as a Subtle Ploy: the crafty
Russians are simply pulling the wool over our eyes, they will argue, with the
intention of waiting -- for years if necessary -- until complacency has wrecked
the defense budget and NATO has gone neutral, at which point they will pop out
like some Halloween goblin and frighten us all into abject subservience. Subtle
Ploys, after all, can go on for quite a long time: there are still a few people
left who think that the Sino-Soviet split is one.
The more serious objection to perestroika will be that its roots are shallow:
it represents so thorough a long-term restructuring of Soviet society with so
few visible short-term benefits -- that it cannot possibly last. The recent
Yeltsin affair has emboldened Muscovites themselves publicly to question
perestroika's durability; the frequency with which Gorbachev reassures his
readers that the Russian people have demonstrated "unreserved and passionate
support" for it suggests that he himself may lack complete assurance on that
score.
There will also be those in the West who fear that perestroika might actually
succeed, and hence make the Soviet Union a more formidable adversary than it is
today: from their standpoint, the United States should be doing everything it
can to force heavy military expenditures upon the Russians, so that they will be
too exhausted to become more efficient.
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(c) 1987 The Washington Post, November 29, 1987
Gorbachev anticipates and attempts to deal with each of these objections;
in doing so he proves himself a keen observer of what Western critics say. But
his response in each case boils down to an untestable set of assurances, in
essence: "We will make perestroika work. It will pose no threat to you. Trust
us." SHOULD WE? Clearly not, at least not on the basis of these assurances
alone. But neither should we write off this book as repackaged propoganda.
Suppose, for the sake of argument, that Gorbachev really is serious; that
perestroika is in fact the long-awaited "mellowing" of Soviet society. Certainly
if one had set out at almost any point in the history of the Cold War to
describe the kind of Soviet leader we would like to see come to power, the
characteristics we would have listed - intelligence, emotional stability,
imagination, accessibility, openness to the outside world, determination to
stress domestic reform -- would not have been all that far removed from what we
know of Gorbachev himself.
But are we ourselves ready for a Soviet "mellowing," should that prove to be
what is taking place? It was only five years ago that President Reagan
characterized the Soviet Union as "the focus of evil in the modern world": many
took that outburst as evidence that our own domestic system requires the
permanent image of an implacable external adversary. The Russians have surprised
us now more than once by accepting our own proposals on arms control -- the
"double-zero option" on intermediate-range nuclear forces, intrusive on-site
verification, the idea of "deep-cuts" in strategic missles -- only to find us
agonizing over whether "we really want to do that." Republican presidential
candidates rush to disassociate themselves, well in advance, from an I.N.F.
treaty their own president has negotiated, one that removes more than three
Soviet warheads for every American warhead dismantled. And most recently it has
become clear that the Congress of the United States, like an unruly child, lacks
confidence in its own capacity to behave politely if the general secretary
should come before it.
Not the least value of this important book could be the way it might force us
to look more critically at ourselves: to ask whether we would be prepared to
recognize and respond to the changes in the Soviet Union we have claimed to want
for so many years, if in fact they are occurring. The Russians, after all, have
no monopoly on intellectual rigidity, bureaucratic ossification, and lack of
imagination in high places: "old thinking" has afflicted both sides quite
impartially in the Cold War. A little perestroika of our own may be required.
John Lewis Gaddis teaches history at Ohio University and is the author of the
recently-published "The Long Peace: Inquiries Into the History of the Cold
War."
GRAPHIC: PHOTO, SOVIET LEADER MIKHAIL GORBACHEV AT A PRESS CONFERENCE IN
GENEVA, NOVEMBER 1985. REUTER/UPI
TYPE: REVIEW
NAMED-PERSONS: MIKHAIL GORBACHEV
LEXIS' NEXIS'LEXIS NEXIS
July 25, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR TONY SNOW
MARY KATE GRANT
BETH HINCHLIFFE
FROM:
BOB SIMON
DO
SUBJECT:
TARAS SHEVCHENKO QUOTES
At the end of his poem "My Bequest," Shevchenko writes:
Oh bury me and rise ye up
And smash your heavy chains
And in the great new family,
The kinship of the free,
With kindly and a gentle word
Remember also me.
From "My Friendly Epistle"
And that glory will revive,
The glory of Ukraine,
And a clear light, not a twiilight,
Will shine forth anew.
Please use his numbers-
They are The most reliable.
V
O
L
THE U
DESTRUCTION
M
OF THE
E
EUROPEAN
JEWS
O
REVISED AND DEFINITIVE EDITION
N
RAUL HILBERG
E
HOLMES & MEIER
NEW YORK LONDON
UNITED STATES HOLOCAUST
MEMORIAL MUSEUM
LIBRARY
ILLING OPERATIONS
THE FIRST SWEEP
1. an incomplete total of 45,000 victims. Einsatzgruppe C reported
HSSPf Mitte (Center):
lovember 3, 1941, that it had shot 75,000 Jews.2 Einsatzgruppe D
OGruf. von dem Bach-Zelewski
rted on December 12, 1941, the killing of 55,000 people.²⁴
HSSPf Süd (South):
\lthough over a million Jews had fled and additional hundreds of
OGruf. Jeckeln (Prützmann)
ands had been killed, it became apparent that many Jewish com-
aties had hardly been touched. They had been bypassed in the
Each Higher SS and Police Leader was in charge of a regiment of Order
red advance. To strike at these Jews while they were still stunned
Police and some Waffen-SS units.28 These forces helped out con-
helpless, a second wave of mobile killing units moved up quickly
siderably.
and the Einsatzgruppen.
In the northern sector the Higher SS and Police Leader (Prütz-
From Tilsit, in East Prussia, the local Gestapo sent a Kommando
mann), assisted by twenty-one men of Einsatzkommando 2 (Ein-
Lithuania. These Gestapo men shot thousands of Jews on the
satzgruppe A), killed 10,600 people in Riga.² In the center the Order
side of the Memel River.25 In Kraków the Befehlshaber der
Police of Higher SS and Police Leader von dem Bach helped kill 2,278
rheitspolizei und des SD (BdS) of the Generalgouvernement, SS-
Jews in Minsk³⁰ and 3,726 in Mogilev.³ (The beneficiary of this coopera-
führer Schöngarth, organized three small Kommandos. In the
tion was Einsatzgruppe B.) In the south Higher SS and Police Leader
ile of July these Kommandos moved into the eastern Polish areas
Jeckeln was especially active. When Einsatzkommando 4a (Ein-
with headquarters in Lwów, Brest-Litovsk, and Białystok, re-
satzgruppe C) moved into Kiev, two detachments of Order Police Regi-
lively, killed tens of thousands of Jews.26 In addition to the Tilsit
ment South helped kill over 33,000 Jews." The role of the regiment in
apo and the Generalgouvernement Kommandos, improvised kill-
the Kiev massacre was so conspicuous that Einsatzkommando 4a
mits were thrown into action by the Higher SS and Police Leaders.
felt obliged to report that, apart from the Kiev action, it had killed
ic newly occupied Soviet territories, Himmler had installed three
14,000 Jews "without any outside help [ohne jede fremde Hilfe
use regional commanders:"
erledigt]."³
if Nord (North):
But Jeckeln did not confine himself to helping the Einsatzgruppen.
Gruf. Prützmann (Jeckeln)
His mobile killing units were responsible for some of the greatest mas-
sacres in the Ukraine. Thus when Feldmarschall Reichenau, com-
2. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 133 (60 copies), November 14,
mander of the Sixth Army, ordered the 1st SS Brigade to destroy
NO-2825.
remnants of the Soviet 124th Division, partisans, and "supporters of
3. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 128 (55 copies), November 3,
the Bolshevik system" in his rear, Jeckeln led the brigade on a three-
NO-3157. In addition, the Einsatzgruppe had shot 5,000 non-Jews.
I. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 145 (65 copies), December 12,
day rampage, killing 73 Red Army men, 165 Communist party func-
NO-2828.
tionaries, and 1,658 Jews.³⁴ A few weeks later, the same brigade shot
5. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 19 (32 copies), July 11, 1941,
300 Jewish men and 139 Jewish women in Starokonstantinov "as a
34. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 26, July 18, 1941, NO-2941. The
cker mentions that the Tilsit unit had killed 5,500 persons. Stahlecker Report to
15. 1941, L-180.
28. Report by Major Schmidt von Altenstadt, May 19, 1941, NOKW-486.
Order by Commander, Rear Army Group Area South, Ic (signed von Roques),
29. RSHA, IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 156, January 16, 1942, NO-
1, 1941, NOKW-2597. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 43 (47
3405. The action took place on November 30, 1941.
1, August 5, 1941, NO-2949. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 56 (48.
30. RSHA, IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 92, September 23, 1941, NO-
1. August 18, 1941, NO-2848. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 58,
3143. The army's Feldgendarmerie also participated in this action.
29, 1941, NO-2846. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 66, August 28,
31. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 133 (60 copies), November 14,
IO-2839. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 67, August 29, 1941, NO-
1941, NO-2825.
SHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 78 (48 copies), September 9, 1941,
32. RSHA, IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 101 (48 copies), October 2,
51. These reports, which do not cover all the operations of the three Kommandos,
1941, NO-3137.
il 17,887 victims.
33. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 111 (50 copies), October 12,
:. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 129 (55 copies), November 4,
1941, NO-3155. Einsatzkommando 4a had a total of 51,000 victims by that time.
10-3159. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 141 (66 copies), Decem-
34. OGruf. Jeckeln to 6th Army, copies to Himmler, Army Group Rear Area South
1941, NO-4425. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 149 (65 copies),
(General von Roques), Commander of 6th Army Rear Area (Generalleutnant von Putt-
her 22, 1941, NO-2833.
kammer), and Chief of Order Police Daluege, August 1, 1941, NOKW-1165.
297
MOBILE KILLING OPERATIONS
THE FIRST SWEEP
reprisal measure for the uncooperative attitude of the Jews working for
MAP 2
the Wehrmacht. 35
POSITIONS OF THE MOBILE KILLING UNITS
Next Jeckeln struck at Kamenets-Podolsky, shooting there a total
JULY 1941
of 23,600 Jews. 36 Another action followed in Berdichev, where Jeckeln
killed 1,303 Jews, "among them 875 Jewesses over twelve years of
Baltic Sea
Leningrad
Tallinn
Krasnogvardeisk
age. "37 In Dnepropetrovsk, where Jeckeln slaughtered 15,000 Jews, the
local army command reported that to its regret it had not received prior
notification of the action, with the result that its preparations to create
1a
A
Staraya Russa
a ghetto in the city, and its regulation (already issued) to exact a "con-
2
Pskov
tribution" from the Jews for the benefit of the municipality, had come
Riga
Kalinin
to naught.¹ 38 Yet another massacre took place in Rovno, where the toll
Siauliai
1b
Sta
Rzhev
was also 15,000.39 In its report about Rovno, Einsatzgruppe C stated
Daugavpils
3
that, whereas the action had been organized by the Higher SS and
7a
Moscow
Tilsit
9
Vitebsk
Vyazma
Police Leader and had been carried out by the Order Police, a detach-
Kaunas
7b
Maloyaroslavets
Vilna
ment of Einsatzkommando 5 had participated to a significant extent in
B
Orsha
Smolensk
BdS
Minsk
Tula
the shooting (an der Durchführung massgeblich beteiligt). 40
8
Mogilev
Although the total number of Jews shot by the Higher SS and
Biatystok
Baranowicze
Bobruysk
Bryansk
Police Leaders cannot be stated exactly, we know that the figure is
0
BdS
Slutsk
Warsaw
Orel
Brest-Litovsk
high. Thus in the single month of August the Higher SS and Police
Gomel'
Pinsk
Leader South alone killed 44,125 persons, "mostly Jews."⁴¹
C
Kursk
Lublin
Chernigov
Voronezh
The mobile killing strategy was an attempt to trap the Jews in a
5
Rovno
4a
wave of Einsatzgruppen, immediately followed up by a support wave
6
BdS
of Gestapo men from Tilsit, Einsatzkommandos from the General-
Klev
4b
Lwów
Zhitomir
Kharkov
gouvernement, and formations of the Higher SS and Police Leaders.
Tarnopol
Poltava
Cherkassy
o
Together, these units killed about five hundred thousand Jews in five
Vinnitsa
10b
Kremenchug
months. (The locations of the mobile killing units in July and Novem-
Hotin
Kamenets-Podolsly
Dnepropetrovsk
ber 1941 are shown on Maps 2 & 3.42)
Cernauti
10a
Stalino
Balti
Krivoi Rog
Zaporozhe
D
11a
Taganrog
35. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 59 (48 copies), August 21, 1941,
Piatra
lasi
Nikolaev
Mariupol'
NO-2847. For other killings by the 1st SS Brigade, see its activity reports for July-
Chisinau
Rostov
Kherson
September 1941, compiled by Europa Verlag, Unsere Ehre heisst Treue (Vienna-
Odessa
Skadovsk
Frankfurt-Zurich, 1965).
Sea of Azov
36. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 80 (48 copies), September 11,
1941, NO-3154.
Bucharest
Simferopol'
37. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 88 (48 copies), September 19,
1941, NO-3149.
Sevastopol'
Black Sea
Yalta
38. Report by Feldkommandantur 240/VII for period of September 15, 1941, to
October 15, 1941, Yad Vashem document 0-53/6. Sonderkommando 4a reported 10,000
Sta
Gestapo Tilsit
killed in the city by Jeckeln on October 13, 1941. See RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report
0
50
100
200
Units of BdS
300
400
BdS
USSR No. 135 (60 copies), November 19, 1941, NO-2832.
Generalgouvernement
Miles
39. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 143 (65 copies), December 8,
June 22 starting line
1941, NO-2827. The action took place on November 7-8, 1941.
COOPERATION WITH THE MOBILE KILLING UNITS
40. Ibid.
41. RSHA IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR No. 94 (48 copies), September 25,
Movement was the basic problem of the mobile killing units during the
1941, NO-3146.
first sweep. Once the killing units had arrived at a desired spot, how-
42. Locations are cited in almost every RSHA IV-A-1 operational report.
ever, they had to deal with a host of problems. The success of the
212-935-5454 ("Chocolatier")
boyfriend Kostia
Didi's (coe-stee-ya)
tomorrow
3pm
7/25
future
Rabbi Cooper
9/29 50th anniversary
Babi yar- opening of massacres
Started on 9/29
Soviet & Waranian
1st day- 20-30,000 were killed.
current memorial int
located anywhere near where
massacres took place.
to monument. build a study center/
Jurish leaders are Cooking
for 000 idelos
your 2000 NS/P
provings not and
RVD No white
information X JUNES
wish Joo 02738 this
SAN does AWD
water reen 2 betrool
.
neia the
antials 01
withhold A.
Norm
Babi Yar
holocaust
7 monument 200, 000 jews killed
Rabbi Hier
Bobbie Kilberg
Normandy spch. - Reagan gave
try to get pics of Babi Yar
ency.
tales of survival
stones, moring, inspiring
call HMASO @ NSC
Nick Bums
YOU types
travo atab
ca Jeo $ R
to 4 MUSIN
iddas
pight DI
SUND most Abops
refreed 10:20AM tp of wt
world
Survive 14 sell
18A8
339 20%
111111
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Kiev
Poets : Taras Shevchenko, the
ukranian national
writer
any thing from
Nestor the chronicler
"Tale of Bygone Years" "?
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
"Area Specialists
a Harry Like Ukraine Expert
707-2224
0
(
Mr.Y Shinsky
707-8483
)
Area Specialist
to visit week
07/24/91 15:09
2027078482
LOC- EURDIV
1
001
de LIBRARY
OF CONGRESS
91 JUL Date: 13 7.24.91
FACSIMILE COVER PAGE
TO
Name: Carol Blymeier
Location:
Telephone
FAX Equipment
Number: (
)
456-7750
Number:
( ) 456-6218
FROM
[Like]
me:
Harold Leich; Albert Graham
Location:
European Division, Library of Congress, LJ-204, Washington DC 20540
Telephone
FAX Equipment
Number: (
) 707-5858
Number:
( 202 )
707-8482
IF THERE ARE PROBLEMS IN TRANSMISSION:
Telephone
707-5858
Please Call:
Number: (
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Messages (if any): Russian proverbs. Per our conversation we are faxing original
source documents with arrows indicating appropriate proverbs/sayings.
Please contact us if you need translations/phonetic rendition
1
of
8
pages (includes cover page)
LW 3/88 (rev 4/89)
Поть друг - depern, потерил - 1111111.
BepHoMy Apyry gent HUT.
Hign друзей, a sparit II came пайдутся.
Друг дороже денег,
He used CTO рублей, a пыей CTO друзей.
Разбирать друзей - OCTATHER без друга.
Новых друзей II старых no эпбывай.
Доброе братство дороже богатства.
07/24/91
Пулца СИЛЬНА крыльями, 0 челавек дружбой,
Одежда лучше повая, a Apyr I, старый,
Чоловек без друзей, что дерево без корией.
Старый друг лучше BOBBX двух.
Старая хлеб-соль ne забывается,
Глуп coBceM, KTO HC suaeter 1119 C KeM.
Bes друзой, без срязи - что телега без Mastt.
He manegait друг - друг, поведан - доя.
He друг, что He расколотый opex.
Дерово держится коршями, " человек - друзьями,
15:09
He хвались другом B три дая, a хвались 0 три года,
Хорошую дружбу " топором 110 разрубить.
Друзья познаются n беде.
Хорошая дружба крепче каменных степ.
Храбрый узнается HA notifie, мудрый 0 глевс, друг a боде,
KycKa хлеба ne съодят друг des друга.
Kom. узнается " este, a друг B беде,
Послединй KycoK разделят полодам.
B радости друзья смщутся, a П горести авбудут.
y unx даже nell no делен.
Спастья IIO стало - II друзей MAJIO,
Души no ЧАЯТЬ.
Друзья - J(0 чериого для.
Стопть ropoir.
Плохой друг - no черного JUBI.
C2027078482
Ручаться головой,
C TAXHM другом B разведку ne XOMII,
Лочь постьми.
Ma 0 тобой-- KaK рыба 0 подой: TM na дио, a R na deper.
Сложать голову.
B KapMaHe пусто - If друлей ne rycro.
Идти a oront 66 поду,
Денег He стало друзей 110 бывало,
Идти хоть in край cBeTa,
Постучит беда B OROUND - подружитея собака C коткой.
Волоску no даст упяеть e ero головы,
Hn mipy друзей миого.
Положиться, KAK H& каметную cTeMy,
Дружба - дружбой, a депьгам - 0407,
Идти pyKa of pyKy.
Для хорошего друга ne жаль ne хлеба, IIII досуга,
Дружба - дружбой, FI табачок прозь,
Хлеб-соль oMecTe, a табячок КАЖДЫЙ cooût курит.
Biar бы друг, будет II досуг,
Cuet дружбы no портит.
Хоротній друг псегда приходит вовремя,
Cuot дружбо ite помеха,
Где MILD, семь neper to криво.
Скажи MHC, KTO тпой друг, H 11 скажу, KTo THE
y друга пыпьени " nory craute меду.
C KeM поледенься, OT ToΓo Il наберещься.
LOC- EURDIV
y друга вода лучше, 40M мед y spare.
Ile TOT друг, RTO медом мажет, a TOT, KTO правлу скажет,
C KCM познаешься, OT TOTO It нахватасться,
Хлеб-соль кушай, a правду-матку слушай,
Дружба or педружбы базако жипет,
3a правду-матку ite a скинь manky II похлонсь.
Зампрешьй друг - надломления JIYR,
He TOT друг, KTO It беде Itc оставит, a ToT, KTo in yM паставит,
Бывинй друг - злейший вряг.
Друг ДО поры - TOT же педруг.
Вершая укаяка - HC кулак, a ласка.
Bes хорошего друга ue узнаешь choux ошибок.
Неперный Apyr onaches apara:
Лучше честный BpaΓ, чем коварный друг.
Друг спорит - педруг поддоинвает.
He TOT друг, KTO потакает, EL TOT, RTO [[f] yM пасталляет.
He бойся прага yMHoΓo, Gollen друга глупого,
I-1A службе Het дружбы.
Критики бонтея Tpyc.
Bonk правду трубит, no ne BORK CD любит,
Дружба дружбой, a служба службой.
He I службу, a 11 дружбу.
Правда глаза колет,
Принтелей MIDION a друга лет.
Горы pyumer BeTep, n дружбу - слова,
Cooux друзей паживай II отдовых HC забывай.
Het друга - IIIIIII, пашел - береги.
119
118
1002
C миром " беда He B убыток.
Пропадать, TAK BMecTe,
Ha миру II смерть KpacHa (He страшиа)
B a деревья no равим, a D миру люди.
07/24/91
и nec шумит дружней, когда деревьев MHORO.
Каждая cocun cBoeMy лесу шумит.
Где cacha взросла, TRM OHR II красиа.
Народ pa3oM лушет - поднимотся бурл.
OT грозы - либо It кучу, либо врозь,
15:10
Где Γpo3Ho, TAM " po3Ho,
ОБЩЕСТВО
B лесу - сучки, n суде - крючки,
He хрались na суд идучи, хвались возпращаютсь.
Mnp sa себя постонт.
Нужда BAKON помпт.
Mup 00 цепь IIO посадний,
He полкий прут no 3aKoHy ΓHyT.
Xorb бы Bce SAKOHM пропали, только б. людог правдой жили.
Мирскую силу He
Мирскую Bomo ne персупрямишь.
Перед SAKONOM nce равлы.
Законы задким числом ne шишутся.
TS2027078482
Мирская men жилнста.
Обычай крепче закопа.
Один Bcex HO переспоришь.
y каждого croll обычай.
Соломинку " Myxa сломит, a chon 11 лошадь ne раздавит.
Что BII город - cooli поров, что HII ceno - cooft обмчай.
Веник He переломник, a no одному прутику nce переломасть.
B KaKoM народе живешь, ToΓo " обычая держись.
ORNE 98 ucex " ace 30 oritoro.
Дружшей табув BOJKOB ne Conver,
B какой парод придешь, Ty шапку наденсшь,
B чужой монастырь CO спонм ycTaBoM no ходит.
Согласному стаду BOAK He страшен.
KaK INSURED ОТЩЫ " деды, TAK If nam пелели.
y парода IVIS переп, a yM догадлия.
He DAMA COOT пачался, ne нами- копчится,
CTO голов - cTo yMoB.
OT мпра отстал - спротою стал.
Что y людей ведется, TO It y nac no минстся.
Лес 110 Repeny ate тужит.
Припычка - no рунавичка, no полесинь na стичку,
Полководец без aparts - спрота.
B мпро MUTE - e миром жить,
LOC- EURDIV
C миром me спорь.
C миром IID суднсь.
Bes постуха te стадо.
B Milpy виноватого TIC пайдешь.
Chom без перевяела - COMOME.
Пуст, будет TaK, KAR парод решит.
Bes MATKU тчелки - пропащие детхи,
Что миром положено, TAX ToMy II быть.
Bea MATKII poli ne держится,
KBR мир, TAX il мы.
Bea запевалы II лесня He постся.
Mw протко мпра. no пойдем.
Bea столбов II забор He CTONT.
Ha BECH мир ne угодишь,
И мир без пачальника no бызает.
Одному ua DCCX no угодить.
Map без старосты - UTO CHON Ges перевясла,
Ha млр mupora no испечешь.
Mup без старосты - BaTaΓa.
Ha BEED Mip пива no сопринь.
Артель без вожака, UTO топор des держака.
He солнышко - neex He угреешь.
Part крепка воеводою.
Connte светит AMA BCOX.
Ha вожжах I[ лошадь yMHa.
y каждого есть choe MecTo под солнцем.
13
12
003
0003
Crasa сына отщу отрад
Счастливого He обойдешь.
Из-за плохого C6:He брая
и He красиза, да счастлиза.
Умный Calls cross боится
Счастливые часов HE наблюдают, a несчастные MX закгэдывают.
He хвались OTHOM, хвалик
Счастливый K обеду, несчастный K обуху.
3acKoKeHHoe яйцо—бол
Счастливому M Ha some cMeTaHa.
Один CWN-Me СЫН (In
Счастлив бывал, да бессчастье B рухи поймал.
на-оть.
Счастливому ничего HC делается: живет да греется.
OT mexoro сына отец "
Счастливый скачет, бессчастный плачет.
Сын мой, a yM y HeΓo D
CBIH запоет- и отец He
Наше счастье B HERIMX pyKax.
Корми сына до поры: 57
Счастве a долают.
Глупому сьжу и родной
Каждый человек кузнец capero счастья.
Сынами caaser, дочерь
Всякому CBDE счастье
Сын хорошим HC роди*
Свастье немногим спучит.
Умный СЫН only 3aM
Где празда, TaM и счастье-
Добрый сын-отцу pc
HTO 30 счастье, борется K TOMY OHO и клонится.
Чужой СЫЧ дурак -
Счастье ToMy бызает, KTo B труде да B ученье yMB набирает.
Невелик Bo3pacToM, a
Счастье 8 воздуже HE вьется, a руками берется.
Толковый сын - права
Or счастья He бегут, счестье догонзют.
Один сынище 34 TOT Φ
Раньше жили - спезы жили - спезы дили, теперь живем - счастье KyeM.
Маменькин сынок.
Tax счастье HE диво, где трудятся He лениво.
Сын дураков уж cpor
Her счастья- He жди и радости.
Плачет CHIN no отцу,
Счастье # руки He поймеешь.
Правда хорошо, a счестье лучше.
СЫТЫЙ. Будь жи
Счастье Без yMa дырявая cyMa.
Сытый да обутый HC
Tops бояться и счастья He видать.
Carroro He RODMST.
Счастья Ha деньги He купишь.
Сытый голодному HE
Легче счастье найти, ЧЕМ удержать e:0.
Сыт-аесел, D голо
Счастьв He коны xoMyTa HE маденешь.
Медведь no KopoB
Счастье He рыбка, удочкой He поймасшь.
нышку knoer M
3a счастьем человек бежит, a OHO y ero HOT пежит.
y CENTORD H8 yMe TYJ
Tor жизнь pyΓaeT, RTO счастья NB 3HaeT-
Сытому еда Ha yM ,
Прежде счастье Ha одмочасье, a теперь HB BCK.
Taxolo добычею cbl
KoMy счастье, KoMy два, a KoMy M HOT ничего.
Большая Celle брю:
Cuacree B оглобли He впряжешь.
Carroro ГОСТЯ легкс
Счастье Me KopoBa: He выдочшь.
Чужим prom сыту i
Счастье HB name, B руки He возьмешь.
Сыт стап, T&K is сты
Hosoro счастья ищи, a cTapoΓo He теряй.
Когда CNT, знай CTI
Kro горя He видал, TOT M сиастья He зназал.
Сытый KOHE воду
Cur КОНЬ добр
CHET. Счет да Mepa, TO и sept.
Кероткий C4ET - длинная дружба.
Никому He верь, только CHETY seps.
B счете дружба He теряется.
Чаще CHBT- - дольше дружба.
Дружба дружбой, a денежкам счет-
Для счета и y HBC голова Ha плечах.
CRET He обманет.
Ses every и денег HeTy.
СЫН. Всегда отец веселится, когда хороший CNH родится.
Плохой Cblls имя хорошего отца позорит.
Послушному сьнту отцов приказ He ломит спину.
244
Друга H верности 5ea бады He узнаешь.
C другом и воду выльешь лучше меду.
няется.
Друга узнать - aMecTe куль соли съесть.
spyter.
Без друга Ha сердце вьюга.
Друзья Hd дороге He заляются.
A подраться.
Для друге ace He TYTO.
Ради милого дружка M сережка из ушка.
Друг другу всякая помоге.
Для хорсшего друга He жаль потерять и MHoΓoΓo.
пету= голенаст живет.
Человек без друзей, что дерево без корней.
type a изъяне.
C другом знаться - He редьку CCTD.
олки съели.
y чашего cBaTa HGT ни друга, HM брата.
Вешний лед обманцив, a новый Apyr ненадежен.
Ha что C TeM дружиться, KTO любит судиться.
дров - где печь, TaM H жечь,
Будь друг, na de sapyr.
Kro старых друзей забывает, TOT новых He вдруг наямвает.
eqH замерзнешь.
дружбе празда.
Народная дружбе и братство дороже всякого Богатства.
учина.
Потому HaM хорошо живется, что дружба народов y H&C segeral
без керосина.
Непобедимая наша cTpaHa дружбой народов скреплена,
sa.
He TOT силен, KTO дюжит, a ToT, KTO дружит.
Has He ислытал дружбы, TOT He жил.
едом мажет, a ToT, NTO. празду B глаза-
Крепкую дружбу M топором He разрубишь.
Птицы СИЛЬНЫ крыльями. a люди - дружбой.
анется без друга.
Дружба крепка He лестью, a правдой и честью.
человек -Друзьями. -
Жить B дружбе можно, когда oHa He ложна.
стерян, HQ плохо M C другом, который
Дружбой друг друга He обидишь, & защитишь.
He дорога гостьба, дорога дружба.
тавляй B горести.
Дружбе дружбой, a табачок врозь.
IET, a TOT, NTO S беде помогает.
Дружба KaK стекло: разобьешь - He сложишь.
друг-
Дружбу храни nave scero.
шца.
Topy разрушает BeTep, тюдскую дружбу - слова.
a честный человек He без друга.
Легко подружиться, тяжело разлучиться.
DWX He утрачивай.
Дружба OT недружбы близко живет.
T.
Для дружбы MET расстояний.
KA.
Хочешь дружбы, будь другом-
тренников.
Дружбу водить, TaK сабя He шадить.
1 - береги.
He Ta дружба сильна, что B crosax зазедена.
ISY.
Ha пятак дружбы He купишь.
дной.
Ближний cuer - дальняя дружба.
yx.
Дружба дружбе рознь - иную хоть брось.
Bce 38 одного, a один 32 scex, тогда IA B деле будет yener,
Me прискучит хороший дружок,
pyΓ. и брат.
ДУМАТЬ. Домашняя дума B дорогу Me годится,
R.
Нетрудно сделать, трудно выдумать.
yr.
Подумали и отдумали.
1475.
Думзют думу Без шуму.
жизни HC жалей.
Сначала задумай, потом сделай.
He подумевши, ничего He начинай.
CR, Ha Hero nonoratice.
Думай M o других, He только o себв.
to сэхранить.
и птичка летает подумавши.
цной
Долгая дума - лишняя схорбь.
64
5
Пословнды H поговорки
65
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IT:9T
07/24/91
Друга узиать - BMecTe пуд (куль) COMIT съесть.
Kan upit mipe, upn беселе - мпого друзей; KaK при rope, upu
Изведан друг, куль corn BMecTe съелин.
кручите - HGT шкого.
He спожив (He друга ne узилешь.
Скатерть CO CTOMR - El дружба сплыла.
He узпавай друга B три дия, узнай " три TO/(R,
Есть брара да пирожки, TaK ecth 0 други (n дружки).
07/24/91
Друг ne испытанный, что opex HC расколотый.
Matoro друзей, коли депежки CCTb.
H собака R собаке ite подойдет, me облюхав ce.
Ha mipy MIJORO друзей. y nusa, y бражки ace дружки.
He окриквув, Il R лобада ne полходят.
Bee дружки, толоконнички: толоконце съев, дя. postro nce.
He лаведан - apyr; A - ania.
Пили, ean - кудрявишком звали: nomen, ПОСЛИ - прощай,
15:12
He люби друга ПОТАКОВЦИКА (попоровциана), люби. встреч-
шелудяк!
mika,
Горсвая, nota брагу сливал; a брагу слил, TELK BceM стал MINI,
Henpyr поддакивает, a друг спорит,
Хлеба net - друзей II He бывало.
Шуту B дружбе De верят. B дружбе правда.
Черный день придет - приятели откинутея.
Остапайся здорово, ПАЖИВАЙ друга morol
Была бы oxoTa, a TO ипідем доброхота.
Лучше найдешь - забудень; хуже пайлешь вепомя-
Называется другом, a обирает KpyΓoM.
нець,
Брат Копдрат, пойдем KOUTER дрять: Mite шкура, тебе MIICO,
27027078482
Старый друг лучше HOBBIX двух,
KTO KoMy надобен, TOT ToMy It памятен,
Лучше He свыкаться, кожи (чем) расставаться.
Люби Ивана, a береги KapMaHa.
Choitx друзей пажнвай, a отцовых Tie теряй.
Дружбу подить - TAK себя ne падить (себя надеадить).
Новых друзей пажитай, a старых ne утрачнвай,
Другу спорошть - себе (BeeM) досядить,
Ha Gorn уповай, a OT дабрых людей He отставай.
Дружба Ne служба; a KoMy дружить, na ToΓo служить,
Добрый друг ne no конец pyK.
Говорить правду - потерять дружбу,
He держит cTo рублей, держи cTo друзей.
Правду говорить - друга we пажить,
>Kue Apyr - no убыток, Друга держять He убыточно,
Встретия C радостно, a проводия C жалостно.
B nome приепца годом родитея, a добрый человек всегда
Ero пет, когда on уйлет.
пригодитея.
Старый 3HaKoMeK! внервые видимся.
Доброе братство милее богатства,
Milt 0 тобою, KAR рыба e подою! The KO any, a Я IM (берег.
LOC- EURDIV
Друг rener дороже. Друга IIA депьги ne куппињ.
Мы e тобой, TO рыба e водой: Я [IFL лед, a TH ПОД лед.
KTO друг прямой, TOT брат родной.
Такие друзья, что extratates, TAK колом ne разворотник.
Друзья прямые - братья родтые.
Дружба дружбе рознь, a mayo хоть брось.
Душа na Великой (peKe), сердие na Boxxone (peKe же, no
[{ TM MUC друг, N It тебе друг, ДА ne оба expyr.
noanity братсина Новгорода it Пскова 8 XIV acke).
Тяк Apyra любит, что ДЛИ nero последпий KycoK хлеба CRM
Депьги nallayr друга; денежка пайдет дружка.
checr.
Жалеть MeDIKA - ne видать (He элвесть) дружка.
Borny друга ite y3HaeT. Богатому IIII правды, IIII дружбы
Пота дружба, пока пужда. Нужда сдружает,
lte зинвять.
Нужда сдружила, приволье раздружило.
Бедпый 3HaeT II друга Il педруга,
KoMy счастье дружит, ToMy II люди.
Раздружится друг - хуже педруга.
C другом знаться - ne рельку есть (m. e, потчевать).
Жилет Ha KpoMax; II разпых домах (ne co премен All Casio-
При mipe (nope), при бражке - Bce дружки; при rope, Kpy-
званца?).
Time - цет unkoro,
Шаночное 3HaKoMcTBo me B потомство.
Ha обеде nee соседи; a пригла беда, one прочь, KAK вода,
770
777
ДРУГ-НЕДРУГ
Двое - we TO, TTD ОДИЩЕ подумаем, ДА и лошадь продадим
(насменика пад пребованием посоветоваться 0 другими).
Over дружбы me портит. Cuer дружбе He помеха.
Одни yM пол-ума; три полторя yMa; два. yMa - yM.
Hame ever, дольше (крепче) дружба.
Патрикей сям-третей (o дурном товартицестве, помоти).
07/24/91
Crass OM кормить и волка, ROJIL 6 TpaBy ел.
Галичане и кучу, костромпчи B ayuy, прославцы прочь
Bpar хочет голову CHATS, a 600 II nóroca me даст.
прозиь; om междоусобий Шемяки 0 Шуйским).
Друг другу TepeM ставит, a педруг педругу гроб лядит.
Будь 3HaKoM, a ходи дольше (ходи KpyΓoM)!
Полюбил ero, BAR собака налку. Люблю, TTO собаки редьку.
Ero nce shator, pobito чубарого мерина n околотке.
15:12
KaK KoBKa C собакой (дружны).
Всюду вхож, KaK медпый ΓpoM (ic KoMy HU nonar 0 pyru, Bca
Bpar comen, a горами качает,
cool).
Bpar camen, валяет 0 B canem (кафинане, IN, e. богатого).
Beex чертей snalo, одпого carany (дьявола) ne
Γpo3eH пряг 38 горями, a грозшей 3a плочами.
Черт nony ne товариц (non cao обманет).
He ставь педруга OBILGIO, a ставь ero BOJIROM,
Oute e волками худо жить, He житье 0 волком II собаке.
He ganalt денег, ne теряй дружбы.
He житье и собаке c BOJIKOM, a телепку TAK II продуху. пет.
Кабы BONK заодно C собакой, TAK бы человеку II житьи ne было.
Конь до коня, a молодец до молодца (валади.)
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Волка na собак B помопь me BOBIL,
Пертий Rommomy ne товарниц, Ипоходец B пути ne товариц.
He сживайся nopor 0 BopoΓoM, КОЛЛ дело заодно.
Стопчему e сидичим трудио говорить (младшелу перед cTap-
Mx CBM черт ЛЫЧКОМ связал.
шим).
Словио IIX черт веревочкой связал.
Елень быстра - ne KOHO сестря.
Экл дружба! Топором ne разрубишь.
Mile гусь ne брат, СВИНЬЯ me cecTpa, yTKa ne TeTKa, a Mile
Oir 0 101M - лей, передей, Сливочка, переливочки.
СВОЯ - пестра перепелочка.
Собака собаку 3HaeT (uan: ne ecT).
Гусь comme He товариц, Гусь козлу ne товорниц (ne брат).
Have IIN KaKo ne солгут (буквы N₁ R).
Bork ROMO He товария. Медведь KopoBe ne брат.
Bopon BopoHy huasa IIC пыклювет. Блоха блоху ne ecT,
Горшок чугуну (котлу) ite товариц (распибется об HeΓo),
C собакой ЛЯЖЕШЬ -- e блохами встанень,
Сашье приятель yron (ona 0 HUM чешется).
M OT доброй собики блох инберешься,
Kanni плотнику товаринц (брат).
Личко e ремениом ne связывайся,
LOC- EURDIV
Свяжней 0 дураком - CAM дурнк будень.
Водиться C памачама - ne торговать калачани (палач поган)
Canor JIANTIO me брат (ne дружка, no четл, He ровия).
Ha прикасавтесь жиды It самаряням, EL мужики K диорним.
Вяжись лычко c ремешок C ремешком.
Общаяея гордому, TOYON emy будент.
Это ne тебе (ne emy) чета, He пашему брату чета.
Kakon B куть, TAKOB eary Il встречу,
Bonk BONKOM ne травнтся, non полом ne судится.
Kakon Анянья, TaKoBa y nero II Маланья,
Mital - добре, да Mile lie ровля (да. певровне),
Был бы CAM хорош, THE бы mom He пенортият.
He соилнсь обычаем, ne бывать дружбе.
Bec беса хвалит, EL людям беды ладит.
Глутый yMHoΓo, a ПЬЯВНЦА Tpe3BoΓo are любят.
Man TepT одному carane, Черт дьяволу родимый.
C пыным ne браннсь (ue дерись), C богатым ne TERNICS.
Сбирайтесь, бесы, сятапа-то здеся!
Козел H овцам, a прикавшый K купцам ne приставай.
Мостнея черт C сатаной впереверт.
Чештел конь C кошем, BOJI e волом, a свинья C углом.
Bèc пришел, carany принел, чертенят наплодил, диавола
Чешися конь C койем, вол C волом, a свилья B кол, коли ne
C KeM.
R кумовьн BORET.
Подло чертенка He выкормиць теленка.
CKoTTHa чешется бок 0 бок, a ЛЮДИ врознь.
773
772
KyMa ne мила, II гостинцы постьмы.
Одрань c одрапью IT чешется.
Для милого дружка Il сережку Ha ушка.
Canor e canorom, C лаптем.
Жить заодно, делиться пополам.
Дпа KOTA B одном мелие ne улежатся.
y une e тобой H ren педелен (ocê влеста).
Две KOUCKU Il Metike дружбы ne заведут.
07/24/91
Для друга иет KpyΓa. Для друга семь BepcT ne околица.
Двя медведя B одной берлоге ne улягутся.
Дас бараный головы n orma котел ne лезут (что-нибудь da
Буде меня любишь, TAX It собаку MOIO no бейт (любк).
Для друга Bce ne TyΓo (ne пляжело It He скудно).
mopium).
Доя ropit BMecTe, третье понолам,
Двум шнагам a одних ножнах ne ужиться.
15:13
Для друга II HOCT разрешается.
308040 педруга, we почто B пар.
Услужлиный дурак onnence BpaΓa (c баски Крылола).
Apyr сердечный, TapaKaH запечный!
Mы C тобой, KaK рыба C водой.
Подсидел y друга Myxy (c басни Крылова).
CHOIL жоди, сочтемся. Что 3A счеты между друзьями?
Либо друг, либо педруг, Скажнсь другом либо педругом.
Что есть BMecTe, vero ner, пополям.
Волыше друзей - больше il BpaΓoB. Бойся друга, KaK apara.
Дорожка BMecTe, табачок пополам (солд.).
KaK друг no HOMER pyK, Этот друг II CRM без pyK.
He B службу, a B дружбу. Для друга пыпрянать 113 плуга.
Ha частую дружбу часом (часто, name) раздружье.
27027078482
3a компанию (Ilan дружбы) и жид удавпяся (и MOUDX женняся).
C другом дружнеь, a cam ne плоинсь (a 3a саблю: держись).
M худой Ермил, да богомил; a И хороший Brac, na подальне
Дружиться дружнев, a пож (a камень) 38 пазухой держи.
nac.
C другом дружись, a KAK педруга берегнев,
Больше Toll любви ne бывяет, KaK друг 38 друга умпраст.
C меднедем дружнев, a sa ToHop держись.
Спой споего 3HacT (водит) издалека,
X
Дружба OT недружбы близко живет,
He вспоя, ne вскормя, nopora HO увадишь (ne купить).
Cooft cBoeMy понеполе друг. Душа душу H 3HacT,
Надсаженный кошь, падломлетный лук, да замирешый
Рыбак рыбака далеко no плесу видит.
Рыбак рыбава BHANT пздалека.
друг.
non nona, дурак дурака M analor.
He видпшь - xyma MpeT; увидинь - C луши прет.
B дорого H oren carry товариц.
B педруге стрела, что no une, a B друге, что BO Mite.
Orpenen стрелыца BIRHT издалека.
C чужим me бранись, EL CO свопм ne вамнеь,
Барану пара - овца, Флор Флорихе пабитый брат.
LOC- EURDIV
Другу дружи, a другому (a педругу) 110 груби.
Другу ne дружи (ue потворствуй), педругу He груби.
Apyr ДО поры - TOT же педруг.
Bes друга - сирота; 0 другом - семьянии.
3a TTO TOTO любить, KTO хочет сгубить?
Друзей-то (приятелей) MBORO, да друга шет.
Черт BE черта namer B porозином pяду.
Apyr II брат великое дело: ne cKopo добудешь.
Komi дома ne пекут, TAK Il B людях He дадут.
Прио He Anso, II мел. we хвала; a BceMy ronona, что люболь
и всяк тебе друг, да He вдруг.
Будь друг, да ne вдруг. Будь друг, да без убытку.
дорога.
Beak добр, да ne до веякого, Bee бобры добры до cBoHx боб:
He дорог подарок, дорога любовь,
He дорога гостьба, дорога дружба.
рят.
Her друга, TAK IIIIIH; a пашел, TaK береги.
Выл я y друга, BILL Я BOAY chaque меду.
Друга ици, a найдень - береги,
Пьешь y друга полу enaine меду.
Без беди друга no узинешь, Друг познается B неспастии.
y друга OUTD воду лучите неприятельского меду.
Друг познается JML рати да upa беде.
Без Ивошки He вышвень бражки.
Kong D paTH узнаешь, a друга B беде.
Одному II льяно, дл ne мило; C другом II хмельно, да yMHo.
775
774
(Hinchliffe/Blymire)
July 24, 1991
2 p.m.
LUNCH
Draft One
OUTLINE FOR KIEV LUNCHEON (5 minutes)
I.
INTRODUCTION AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
--glad to be in city that's home of "Mother Russia"
thanks to Chairman Kravchuk and Ukranian people
for welcoming me through your "Golden Gate"
--delight to visit region which is ancestral home
of millions of my countrymen
-this ancient city of Prince Vladimir; dazzling beauty
of a city of faith and peace 1,000 years ago:
"glistening with the light of holy icons, fragrant
with incense, ringing with praise and
songs."
II.
JOKES
--not true I've come to your country to be a contestant
on "Field of Miracles -- Capital Show"
just came from Moscow -- McDonald's joke
III.
DEMOCRATIZATION
--1000 years ago, Vladimir brought Christianity; his
perestroika, turning from war to peace and faith.
Exciting to be here now, when undergoing most
important and fundamental change since then
--unequivocal US support for democratization and
political pluralism
--To give you heart, remember Tolstoy: "The strongest
of all warriors are these two: Time and Patience."
IV.
U.S. SOVIET FRIENDSHIP
-FDR:
II
the cooperation of our great nations will
inevitably be of the highest importance in the
preservation of world peace."
-celebrate partnership (NWO, Gulf, etc.)
--also friendship among peoples:
--in aftermath of Chernobyl, Americans shared the
pain and responded with generosity
-important to us to keep that spirit of friendship
V.
FUTURE
here after two days of work, signing treaty
here in this lovely, historic city, to expand ties
with republic leaders -- and to restate support
for Gorbachev's attempt to promote reform
here to remind of goals and challenges for future:
--US support for creation of free market economy
here to highlight advantage of evolving, positive
US-Soviet
(Hinchliffe/Blymire)
July 24, 1991
2 p.m.
TOAST
Draft One
OUTLINE FOR MOSCOW STATE DINNER (5 minutes)
I.
INTRODUCTIONS/ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
II.
JOKES/ANECDOTES (examples follow)
--heard when people told most important man in America
coming to visit, they said -- "Arnold
Schwarzenegger is coming to Moscow?"
--McDonald's food and State Dinner
III.
THANKS
--to Soviet people and leaders
--to Kremlin hosts (refer to afternoon speech)
--to Gorbachevs
IV.
TRIBUTE TO GORBACHEV
--personal (anecdotes from May 1990 visit to D.C.)
--U.S. support for his attempt to promote economic and
political reform
--and Raisa: mention Am-Sov- Youth Orchestra (Raisa and
Barbara B. are honorary chairmen)
V.
CELEBRATE ACCOMPLISHMENTS
-tribute to U.S. -Soviet partnership (old Soviet
proverb: "There is no road too long and no
obstacle too hard for friendship")
--in new world order; --in Gulf
--currently in Middle East
--Soviet beginning of economic reforms
VI.
LOOK FORWARD TO ACCOMPLISHMENTS (CHALLENGES)
--support for market economy reforms and entrepreneurs
--recap package of initiatives
-support for democratization and political
pluralism
-looking forward to evolution of strong U.S.-Soviet
relationship (economic and political)
VII.
CONCLUSION
challenge for strong future and continuation
of reforms (Chekhov: "Man has been endowed
with reason, with the power to create, so that
he can add to what he's been given."
--old Russian custom: when getting ready for
long journey, sit down for quiet moment. Long
journey of change ahead.
--end: thanks, then traditional Soviet toast:
"To the future of our countries!"
#
#
#
#
#
NEXIS
Eleanor Randolph
weekend Post
artide
contem
porary
religions devel.
shared values
capitalism
build on basic sensibilities
The most important thing to do is be yourself.
call mom- Peace play that came
"PeaceChild"?
them York wentto Moscow
People to People?
Zagorsk - monestary, seminary
tourist trap
leonid Murog (717) 266 - 3147
/ respiter
shows
Jhonson advids
with
FHIS dus(rir) powill birral
Library of Congress
Grant Harris 707-5858 (9)
European Division
asst. dir of Sov. media
Soviet TV, Emory College
Alfredo Duarté
Dr. Ellen Mickiewicz (mifz-kev-itch)
(Doo-war-tag)
outof
-(404) 727-6583 (404)
til country August
-420-5151
Xw)
(you) 633-1759(h)
Films, Dr. Anna Lawton
(also actors & actresses)
JaneFonda
is big
out of country Georgetown
there
202-687-6061 (w)
per GHams
202-462-2179 (h)
Mr.
music, S. Frederick Starr Oberlin College
(216) 775-8400 (w)
wrote book called Red and Hot 1983
the fate of Jazz in the Soriet Union
music, Laura Souders
knows about Soviet rock'n'roll. roll.
,
(202)-462-1947
TheAm. Meterdaya(w) 202
Society 23 2717
culture, Hedrick Smith wrote The Russians ©1974 or 1975
NY Times
TheNewRussians The © 1990
(212)
(212)556-1234
556-1234
culture, EricJohnson (at lib of Cong.) in exchange division. gift
just spent a month'sthere. I
707-9490
(28 413.old) (28 yrs.
came back 10 days ago.
culture, VP of travel company (headof Soriet section)
Karen Sherman
202- 328-6578(h)
yours
AP
5
"DD "batteries are in big demand, so are windshield wipers
They get stolen all the time.
Eleanor Randolph - read piece on lightbulbs
Sunday Post 7/21/91
will do a quote search forus
Dr. Lawton's former student (G-toun)
Moyra Ratchford
very activein Study of fillms
202-544-3687 (w)
333-3335 (h)
2011 ₹
10/15/11 181 their provided
as down story D of Hiw
Can KI
HONDY
brown OF NSVOM
your Toold 42
(A) EXPE-REE
GW Eliott SchoolIn'tAff.
Sino-Soviet Institute
994-6340
Director
James Millar (Mill ahre)
Smasov. Information Center 994-7105
Dept. of Slavic lang. &Lit. 994-6335
Irene Thompson prof. of or Charles Moser (prof.)
994-7086
994-7082
will call by 5pm
out of office
Irene willtell.
mill
I'm
W
July 22, 1991
RESEARCH QUESTIONS FOR USSR TRIP:
Exchanges
status of US-Soviet exchange programs -- how much increase since
etc.) 1985, 1988 to now? (students, professionals, artists/academics,
American culture in the USSR
What American movies are playing in Moscow? Are there movie
houses specializing in American films?
What American TV shows appear on Soviet TV? Which is most
popular (Dallas??) ?
Which American magazines/newspapers are most popular? Where are
they most widely available?
Favorite American actors/actresses, bands, etc.
Evidence of American consumer culture -- McDonald's, Mickey
Mouse, etc. -- and Soviet reaction towards it
How many independent radio stations are there in Moscow (-- in
the Republic, in the USSR...)? Is Moscow Echo the best known??
Names of most popular independent news programs/newspapers --
trusted reporters, journalists
What is the biggest story in the Pop Culture there -- the
equivalent of making the cover of People Mag. here....?
Proverbs/folk legends, Sayings --
Related to:
-- journey/travels.
-- visitors/guests.
-- friends.
Lottenes?
-- challenges/great tasks.
-- the future
Services of Mead Data Central, Inc.
PAGE 2
4TH STORY of Level 2 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1985 U.S.News & World Report
March 25, 1985
SECTION: Washington Whispers; Pg. 18
LENGTH: 62 words
BODY:
What did Vice President Bush talk about with world leaders during his visit
to Moscow or Chernenko's funeral? With Britain's Thatcher, it was her
impression of Gorbachev; with Japan's Nakasone, trade problems; with West
Germany's Kohl, the renewed arms talks; with India's Gandhi, his trip to the
United States in June, and with Pakistan's Zia, the war in Afghanistan.
LEXIS® NEAIS LEXIS NEXIS®
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PAGE 3
6TH STORY of Level 2 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1985 U.S.News & World Report
March 25, 1985
SECTION: Pg. 27
LENGTH: 574 words
HEADLINE: Prospects for a Thaw: Process Will Be Slow
DATELINE: MOSCOW
BODY:
The United States and the Soviet Union both regard the changeover in Kremlin
leadership as a chance for a fresh start in superpower relations.
But the hopes are tempered by the sober realization that differences between
the two nations are profound and intractable -- regardless of who is on top in
Moscow.
First cautious contact came here at a minisummit after the funeral of
Konstantin Chernenko. Vice President George Bush and Secretary of State
George Shultz got a chance to size up Mikhail Gorbachev, and the new Soviet
leader had an opportunity to assess the Americans.
Said Bush after the 85-minute session: ''If there ever was a time when we
can move forward with progress in the last few years, then I would say this is a
good time for that.
Shultz also was upbeat upon his return to Washington. ''The President,' he
told reporters on March 15, ''firmly intends to work toward a more constructive
relationship across the board.''
For his part, Gorbachev promised to ''work in practice to improve'' relations
with the United States. But he did not immediately accept President Reagan's bid
to hold the first U.S.-Soviet summit since 1979.
No one in Moscow or Washington expected, however, that a polite exchange of
words would clear the air after decades of mutual suspicion. ''We are not
euphoric, Bush cautioned. ''There are big problems, major problems that we
have had, that we'll have to face.'
American officials realize that, even if Gorbachev favored significant
change, the realities of Soviet politics rule out any bold overtures while he
consolidates his position in the Politburo.
Any expectations of substantive progress in easing tensions are further
dampened by opposing positions at the nuclear-arms talks at Geneva, where
negotiators are so far apart that it could take years to reach an agreement.
''It's not imminent.' Faced with a spate of optimistic press reports on the
prospects of a Reagan-Gorbachev meeting, Washington tried to dampen all the talk
of an early summit session. A senior White House aide warned: ''I wouldn't play
it up because it's not imminent, and it's not something that's going to take
place overnight.' All but ruled out was a summit session in May when the
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PAGE
4
(c) 1985 U.S.News & World Report, March 25, 1985
President visits Europe for the Western economic summit and V-E Day ceremonies.
Some analysts predict, nevertheless, that there could be such a meeting
before the end of the year, perhaps in Helsinki in August on the 10th
anniversary of the East-West human-rights accords or in New York when the United
Nations General Assembly convenes in September.
Both the United States and the Soviet Union may need a summit.
Gorbachev requires cooperation abroad to obtain essential goods and
technology that he requires if he is to revitalize sagging Soviet industry and
agriculture.
Thoughts about legacy. Reagan's Western European allies and the U.S. Congress
both want reductions in the deficits brought on in part by heavy arms spending.
In addition, aides observe that, as the President moves into his second and
last term in the White House, he is beginning to think about what he will leave
behind, ''his legacy.
With a robust leader now in the Kremlin and an American President who wants
to go down in history as a peacemaker, many observers believe circumstances are
favorable for a sustained U.S.-Soviet dialogue -- with no assurance, however,
that superpower detente or an arms agreement are in the cards.
GRAPHIC: Picture, Vice President Bush meets Gorbachev at U.S.-Soviet
minisummit in Moscow. DAVID VALDEZ -- THE WHITE HOUSE
LEXIS NEXIS LEXIS
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PAGE
5
8TH STORY of Level 2 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1985 The Times Mirror Company;
Los Angeles Times
March 21, 1985, Thursday, Home Edition
SECTION: View; Part 5; Page 2; Column 1; View Desk
LENGTH: 588 words
HEADLINE: ART BUCHWALD: IS CAMELOT COMING TO THE KREMLIN?
BYLINE: By ART BUCHWALD
BODY:
The Soviet Watchers of Washington met last week in the Darkness at Noon
Russian Tea Room to be briefed on Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev's rise to the
top of the Soviet Union.
Prof. Nicholai Dubokowsky, one of the leading Kremlinologists in this
country, gave us the word. "Gorbachev may be around for at least 30 years, SO
you have to watch him very closely."
"What should we watch for?"
"Since he is only 54 years old you should watch the way he stands when he's
on the top of Lenin's Tomb. Remember, he is the first Soviet leader in 10 years
who can watch a parade without a Politburo member on each side holding on to his
arms 50 he won't fall down. This has its good and bad implications. The fact
that he can stand on his own two feet makes Gorbachev dangerous. At the same
time we can expect more credibility from the Kremlin on their leader's health.
Now when they announce he has a bad cold, WE can all assume he does have a bad
cold."
"Why is Gorbachev getting such a good press?"
"Because he speaks English and wears nice suits. One of the reasons Americans
never trusted the Soviet leaders in the past was that they dressed so tacky. How
could you discuss ways of avoiding World War III with people who wore baggy
pants and white socks? Gorbachev is a new breed of Russian. His suit coat fits,
and his choice of shirts and ties is impeccable. He's the type of person you're
not ashamed to be photographed with at a summit conference."
"Does the fact that he's a snappy dresser mean he's a more formidable
adversary?"
"He could go either way. Khrushchev almost brought us to nuclear destruction
by hammering his shoe on the podium at the United Nations. Gorbachev would never
do this because he's afraid it would ruin his shine. But you still have to watch
him very carefully. The fact that he doesn't drool all over the medals on his
chest could be to NATO's disadvantage. With the others you knew they weren't
going to be around very long, so the West was willing to put up with their
peccadilloes for a year or two. With Gorbachev it will be at least three decades
before he winds up in the Kremlin Wall."
LEXIST
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PAGE
6
(c) 1985 Los Angeles Times, March 21, 1985
"Do you think he will flaunt the fact he is only 54 years old in Reagan's
face?"
"He has already. In a hand-delivered letter to President Reagan, Gorbachev
started by addressing it 'Dear Uncle Ronnie.' That threw the President for a
loop. He doesn't even like his grandchildren to call him Grandpa."
"Vice President George Bush watched Gorbachev all during Chernenko's
funeral. What was his impression of the man?"
"As you know, Mr. Bush has become an expert at watching Soviet leaders at
Moscow funerals. He came back quite impressed. Mr. Bush thinks Gorbachev has
the potential to become the first Soviet yuppie premier. The leader seems to
enjoy the good things in life, and one of his priorities is to provide more of
the same for his people. The vice president believes if we can get Gorbachev to
import more Perrier and buy more BMWs with stereo tape decks in them, the
Soviets will lose their appetite for world conquest."
"What about Mrs. Gorbachev? Should we spend much time watching her?"
"You have no choice. The press is now referring to her as another Jackie
Kennedy. Mrs. Gorbachev could be a big help to the Soviet leader when he travels
around the world. The thing to watch is his first trip to France. If he pulls a
John Kennedy and says, 'I am the man who accompanied Raisa Gorbachev to Paris,'
and it gets a big hand, we're in a lot more trouble than most people think."
TYPE:
Column; Wire
SIX N.SIX SIXET
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PAGE
7
16TH STORY of Level 2 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1985 The Washington Post
March 15, 1985, Friday, Final Edition
SECTION: First Section; World News; A29
LENGTH: 758 words
HEADLINE: Gorbachev Impresses Dignitaries in Talks;
Choice of Callers, Change in Style Noted
BYLINE: By Celestine Bohlen, Washington Post Foreign Service
DATELINE: MOSCOW, March 14, 1985
BODY:
New Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev completed another day of back-to-back
diplomatic meetings today, impressing a stream of foreign dignitaries with his
energy and self-confidence.
In his first days in office, Gorbachev already has met twice as many visiting
delegations as his predecessor, the late Konstantin Chernenko.
Gorbachev's meetings with foreign visitors here to attend Chernenko's
funeral yesterday revealed more about the style of the new Kremlin leadership
than about any change in policy, diplomats said.
But Gorbachey's selection of visitors was also revealing. Today he received a
delegation from China, a sign that he intends to follow up on his call Monday
for "serious improvement" in relations between the two Communist giants. Last
year, at the funeral of former president Yuri Andropov, the Chinese delegation
met not with Chernenko, the incoming leader, but with another member of the
Politburo.
Gorbachev also met today with Japanese Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, the
first time that the two countries' top leaders have met since 1973 and only the
third time in Soviet history.
West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl and French President Francois Mitterrand,
after their meetings with Gorbachev this week, reported that he had accepted
their invitations to visit their countries, although no dates were set.
But officials in Washington said Gorbachev did not commit himself in response
to a letter from President Reagan, delivered by Vice President Bush, that
reportedly invited him to a summit meeting there.
Bush said before leaving Moscow late last night, however, that he found
"nothing discouraging" in Gorbachev's reaction, and added that their 85-minute
meeting in the Kremlin gave him "high hope" for improved U.S.-Soviet relations.
Some western diplomats noted that Gorbachev met on the first day with
President Daniel Ortega of Nicaragua and with Ethiopian leader Haile Mariam
Mengistu. Last year, Ortega was given less favorable treatment and the
Ethiopians were not received at all.
LEXIS
NEXIS
NEXIS®
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PAGE
8
(c) 1985 The Washington Post , March 15, 1985
However, the absence of Cuban President Fidel Castro was taken by some here
as a sign of Cuban dissatisfaction with Soviet aid to Nicaragua.
Western leaders emerging from their meetings with Gorbachev described him as
"firm," "frank," "calm" and possessing a "keen historical awareness."
"He talks very openly. He is a commanding, well-informed, strong man, with a
natural authority,' Kohl said after their meeting today. "He has an easy charm
but, at the same time, can stand up for his interests firmly and coldly."
Few specifics about the meetings were revealed, but, according to western
diplomats, Gorbachev stuck closely to recent Soviet policy on international
issues. Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko was present at all the encounters.
Western diplomats said today that Gorbachev, in a joint meeting with leaders
of Eastern European countries, rescheduled a Warsaw Pact summit for April in
Sofia, Bulgaria. Such a summit was postponed earlier this year because of
Chernenko's poor health.
A plenum of the Central Committee is also still expected in April, which will
give the new Soviet leader a chance to exert his authority.
"It could be a busy April, but he has already shown he can handle a killing
schedule," one western diplomat said.
Among western-allied leaders, Gorbachev met today with Prime Ministers Felipe
Gonzalez of Spain and Brian Mulroney of Canada as well as Kohl and Nakasone.
At a short briefing after their meeting, Nakasone said the two had discussed
the continuing dispute over the Kurile Islands, which Moscow annexed from Japan
after World War II. According to Nakasone, Gorbachev said the Soviet stance on
the issue "is not to be changed." But Gorbachev raised hopes for a long-awaited
visit to Japan by Gromyko.
The U.S.-Soviet arms talks begun in Geneva this week were a recurrent theme
in Gorbachey's meetings with Western European leaders. Gorbachev apparently
reiterated the Soviet position that the top priority at the talks is to prevent
the spread of weaponry to space.
Gorbachev also met with Mohammed Zia ul-Haq of Pakistan, Babrak Karmal of
Afghanistan, Jose Eduardo dos Santos of Angola, Truong Chinh of Vietnam, Ali
Nasser Hasani of South Yemen and Samora Machel of Mozambique.
The Chernenko funeral also provided opportunities for bilateral meetings
between other government leaders. West Germany's Kohl met Tuesday night with
Erich Honecker of East Germany, and later with Premier Wojciech Jaruzelski of
Poland and President Gustav Husak of Czechoslovakia.
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Copyright (c) 1985 Chicago Tribune Company;
Chicago Tribune
March 14, 1985, Thursday, FINAL
SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 2; ZONE: C
LENGTH: 861 words
HEADLINE: DEATH THINS RANKS OF SOVIET OLD GUARD
BYLINE: By Howard A. Tyner, Chicago Tribune
DATELINE: MOSCOW
BODY:
The strains of Chopin's "Funeral March" drifted across Red Square yet again
Wednesday as the Soviet Union buried another of its leaders, this time President
Konstantin Chernenko.
It was the fifth major funeral here in slightly more than three years, and
it underscored how old age and death are imposing pivotal changes on the face of
Soviet politics.
Communist Party theorist Mikhail Suslov, Presidents Leonid Brezhnev and Yuri
Andropov, and Defense Minister Dmitri Ustinov, all 70 or older, have preceded
Chernenko to the grave since January, 1982. The five deaths left a deep gap in
the ranks of senior Kremlin veterans, whose careers date from the prewar
Stalinist era.
Only a few of the Old Guard remain, most notably Foreign Minister Andrei
Gromyko, 75; Prime Minister Nikolai Tikhonov, 79; and party secretary Boris
Ponamarev, 80.
On Wednesday the new generation was in charge on Red Square in the person of
Mikhail Gorbachev, 54, named the party's general secretary within hours after
Monday's announcement of Chernenko's death at 73. Perhaps as a sign of the new
realities, the 55-minute "funeral meeting" was a brisker, less sentimental
affair than ceremonies for Andropov last year or for Brezhnev in 1982.
Delivering his eulogy under a leaden late-winter sky, Gorbachev paid proper
respect to his predecessor, who was serving with Red Army frontier troops in
Soviet Central Asia when the new general secretary was born.
Chernenko, he said, was "a true son of our party and people, a steadfast
fighter for noble communist ideals, a prominent party and state figure."
That ritual done, Gorbachev spelled out what he apparently intends to be the
hallmarks of his reign: "strict observance of law and order, consolidation of
labor, state and party discipline."
"We will support, encourage and elevate in all ways those who by deeds and
practical results rather than by words show their honest and conscientious
attitude towards civic duty," he told a radio and television audience and the
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several thousand people gathered on the cobblestones of the huge square.
"We shall fight any manifestation of showiness and idle talk, swagger and
irresponsibility--everything that contradicts the socialist norms of life."
Few Muscovites could have missed the similarities between the tone of
Gorbachev's message and the no-nonsense style of the 15 months in which
Andropov, the veteran chief of the KGB security police, held power. Andropov was
Gorbachev's patron, and many observers, Soviet and Western, believe the younger
man will pursue a course similar to that of his mentor.
As Gorbachev spoke in a clear, confident voice, it was easy to recall
Andropov's funeral 13 months ago and the gasping, halting delivery of the eulogy
read by Chernenko. That was the first clear signal to the public that the
longtime Brezhnev protege could serve only a short time before giving way to the
younger generation.
The ceremonies Wednesday began shortly before 1 p.m., when the body of
Chernenko, who died Sunday of heart failure complicated by chronic heart and
liver ailments, was brought into Red Square in a coffin draped in red and black
crepe aboard a gun carriage.
Already assembled in the square were world leaders from East and West, among
them Vice President George Bush, Secretary of State George Shultz, British
Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl, French
President Francois Mitterrand, Canadian Prime Minister Brian Mulroney and Indian
Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi.
In keeping with the practice here, Chernenko's casket was placed at the foot
of the Lenin mausoleum and then opened so that the body, clad in a dark suit,
faced the squat red-granite bunker holding the mummified remains of the man who
founded the Soviet Union 67 years ago.
Looking down at him from atop the mausoleum was Gorbachev, flanked by
Tikhonov, Moscow party leader Viktor Grishin and other Kremlin officials. Each
wore a band of red and black on his left upper arm.
Once Gorbachev had finished his address, Grishin spoke, followed by a worker
from the Krasnoyarsk region of Siberia, where Chernenko was born into a peasant
family Sept. 11, 1924.
Chernenko's grave is at one end of a row containing the final resting places
of 11 other heroes of Soviet history, including Josef Stalin, Suslov, Andropov,
Brezhnev and Felix Dzherzhinsky, founder of the secret police. Chernenko lies
next to Marshal Semen Budenny, a veteran of the 1917-20 civil war.
Once the body had reached the grave, Chernenko's widow, Anna, in keeping
with Russian Orthodox tradition, bent over her husband's body, touched his brow
and kissed him on the forehead.
As at the funerals of Brezhnev and Andropov, the leaders made the same
farewell gesture, but they broke tradition when none stepped forward to follow
the dead president's wife.
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An artillery salute boomed and factory sirens blared across the nation
precisely at 1:40 p.m., when the casket was lowered into the ground. Then came
the playing of the national anthem.
A 10-minute march in review by elite troops ended the funeral of
Konstantin Chernenko.
GRAPHIC: PHOTO: (color) AP Laserphoto. The coffin of Soviet President
Konstantin Chernenko is borne through Red Square Wednesday.
TERMS: SOVIET UNION; GROUP; OFFICIAL; END
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March 14, 1985, Thursday, FINAL
SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 1; ZONE: C
LENGTH: 1026 words
HEADLINE: BUSH, GORBACHEV TALK
BYLINE: By Howard A. Tyner, Chicago Tribune. (Tribune correspondent George de
Lama contributed to this story from Washington.)
DATELINE: MOSCOW
BODY:
Vice President George Bush had what he called a "constructive,
nonpolemical" meeting with Mikhail Gorbachev late Wednesday, but the new Soviet
leader apparently did not commit himself to a summit meeting with President
Reagan.
But Bush said that Reagan was willing to sit down with Gorbachev and that
"he'd be ready as soon as the Soviet leadership would be."
The vice president made his report after spending 1 hour and 25 minutes in
the Kremlin with Gorbachev. Secretary of State George Shultz and Soviet Foreign
Minister Andrei Gromyko also sat in on the session, which followed the funeral
of Soviet President Konstantin Chernenko.
White House officials had said Bush would deliver a message from Reagan
inviting Gorbachev to a summit meeting and that Washington was suggesting it be
held in the United States.
Bush refused to confirm that, although he said he had brought a letter. "I
believe that the President does feel a meeting would be useful," he said. Asked
what Gorbachev said about a summit, Bush replied: "I really honestly can't
answer that
I just couldn't tell you anything about that."
A senior U.S. official in Washington said any summit meeting should be in
the United States or in a "neutral" country. There has not been such a meeting
in the U.S. since Presidents Richard Nixon and Leonid Brezhnev met in 1974.
Since then there have been two summits in the Soviet Union and one each in
Finland and Austria.
"The President would prefer not to go to Moscow," the official said. "But in
general, we would not be very hung up on where the meeting is held."
Reagan's invitation came about in part because of his growing sensitivity to
being the first president since Herbert Hoover not to meet with his Soviet
counterpart, White House officials said.
"The President 15 thinking about his legacy, about how his presidency will
go down in the history books,' one official said. "He sincerely wants to reach
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an arms-control accord with the Russians."
Gorbachev, 54, was named general secretary of Soviet Communist Party on
Monday, the day after Chernenko's death. Reagan had not met with Chernenko or
his predecessor, Yuri Andropov, in part because they were ill during much of
their time in office.
In addition, during Reagan's first term the U.S. insisted a summit had to
offer the prospect of positive results before it could be held. That condition
seems to have been dropped in the recent White House comments, which apparently
were provoked by the conciliatory attitude toward the U.S. in Gorbachev's
acceptance speech after becoming general secretary. On Monday, Reagan said he
was looking forward to meeting "whenever we can" with Gorbachev.
This was the third time since November, 1982, that Bush has come to Moscow
to represent the U.S. at the funeral of a Soviet leader. Each time he has been
received by the new man in charge.
He spoke Wednesday night with cautious optimism about the possibility of an
improvement in Soviet-American relations, saying, "If there ever was a time when
we can move forward with progress in the last few years, I'd say this was a good
time."
Bush said he was not "euphoric" but rather realistic about the state of
affairs. "We encountered nothing there to discourage us in any way from these
feelings that I think
are high: high on hope, high that we can make
progress" in nuclear-arms negotiations in Geneva and "high for an overall
reduction of tensions."
Bush acknowledged "big problems, major differences" that would remain
between Moscow and Washington. But he said the climate of the session with
Gorbachev was such "that we feel this is a good time to move forward. I hope
that we adequately conveyed our President's views on that."
Reagan had lunch Wednesday with former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger,
who was in Nixon's Cabinet and who is an unofficial adviser to the current
administration. Kissinger said afterward that Reagan and Gorbachev should meet
"in due course" but that the U.S. should be cautious in weighing the meaning of
the change in Soviet leadership.
Kissinger warned that Gorbachev's relative youth and vigor, which have been
seen as hopeful factors in the West, do not necessarily bode well for East-West
relations.
"We have a tendency to look at these Soviet leaders as if this were a
personality contest," Kissinger told reporters. "The first thing one has to
remember is that you don't get to the head of the Politburo by being a
choirboy."
Kissinger urged that Reagan not rush into a summit unless Moscow showed a
firm commitment to improve its relations with the U.S., such as demonstrable
progress on arms reductions.
"A summit is not an end of itself," he said. "What is an end is the result
of a summit. I don't think foreign policy is a psychiatric exercise. 1 don't
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think it's so important to meet each other as it is important to have an agenda
to talk about."
Kissinger, who played an inportant role in the Nixon-Brezhnev summits, said
he agreed with the assessment that Reagan wants to go down in history as a
peacemaker.
"My impression is that (Reagan) is above all concerned about bringing about
a fundamental change in international tensions," Kissinger said, "and that will
determine the speed of a summit, the prospects for success."
The U.S. delegation was one of dozens Gorbachev met with after Chernenko's
funeral in Red Sqaure early Wednesday afternoon. The schedule fell 50 far
behind that when the Americans first drove to the Kremlin at the appointed hour
they were told to leave. So Bush and Shultz returned to the U.S. ambassador's
residence and waited more than 1 1/2 hours before being told to make the trip
again.
Bush said Gorbachev made "a very strong impression" and conducted their
long session "with great confidence and assurance." Gromyko participated in the
talks, he said, but left the lead to the new party leader. Chernenko often had
relied heavily on Gromyko in meetings with foreign dignitaries.
Bush left Moscow to attend the inauguration of Brazil's new president
Friday. Shultz headed back to Washington to brief Reagan.
GRAPHIC: PHOTO: AP Laserphoto. Vice President George Bush offers his
condolences to the Soviet Union's new leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, following
funeral services Wednesday in Moscow for Konstantin Chernenko.
TERMS: SOVIET UNION; RELATION; UNITED STATES
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Copyright (c) 1985 The Times Mirror Company;
Los Angeles Times
March 14, 1985, Thursday, Home Edition
SECTION: Part 1; Page 1; Column 5; Foreign Desk
LENGTH: 1005 words
HEADLINE: SOVIETS: BUSH ENCOURAGED BY GORBACHEV TALK
BYLINE: By WILLIAM J. EATON, Times Staff Writer
DATELINE: MOSCOW
BODY:
Vice President George Bush met for 85 minutes Wednesday with new Soviet
leader Mikhail S. Gorbachev and said afterward, "I think we have reason to be
encouraged."
He also indicated that he had told Gorbachev that President Reagan is ready
for a superpower summit conference whenever the Kremlin wants one. The vice
president strongly implied that he had delivered an invitation from Reagan to
Gorbachev during the discussion, which was held late Wednesday night after the
funeral of Soviet President Konstantin U. Chernenko.
"The President does feel a (summit) meeting would be useful," Bush said at
a news conference when asked if Reagan had invited Gorbachev to Washington. He
declined to give a direct answer to the question, although White House officials
had said late Tuesday that the mesage Bush was to deliver would suggest a
summit in the United States.
Bush also said he could not report anything about whether Gorbachev is
ready for a face-to-face encounter with the American President.
'Good Time to Move'
"The climate is such that WE feel this is a good time to move forward,"
Bush said. "I cannot speak for him (Reagan), but I think he would be ready
(for a summit meeting) as soon as the Soviet leadership will be."
The vice president, who was joined by Secretary of State George P. Shultz for
the meeting with Gorbachev and Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei A. Gromyko, gave
an upbeat appraisal of the discussion.
"We're not euphoric," Bush said, noting that major problems and differences
exist between Washington and Moscow. "But we encountered nothing (at the
meeting) to discourage us in any way."
As a result, he added, U.S. officials have high hopes for progress at nuclear
arms control talks in Geneva and for an overall reduction in Soviet-American
tensions.
Kissinger Cautions
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In Washington, former U.S. Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger, after
having a private lunch with Reagan at the White House, told reporters that
Americans make a mistake by viewing a Soviet leadership change as "a personality
contest."
"The first thing one has to remember is that you don't get to the head of the
Politburo necessarily by being a choirboy," he said. "You have to be a pretty
strong and tough individual."
Kissinger said he opposes the concept of a "get-acquainted" summit meeting
between Reagan and Gorbachev, and indicated that the President agrees with him.
"I don't think foreign policy is a psychiatric exercise," he said.
However, the former secretary of state predicted that there will be a
Reagan-Gorbachev summit "in due course."
"We have an unusual opportunity," Kissinger said, "if the Soviets realize
that the way things have been going they can't continue, as the President has
made emphatically clear." He said Reagan "above all is interested in bringing
about a fundamental change in international tensions."
Bush, who previously attended the Red Square funerals of Presidents Yuri V.
Andropov and Leonid I. Brezhnev, spoke along much the same lines, saying he
believes that there is more opportunity now to make progress in Soviet-American
relations than there has been in the last few years.
"The frankness and the content of the meeting (with Gorbachev) were such that
I think WE have reason to be encouraged," he said.
Bush was asked if Reagan's advocacy of research on space-based defenses
against nuclear missiles, nicknamed "Star Wars," would block progress because of
the Kremlin's strong condemnation of it. "We don't feel from the overall
conversation that anything is an insuperable barrier," he replied.
'Strong Impression'
As for Gorbachev himself, Bush described him as a man of confident
self-assurance, adding, "He made a very strong impression."
Gorbachev has moved quickly to establish himself as an active leader
following months of inactivity by his ailing predecessor.
Gorbachev, the 54-year-old successor to the Kremlin leadership, presided over
the Red Square funeral for Chernenko, whose 13-month tenure was plagued by
illness before he died last Sunday at the age of 73.
"We reaffirm once again our readiness to maintain good neighborly relations
with all countries on the principles of peaceful coexistence, on the basis of
equality and mutually advantageous cooperation," Gorbachev said in his funeral
oration.
"The Soviet Union has never threatened anyone," he said. "But no one will
ever be able to dictate his will to us.
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"Socialism, as Lenin thought, will prove its advantages, but it will prove
them not by force of arms but by force of example in all fields of society's
life -- economic, political and moral."
Thatcher Optimistic
Gorbachey also met with dozens of other foreign leaders who flew to Moscow
for the funeral and a first-hand look at the new leader, who is the ruling
Politburo's youngest member.
British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, who spent 55 minutes with him, said
afterward, "I believe from my talks with him that the Geneva negotiations should
result in success."
French President Francois Mitterrand described Gorbachev as "audacious" and
added: "He's a calm man who has an open mind and showed the will to tackle
problems firmly." However, the French leader cautioned that it would be a
mistake to believe that the coming to power of Gorbachev alone could produce
major changes in Soviet policies.
Armored Vehicle
Chernenko, the seventh leader of the Soviet Union, was buried near the
Kremlin wall after his coffin was towed by an armored vehicle through Red
Square.
Scores of portraits of Chernenko, each trimmed with red-and-black mourning
bands, were held aloft by spectators. His widow, Anna, other family members and
friends walked behind the gun carriage bearing his body while a military band
played Chopin's funeral march.
As the coffin was lowered into the grave, artillery boomed and factory
whistles sounded in a final salute to Chernenko, the third Kremlin leader to die
in the last 28 months.
Times reporter George Skelton in Washington contributed to this story.
GRAPHIC: Photo, Soviet leader Mikhail S. Gorbachev greets Vice President Bush
at start of their 85-minute meeting. UPI/Reuters; Photo, Dignataries -- Foreign
leaders, including British Prime Minister Thatcher and French President
Mitterrand, far right, observe funeral for Konstantin Chernenko. Associated
Press
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Copyright (c) 1985 The New York Times Company;
The New York Times
March 14, 1985, Thursday, Late City Final Edition
SECTION: Section B; Page 1, Column 1; Metropolitan Desk
LENGTH: 892 words
HEADLINE: NEWS SUMMARY;
BODY:
THURSDAY, MARCH 14, 1985 International
A Bush -Gorbachev meeting in Moscow that lasted 85 minutes prompted the Vice
President to say he believed ''we can move forward with progress.' The official
Soviet press agency Tass said that Mr. Gorbachev, the new Soviet leader, had
affirmed his readiness ''to work in practice'' to improve relations with the
United States. (Page A1, Col. 6.)
Chopin's funeral march echoed across Red Square as Konstantin U. Chernenko was
buried in the Kremlin. The ceremony was rich in pomp and Russian circumstance.
(A1:4-5.)
The President conveyed two views on Soviet-American relations to his senior
aides early Monday. The first was that Mr. Reagan was reluctant to fly to Mos cow
for the funeral of Mr. Chernenko, partly because of the White House schedule
and partly because the quick trip might be construed, according to an aide, as
''grandstanding'' and ''gimmicky.' Mr. Reagan's second opinion, an official
said, was that he 'wanted something other than a bland letter'' to be presented
to Mr. Gorbachev. (A1:3.)
Christian militia leaders rebelled against Lebanon's President, a Maronite
Catholic who is their ostensible leader. The uprising against President Amin
Gemayel posed a new threat to the stability of the Government and added another
element to the spiral of violent disintegration in the war-ravaged country.
(A1:2.) National
Senate budget makers approved, on a party-line vote, a deficit-reduction package
that would sharply reduce military spending, eliminate for one year the
cost-of-living increases for Social Security recipients and cut or eliminate
many of the domestic programs targeted by President Reagan. The package, which
includes no tax increases, would cut $55.1 billion from the deficit in 1986 and
$296.7 billion over three years. (A1:1.)
Many women with breast cancer in its early stages can be treated just as well by
small-scale surgery that does little to disfigure the breast rather than by
removal of the breast, a major new study indicates. The researchers, who
cautioned that the results were not conclusive, called the small-scale surgery
appropriate to treating tumors an inch and a half or less in diameter. (A1:4-6.)
An 1885 letter by Mark Twain details his offer to provide financial aid to one
of the first black students at Yale Law School and contains language suggesting
that Twain was vigorously opposed to racism. The recently authenticated letter,
written in the year that ''The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn'' was published,
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is almost certain to become part of the long debate over whether the book or its
author were racist. (A1:1-3.)
A cleanup of Bikini Atoll, which is contaminated by radioactivity from 23
American nuclear bomb tests, won support from the Administration. The accord was
part of a settlement of a lawsuit brought by the people of Bikini, who were
evacuated from the islands in 1946 for the tests. (A12:1-2.)
Rice University chose a theologian as its new president. He is George Erik Rupp,
dean of the Harvard Divinity School, and he is the first nonscientist to lead
Rice, which is widely regarded as the most academically select college in the
Southwest. (A17:1.)
A plan to halt airline subsidies for service to scores of small municipalities
is opposed by civic and business leaders across the nation's rural center. They
say the Reagan Administration's proposal to eliminate $50 million a year in the
subsidies would further isolate them. (D27:1-2.) Metropolitan
The new evidence that prompted a new grand jury inquiry into the Bernhard H.
Goetz case is based on information provided by a new witness, according to
Robert M. Morgenthau, the Manhattan District Attorney. Investigators said the
witness had been a subway passenger who did not testify before the first panel
that investigated Mr. Goetz's Dec. 22 shooting of four teen-agers. (B3:5-6.)
Lilco is responsible for $1.2 billion of the cost overrun on the $4.2 billion
Shoreham nuclear power plant, according to two administrative law judges of the
New York State Public Service Commission. Therefore, they ruled, the $1.2
billion should be paid by the utility's stockholders, not its customers.
(B2:1-4.)
Higher levels of PCB contaminants than are regarded as safe for eating under
Federal standards have been found in striped bass in New York Harbor and off
Long Island, according to a state survey. (B2:5-6.)
Board of Election employees charged with supervising the printing of ballots
last fall showed an ''almost embarrassing lack of understanding'' of their jobs,
a New York City investigation concluded. (B4:4.)
Stiff curbs on smoking on the job are being imposed by many companies. They are
spurred by a growing number of local laws requiring nonsmoking sections at work
and in restaurants. Many employers are also seeking to trim health insurance and
labor costs while increasing productivity and avoiding costly lawsuits by
nonsmokers. (B1:5-6.)
Dr. Harry D. Gideonse died in a Long Island nursing home at the age of 83. Dr.
Gideonse was an educator, economist and the president of Brooklyn College from
1939 to 1966. (D27:1-2.) Page D1
TYPE: Summary
SUBJECT: Terms not available
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Copyright (c) 1985 The New York Times Company;
The New York Times
March 12, 1985, Tuesday, Late City Final Edition
SECTION: Section À; Page 1, Column 5; National Desk
LENGTH: 865 words
HEADLINE: CHERNENKO IS DEAD IN MOSCOW AT 73; GORBACHEV SUCCEEDS HIM AND URGES
ARMS CONTROL AND ECONOMIC VIGOR;
BUSH SENT TO RITES
BYLINE: By BERNARD WEINRAUB, Special to the New York Times
DATELINE: WASHINGTON, March 11
BODY:
President Reagan decided today against attending the funeral of Konstantin
U. Chernenko, but he said he was ''more than ready'' to meet the new Soviet
leadership.
White House officials said Vice President Bush, who is in Geneva after a
visit to drought-stricken African nations, would lead the American delegation to
Mr. Chernenko's funeral in Moscow on Wednesday.
Mr. Bush also represented the United States at the funerals of Leonid I.
Brezhnev in 1982 and Yuri V. Andropov in 1984. He is to be joined by Secretary
of State George P. Shultz and the United States Ambassador to Moscow, Arthur À.
Hartman.
'Looking Forward' to Meeting
Mr. Reagan, in his first public comments after Mr. Chernenko's death, said he
was ''looking forward'' to meeting the new Soviet leader, Mikhail S. Gorbachev.
But the President voiced doubt that Soviet policies would change in any
substantive way as a result of the selection of Mr. Gorbachev.
White House officials indicated that Mr. Reagan had seriously considered
flying to Moscow for the funeral to underscore American resolve to improve
relations. But after a morning meeting with leading aides, Mr. Reagan decided
against the trip, largely because he felt little would be accomplished by a
brief visit.
'I Started Thinking About It'
'As of 4 A.M. this morning I started thinking about it after the first call
came,' Mr. Reagan told a group of editors and broadcasters at the White House
this afternoon. He had been awakened by his national security adviser, Robert C.
McFarlane, with a report indicating that the Soviet leader had died.
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''I had a feeling there's - first of all, there's an awful lot on my plate
right now that would have to be set aside, Mr. Reagan said. ''I didn't think
that anything could be achieved by going.
'An Open Mind'
"I've sent my condolences to the Soviet leadership and people,' Mr. Reagan
told the group. "I want them to know that we will deal with Chairman
Chernenko's successor with an open mind and will continue our efforts to improve
relations between our two nations, to settle our differences fairly, and
particularly, to lower the levels of nuclear arms.
Larry Speakes, the White House spokesman, said Mr. Bush would carry a
private letter from Mr. Reagan to Mr. Gorbachev. Earlier today Mr. Reagan sent a
condolence message to the acting head of state, Vasily V. Kuznetsov, urging the
United States and the Soviet Union to ''seize the opportunities for peace'' as
they start arms negotiations Tuesday in Geneva.
''At this solemn time,' Mr. Reagan said in his message, ''I wish to
reiterate the strong desire of the American people for world peace. Although the
problems which divide our countries are many and complex, we can and must
resolve our differences through dialogue and negotiation.'
Other Commitments Cited
Mr. Reagan, explaining how other business would have had to be set aside if
he had decided to go to Moscow, cited the visit Tuesday of the Egyptian
President, Hosni Mubarak, as well as his meeting next Sunday and Monday with the
Canadian Prime Minister, Brian Mulroney, in Quebec City.
Mr. Reagan also noted that Mr. Bush was already in Geneva delivering a
speech, 50 ''it would seem very logical for him to do it.''
White House officials also cited the the Soviet Union's desire for small
delegations at the funeral, as well as the logistical problems in arranging a
trip on short notice.
Beyond this, one White House official said Mr. Reagan was reluctant ''to make
a quick hit'' in Moscow and then depart in a visit that would be viewed as more
symbolic than substantive.
''Reagan has always said that he wanted to have a meeting with them that was
planned, where there were people in place and an agenda to talk about, the
official said. ''This wasn't it.'
Nonetheless Mr. Reagan, as well as his staff, went to some lengths today to
emphasize the President's strong interest in meeting the new Soviet leadership,
especially at a time when both nations are about to engage in talks aimed at
limiting nuclear weapons.
'Legitimate Agenda' Sought
LEXIS® NEXIS
Services of Mead Data Central, Inc.
PAGE 22
(c) 1985 The New York Times, March 12, 1985
Asked if he was ''anxious'' to meet the new Soviet leader, Mr. Reagan
responded: ''Very much SO. And I was with the previous three also.' Mr. Reagan
said he wanted a summit to include ''a legitimate agenda and not just have a
meeting to get acquainted.
''You have to wait for a new man now to get in place and establish his
regime, and then I'll be more than ready,'' said Mr. Reagan.
''I'd like to have a talk and see if some way we can't some day have a
meeting of minds,' he added.
Mr. Reagan, in his comments to the editors and broadcasters after a luncheon
in the State Dining Room, said he foresaw little shift in Soviet policy.
That policy, he said, ''is really determined by a dozen or so individuals in
the Politburo.''
''They are the ones who chose him,'' he added. ''It is a collective
Government. And while an individual, once chosen by them, can undoubtedly
influence or persuade them certain things that might be particular theories or
policies of his, the Government basically remains the same group of
individuals.'
GRAPHIC: photo of Presient Reagan (page A17)
SUBJECT: DEATHS; INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS; UNITED STATES INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
NAME: REAGAN, RONALD WILSON (PRES); CHERNENKO, KONSTANTIN U; BUSH, GEORGE
(VICE PRES); HARTMAN, ARTHUR A (AMB); SHULTZ, GEORGE PRATT (SEC); WEINRAUB,
BERNARD
GEOGRAPHIC: UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS
Week Ending Friday, August 2, 1991
Remarks and an Exchange With Soviet
"qualitative." I guess I would put that in
Journalists on the Upcoming Moscow
the terms of just improving a bilateral rela-
Summit
tion. I think there's been some doubts in
July 25, 1991
the Soviet Union about the United States
intentions. There are different voices in the
The President. Well, we have, I think,
United States saying different things, just as
about 30 minutes, and I don't know any
there are in the Soviet Union. But as the
better way to start other than to say I'm
President, I think it will be helpful to
looking forward to this visit very much
convey a message of respect, wanting to
indeed. A lot of things to talk about, and I
work with the Soviet Union, discussing all
have every anticipation that the visit will go
issues including the regional issues where
well.
Soviet participation-very important on the
A lot of the issues were addressed at this
Middle East-discussing what we call a new
G-7 meeting, but we've got a lot of bilater-
world order where a changing Soviet
al things to discuss and, as far as we're con-
Union, changed Soviet Union, are an inte-
cerned, every issue is open for discussion.
gral part of it.
So, I think it will be positive. And I hope
So, that's the way I'd answer the qualita-
that the outcome of the visit will be a
tive aspect of it.
strengthening of this relationship. It's very
Q. Mr. President, how do you view moti-
important to the United States, and I like to
vations in the triangle-Washington, Soviet
think it's important to the Soviet Union.
central government, and the Republics?
So, with no further ado, why don't we
Your first steps on this way meeting with
just keep going around the circle here until
Mr. Yeltsin and the trip to Kiev-
we run out of questions or time. Who wants
The President. Well, I don't think we've
to start?
got a triangle. In other words, I view that
Q. Mr. President, you've met with Mr.
the President of the United States primarily
Gorbachev several times. and every meet-
deals with the President of the Soviet
ing was kind of a step toward some new
Union. Having said that, contacts with the
situation. Can you-maybe it's a little bit
Republics is a very important thing. And I
premature to ask you such a question-but
think any Soviet leader has many contacts
can you explain to us, what could it be from
with our Federation, with our Governors,
your point of view, this visit of yours-from
and with our Representatives of these dif-
a qualitative point of view, qualitative for
ferent States.
Soviet-American relations?
So, to me it's-but I don't want to suggest
The President. Well, of course, on the
that we've got a three-sided triangle. We're
qualitative sense, I think the signing of an
not in that. But we will deal-I thought Mr.
arms control agreement speaks for itself.
Yeltsin, when he came here, conducted
And I hope that we'll have the agreement
himself very well. He came here in a
ready to sign on every detail. But even if
manner that is understood by Americans—
we don't, we've got so much-I mean, the
and that is, backed by a very large vote.
deal is done, and whatever we sign will be
And this made quite a difference to Ameri-
viewed as a significant step forward and
cans. Here's a man who took his case to the
one that-this one isn't just U.S.-Soviet, it
Russian Republic and won a big victory.
just has-a lot of people around the world
But I don't think that that means we
have been hoping to see this for a long
have a triangle where I deal with Yeltsin on
time.
the same basis as I deal with Gorbachev,
So, that will probably dominate it. We've
and Yeltsin deals with us the same way he
got a lot of-I don't know what you mean
deals with Gorbachev. I mean, you can't
1057
July 29 / Administration of George Bush, 1991
conduct foreign policy that way. You have
world order, but this couldn't have taken
to have an ordered approach. And people
place unless there had been a dramatic
in the Soviet Union, whole Union, are enti-
change in the thinking in the Soviet Union.
tled to know that the President of the
Thinking, incidentally, that both Gorbachev
United States will deal with respect with
and-since we mentioned Yeltsin-seem to
the President of the Soviet Union.
share.
Having said that, that doesn't preclude
So, I think that arms control, defense, all
good relations with Yeltsin or anybody else
of these things will continue to be impor-
there. But I just don't want to equate the
tant-and sometimes sticking; there will be
two.
some sticking points. But if we do our jobs
Did I get that question? Okay. I just
properly, I think they will be overshadowed
wanted to be sure that was the question.
by this common desire to work together for
Q. Mr. President, the START treaty, to
the change-to facilitate and enhance the
some extent, signifies a shift from the cold
changes taking place in the Soviet Union.
war agenda centered around arms control,
Q. Mr. President, my question may be
to a new agenda, so to say, agenda with
kind of a follow-up on what my colleague
more emphasis on economic preparation-
trade. What is your perspective on that?
just asked. I am interested in the arms con-
The President. I think that's true. I don't
trol issue. My impression is that, now, when
say this is the end of the arms control road,
START is done, the arms control issue is
but-because there will be other objectives
going to the background. I mean, in the
down the road, I think. But we're dealing
first place, we're having these economic
with such dynamic change in the Soviet
and social problems
Union that, as we said out at the G-7, in
The President. Yes.
terms of technical assistance and all, we
Q. -between the United States and the
want to be a part of it. And so, I think that
Soviet Union. So, the question, number one,
the economic questions that will be-were
to which extent would you agree that arms
discussed-will be a part of it. The system
control is not as important as it used to be,
questions will be a part of it.
say, a year ago? And secondly, if we talk
The Soviet Union has not had a market
about START II, which you're going to dis-
economy. They've not had convertibility of
cuss in the Soviet Union, what do you think
currency. They've not had private owner-
would be the ultimate goals of the START
ship. And now there seems to be-and elec-
II process? Do you have any numerical fig-
tions. So, we have all these subjects that will
ures?
soon dominate the agenda without driving
The President. I don't. On the second
arms control totally away from the agenda.
part, I just don't. Can't help you with what
But these are the critical things. These are
we will be proposing or even a broad di-
the things that-successful acceptance of
mension of what might follow-on.
the technical assistance and moving the
There will be other arms control areas
Soviet economy and markets forward and
where we've got to work together-chemi-
all-we think is in the best interests of all
cal weapons is a good example. We like this
the citizens there. And clearly, we think it's
open skies approach that we've talked
in our interests, or we wouldn't be pursuing
about before, and I've got to convince
this.
Soviet leaders that this is not detrimental to
I mean. I think if you want to visualize a
their interests at all, particularly in a new
bright future, you look at the continuations
and open society. So, there will be arms
of the Gorbachev reforms; you look at the
control items that will follow-on.
continuations of much of what Mr. Yeltsin
Having said that, the achievements in
stands for; and you see enormous opportu-
CFE, INF, and START have taken the
nity for investment and for participating
major intractable issues off the table. And
and working closely in political matters.
those are the ones that the world looks to
The very changes that Gorbachev has
and says, my God, isn't this great? We're
brought about really was, I think, largely
moving in the same direction with the
responsible for the utility of the United Na-
Soviet Union. Our children might grow up
tions, for example. We talk about a new
without the fear of nuclear weapons. And
1058
Administration of George Bush, 1991 / July 29
so, those three have been very, very impor-
beg for money. We talked very openly
tant in my view. But I think we've still got
about the needs to continue the reform.
an arms control agenda. And there could be
some START follow-on, there could be
Obviously, we made clear to him something
that he already knew: that finalization of
some of these other areas we're talking
about. But I think the reason the economic
the treaty, union treaty, formalization of
issues and all will come to the forefront is
the 9 plus 1, is very important. It's very
that so much has already been done in arms
hard to make investments if you don't know
control-or will have been done by the
who you're contracting with or how the
time we get this START deal done.
taxes are going to be divided up.
Q. If I understood you correctly, Mr.
But to suggest that this was a cold war
President, you will be taking some specific
victory just misinterprets the climate of the
proposals for a START II to
meeting. The climate wasn't staring at each
The President. I don't know how specific
other across the table with animosity. It was
they will be in this short of time, but there
really quite constructive: How do we work
will be a broad discussion of issues. I
together? And therein lies the biggest dif-
haven't really seen the briefing paper to
ference on cold war ideology. Hell, I re-
know how interested the leaders over there
member from the U.N. with Yakov Malik,
will be in all of this, but I have found Mr.
who became a friend of mine; but, God,
Gorbachev always interested in discussing
there'd be times when we'd just sit glaring
that kind of thing. But I can't help you with
at each other with opposite positions. And
any specifics at this point. We may be flesh-
that was cold war, maybe not the coldest
ing out some before we get there, but there
days of the cold war, but that was cold war.
won't be any bold. new proposal on the
And now that's changed and there isn't any
part of the United States for a dramatic
kind of "grind the other guy into the dirt"
next step. We'll be talking more, how do we
on either side as far as I'm concerned. So,
achieve a next step; what areas are of inter-
it's not-the analogy, the charge that
'est here?
people make, that say, that simply is un-
Q. Mr. President, until the last years
founded in my view.
there was a huge and very intensive ideo-
Q. Mr. Bush, the G-7 decided that the
logical war between East and West. As I
West would give the Soviet Union only
find it today it's nearing to the end, but it's
advice, not money, not much credit. How-
centered and moved to the Soviet Union.
ever, we hear another viewpoint in the
And being here in Washington, I heard that
West. Aid will increase the chances that
there was a new thesis which was put in use
reform start-area and will work. What do
in the Soviet Union that results-and meet-
you think about this position, and where is a
ing of Mr. Gorbachev with you and with
fine line when the West can realize that the
other leaders from Western countries-they
Soviet Union's reforms are going successful-
are estimated now by some circles, some
ly?
political circles of our country, as a third
The President. Well, one of the reasons
world war which was lost by Mr. Gorba-
we proposed this associate membership in
chev. Would you comment on such a-
the IMF and the World Bank, is that I think
The President. I think that is a very cyni-
that membership, that associate member-
cal and very unfair observation. You mean
ship, will lead to greater understanding all
the results of the summit would be-yes. I
across the economic hierarchy in the Soviet
don't agree with that at all, because what I
Union. And so, I think that it will end when
detected there in the G-7 was an anxious
the treaty's been finalized; when reforms
desire to try-to facilitate the change that is
are irreversible; and where the commit-
already taking place there, to help in the
ment that Gorbachev has made and Yeltsin
change.
has made to market, to privatization is
And maybe somebody is saying, well, he
more demonstrable, where there's more-
didn't get money. Maybe that's what the
and technical assistance that came out in
criticism is. But he didn't ask. I mean, he
this G-7 is important to facilitating all that.
wasn't there with his hat in his hand in a
beggar's uniform. coming there trying to
It wasn't a question of just finding some
way not to do something with the Soviet
1059
July 29 / Administration of George Bush, 1991
Union. Everybody there really felt that
Soviet Union, I mean-because once that
technical assistance, be it in energy, or food
distribution, or nuclear safety, consultation
starts big, I think it will so benefit the peo-
on environment-all of this kind of thing is
ple's lives that there won't be any going
back. It's happening in other countries. It's
essential to make subsequent investments
worthwhile. Without them the private in-
happening in Eastern Europe, although it's
a little slower than they'd like to see. But
vestments wouldn't come, as a matter of
fact. And that's where the big change is.
they're beginning to get the feel of what
One of the summit participants made the
private investment can do and what market
comment that we've got a company in our
economies can do and what private owner-
ship can do.
country that wants to invest SI billion in
the Soviet Union. They can't quite do it yet
Having said that, the Soviet Union has
until you finalize the union treaty, until
some big problems. And it's not for me to
some of the internals are worked out-how
go over there and get all involved in their
we get our money out. But when that hap-
internal affairs, but I'm told they've got
pens, all you need is 100 of those and you
problems with housing for returning sol-
have $100 billion that can make a tremen-
diers. Well, those are tough problems to
dous difference in the lives, the standard of
work out. But I still believe that the broad
living of the people inside the Soviet Union.
emphasis on markets and private invest-
So, this technical assistance approach was
ment and all of that is a way to solve even
not some kind of stumbling fallback posi-
those intractable problems.
tion-let's do that and then we won't have
Q. Mr. President, I would like to raise an
to do something else. I think President Gor-
issue which is very much in the headlines
bachev knows not only that that makes
these days.
sense, but I also think he knows that finan-
The President. Which country, yours or
cial constraints under which some coun-
mine?
tries-I'll start right with the United
Q. Both.
States-are operating. You guys know it.
The President. Both-okay.
You're here, you read the debate every day.
Q. The application for the full member-
And I think he handled that-getting all
ship with IMF and the World Bank for the
that in perspective very well.
Soviet Union-so what are you going to do
Q. Sir, this is kind of a follow-up. If we
about that?
could get back to the London summit. I
The President. Well. the G-7 has already
want to make sure one thing. So, eventually
taken a position on that; it should be an
you think that the West will commit its
associate membership. The application
prestige, I mean itself, its prestige, some of
came in a letter that was dated prior to the
its resources to making the U.S.S.R. part of
G-7 meeting, so I will try to get some clari-
what Gorbachev called one civilization?
fication on this. But there was a lot of con-
The President. No question. And the em-
sideration given to it, and what I've said
phasis should be, to really help the lives of
here is the position of the United States.
the people. on private-sector investment. I
Q. So, in other words, it's premature you
mean, that's where the big bucks lie; that's
think?
where the major change lies; that's where
The President. That's what we decided
employment of people lie; where increase
and that's what-the position that was
of standard of living lies. However, the pre-
taken at the G-7. The IMF and the World
liminary-what the hell am I thinking of-
Bank have certain requirements. We've
associate membership in the World Bank. in
touched generally on what some of these
the IMF, yes. would lead to membership,
which in turn would lead to the kinds of
requirements are. And the Soviet Union,
specialized funding requirements that some
like any other country, is going to have to
of these projects or some of the central gov-
meet the requirements. And the require-
ments can't be met yet. But they will be
ernment or some of the governments there
will require.
met when this associate membership brings
I do think that this approach will lead to
to fruition-helps bring about the changes
irreversibility at home because once-in the
in the strengthening, in the different eco-
nomic-the economy in the Soviet Union.
1060
Administration of George Bush, 1991 / July 29
You know, I was a little surprised to see
the application, but on the other hand, I
The dynamism of the U.S. economy when
don't get all out of shape on it because I
it was more dynamic, and as it recovers,
know what the G-7-how they deliberated.
will come from small business. It's not going
I know the spirit of cooperation-not nega-
to be the General Electrics and these gigan-
tivism-that existed in terms of helping
tic corporations. It comes from small busi-
there. And it's our strongly-held conviction
ness. And once this thing takes hold, in
that this has to happen. The rules of these
some little business in some corner of the
big IFIs, we call them-international finan-
Soviet Union that was owned by the state
cial institutions-would not at this juncture
or by a city or by some bureaucracy, moves
permit them to go forward with loans or
into ownership by Igor so-and-so on the
with grants or whatever it is. But if the
corner down here-it has nothing to do
program that we outlined, the associate
with foreign investment. It has to do with
membership-if experts get the feeling of
system. And that's what's going to make this
how it works and the assistance that we
economy more dynamic.
talked about here goes forward, who
Foreign investment can help. And as I
knows? I mean, that may happen sooner
say, I think it's important. But the concept,
rather than later.
the exciting concept, has to lie with individ-
But it's not an anti-Soviet position. It's
ual people over there or people coming to-
just a very realistic position. So, when this
gether to start businesses or take over a
application was made, we say, hey, what's
state-owned business and make it more effi-
happening here? I mean, maybe they decid-
cient. I'm absolutely certain that it will just
ed to go in for some technical reason at this
open up tremendous opportunities, in addi-
point. But I don't think anybody can be
tion to what may be foreign investment
under any illusion as to what's going to
coming, but for the guy next door owning a
happen on that because that was discussed
small shop, a restaurant, whatever it is-a
a little over a week ago. And the decision
manufacturing company-and doing it
taken by at least seven of the countries that
quicker and doing it better and making a
are members of these IFIs, these interna-
better product because of competition.
tional financial institutions.
And so, to those that say, hey, we don't
Mr. Fitzwater. One more round—
want the foreign investors to own every-
The President. All right-four to go.
thing in the Soviet Union, I'd say, you make
Q. Mr. President, I hope that during your
these changes that the whole world is look-
visit to the Soviet Union you wouldn't hear
ing for and you'll find that it is-this is all a
such an accusation such as we hear. But,
cash and is generated by what I'm talking
anyway, they exist and we must talk-
about. You'll find there's a lot of innovation
The President. Yes, I understand.
in people once they don't have to comply
Q. one of them, it's again from
with a lot of state regulation.
an ideological point of view that if there
Now, how do I know this? Because we've
would be a profound and comprehensive
been down this; we still have publicly-
market reentered. reforms in the Soviet
owned utilities or publicly-owned projects
Union, everything, every little bit of Soviet
that are much less efficient than those that
industry will be bought out or sold to the
are owned by the American people.
so-called Western capitalists. Is there, from
Now, you hear the same charge made,
your point of view and from your experi-
incidentally, about Japanese investment in
ence. any foundation?
The President. I don't think there's a
this country. Some have rather cynically
said, well, Japan's going to own all of the
foundation for that. I'm all for encouraging
foreign investment in the Soviet Union. I
United States. My view is, I support Japa-
think that would be the quickest way, the
nese investment in our country. It results in
quickest way to encourage-to raise the
competitiveness. It results in productivity
level of-standard of living of people at
increasing in our country. If they can come
home. But that doesn't mean all foreign in-
in and show a better way to run a hotel, the
vestment.
guy next door is going to have to do a
better job, or his hotel is going to go down.
1061
July 29 / Administration of George Bush, 1991
So, I would say to those that might be
want to call it. But as that gives way to the
concerned about this at home, no, private
investment will help. It will make a big
same kind of change that's taken place else-
difference. But what you're going to do
where, this idea that we have to be enemies
here is unleash the dynamism of private
or that we have to be in competition all the
ownership at home of people in the Soviet
time is crazy. We compete with Europe.
Union. And people say, well, they don't
And I get mad at them when they've got
have the money to do that. Watch how it
protection practices that we don't like. And
they get mad at us when we do.
generates. Watch how a small business can
mushroom, create jobs for people, and
But nobody views it as an enemy kind of
create opportunity. So, I would say to those
thing. So, I would say that the final answer
who might worry about that: don't worry.
to your question is, looking at the year
That's not the history of how it works in
2000, there wouldn't be this talk of enmity.
other countries.
And, of course, I'd like to see that we'd look
One more?
at our defense requirements and have a
Q. And in this connection, what are your
little more trust and take some of the great
personal expectations of achievements-po-
assets that are involved in defense and turn
litical and economic achievements-in the
them into private productive uses-beat the
2000? Soviet Union between now and the year
swords into ploughshares.
We've trying that, as you know. We're
The President. Oh, well, there I'm opti-
bringing down-we're closing bases, bring-
mistic about all that because I think you'll
ing down defense. We've still got a very
see a Soviet Union that has sorted out its
strong defense. The Soviet Union has a
internal relations with the Republics. I'm
strong defense. But as we trust each other
not saying you have to do it the way we
more, and as this economic model works.
do-50 States and a central government.
why I think the happy thing about 2000 is
But there may be some pattern, how we
that kids growing up in the Soviet schools
sort these relationships on taxation or
and the kids growing up in the American
power to regulate between States and Fed-
schools-little 10-year-olds-9 years from
eral. But that will be sorted out on a Soviet
now won't be looking with a kind of ques-
Union scale, Soviet Union model; Not a U.S.
tion-hey, we trust these people. I mean.
model; not a French model.
I'd like to think that more mutual trust
And once that's done, I would say that-
would emerge because of what we're talk-
and that will be done far sooner than the
ing about.
year 2000-then I'd say, looking over the
Mr. Fitzwater. This is the final question.
horizon to the year 2000, you're going to
The President. Yes, we've been around.
find a dynamic situation with better trans-
Keep going, I'll keep the answers shorter.
portation. a better distribution for agricul-
Marlin.
tural products. a smoother working political
Q. Sir, can we expect a joint statement
relationship between the Republics and the
emerging from the Moscow summit on the
center. and a standard of living that has
Middle East probably, or Iraq?
gone up for the individual worker or the
The President. I don't know whether
individual housewife in the Soviet Union.
there will be a joint statement. My position
That's what I visualize. And, of course,
has been the Soviet Union already has dem-
that's what we'd like to see happen.
onstrated a very helpful attitude in terms
And some might say, well. you see a big
of-cooperative attitude, working towards
economically strong Soviet Union beginning
bringing about peace talks in the Middle
to emerge in the year 2000-isn't that com-
East. And we're grateful. But whether there
petition for the United States? No. Compe-
will be a statement emerging on that. I
tition stems from the differences in ideolo-
don't know.
gy-I mean. to be very candid about it. the
And Iraq, we may have some differences
approach that the Soviet Union took for
is how we look at it. But the main thing is
many years in terms of what we would
view as totalitarianism or centrally-con-
we came together at the U.N. on the major
common goal: this aggression will not stand.
trolled industry. Marxism. whatever you
And the Soviet Union at the last minute
1062
Administration of George Bush, 1991 / July 29
had a couple of ideas of a peace conference
or peace talk just before military force was
ask you before. And so, should we expect
used. But that's fine. I mean, so did a lot of
any news today; which is the final day for
other people have those ideas. But once the
the United Nations deadline on Iraqi sup-
battle was joined, the Soviet Union stayed
plying all the information about nuclear
with the U.N. position and the U.N. resolu-
The President. I don't know what's hap-
tions. And so, I will be looking at that and
pening up there. Brent, do you know what's
thanking people there for that support.
happening today up there?
But whether there will be anything in the
General Scowcroft. No—
future on it or not, I just don't know. I have
The President. There's been a kind of
to there. see what we talk about when we get
heightened view that after-almost got it
back to the January 15th deadline in terms
Last one.
of using force. And I think that's gotten a
Q. Mr. President, since this is the last
little out of hand. I mean, the United States
question, could I make it two-part?
is not going to go off like some cowboy, six-
The President. Yes.
guns shooting in the air because the 25th of
Q. Those will be very short parts.
July has gone by. But we are going to do is
The President. Two parts with no follow-
be damned sure one way or another that
on-how's that for an idea. [Laughter] I
Saddam Hussein does not continue to lie
hope you guys don't get into the American
and does not continue to go against the
system just because you've lived here a long
U.N. resolutions.
time, with a follow-on. The insidious follow-
And he has not restituted the gold from
on question.
Kuwait. He has not fully accounted for the
Q. From Helen Thomas [Helen Thomas,
people from Kuwait. He continues to do
United Press International].
bad things in terms of pursuing nuclear ob-
The President. Yes, exactly. Exactly.
jectives. And there is a whole other list of
Q. Mr. President, you said that you
things that he-he diverts food away from
wouldn't like to interfere into the internal
the people into certain hierarchies. And
affairs of the Soviet Union.
that's not any good.
The President. That I don't want to inter-
fere in it?
But I think there's been a heightened
kind of feeling-well, on the 25th, we'd
Q. Yes. right.
better batten down the hatches over there
The President. Yes.
because this man is going to be punished.
Q. But still I don't think we would come
He may get punished someday. And we
out of this room without you making your
have got to enforce these United Nations
comment on what happened yesterday in
the Soviet Union when President Gorba-
sanctions and resolutions. But I'm just
chev managed to strike a deal with the
trying to put that 25th of July into a proper
leaders of the Republics.
perspective. We have expected full disclo-
sure. And I'll be interested to see on the
The President. I see what you mean. No.
26th of July what my experts tell me about
I don't feel I'm interfering in the Soviet
whether there's been full disclosure. But I
Union when I say it's very good that a deal
wouldn't read too much into it as a day that
appears to have been worked out. Don't ask
we-that military action is taken.
me to give you the details on the deal.
Don't ask me to fine-tune any paragraph on
I think the very fact that there was some
rather strong feeling from a lot of countries
it. But the idea of the Soviet Union working
that military action might be taken if he
out a deal with the Republics is very, very
important to these economic objectives that
doesn't comply resulted in his coming for-
I talked about here. So, I would view a
ward and say, oh, all the things I told you I
comment by me as simply being supportive.
wasn't doing yesterday, yes, I am doing
them. But here's the answer, here's the dis-
But I hope it wouldn't be interpreted as
intervening in the internal economic affairs
closure. The problem is the disclosure is not
or political affairs of the Soviet Union.
full and he's got to comply.
Q. And the second part, which would be
And so, all we want to do is have him
drastically varying from what we used to
keep his word and stop brutalizing his own
people by diverting food away from them
1063
July 29 / Administration of George Bush, 1991
and medicines. But I think-I'm still hope-
at a critical time in the process of transition
ful that he will do that, very candidly-still
in our progress along the path of democra:
hopeful. But I can't guarantee it from what
ic transformation and reform.
I've seen so far.
It was also a challenging year for the
Q. Mr. President, this interview will
international community. It too, is going
appear on Saturday. What you just said, it
through a period of transition to a new un
still will be valid by that time?
precedented system of international rela-
The President. Saturday? What time Sat-
tions. The beginning of a new era in histor:-
urday? No, I'm just teasing you. [Laughter]
has been a tough test, indeed, for leaders C:
No, it will be valid.
states, requiring enormous effort, a sense 0:
Q. Thank you very much, sir.
high responsibility, strictest realism, anc
The President. No, it will be valid. Yes, it
vision.
will be valid. This thing is-any action,
A great deal in world politics will contin-
you've got to have other people with out.
ue to depend on how the Soviet Union anc
We're not going to be off on some Lone
the United States interact with each other.
Ranger wicket, as I say.
For the first time ever, our two countries
Good to see you all. Thanks for coming.
have a chance to build their relations or:
the natural basis of universal human values
Note: The exchange began at 2:30 p.m. in
and national interest. We are beginning to
the Oval Office at the White House. Partici-
realize that we need each other, that the
pants included Yuri Bandoura, Moscow
security, internal stability, and dynamic de-
News; Edgar Cheporou, Literaturnaya
velopment of each of our two countries
Gazeta; Vitaliy Gan, Pravda; and Alexan-
benefits both of them. Not only our two
der Shalnev, Izvestia.
nations but the entire world needs this kinc
The following persons were referred to:
of U.S.-Soviet relationship. The world has
President Mikhail Gorbacher of the Soviet
realized this and has given us support in
Union; President Boris N. Yeltsin of the Re-
our joint efforts. Today and tomorrow we
public of Russia; Yakou Malik, former
will be discussing with you, Mr. President.
Societ representative to the United Nations;
these and many other matters. The Sovier
and President Saddam Hussein of Iraq.
people welcome you as the leader of a great
Marlin Fitzwater is Press Secretary to the
power, as a statesman who is making
President. Brent Scowcroft is Assistant to
the President for National Security Affairs.
great contribution to the shaping of new
world politics.
The interview was released by the Office of
the Press Secretary on July 29. A tape was
Mr. President, in recent months and
not available for verification of the content
weeks, the Kremlin, a symbol of our na-
of this exchange.
tion's centuries-old history, has been the
scene of events that will shape this coun-
try's future. Tomorrow it will witness an-
other such event, the signing of the treaty
on the reduction of strategic offensive arms.
Remarks at the Arrival Ceremony in
It is more than just a major step in the
Moscow
process of disarmament. It is a sign of 1
July 30, 1991
growing irreversibility of the fundamentar
change for the better in world develop-
President Gorbacher. Mr. President. Mrs.
ment.
Bush. I would like to extend a warm and
The results of the G-7 meeting in
sincere welcome to you on Soviet soil
London further solidified this irreversibility.
within the walls of our ancient Kremlin.
It was the beginning of a new type of inter-
It has been little more than a year since I
national economic relations, which will
visited the United States. This year has seen
form the material foundation for world poli-
events of tremendous importance. both in
tics in the 21st century.
our two countries and in the world. For us
All this, I hope. will allow our peoples to
in the U.S.S.R., it was a year that put to a
benefit more directly from the improving
daily test our capacity to act constructively
Soviet-U.S. relationship.
1064
Administration of George Bush, 1991 / July 30
Allow me, Mr. President, to assure every-
one who will be following our work with
peace between Israel and her Arab neigh-
bors. And we'll also work together to re-
you in the coming days that we shall try to
live up to the hopes of our fellow citizens,
solve difficulties and conflicts in Afghani-
the peoples of the United States and the
stan and Cambodia, just as we worked to
Soviet Union.
build peace and democracy in Angola, Na-
Once again, Mr. President and Mrs. Bush,
mibia, and Nicaragua.
welcome to the Soviet Union.
No longer must all the world serve as a
President Bush. Thank you very much.
stage for superpower standoffs. Instead, let
sir.
everyplace from Central America to Angola
Well, first, let me thank President Gorba-
to Afghanistan offer new hopes, new oppor-
chev, leaders that met us last night, people
tunities. And let us pursue shared goals: a
along the way for their warm welcome
stable world no longer polarized, mutually
here. We've been looking forward to this
beneficial economic ties, cooperation on ev-
visit. And I'm honored to be in Moscow to
erything from weapons proliferation to en-
meet with President Gorbachev for this his-
vironmental problems.
toric summit at a time when tension gives
President Gorbachev has earned our re-
way to a new season of hope. We need only
spect and admiration for his uncommon
compare the words of the cold war with our
vision and courage in replacing old ortho-
historic accomplishments in recent years to
doxy with glasnost and perestroika. But
realize that a new age of promise has
more fundamental than the relations of
dawned. No visitor to this country can fail
leaders are the shared values of their
to see the signs of change.
people, and here our common humanity
Since my last visit in 1985, we've wit-
offers the greatest hope for mankind.
nessed the opening of Europe and the end
And yes, we have differences, but this
of a world polarized by suspicion. That
hope can enable us to address our differ-
year, Mikhail Gorbachev assumed leader-
ences-differences over Cuba or the future
ship of the Soviet Union, put many monu-
of the Baltic States or what Japan calls the
mental changes into motion. He began in-
Northern Territory. But let's conduct all our
stituting reforms that basically changed the
affairs in the spirit of enduring partnership,
world. And in the United States, everyone
based on politics-peaceful and democratic,
now knows at least two Russian words: glas-
on economies-productive and free. You
nost and perestroika. And here everyone
see, Americans want to work with all levels
appreciates the English word: democracy.
of Soviet society. Beyond our central Gov-
Our nations have moved forward in every
ernments, we look for greater interaction
sphere: political. military, and economic.
between the citizens of our States and your
And we stood together for the first time in
Republics. And beyond government, we
50 years to face down aggression in the
seek greater understanding throughout the
Gulf-the Persian Gulf. And this week we
broad spectrum of society-among business-
take. as the President just said, another his-
men, students, artists, and scientists.
toric step away from the cold war with the
So, I come here on a state visit to the
signing of the START treaty.
Soviet Union, but I also come to discover a
In the next 2 days, President Gorbachev
rapidly changing country. For the sake of
and I hope to build upon this beginning, to
peace and new prosperity, on behalf of all
forge a U.S.-Soviet agenda, built not upon
Americans I come here today to assure
military confrontation but upon economic
and security cooperation. In the economic
President Gorbachev, the leaders, the great
people of this land in each of its Republics,
sphere. we hope to build upon the agree-
that we stand with you in your historic
ments we made in Malta-to normalize eco-
struggle for democracy and reform.
nomic relations and work toward helping
the Soviet Union integrate itself into the
Fifty years ago, we united as allies to
fight a horrible war, a war that cost the
international economy. In the Middle East.
Soviet Union hundreds of thousands of lives.
we see new prospects for peace where once
there was only contention. And together.
So this week, let us come together to seek a
we will work toward building a lasting
newer world-more stable, more just, more
peaceful.
1065
July 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1991
Thank you. And may God bless the Soviet
come a half-century of mistrust to seize this
people, the sovereign people of this Soviet
moment and build a lasting peace.
Union. We are delighted to be here, Mr.
President.
During the past 2 years, President Gorba-
chev and I have made substantial progress
Note: The remarks began at 10:23 a.m. in St.
in building this new relationship. Together,
George's Hall at the Kremlin. President
the Soviet side and the United States side,
Gorbachev spoke in Russian, and his re-
we've created new opportunities for arms
marks were translated by an interpreter. A
control. Last fall, in Paris, we agreed on
landmark reductions in conventional forces
tape was not available for verification of the
content of these remarks.
stationed in Europe. And tomorrow, in the
Kremlin, we will sign the historic START
treaty-the first treaty that significantly re-
duces the most dangerous and destabilizing
nuclear forces.
Lower tensions have also made it possible
Remarks at the Moscow State Institute
for our two nations to normalize economic
for International Relations
relations. President Gorbachev and I made
July 30, 1991
this a priority at the Malta summit, and I
am pleased to report today that this process
First, may I salute the Acting Director
of normalization is now nearly complete. In
Tyulin, and of course, the distinguished For-
May, the Supreme Soviet removed the key
eign Minister of the Soviet Union, Mr. Bess-
impediment to increased trade: Soviet re-
mertnykh.
strictions on free emigration. The new
It is a great privilege to meet with you at
Soviet emigration law stands as a major step
this critical moment in the history of your
forward-a victory for all who value human
nation-at this time of great hope for all the
rights.
world.
As a consequence of this progress, when I
For 4 long decades, our two nations stood
return to Washington, I will submit to the
locked in conflict as the cold war cast its
United States Congress the U.S.-Soviet trade
shadow across an armed and uneasy peace.
agreement that we signed 1 year ago. And
This summit marks a new beginning: the
then we can grant the Soviet Union most-
prospect that we can put an end to a long
favored-nation trade status.
era as adversaries, write a new chapter in
I will urge the Congress to repeal the
the history of our two nations, forge a new
Byrd and Stevenson amendments-restric-
partnership and a sturdy peace.
tions that limit credits and impede trade. In
We have reason to hope. Indeed, we have
addition, we will accelerate our effort to
good reason to hope. One by one, the cruel
conclude a tax agreement and a bilateral
realities of the cold war flicker and fade
investment agreement.
and a new world of opportunities calls us
For most of this century, the Soviet
forward. In Europe, for 40 years the fault
Union stood apart from the world market-
line of East-West conflict. the nations of
stood aside as free market forces spawned
Central Europe now find a common home
unprecedented prosperity across the West.
in democracy. Far beyond the confines of
The results of that self-imposed isolation
this continent-from Afghanistan to the
from the world economy proved very
Horn of Africa. from Angola to Central
costly.
America-regional conflicts no longer
But now that's begun to change. At this
threaten to become flashpoints for super-
month's London summit, President Gorba-
power confrontation. Worldwide, the risk of
chev spoke about the Soviet Union's inter-
global war stands lower now than at any
est in becoming fully integrated into the
point in the postwar era.
world economy.
The challenge we face at this summit-
The Soviet Union should become a full
the challenge you face as present and
participant in the global economy, and the
future leaders of this great nation-is simply
United States will support you in that effort.
this: Together. our two nations must over-
Beyond two-way trade. the United States is
1066
Administration of George Bush, 1991 / July 30
working to open doors to Soviet entry into
years ago, frozen in place by the long cold
the economic mainstream. And that's why
war that followed: Disputes like Japan's
the United States supported Soviet-observer
claim-which we support-for the return of
status at the GATT-and full membership
the Northern Territories. This dispute could
when the U.S.S.R. has completed the neces-
hamper your integration into the world
sary reforms upon which it has embarked.
economy, and we want to do whatever we
And that's why I proposed last December-
can to help both sides resolve it.
and the G-7 has just agreed-that the
Difficult, as well, are questions regarding
U.S.S.R. should enter a "special association"
the future of the Baltic States-Estonia,
with the IMF and the World Bank. Though
Latvia, and Lithuania. Today, a new gen-
the Soviet Union has recently embarked on
eration of Baltic leaders-democratically
its massive reconstruction program of eco-
elected and reflecting the will of the Baltic
nomic reform, its importance and its sheer
size entitle it to this special status, which
peoples-asks a new generation of Soviet
will speed the day to full qualification for
leaders to repudiate one of the darkest lega-
benefits from the international financial in-
cies of the Stalin era. Surely, men and
stitutions.
women of reason and goodwill can find a
These measures will make available to
way to extend freedom to the Baltic peo-
the Soviet Union assistance and expertise
ples.
that can help ease the difficult transition to
Only good-faith negotiations with the
a market economy and improve the stand-
Baltic governments can address the yearn-
ard of living for the Soviet people.
ings of their people to be free. We must not
But the crowning proof that we are over-
see the positive progress that we have
coming the old cold war animosities re-
made threatened or thrown in doubt.
mains our cooperation in the Persian Gulf.
Above all, there needs to be a clear and
In the depths of the cold war era, Iraq's
unqualified commitment to peaceful
aggression against its tiny neighbor might
change.
well have brought our two nations-even
Another obstacle lies close to home for
the entire world-to the brink of conflict.
the United States-I'm sure you know what
Instead, our cooperation ensured the inter-
I'm going to say it is. Ninety miles off the
national isolation of Saddam Hussein. And if
Florida coast, in Cuba, this obstacle re-
Saddam Hussein thought he could exploit
mains. The United States poses no threat to
our differences to his own advantage-he
Cuba. Therefore, there is no need for the
was dead wrong. At every key point in the
Soviet Union to funnel millions of dollars in
crisis, the United States and the Soviet
military aid to Cuba-especially since a de-
Union worked together to send a strong
fiant Castro-isolated by his own obsolete
and steady signal to Saddam that his aggres-
totalitarianism-denies his people any move
sion would not stand.
toward democracy. Castro does not share
And today, our cooperation in the Gulf
your faith in glasnost; Castro does not
holds out hope that we can work together
share your faith in perestroika.
towards a just and lasting peace in regions
Then finally, it's time for your military
of the world now driven by conflict-in the
establishment to move to a peacetime foot-
Middle East, Cambodia, and Afghanistan-
ing. It's time to reduce military spending.
just as we've worked together to bring
We're doing that in the United States. The
peace and free elections to Namibia,
world has changed. As you struggle to join
Angola, and yes, Nicaragua.
the international economy, we will offer our
In every aspect of our relations-military,
help in converting your military-industrial
political, economic-we see positive signs of
might to productive, peaceful purposes.
a new partnership. But for all the progress
Now, we appreciate the difficulties of mili-
we've made, let's face it, obstacles do
tary reform-the competing demands of
remain. Our ability to overcome them will
people displaced when a cold war makes
be a key test of the strength of this new
way for a new world order. But we also
relationship I'm talking about.
know this: The demilitarization of your
In many cases. we face conflicts and quar-
economy is key to economic transformation.
rels rooted in the World War fought 50
It will enable you to devote more resources
1067
July 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1991
to economic growth, and will help you fill
the shelves of your stores.
locks the great human potential of the
But the key challenge-the single most
people, of the Soviet people. Progress rests
important factor in forging a new partner-
on the pace of your reforms-on the speed
ship between our nations-remains the out-
with which you move from a system based
come of the experiment now reshaping
on command and control to one based on
Soviet economy-Soviet society. Consider
supply and demand. As in Eastern Europe.
the Soviet Union we see today. Gone are
our assistance will keep pace with your
the days when a small cadre hidden behind
reform.
the high walls of the Kremlin worked the
But our new partnership must go far
levers of power. Gone is a rubberstamp leg-
beyond the halls of government in Wash-
islature-the one-party monopoly, enforcing
ington and Moscow and the capitals of
one point of view.
Western Europe. Western governments-
In its place we see unmistakable signs of
with their own strapped resources-are lim-
the new Soviet Union. Dissidents who once
ited in what they can do. So, we must bring
languished in internal exile now serve as
together the businessmen from Europe and
deputies in the People's Congress. Samizdat
America, and their partners from all across
has given way to streetcorner critics. A new
the Soviet Union.
Soviet revolution has begun-a revolution
Our new partnership must bridge the
marked by the emergence of many voices,
thousands of miles between smalltown
inside and outside government, in the pro-
America and Soviet cities. It means expand-
liferation of political parties, here in
ed exchanges of scientists and scholars, art-
Moscow, and across every part of the vast
ists and engineers. And from the great cities
reaches of this great and wonderful land.
of Moscow and Kiev, from the plains of
The forces of reaction and resistance still
Central Asia and the villages of Siberia, to
retain great power. But each day brings
the port of Vladivostok and all points in
new alliances, a new manifesto for change,
between-it means students coming to
a new call to action. Some ask: Amid this
study in American schools and live with
shifting scene, what is our policy toward all
American families. It means thousands
these groups? Who and what do we sup-
more American students coming to the
port? My answer is clear: America stands
Soviet Union to explore your past and expe-
with the forces of freedom and reform
wherever they are found.
rience firsthand the future you are working
to create.
My country stands ready to assist in this
For four long decades, cooperation of this
new Soviet revolution. In the economic
kind was the casualty of the cold war. So,
sphere, the transformation must come from
let this Moscow summit definitively mark
within. A shortage of foreign capital is not
the end of what all of us would agree has
what plunged your economy into crisis, nor
been an era of mistrust, and let it mark a
can your economic ills be cured by a simple
new beginning for our two nations-an era
infusion of cash. Only through real reform
can the Soviet Union abolish the counter-
of progress toward a new world of peace
and partnership.
productive command economy. Only
through real reform can the Soviet Union
Once again. thank you for giving me the
unleash the ingenuity, the energy, and the
opportunity to speak to this Institute. And
let me just tell you that relations between
entrepreneurial potential of its people.
the United States and the Soviet Union are
As market reform moves forward, the
U.S. stands ready to support your efforts.
good and are getting better. And it is my
Right now. the next step, it seems to me, is
goal as President of the United States to see
to devise an economic strategy with the
that they get even better still. Thank you.
IMF and the World Bank-a strategy that
And may God bless the people of the Soviet
wins the support of the international invest-
Union. Thank you very, very much.
ment community. It should be a program
that sets out priorities-one that makes
Note: The President spoke at 3:04 p.m. in
the Conference Hall at the Moscow State
great use of your enormous natural wealth.
But even more. it must be a plan that un-
Institute for International Relations. In his
remarks. he referred to Ivan G. Tyulin.
1068
Administration of George Bush, 1991 / July 30
acting director of the Moscow State Institute
President Bush. So am I. [Laughter]
for International Relations; Foreign Minis-
ter Aleksandr Bessmertnykh of the Soviet
The President has given you a very good
Union; President Mikhail Gorbachev of the
and thorough description of the agenda.
The only point I would add is, one, it was a
Soviet Union; President Saddam Hussein of
good meeting from the U.S. standpoint;
Iraq; and President Fidel Castro Ruz of
and, two, President Yeltsin's visit to the
Cuba. The President also referred to the Ste-
United States was a big hit and furthered
venson amendment to the Export-Import
Bank Act and the Byrd amendment to the
not only relations and understanding be-
1974 Trade Act.
tween the Russian Republic and the States,
but also the Soviet Union and the States. So,
we view this visit as a very positive step in
the overall relationship between the United
States and Russia and the United States and
Remarks Following Discussions With
the Soviet Union.
President Boris Yeltsin of the Republic
I want to congratulate him on a job well
of Russia
done in the States.
July 30, 1991
Q. President Yeltsin, why didn't you
attend the meeting with President Gorba-
President Yeltsin. Of course, this is a
chev?
short meeting. I met President Bush and his
President Bush. We've got to go. I'm late.
party. The main issues that we have cov-
ered and discussed were questions of the
Note: The remarks began at 4:40 p.m. in the
situation in the Russian Federation and in
Ceremonial Room at the Kremlin. President
the country-the matters of the union com-
Yeltsin spoke in Russian, and his remarks
pact, and why there has been a delay in the
were translated by an interpreter. A tape
signing of the union compact. I spoke about
was not available for verification of the
the decision, which subject was only yester-
content of these remarks.
day agreed upon. And then we continued
our dialog, which we launched in Washing-
ton, on the implementation of a number of
programs in the Russian Federation. The
Toast at the State Dinner in Moscow
four principal: storage and processing of ag-
ricultural produce, conversion of military
July 30, 1991
industries, training and education of our
President Bush. May I first thank you,
management personnel, and the setting up
of joint transportation ventures.
Mr. President and Mrs. Gorbachev, and all
the Soviet people who have welcomed Bar-
We have already made some movement
while only 28 days have elapsed since our
bara and me so warmly to this great city
and this great country in this historic time.
meeting in Washington. In some fields we
have already prepared a draft agreement.
And I want to pay a special tribute to our
And I am grateful too, Mr. President, for
host and friend-a man that my country
giving such an impulse, in such a speedy
greatly admires, and a man that I greatly
admire. When he came to Washington last
way, to promote our understanding. Be-
sides, we agreed that after the signing of
year, I took him up to Camp David, and
the union treaty, of the union compact, we
while there, we played a game called horse-
shall maintain our links and contacts with
shoes-a game in which you throw a horse-
the Department of Commerce and Depart-
shoe as close as possible to a stake far away.
And on his very first try, he hit the stake.
ment of the Treasury and Agriculture so
that after the union compact is signed we
And I gave him that horseshoe as a symbol
would start formalizing our relations either
of good luck. But, as with everything he's
through a memorandum or an understand-
accomplished, I think his success was due
ing between Russia and the United States of
more to his unique mixture of determina-
America.
tion, courage, and skill.
I am satisfied.
Dramatic changes have reshaped our
world since we first met 6 years ago, Mr.
1069
July 30 / Administration of George Bush, 1991
President. The relationship between our
an ancient custom in your land that when
great nations has moved from confrontation
you prepare for a long journey, you sit for a
to friendship. Our growing ties remind me
moment of quiet reflection. Perhaps that is
of an old proverb from your land: There's
what we need to do now, at least in the
no road too long and no obstacle too hard
silence of our hearts. Individually and to-
for friendship. Our nations friendship, built
gether, you see, we face a long, exciting
on mutual respect and personal trust, is
journey of change.
changing the world.
We can gain strength from the words of
For almost a decade, the START negotia-
Chekhov, who once wrote of our responsi-
tors sought to achieve real and stabilizing
bility to our world: Man has been endowed
reductions in our strategic arsenals. And to-
with reason, with the power to create, so
morrow, we will sign a START agreement-
a treaty that bolsters the promise of peace
that he can add to what he has been given.
and advances the security of both of our
And let us add then, to the relationship
nations-the first agreement ever to reduce
we have developed in recent years. And let
the number of strategic nuclear arms.
us build a better future. And as we begin,
START and CFE both testify to our new
may I echo your traditional toast: To the
spirit of cooperation and to its potential for
future of our countries. And may I add, the
building world peace.
health and happiness of President and Mrs.
Gorbachev.
But arms control is only one element of
our new relationship. We will spend much
of our 2 days together discussing the issues
Note: The President spoke at 7:37 p.m. in
that will shape our future: democracy, free
the Hall of Facets at the Grand Kremlin
markets, prosperity, and peace.
Palace. In his remarks, he referred to Presi-
A peaceful revolution has unfolded in the
dent Mikhail Gorbachev and his wife,
Soviet Union, and we wholeheartedly sup-
Raisa of the Soviet Union.
port your progress towards a society based
upon the rule of law, democratic institu-
tions, and a system of free enterprise.
We stand ready to work with you in
Message to the Senate on the Extension
transforming your economic system by nor-
of AM Broadcasting Service in the
malizing bilateral ties, deepening our trade
Western Hemisphere
relations, and taking concrete steps to sup-
July 30, 1991
port market reforms in many sectors-food
and energy and defense conversion.
To the Senate of the United States:
Today, we spoke of ways to follow up on
With a view to receiving the advice and
President Gorbachev's successful visit to
consent of the Senate to ratification, I trans-
London. The United States supports your
mit herewith the Regional Agreement for
integration into the global economy, but a
the Use of the Band 1605-1705 kHz in
successful integration will ultimately
Region 2, with annexes, and two U.S. state-
depend on your democratic and market re-
ments as contained in the Final Protocol,
forms.
signed on behalf of the United States at Rio
Internationally, our growing partnership
de Janeiro on June 8, 1988. I transmit also,
as peacemakers and peacekeepers continues
for the information of the Senate, the
to deepen. In the past year, we've worked
report of the Department of State with re-
together to deter aggression and to encour-
spect to the Agreement.
age nations to resolve their differences
The Agreement establishes a frequency
peacefully.
allotment plan and associated procedures
And now, our common efforts may help
designed to enable the International Tele-
bring peace to the Middle East. In this
communication Union (ITU) member coun-
region where dangerous confrontations
tries in Region 2 (Western Hemisphere) to
once divided our nations, we may consoli-
implement the AM broadcasting service in
date our partnership as peacemakers.
the 100 kHz band (1605-1705 kHz) adja-
Our people will face tough challenges in
cent to the upper end of the existing AM
the days ahead. And I understand that it's
broadcasting band. It is the result of two
1070
Administration of George Bush, 1991 / July 31
sessions of a Regional Administrative Radio
Conference held in 1986 in Geneva, and in
really do hold a key to the future prosperity
1988 in Rio de Janeiro, under the auspices
of the Soviet Union. You possess the power
of the ITU. The Agreement is consistent
to create a better life for yourselves and
your countrymen. There's an old Russian
with the proposals of and the positions
taken by the United States at the 1988 con-
proverb: The one who leads makes a bridge
ference. Given the history of harmful inter-
for the others. Businessmen, such as your-
ference to U.S. AM broadcasting stations in
selves, are building that bridge to a new
and prosperous Soviet Union.
the existing AM radio band from various
All around the world we see that a free
countries in the Region (particularly Cuba),
the United States, at the time of signature,
society rests upon the twin pillars of politi-
submitted statements on this subject that
cal and economic liberty. For only when
were included in a Final Protocol to the
free markets and free people work together
Agreement. The specific statements, with
can we build a better life for all people. You
reasons, are given in the report of the De-
understand that opportunity arises when
partment of State.
people act freely, relying on their own tal-
I believe that the United States should
ents. Call it what you want-ingenuity, re-
become a party to this Agreement, which
sourcefulness, a can-do attitude-but it all
provides for the expansion in an orderly
comes down to this: People must be free to
manner of the AM broadcasting service in
work, save, to own their own homes, to take
the Western Hemisphere into the band
risks, to invest in each other; in essence, to
1605-1705 kHz. It is my hope that the
control their own lives.
Senate will take early action on this matter
No conclave of government experts, no
and give its advice and consent to ratifica-
matter how brilliant, can match the sheer
tion.
ingenuity of a market that collects and dis-
tributes the wisdom of millions of people,
George Bush
all pursuing their destinies in different
The White House,
ways.
July 30, 1991.
Government does have legitimate respon-
sibilities such as enforcing contracts and
protecting private property rights, provid-
ing the boundaries of acceptable business
behavior. Government must establish rules
Remarks to Soviet and United States
Businessmen in Moscow
of fairplay-what we call a level playing
field-that builds trust and stability. Once
July 31, 1991
established in the Soviet Union, the rule of
law will further attract foreign know-how
Good morning. May I pay my respects
and investment. There is no question about
and thanks to our able Ambassador, Ambas-
that.
sador Matlock. This gives me a good oppor-
The United States stands ready to help.
tunity to thank him for the fantastic job he
We're going beyond loans and subsidies.
has done for the United States of America,
We're offering our best expertise. We en-
and I think also that he's done an awful lot
dorsed last year's Soviet observership in the
to further understanding between the
GATT, to help establish normal relations
United States of America and the Soviet
Union.
with the trading nations of the world. And
to accelerate market reforms and your inte-
May I say good morning to Mr. Bunich,
gration into the global economy, at the re-
Mr. Vladislavlev. Mr. Tikhonov, and say that
cently concluded G-7 meeting in London,
I've been looking forward to this meeting.
special association for the Soviet Union in
As Jack said. I was a businessman once
the IMF-International Monetary Fund-
myself. That was first in the oil drilling
and the World Bank was proposed.
equipment business and then as a drilling
When I return to Washington I will be
contractor. And the risks were high. But I
submitting the United States-Soviet trade
enjoyed that phase of my life. As entrepre-
neurs and businessmen and risk-takers, you
agreement to Congress for approval which
will generate trade between our countries.
1071
July 31 / Administration of George Bush, 1991
We will also seek most-favored-nation status
upon the strengths of human nature, to
for the Soviet Union. And I'll ask that cer-
allow men and women to control their own
tain restrictions, technically known as the
destinies in whatever way works best for
Stevenson and Byrd amendments, be lifted
them.
so that American businesses can better com-
This notion of free markets and free
pete for export sales here.
We're also negotiating bilateral tax and
people-opportunity for all-this joint ven-
investment treaties, and I'd like to see them
ture between political and economic liber-
completed by year's end. They will create a
ty, this is the spirit of democratic capitalism.
better investment climate between us, help
Everywhere we hear the voices of men and
expand our economic partnership as much
women yearning for freedom, for the
as possible. In sum, we want to do every-
chance to control their own destiny, for a
thing to ensure that our economic relation-
stronger link between effort and reward.
ship expands as quickly as your reforms
Some call it the American dream, but it's
permit. Freedom brings the opportunity to
more than that. It's a universal dream. And
succeed and, yes, the risk of failure.
it's a dream that the Soviet people are now
The government can act as referee per-
striving to make real for themselves.
haps, but it cannot guarantee success. Free
And after talks here, I believe the leaders
markets are based on the impulsive energy
are grasping this concept. Each of you can
of man's imagination and creativity. And of
bring that dream alive. The creation of
course, there are risks. I know that from
small- and medium-sized businesses means
firsthand experience years ago. But there
meeting payrolls, hiring good men and
are also rewards for success. Who would
women, producing goods and services that
have predicted that 15 years ago a group of
are most needed by consumers, and im-
college students-university students in the
proving technologies and methods so as to
United States-working in a garage, would
stay competitive.
redefine the computer industry in America?
Free market principles don't just mean
Or that a trash collector-a garbage collec-
that one or two people go out and get rich
tor from Philadelphia 30 years ago-would
quick. It is so much more than that. As our
today be the head of a $6-billion waste
President Woodrow Wilson said: Every
management firm in the United States?
great man of business has got somewhere a
When opportunity is at work, you can be
touch of the idealist in him. For you and
a mechanic or a millionaire, and in my
your employees, it means the dignity and
country some mechanics are millionaires.
self-respect that come with the job. It
Pursuing one's destiny means building a
means making a difference in your commu-
better life. Russian values and traditions are
nity. And as more and more businesses
compatible with free enterprise, and they
evolve-business opportunity evolve-it
should be preserved. Look at the members
means bringing back hope to the people of
of the G-7-Western European nations.
the Soviet Union.
Each an industrialized democracy; each
Your task will be difficult, but let me risk
with its own values and traditions. The cul-
some advice. The story goes that a young
ture and climate of American business may
man became the manager of a company.
be different than other places, but the
And his predecessor handed him three en-
power of the idea is universal. It's been
velopes and said that if he was ever in trou-
applied in thousands of ways by millions of
ble to open the envelopes. So, one day
people all over the world.
when the business was not going well, the
Those who succeed here should not be
man decided it was time to open up enve-
insulted and labeled as speculators and ex-
lope number one. The message inside said:
ploiters, because they' not. They are the
Blame your predecessor. So he did, and
people who will fill the shelves in your
things improved for a while. But then they
stores. put your people to work. We under-
got worse again. So he decided to open up
stand now why socialism's attempt to create
envelope number two. It read: Blame the
the new Soviet man simply didn't work. be-
accounting department. So he did that. But
cause human nature cannot be destroyed
sales continued to go downhill. And finally,
and created anew. We seek instead to build
with much hesitation. he opened envelope
1072
Administration of George Bush, 1991 / July 31
number three. And it said: Prepare three
and I will put our signatures under the
envelopes. [Laughter]
treaty on the reduction of strategic offen-
The moral of that story, I think, is that
sive arms. This completes many years of
there are no right or wrong answers. I
efforts that required hard work and pa-
wouldn't be bold enough to try to tell you
tience on the part of government leaders,
in three envelopes how to transform this
diplomats, and military officials. They re-
economy from "command and control" to
quired will, courage, and the rejection of
"buy and sell." You must find what works
outdated perceptions of each other. They
best for each of you and for your customers.
required trust.
You must make the dreams of your own
people, in whatever way you can, come
This is also a beginning-the beginning of
voluntary reduction of the nuclear arsenals
alive for them. You must define your own
brand of democratic capitalism, one that is
of the U.S.S.R. and the United States, a
consistent with Russian cultures and values.
process with unprecedented scope and ob-
Remember the words of Tolstoy: The
jectives. It is an event of global significance,
strongest of all warriors are these two, time
for we are imparting to the dismantling of
the infrastructure of fear that has ruled the
and patience. Bringing free markets to life
will of course take time and patience. But it
world, a momentum which is so powerful
can be done, because everyone in this room
that it will be hard to stop.
today possesses something that simply
In both countries we face the complex
cannot be bought or sold. You possess the
process of the ratification of the new treaty.
power of an idea. And I salute you as pio-
There will be critics. Here in Moscow some
neers for your vision and for your drive.
will point to our unilateral concessions,
It's been a great pleasure for me to meet
while in Washington there will be talk
with this very special group today. And I
about concessions made to the Soviet
wish you well in the tasks that lie ahead.
Union. Some will say the new treaty does
May God bless you. And thank you very
not really fulfill the promise of a peace divi-
much.
dend since considerable resources will be
required to destroy the missiles. And if the
Note: The President spoke at 8:46 a.m. in
missiles are not destroyed, critics will say
the Composer's Hall of the Radisson Hotel.
they're obsolete and must be replaced with
In his remarks, he referred to U.S. Ambassa-
new ones, and that will be even more ex-
dor to the Societ Union, Jack F. Matlock;
pensive.
Parel G. Bunich. president of the Associa-
Sharp criticism is to be expected also
tion of Leaseholders and Entrepreneurship
from those who want to see faster and more
of the U.S.S.R.: Aleksander P. Vladislavlev,
ambitious steps toward abolishing nuclear
Deputy Chairman of the League of Scien-
weapons. In other words, the treaty will
tific and Industrial Associations of the
have to be defended. I'm sure we have
U.S.S.R.: and Aleksander A. Tikhanov.
achieved the best that is now possible and
president of the Agricultural Academy of
that is required to continue progress.
the U.S.S.R. A tape was not available for
Tremendous work has been done and
verification of the content of these remarks.
unique experience has been gained of coop-
erating in this enormously complex area. It
is important that there is a growing realiza-
tion of the absurdity of overarmament now
that the world has started to move toward
Remarks by President Gorbachev and
an era of economic interdependence, and
President Bush at the Signing
that the information revolution is making
Ceremony for the Strategic Arms
the indivisibility of the world ever more
Reduction Talks Treaty in Moscow
evident.
July 31. 1991
But the policymakers have to bear in
mind that as we move toward that era we
President Gorbacher. Mr. President,
will have to make new, immense efforts to
ladies and gentlemen. comrades. In a few
remove the dangers inherited from the past
moments the President of the United States
and newly emerging dangers, to overcome
1073
July 31 / Administration of George Bush, 1991
various physical, intellectual, and psycholog-
decade: the belief that we could do more
ical obstacles. Normal human thinking will
than merely halt the growth of our nuclear
have to replace the kind of militarized po-
arsenals. We could seek more than limits on
litical thinking that has taken root in the
the number of arms. In our talks we sought
minds of men. That will take time. A new
stabilizing reductions in our strategic arse-
conceptual foundation of security will be a
nals.
great help. Doctrines of war fighting must
be abandoned in favor of concepts of pre-
START makes that a reality. In a historic
venting war. Plans calling for a crushing
first for arms control, we will actually
defeat of the perceived enemy must be re-
reduce U.S. and Soviet strategic nuclear ar-
placed with joint projects of mutual stability
senals. But reductions alone are not enough.
and defense sufficiency.
So, START requires even deeper cuts of the
The document before us marks a moral
most dangerous and destabilizing weapons.
achievement major breakthrough in our
The agreement itself is exceedingly com-
country's thinking and behavior. Our next
plex, but the central idea at the heart of
goal is to make full use of this breakthrough
this treaty can be put simply: Stabilizing
to make disarmament an irreversible proc-
reductions in our strategic nuclear forces
ess. So, as we give credit to what has been
reduce the risk of war.
achieved, let us express our appreciation to
But these promises to reduce arms levels
those who have contributed to this treaty-
cannot automatically guarantee success. Just
their talent and their intellectual and nu-
as important are the treaty's monitoring
merous resources-and let us get down to
mechanisms so we know that the commit-
work again for the sake of our own and
ments made are being translated into real
global security.
security. In this area, START builds on the
Mr. President, we can congratulate each
other. We can congratulate the Soviet and
experience of earlier agreements-but goes
far beyond them in provisions to ensure
American people and the world community
on the conclusion of this agreement.
that we can verify this treaty effectively.
Thank you.
Mr. President, in the warming relations
President Bush. Thank you, Mr. Presi-
between our nations, this treaty stands as
dent. To President Gorbachev and mem-
both cause and consequence. Many times
bers of the Soviet Government, and all the
during the START talks, reaching agree-
honored guests here: May I salute you.
ment seemed all but impossible. In the end,
The treaty that we sign today is a most
the progress that we made in the past
complicated one-the most complicated of
year's time-progress in easing tensions and
contracts governing the most serious of con-
ending the cold war-changed the atmos-
cerns. Its 700 pages stand as a monument to
phere at the negotiating table, and paved
several generations of U.S. and Soviet nego-
the way for START's success.
tiators, to their tireless efforts to carve out
Neither side won unilateral advantage
common ground from a thicket of conten-
over the other. Both sides committed them-
tious issues-and it represents a major step
selves instead to achieving a strong, effec-
forward for our mutual security and the
tive treaty-and securing the mutual stabili-
cause of world peace.
ty that a good agreement would provide.
And may I, too, thank everybody who
Mr. President, by reducing arms, we re-
worked on this treaty-the military, State
verse a half-century of steadily growing
Department arms control negotiators—
strategic arsenals. But more than that, we
really on both sides. And I would like to say
that many are here today; some, like my
take a significant step forward in dispelling
predecessor. President Reagan, is not here.
a half-century of mistrust. By building trust,
But I think all of us recognize that there
we pave a path to peace.
are many who are not in this room that
We sign the START treaty as testament
deserve an awful lot of credit on both the
to the new relationship emerging between
Soviet side and the United States side.
our two countries-in the promise of fur-
The START treaty vindicates an approach
ther progress toward lasting peace.
to arms control that guided us for almost a
Thank you very much.
1074
Administration of George Bush, 1991 / July 31
Note: The remarks began at 3:42 p.m. in St.
Vladimir's Hall in the Kremlin. President
This relationship is built on respect. And
you've brought incredible transformation in
Gorbachev spoke in Russian. and his re-
marks were translated by an interpreter.
just a few years. And once again, we are
very honored to host such a distinguished
group of guests, men and women who will
lead the Soviet Union to a new era of de-
mocracy; a new hope of a better life for all.
Toasts at a Dinner Hosted by President
May I particularly salute the three Presi-
Bush in Moscow
dents of the Republics that are with us to-
July 31, 1991
night: significant, important, and I am de-
lighted that they are here. May I salute the
President Bush. Welcome, President and
mayor, Mayor Popov of Moscow. If his
Mrs. Gorbachev, President Yeltsin, Presi-
problems are anything like the problems of
dent Nazarbayev, President Ter-Petrozyan,
the cities in the United States, he's going to
Mayor Popov-so many distinguished
need our best wishes. [Laughter]
guests. I just want to welcome you here to
May I salute the human rights activists
Spaso House, and I am delighted to have
such as Yelena Bonner and artist Anatoly
you to this American home in Moscow in
Rybakov, whose works fill in the blank
the hope of repaying, at least in some very
pages of Soviet history under Stalin's rule.
small way, the warmth of the hospitality
And finally, there is my host on this
that's been shown to us by the Soviet
whole visit, a man that I respect and
people and by many of you in this room
admire, a man whose deeds during the past
since our arrival.
6 years have given hope to those who be-
I believe in these meetings we've
lieve, as I do, that one individual can
launched a new era of hope. In the past
change the world for the better. I salute
year alone, we've seen that despite political
President Gorbachev, then, and I say that
differences, we can move forward together.
we leave confident, more confident than
I would particularly thank those who
when I came here, that we can, together,
worked on the START agreement-so many
build a lasting peace and, with it, a brighter
in this room having committed so much of
tomorrow for our children.
their time, of their lives, to achieve the end
I'm told that there's an old Russian prov-
that I was privileged to sign on behalf of
erb: You can't tie a knot with one hand.
our country today.
Well, tonight, the United States offers our
And I believe the signing of that treaty
hand as we tie the knot of friendship and
offers hope beyond the borders of the
peace together. And may I propose a toast
Soviet Union, beyond the borders of the
to the health and happiness and prosperity
United States of America, all across the
of the Soviet people, with heartfelt thanks
world. I really believe that from the bottom
to our host and hostess, President and Mrs.
Gorbachev.
of my heart. And let me say to our friends
from the Soviet Union, Americans, more
President Gorbachev. Mr. President, Mrs.
and more, look upon this country with pro-
Bush, ladies and gentlemen, comrades.
found curiosity and hope. And they want to
Today has been a busy day. A considerable
work with all levels of Soviet society.
amount of work has been accomplished. We
We live in an exciting time. when we all
have had meaningful discussions with the
seek understanding in the larger society-
President in an atmosphere of openness and
among businessmen, students, artists, scien-
trust. We have reviewed a large gamut of
problems pertaining to our bilateral rela-
tists, people engaged in every imaginable
profession and endeavor. As we leave, let
tions. We discussed the role that our two
me just simply assure you that we are ready
countries play on the world scene, as well
as their relations with other countries.
to work with the people, to establish a part-
nership in the new world order based on
Today we signed a landmark agreement
the rule of law and the promise of freedom
that will reduce the strategic arsenals of our
and the consent of the governed.
two countries. And although I have already
had a chance to describe what I believe is
1075
July 31 / Administration of George Bush, 1991
the purport and purpose of that treaty, let
Never in its history has humankind been
me now share with you some thoughts re-
faced with such risks and dangers engen-
garding this important document.
dered by its own progress. And if we are to
An important work that had covered
almost a decade culminated in this land-
meet this challenge, what we need is bring-
ing together the intellectual and moral re-
mark treaty, which has been the witness of
sources of our civilization. It is no accident
many days of difficult and tense relations
that the idea of a new world order has
between our two countries during the cold
struck an important chord in the heart of
war and in the postwar period. We have
managed to fulfill the task that world histo-
the people of the world. And very impor-
ry had assigned to our two countries.
tant political and spiritual leaders of our
I want now to pay particular tribute to
countries have pitched into this effort.
our partners for the immense contribution
Our two countries possess a tremendous
that they made to the signing, the prepara-
potential for future cooperation and devel-
tion, and negotiation of this important
opment of our relations for their joint par-
treaty. And most of all, I want to pay trib-
ticipation in this important endeavor. And
ute to the President of the United States,
it gives me particular pleasure to say that
Mr. George Bush.
during our discussions at Novo Ogaryevo
While perhaps this is not really the most
today, the recurring theme of our talks was
appropriate audience to say this, but never-
just how we can cooperate in the future in
theless, let me break a secret that today, as
order to move our relationship and our co-
we were putting the final touches on the
operation ahead. And it is not a play of
treaty that we signed today, we discovered,
ambitions; it is an important statement of
much to our consternation, that we had ap-
an important fact. And that fact is the role
proached a number of subjects which even
and responsibility of our countries, both to
the most sophisticated of our negotiators
our nations and to the world at large.
could not find their way through. You can
Perhaps it is just a lucky historical coinci-
imagine the tasks, the challenges, and the
dence, but who knows, maybe it is not. At
problems that our experts had to address if
this crucial moment in our history, when
I simply tell you that assistants to President
we are faced with very important chal-
Bush had to bring over two volumes of doc-
lenges, our countries are headed by people
uments just to explain one small point that
who can meet those challenges.
he wanted to have cleared up.
Mr. President, today at this house, we had
This is a fact, and we all know this for a
a chance to shake hands with many of those
fact. And therefore, let me, here in your
who shared this responsibility and who
presence, pay tribute to our scientists who
made an important and active contribution
have managed to find the key that opened
toward building a new relationship between
this ultimate and final vault which really
our countries. Mr. President, I want to raise
led us through to the final stage of this
this glass to your health, sir, to the health of
treaty.
Mrs. Barbara Bush, to the peoples of the
A recurrent theme in our discussions
United States who are our partners. And we
today was the fact that our signatures that
are looking forward to developing coopera-
we put under the treaty marked only a
tion and friendship with you. And this is our
point of departure in our future endeavors
choice.
in order to maintain and preserve and bol-
ster the momentum that our negotiations
Note: President Bush spoke at 7:30 p.m. in
have already gathered. Today we are asking
the ballroom of Spaso House, the residence
ourselves whether our perception of the
of U.S. Ambassador to the Societ Union Jack
world today and of the future of the civili-
F. Matlock. In his remarks, President Bush
zation is correct, and how accurate our
referred to President Mikhail Gorbacher
forecasts for the future are. and whether or
and his wife, Raisaof the Societ Union:
not we will be able to meet the challenges
President Boris N. Yeltsin of the Republic
of the future. Let me explain why I believe
of Russia: President Nursultan A. Nazar-
those questions should be answered in the
bayer of the Republic of Kazakhstan; Presi-
positive.
dent Levan Ter-Petrozyan of the Republic
1076
Administration of George Bush, 1991 / July 31
of Armenia; and Gavriil K. Popov, mayor
of Moscow. President Gorbachev spoke in
ensure compliance with the treaty.
Russian, and his remarks were translated
These measures also help build mutual
by an interpreter. A tape was not available
confidence and reduce uncertainty.
for verification of the content of these re-
They include a ban on the encryption
marks.
of data transmitted during ballistic mis-
sile flight tests, an extensive exchange
of information on the size and composi-
tion of each side's strategic forces, 12
different types of onsite inspections,
Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater
and specialized monitoring of mobile
on the Completion of the Strategic
ICBM production.
Arms Reduction Talks Treaty
As we work toward lowering the risk of
July 31, 1991
nuclear war between our nations, we must
ensure that our strategic forces continue to
The completion of START, the Strategic
enhance deterrence. For that reason,
Arms Reduction Treaty, marked by today's
START allows the modernization of strate-
signing ceremony, fulfills the challenge un-
dertaken 9 years ago by Presidents Reagan
gic forces within very well defined limits.
and Brezhnev. That challenge was to find a
We have taken many bold steps in arms
way not only to limit, but actually to
control in the past few years. The INF
reduce, the number of nuclear weapons de-
Treaty has eliminated a whole class of nu-
ployed by our two nations, and to do so in a
clear weapons. The CFE Treaty will estab-
way that improves stability and reduces the
lish a conventional balance at lower levels
risk of war.
and erase the threat of a short-warning war
During the nearly 50 years since the first
in Europe. Now, START will produce stabi-
nuclear weapon was developed, the world
lizing reductions in strategic nuclear weap-
has witnessed the creation and deployment
ons and reduce the danger of nuclear war.
of ever increasing numbers of strategic nu-
While some may seek to judge this treaty
clear weapons. Today marks the beginning
in terms of who won or who lost on this or
of a process that reverses that trend.
that issue, the right answer is that both our
For the first time in the history of arms
nations, and indeed all the nations of the
control, this treaty will achieve substantial
world, have won in terms of greater securi-
reductions in the strategic nuclear forces
ty and stability.
deployed by both sides. Even more impor-
tant, the START treaty will strengthen stra-
tegic stability in three key ways:
-First, it concentrates reductions on the
most threatening and destabilizing sys-
The President's News Conference With
tems. The reductions will amount to 40
Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev in
to 50 percent of the total number of
Moscow
strategic missile warheads deployed
July 31, 1991
today, and fully one-half of all Soviet
heavy ICBM's.
President Gorbachev. Good evening,
-Second, START encourages each side to
ladies and gentlemen. The basic part of the
restructure its strategic forces in ways
visit, the official visit of the President of the
that make them less threatening and
United States of America to the Soviet
more survivable. The treaty will ban
Union, is behind us. And there are many
new types of heavy ICBM's and encour-
things that are important which are still
age greater reliance on heavy bombers.
ahead within the framework of this big po-
and on SLBM's and ICBM's with fewer
litical international event.
warheads per missile.
These days were full of very substantial
-Third, START includes a wide variety
dialog over a wide spectrum of issues. And I
of unprecedented and demanding veri-
must say that it's kind of difficult for
fication measures designed to help
me
1077
July 31 / Administration of George Bush, 1991
[At this point. President Bush's earphones
for translation failed.]
how we have to work together in this im-
portance here so that-or so that relation-
I guess I'll have to repeat from the very
ship in this area would be appropriate to
beginning what I said in that case. [Laugh-
the international dialog which we have
ter]
reached in other areas.
Q. Number two, Mr. President. [Laugh-
And here we have noted on the basis of
ter]
mutual understanding-if not, President
President Gorbachev. Now-do you hear
Bush will say so-that there must be move-
me now? Is everything okay? It's tolerable?
ments in accommodation as well. Obviously,
I already said, addressing the internation-
one can do a lot in the area of reform so
al press, that we see the official visit of the
that we can include ourselves in interna-
President of the United States to the Soviet
tional economic ties. To play by the rules of
Union as a big event in our relations-really
the game-I like this expression. I haven't
a global event. And I want to say that these
invented any other one for the time being.
days we have done a great deal of work
That's why I use the term I'm familiar with.
which I think will create difficulties for me
We have to do a great deal, and we have
and the President in order to present it in
made our choice to continue reforms,
condensed form. And nevertheless, this
democratic changes, and especially now, to
visit, to some extent, sums up the last stage
move decisively forward towards a market
of our cooperation at a very fundamental,
relationship, a relationship of property, and
dramatic time of development, of events in
so on.
the world, when both the President of the
It's clear that our success in these internal
United States of America and the Soviet
affairs is tied to a great extent to the proc-
Union were placed in very difficult circum-
ess of reform in the Federation. And I hope
stances, unusual ones, which demanded
that I have satisfied the interest of the
from them a great feeling of responsibility
President about the state of this as of today.
in taking very important decisions which
We both understand that this is very impor-
have had consequences, and will have con-
tant for the success of our work, and thus,
sequences in the further development of
we must change, we must understand, and
our cooperation and events in the world.
will understand here in the Soviet Union,
And so, with the President, he and I did
that the basic responsibility for the fate of
not lose time, and immediately at our first
this country for reforms, for the making of
meeting we summarized the overall situa-
decisions which are very important: is our
tion in a fast-changing world and tried from
prerogative, our responsibility.
these positions to look upon our coopera-
And obviously, we are very interested in
tion, evaluate our joint efforts, and trying to
the more fruitful cooperation with the
map out some contours, directions of devel-
opment of this cooperation which would
countries of the West. And in the light of
continuing the discussion which we had in
correspond to these changing conditions
within which we have to act.
London, within the framework of my meet-
The President showed great interest in
ing at the G-7, we spoke also about this
the events taking place in our country, our
subject as well. And I tried to develop a
domestic processes. I tried to satisfy his in-
thesis, which I expressed in London, that
we hope to see accommodating movement
terest and did this on my part with a great
deal of satisfaction, since in his interest, I
of the Western countries because they, too,
felt a desire to understand even more what
in their approaches in the sphere of eco-
nomic cooperation, must accommodate us.
is going on in our country, and moreover, I
felt also a feeling of solidarity in this.
We are talking about removing barriers
We had an interesting, substantive discus-
which are connected with decisions taken
sion, and perhaps for the first time it cov-
during the cold war, during the arms race.
ered the following in our bilateral coopera-
This is a different time; different winds are
blowing. And we must reevaluate all these
tion. For the first time over the past period,
we probably accented rather strongly what
decisions. I don't think they need to be pre-
served when our relationship is different
our economic relationship should be like,
now, and we want them not only to be
1078
Administration of George Bush, 1991 / July 31
preserved but to be more dynamic, to be
based more firmly on trust.
hope that it will have positive conse-
Obviously, the question arose about the
quences.
participation of the Soviet Union in interna-
Then the President and I thought about
tional economic organizations, and I must
the following, and what do we do next?
say, for the first time we talked substantially
We've signed the treaty and what's next?
about specific spheres of cooperation in im-
We've congratulated each other and our
plementing certain projects on the basis of
peoples and the world with the fact that
bilateral cooperation. To speak about this
such great progress has been accomplished
briefly, we spoke about cooperating in the
as a result of almost a decade of work. And
field of energy, especially in the area of
what's next?
conversion. We have great possibilities
And we did not want simply to be prag-
here, and specifically in the sphere in which
matists here. We wanted to look at the
we are very interested: that is the agricul-
problem of security, stability from the point
tural sphere, especially food distribution.
of view of the present-day realities. Or
In this regard, I transmitted certain mate-
should we simply continue the negotiations
rials to the President as in a memoir; the
which already are taking place? And there
same was done by the Foreign Minister
are many problems which still need to be
Bessmertnykh-gave it to the Secretary of
discussed. Or should we also look at the
State, Mr. Baker. in a memoir about those
world from a somewhat different position
projects in which we could cooperate fruit-
from today's heights with the new reality
fully. This is a very interesting and substan-
which exists?
tive project. We would want to act in such
And I think that was the main item of our
a way that in implementing these
exchange because without understanding
projects-all of them-to give a possibility
each other in this, it's hard to find the keys
to each other to earn money. In other
to resolution of specific issues. We agreed to
words, the process goes forward, and there's
continue discussion on this issue and even
benefit from it.
set up the mechanisms which must be im-
But there are spheres of cooperation
plemented in order to do this.
where movement forward will not give us a
chance because of additional production to
Nevertheless, we also examined very
many specific issues of disarmament with-
make these calculations, like in the area of
food production, for example. In the food
out our-we did not leave unattended prob-
area. here there could be interesting ac-
lems of the Middle East. And I must say,
complishments, an interesting project, but
and if the President considers it appropri-
what we get as the result we need-we
ate, he could name certain things. And if
have problems in the food area, very acute
you have questions, we could discuss this.
We have worked out a joint document on
ones. But we can't offer this to the United
States. They have no interest now in buying
this. I have in mind our common position
food from us. So. we must implement other
with regard to the Middle East. I think that
projects where we could earn hard curren-
this is a very important result of our joint
work, and I think that the fact that this
cy and use this. And I've named such
spheres, many such spheres.
position will be publicly announced will
We talked in general about continuing
have serious influence on this process. And
such works. Soon we will have competent
we consider that it is in a decisive stage and
we should not-and here I want to use
groups of specialists, headed by important
what our ministers use-to have a window
representatives of business circles, to realize
these projects. And thus. I expanded this
of opportunity in order to really achieve
part. and the other parts will be shorter.
progress in this very sensitive area of inter-
national politics.
For the first time. we discussed very sub-
stantially the sphere of bilateral relations.
The President and I talked about the situ-
and not only with regard to disarmament.
ation in Europe in the context of imple-
political dialog. and a resolution of world
menting the agreement-the Helsinki
problems but had such a businesslike discus-
Agreement, the Paris Charter, and especial-
sion and I greet this. I welcome it, and I
ly with regard to the processes taking place
in that region, and specifically noted the
1079
July 31 / Administration of George Bush, 1991
situation in Yugoslavia, and expressed our
tomorrow. And I feel and I know that our
position, our understanding, our approach
to the resolution of this issue-a very seri-
peoples welcome this direction of develop-
ment of our relations between our coun-
ous one which worries many of us. Also in a
tries.
joint statement we expressed this.
I must say that we also moved forward
And from this point of view, it moves
and discussed other things. We tried to also
ahead-far ahead-our cooperation. And
look at many global processes, and in this
thus, I want to ask the pardon of the Presi-
regard, did not pass by many issues of inter-
dent and the press. I am the host and I
national politics-compared our points of
maybe, misused it, but perhaps I could
view. In some issues we reserved the oppor-
listen to your comments as well that I'm
tunity to come back to this. We put off
speaking so much.
discussing this. In some cases, we required
I understood that you almost agree with
consultations on the U.S. side. In other
everything I have said. [Laughter]
cases, we needed time to study the issue.
President Bush. What I heard I liked.
But that means that the process will contin-
[Laughter]
ue. And in this case as well, we noted the
Once again, this might be an appropriate
necessity of cooperation and interaction in
time for Barbara and me to thank the Presi-
resolving those many international issues
dent and Mrs. Gorbachev for this fantastic
which exist and which must be resolved.
hospitality. And yes, I couldn't agree more
The atmosphere was a very warm one-
about the productive nature of the talks,
sincere, frank, open. And today we sense
the enhancement of mutual understanding.
the representatives of the press-said that
This is not diplomatic language, in my view,
the press didn't want to interfere with us
this is fact.
somewhere out in a village to talk one-on-
You know my views on the START agree-
one and in an uninhibited manner. We did
ment. Indeed, it's the culmination of a long
all of this. This is also important. It's very
and historic negotiation. And I happen to
good.
believe that the winners on this are the
One of the members of the delegation-I
young people, not just in the Soviet Union,
asked the question: How do you feel?-a
not just in the United States but all around
very important person. And the answer
the world. And we are taking major steps in
was: Like at home. And that's the kind of
transforming our economic relations. Presi-
atmosphere which we worked in.
dent Gorbachev touched on some of this.
I am satisfied with the fact that political
But we're going to send up the trade
dialog is developing in this way once in this
agreement to the U.S. Congress. We're
hall. And there are many witnesses here; I
going to grant most-favored-nation status
want to repeat this-I talked about this to
now that the technicalities have been
the President, he knows this as well-that I
worked out. We have fulfilled thus our
am convinced that without what we have
Malta goal, Mr. President, of normalizing
today in our relationship, such a character
our economic relationship. We agreed here
of Soviet-American relations, we could
to tackle the next challenge-President
hardly count on everything that has hap-
Gorbachev talked about that-furthering
pened in the past year. And we could
economic reform in the U.S.S.R., and seek-
hardly have interacted in such a way when
ing to integrate the Soviet economy into
the world placed before us very serious
the international system. We're going for-
problems.
ward with space cooperation, cooperation
If this had been in another time, if we
in the environment. And we have several
had faced such problems in another time, it
joint projects in mind there.
would be difficult to say what would have
happened. But today we even understand
Building on our historic cooperation
during the Gulf crisis, we discussed-the
better the value of our cooperation, the fact
that this is necessary. So, perhaps this is not
President and I discussed our partnership in
resolving longstanding regional problems.
a question of a platonic love but a deep
understanding of the fact that, as countries
As you mentioned. we're putting out state-
ments on Yugoslavia. Central America. And,
and states, we need each other today and
indeed, I want to comment now just briefly
1080
Administration of George Bush, 1991 / July 31
on the Middle East before taking your ques-
tions.
sation on this subject. We, both countries,
with a deep concern, have noted the dra-
We did reaffirm our mutual commitment
matic development of events in Yugoslavia.
to promote peace and genuine reconcilia-
And we have been against the use of force
tion between the Arab States, Israel, and
the Palestinians. And we believe there is an
and call upon all sides to abide by the
historic opportunity right now to launch a
agreements on the cease-fire. We, the
Soviet Union and the U.S., proceed from
process that can lead to a just and enduring
the premise that the resolution of issues
peace and to a comprehensive settlement
in the Middle East. We share the strong
must be found by the peoples of Yugoslavia,
themselves, on the basis of democratic prin-
conviction that this historic opportunity
ciples through peaceful negotiations and a
must not be lost. And while recognizing
constructive approach.
that peace cannot be imposed, it can only
result from direct negotiations between the
We emphasized the necessity of having
all sides respect the basic principles indicat-
parties, the United States and the Soviet
ed in the Helsinki Act and the Paris Char-
Union pledge to do their utmost to promote
and sustain the peacemaking process.
ter. The U.S. and the U.S.S.R. support the
efforts undertaken by the CSCE countries—
And to that end, the United States and
the Soviet Union, acting as cosponsors, are
specifically the European Community steps
to resolve the problem. This is the essence
going to work to convene an October peace
of the statement.
conference designed to launch bilateral and
multilateral negotiations. Invitations to the
President Bush. I would only add, sir,
conference will be issued at least 10 days
that inasmuch as that was a joint statement,
prior to the date the conference is to con-
that expresses our continued position as
well.
vene. And in the interim, Secretary Baker
and Foreign Minister Bessmertnykh will
Middle East Peace Talks
continue to work with the parties to pre-
Q. Mr. President, can I ask you, the fact
pare for this conference. And I am today
that you're going ahead with this peace
asking Secretary of State Jim Baker to
conference, does that mean that you have
return to the Middle East to obtain Israel's
Israel's acceptance of the outlines of your
answer to our proposal for peace.
conditions for a peace conference, or is
And again, my thanks to you, and I'd be
there still a hangup, or have you got a com-
prepared to take questions along with you,
mitment from Mr. Shamir?
sir.
President Bush. Well, I would wait and
Yugoslavia
let Secretary Baker answer that question
Q. One question to Comrade Gorbachev.
after this next meeting. And if I had to
You said that you talked with Mr. Bush
express a degree of optimism or pessimism,
about Yugoslavia. What is the essence of
I'd say I'm a little more optimistic today.
that conversation about Yugoslavia?
But the visit of Jim Baker now is for what
And. Mr. Bush, when you received me
we said here, to obtain Israel's answer to
several years ago in the White House in
our proposal for peace. And if I had the
your capacity at that time as Vice President
answer in my pocket-or he did-I'd expect
of the United States of America, you said to
that we would say so.
me that the relations between our two
Soviet-U.S. Relations
countries-there's a special relationship be-
Q. I have a question to both Presidents:
tween Yugoslavia and the United States. Is
You discussed many questions of interna-
that definition still valid? And whether the
United States is still supporting Yugoslavian
tional issues, bilateral issues. You signed a
territorial integrity? Thank you.
unique agreement today. What did you
President Gorbacher. You asked about
leave for the next meeting? And can we say
the essence of the conversation. I will then
when you're planning to have it?
President Gorbacher. I think that what
make use of the fact that I will relate the
we discussed today and what we have set in
content of the U.S.-Soviet statement on
Yugoslavia. This is the result of our conver-
motion, both with regard to a political
dialog and a continuation of the disarma-
1081
July 31 / Administration of George Bush, 1991
ment process and new subjects in the area
meeting where there's not a crisis out there
of economic cooperation and trade, interac-
to be managed; rather we can be sure that
tion in the resolution of important issues
we're not two ships passing in the night-
including regional conflicts, which, unfortu-
the analogy I used, I believe, in Malta-
nately, still take place, and especially since
appropriately. [Laughter] And I look for-
we have begun a significant discussion
about the concept of future strategic stabili-
ward to future meetings because you get a
ty, that means that we have many issues to
lot done where you can't put out-sign a 3-
discuss and many meetings ahead. So, I
point program or a 20-point protocol. But a
think that our contacts will continue.
lot is done just by the kinds of conversations
we've had today.
But I would express myself in favor of the
following: Perhaps not always can we go-
Lithuania
and this makes the positions of Presidents
Q. President Gorbachev, there was an
very specific-but it's harder for them than
for the Ministers of Foreign Affairs to travel
ugly border incident in Lithuania last night
and discuss issues of foreign affairs. But nev-
in which a number of Lithuanian border
ertheless, the President and I have devel-
guards were killed. I wonder if we could
oped a method of conversation. We ex-
have your reaction and any explanation you
change opinions by telephone. As soon as
might have of it?
we have a need, concerns, or simply to ex-
Also, President Bush, any reaction from
change opinions about something impor-
you, in light particularly of your call yester-
tant, we do this by telephone, and this takes
day afternoon for freedom for the Baltic
place on a regular basis.
States?
And secondly, we regularly exchange let-
President Gorbacher. You know. we re-
ters. And this exchange of opinions has not
ceived this information when we were talk-
ceased even in recent days when we have
ing outside the city. The first information
already reached agreement with the Presi-
was such that the incident was on the
dent. We were expecting him here. So, we
border between Lithuania and Byelorussia.
have many channels in order to support this
and when one of the citizens of Byelorussia
very high level of cooperation which we
went in the direction of Lithuania and at
have. And I think a great role will be given
the customs point where he was approach-
to our Departments-the Ministries of For-
ing, he saw two wounded people and four
eign Affairs, but other Departments as well
that died. He quickly related this informa-
because we have new areas of cooperation.
tion, and now the state security agency of
President Bush. I would only add to that,
Lithuania and Byelorussia-the chairman of
that though no date is set, it is my view—
the state committee on security offered also
and I haven't always held this view-that a
to help in the cooperation. So, now we are
meeting without an agenda is a good idea
investigating this.
from time to time between the Soviet Presi-
I must say that, in addition to regret, we
dent and the President of the United States.
must simply sympathize with the families of
And with this-President Gorbachev talked
the people that died. And I myself must say
about arms control and regional problems
that we are doing everything in order not
and other problems-but as this dynamic
only to take actions but also to avoid such
autonomy begins to move, a chance for a
excesses, such conflicts on the basis of reso-
dynamic economy here, there's going to be
lution of basic issues. And we have taken
much more to talk about on the economic
such basic mutual decisions with regard to
side than we've ever had before-coopera-
issues-concerning Armenia and Azerbaijan
tion, partnerships. joint ventures. The
there's a dialog. And the faster and more
whole approach to economics that he has
productive the dialog is, the more efforts
endorsed that is going to benefit. I believe,
there are to break it down. Not everyone
the Soviet Union. and I think there's enor-
likes this process that is developed in such a
mous potential for the United States.
direction. And it's hard for us to say what
So. it is my view that we've got plenty to
happened. We heard versions, the President
talk about. And I, for one. would be pre-
and I, but these are versions. This is not
pared to. as I've stated before, to have a
important at any rate. I will be monitoring
1082
Administration of George Bush, 1991 / July 31
this, and we will tell you what it was that
I'm sure, to remove the underbrush,
happened in reality.
remove the barriers to bilateral economic
Q. I just wanted to get your reaction, sir,
cooperation. So, quite a bit has happened
to the incident in light of your call yester-
between us since Paris. And we look for-
day afternoon for freedom for the Baltic
ward with our representatives in these
States.
international organizations to working very
President Bush. Well, I don't think
cooperatively with the Soviet leaders.
there's a connection, but I do regret the
President Gorbachev. I understand that
violence. I listened to what President Gor-
I'm supposed to comment on this as well
bachev said about the discussion. We clearly
since the question was to both Presidents. I
favor negotiation-he knows that-that
would lead to a reduction of cross-border
will be brief since I have already expressed
my opinion about this. London was the be-
violence from both sides. And obviously, I'd
like to join in expressing my regrets to
ginning of a very important process. This
those families whose loved ones are lost.
was the meaning of the London meeting,
But the President immediately got on this
and one must judge about this in that light.
and said they're conducting an investiga-
It's very important that after London
tion. I think there's hope that the investiga-
there's a desire on both parts to work out a
tion will be cooperative between the Lith-
mechanism which would permit the shifting
uanian side and Byelorussia's side. And so,
of this cooperation, given the political will
we can't prejudge the incident, but I had
of the leadership of the Western countries.
an opportunity to express my views to
In the Soviet Union, we think that we
President Gorbachev on the whole question
should have special structures which would
of the Baltic States. I don't think it's fair to
keep tab of the cooperation between the
link a border incident before you know
Soviet Union and the G-7 countries, and
what happened to that question, however.
first of all, in the area of investment, so the
process would be easier in the taking of
Soviet Economic Integration
decisions of mutual interest.
Q. Mr. President, how far did you go
And it's good that the mechanism has
after London in moving ahead in the inte-
started to be implemented, which we dis-
gration of the U.S.S.R. into the international
cussed in London, and the Minister of Fi-
economy? Was there progress reached in
nances of England is already here. We first
this area? To both Presidents.
talked about the fact that there would be
President Gorbachev. Perhaps you can
visits of the Minister of Finance, the Secre-
begin.
tary of the Treasury of the U.S., and the
President Bush. Well, let me say that's a
representative of the FRG. So, in other
serious objective to start with. Secondly, I
words, there would be the mechanism of
believe that active participation in these
implementing specific areas of cooperation.
international financial institutions and the
And this is very important that there be a
status that was deemed best by the G-7 is
mechanism for real interaction.
the most important thing that the Soviets
And finally, the President mentioned
can do right now. I have freed up, as you
that, on the part of the U.S., an important
heard today, certain trade benefits or nor-
decision will be taken to make trade be-
malizing the trade procedures that, in my
tween our countries easier. I would say that
view, will help. And we've done that since
I mention this in passing, but we often dis-
the meeting in London.
cussed this with the President. I asked, and
But the answer is, full participation-full
we agreed, to study the question of
benefit of these international institutions re-
COCOM restrictions today because many
quire full knowledge and steps towards the
billion-dollar projects which are ready to go
privatization and toward convertability. all
and even signed are not being implement-
the things that I believe the Soviet Union
ed because of the fact that they have ele-
wants.
ments that come under COCOM restric-
So, work with the international organiza-
tions.
tions and then bilaterally do what we've
And therefore, a very serious process has
done and other countries will be doing, too.
started and I think that this will continue
1083
July 31 / Administration of George Bush, 1991
and grow stronger, be more specific. It will
now, an expanded concept, a more high-
give results. There is a will and a desire to
tech concept, I think a lot of lives were
do this. It's very important.
saved by defense. So, that's my reply.
Nuclear Weapons
President Gorbachev. I will say a few
Q. I would ask both of you to think back
words. I think that the argument which you
to the 1986 Reykjavik summit when Ronald
want to ascribe to me, that in my policy I
Reagan horrified quite a few American nu-
looked upon nuclear weapons as an element
clear experts and almost all of the European
of deterrence, is not true. I have not said
leaders by giving serious consideration to
this. Yes, we got involved in the arms race
your proposal, President Gorbachev, for a
in a very serious way. Thank God, as we say
ban on all nuclear weapons. In the end,
in Russian, that we stopped this and turned
Reagan said no because of the belief that
it back. And this is a great accomplishment
nuclear deterrence has, in fact, kept the
since we understood where we were
peace. At that time, you had a massive con-
headed.
ventional edge in Europe, though. Since
But it's hard to resolve all these issues
then, we've had the CFE treaty. Why now
which have piled up, and all these weapons
are the two of you not saying we will now
that have piled up. And I think that there is
work towards a total nuclear ban? Do you
still a lot that we have to do. We have
still believe in the efficacy of nuclear deter-
mapped out a few things for the future, and
rence in keeping the peace? Particularly,
then there will probably also be questions
sir, I ask you, President Bush, given the fact
put to all members of the nuclear club, and
that some of these breakaway Republics,
they also have to think about what to do
they have nuclear weapons in there and
with nuclear weapons in the future.
who knows what would happen if they de-
And finally, we must very carefully act
clare independence.
about having the mechanism which we
President Bush. The very fact that-I
have created and which seems has
wouldn't suggest that a breakaway Republic
worked-but apparently not effectively
is going to use a nuclear weapon against the
enough-about nonproliferation of nuclear
United States, but I would suggest that we
weapons. This was one of the important
have every reason in the world to be con-
topics of our conversation with the Presi-
cerned about renegades-not in these areas,
dent during these days. For if certain coun-
perhaps; I hope not-getting hold of nucle-
tries will lower their arms and disarm and
ar weapons. And that's one of the reasons I
head in the direction of a nonnuclear world,
strongly support our GPALS program that
and at the same time, others will find ways
is being debated in the Senate right now.
to develop the process in order to have
But in my view, other countries do pos-
their own nuclear weapons, then we will
sess nuclear weapons. It's not just the Soviet
have a situation which is absurd.
Union and the United States. And I do be-
So, in continuing to support nuclear disar-
lieve that we are on the right path by the
mament and within the framework of the
path that President Gorbachev has outlined
negotiation process, which we have, we
today on following on existing agreements.
have agreed to continue this. We have the
So, rather than try to have a ethereal or a
question of truly improving the mechanism
utopian answer, let's follow through practi-
of nonproliferation nuclear technology in
cally, as he suggested. And then as far as
order-missile technology-in order to
the U.S. is concerned. I'd like us to go for-
create an unsurmountable barrier in this
ward with a system that puts nobody at
area. I think this is one of the most impor-
threat. nobody at risk. The only thing at
tant things we have to do today.
risk is an errant nuclear missile aiming at a
Q. What significance does the process of
country. And that's why I support the de-
European integration have in your conver-
fensive approach, and that's why I think
sations with the President, for example. the
one of the lessons out of the Iraq war-and
postwar unification of Europe? What image
maybe President Gorbachev reads this dif-
of this is the most acceptable to you from
ferently-is that defenses work. And though
the point of view of the Soviet Union? For
we're talking about a different concept
example, the image of a General de Gaulle
1084
Administration of George Bush, 1991 / July 31
Europe of fatherlands, countries with deci-
declare a specific course, but will keep the
sions being made on a national level, or a
old structures, institutions without changing
united states of Europe, with common deci-
them at all, then again, there can be a proc-
sion being made among them? Thank you.
ess of simply regrouping of forces in
Europe
Europe. And there can be new confronta-
President Gorbachev. First of all, you can
tions which would come into being with a
different distribution of forces.
probably guess that everything that hap-
pens in Europe-in the world-we have
I am not in favor of this, so I would more
always looked towards Europe for every-
quickly go through the process of creation
thing that happens in Europe, in our
of new institutions and would stimulate
areas-I don't want to list them-has a
those tendencies which would move us to-
great importance for the developments in
wards a united Europe.
the world. So, undoubtedly, the President
I don't think that here we need to have
and I noted the positive developments
which are taking place in Europe and we
languages vanish; cultures, traditions vanish.
I think this would be a mistake if we set
noted support of the documents aimed at
creating a new Europe. And we see that
ourselves such a goal. I think we should
the Soviet Union and the U.S. must partici-
take into consideration those specific char-
acteristics and traditions-the histories of
pate very actively in building a new
Europe. All of this has existed and continues
the people-but also aim for their unifica-
to exist. And we feel a responsibility to do
tion. I think this is compatible, although we
this.
see that there is also an explosion of nation-
But you asked the question about how. I
alism, separatism, efforts to unravel every-
think perhaps you are a little hasty because
thing. This is a dangerous process. I think
when we are creating a certain schematic
that if we follow a path of chaotic develop-
and then try to impose it, then we get one
ment of such processes, then we'll get into
result. When a process is being developed
a bad situation.
in a logical way within the Helsinki process,
So, I am for the transformation of all insti-
a political process of choice, then we find
tutions. I am for new institutions which
that new forms of cooperation and new in-
would act in the interest of unification proc-
stitutes come into being.
esses in Europe.
Now I would say the following: We must,
within the framework of the documents.
Mr. Fitzwater. We used our allotted time.
the general path mapped out in the Helsin-
Thank you very much.
ki and the Paris agreements. act in such a
way that the old institutions be transformed
Note: President Bush's 96th news confer-
in the interest of a new Europe so that they
ence began at 4:33 p.m. in the Press Theater
serve the interest of a single economic terri-
of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Presi-
tory, a single security of Europe, a legal
dent Gorbachev spoke in Russian, and his
aspect. And so, this is what we must aim
for. That means when the old institutions.
remarks were translated by an interpreter.
when they change, we have to bear this in
In the news conference, the following per-
mind. But apparently, we will also have
sons were referred to: Foreign Minister
new institutions which will arise, which will
Aleksandr Bessmertnykh of the Soviet
serve this process.
Union; Raisa Gorbachev, wife of the Presi-
And now if we have, for example, a
dent of the Soviet Union; Prime Minister
common energy approach, there will be
Yitzhak Shamir of Israel; Norman Lamont.
mechanisms of administering this and will
Chancellor of the Exchequer of the United
have a great significance in the fate of
Kingdom; Secretary of the Treasury Nicho-
Europe and the process to realize this.
las F. Brady; and Finance Minister Theo
Thus. in going along this path without de-
Waigel of Germany. Marlin Fitzwater is
stroying the old institutions in creating new
Press Secretary to President Bush. A tape
ones. we probably will find the forms
was not available for verification of the
gradually to resolve these issues. But if we
content of this news conference.
1085
July 31 / Administration of George Bush, 1991
Nomination of William Caldwell
Harrop To Be United States
Nomination of John J. Easton, Jr., To
Ambassador to Israel
Be General Counsel of the Department
of Energy
July 31, 1991
July 31, 1991
The President today announced his inten-
tion to nominate William Caldwell Harrop,
The President today announced his inten-
of New Jersey, to be Ambassador Extraordi-
tion to nominate John J. Easton, Jr., of Ver-
nary and Plenipotentiary to Israel. He
mont, to be General Counsel of the Depart-
would succeed William Andreas Brown.
ment of Energy. He would succeed Stephen
A. Wakefield.
Since 1987 Ambassador Harrop has
served as U.S. Ambassador to Zaire. Prior to
Since 1989 Mr. Easton has served as As-
this Ambassador Harrop served as Inspector
sistant Secretary of Energy for International
General of the Department of State and
Affairs and Energy Emergencies at the De-
Foreign Service, 1983-1986, and as U.S.
partment of Energy. From 1987 to 1989 he
Ambassador to Kenya and concurrently as
served as an attorney with the law firm of
U.S. Ambassador to the Seychelles, 1980-
Miller, Eggleston and Rosenberg, Ltd., and
1983.
as attorney general of Vermont, 1981-1985.
Ambassador Harrop graduated from Har-
Mr. Easton graduated from Georgetown
vard University (B.A., 1950). He was born
University (J.D., 1970) and the University of
February 19, 1929 in Baltimore, MD. Am-
Colorado (B.S., 1964). He was born June 16,
bassador Harrop served in the U.S. Marine
1943, in San Francisco, CA. Mr. Easton
Corps, 1951-1952. He is married, has four
served in the U.S. Air Force, 1964-1968. He
resides in Arlington, VA.
children, and resides in Washington, DC.
White House Fact Sheet on The
Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty
Nomination of Russell K. Paul To Be
(START)
an Assistant Secretary of Housing and
July 31, 1991
Urban Development
July 31, 1991
Today, the United States and the Soviet
Union signed the Strategic Arms Reduction
The President today announced his inten-
Treaty. This treaty marks the first agree-
tion to nominate Russell K. Paul, of Geor-
ment between the two countries in which
gia, to be an Assistant Secretary of Housing
the number of deployed strategic nuclear
and Urban Development for Congressional
weapons will actually be reduced. Reduc-
and Intergovernmental Relations. He would
tions will take place over a period of 7
succeed Timothy J. Coyle.
years, and will result in parity between the
Currently Mr. Paul serves as Deputy As-
strategic nuclear forces of the two sides at
sistant Secretary for Grant Programs at the
levels approximately 30 percent below cur-
Department of Housing and Urban Devel-
rently deployed forces. Deeper cuts are re-
opment. Prior to this he served as an inter-
quired in the most dangerous and destabi-
governmental relations officer at the De-
lizing systems.
partment of Housing and Urban Develop-
START provisions are designed to
ment.
strengthen strategic stability at lower levels
Mr. Paul graduated from Samford Univer-
and to encourage the restructuring of stra-
sity (B.A., 1974). He was born June 23.
tegic forces in ways that make them more
1952. in Greenwood. SC. Mr. Paul is mar-
stable and less threatening. The treaty in-
ried, has five children. and resides in Riva,
cludes a wide variety of very demanding
MD.
verification measures designed to ensure
compliance and build confidence.
1086
Administration of George Bush, 1991 / July 31
Central Limits
Such downloading is permitted in a careful-
The treaty sets equal ceilings on the
ly structured and limited fashion.
number of strategic nuclear forces that can
-The U.S. may download its three-war-
be deployed by either side. In addition, the
head Minuteman III ICBM by either
treaty establishes an equal ceiling on ballis-
one or two warheads. The Soviet Union
tic missile throw-weight (a measure of over-
has already downloaded it's seven war-
all capability for ballistic missiles). Each side
is limited to no more than:
head SS-N-18 SLBM by four warheads.
-1600 strategic nuclear delivery vehicles
-In addition, each side may download up
(deployed intercontinental ballistic mis-
to 500 warheads on two other existing
siles [ICBM's], submarine launched bal-
types of ballistic missiles, as long as the
listic missiles [SLBM's], and heavy
total number of warheads removed
bombers), a limit that is 36 percent
from downloaded missiles does not
below the Soviet level declared in Sep-
exceed 1250 at any one time.
tember 1990 and 29 percent below the
New Types
U.S. level.
-6000 total accountable warheads, about
The treaty places constraints on the char-
41 percent below the current Soviet
acteristics of new types of ballistic missiles
level and 43 percent below the current
to ensure the accuracy of counting rules
U.S. level.
and prevent undercounting of missile war-
heads.
-4900 accountable warheads deployed
on ICBM's or SLBM's, about 48 percent
-The number of warheads attributed to
below the current Soviet level and 40
a new type of ballistic missile must be
percent below the current U.S. level.
no less than the number determined by
-1540 accountable warheads deployed
dividing 40 percent of the missile's
on 154 heavy ICBM's, a 50-percent re-
total throw-weight by the weight of the
duction in current Soviet forces. The
lightest RV tested on that missile.
U.S. has no heavy ICBM's.
-The throw-weight attributed to a new
-1100 accountable warheads deployed
type must be no less than the missile's
on mobile ICBM's.
throw-weight capability at specified ref-
-Aggregate throw-weight of deployed
erence ranges (11,000 km for ICBM's
ICBM's and SLBM's equal to about 54
and 9,500 km for SLBM's).
percent throw-weight. of the current Soviet aggregate
Heavy ICBM's
START places significant restrictions on
Ballistic Missile Warhead Accountability
the Soviet SS-18 heavy ICBM.
The treaty uses detailed counting rules to
-A 50-percent reduction in the number
ensure the accurate accounting of the
of Soviet SS-18 ICBM's; a total reduc-
number of warheads attributed to each type
tion of 154 of these Soviet missiles.
of ballistic missile.
-New types of heavy ICBM's are
-Each deployed ballistic missile warhead
banned.
counts as 1 under the 4900 ceiling and
-Downloading of heavy ICBM's is
1 under the 6000 overall warhead ceil-
banned.
ing.
-Heavy SLBM's and heavy mobile
-Each side is allowed 10 on-site inspec-
ICBM's are banned.
tions each year to verify that deployed
ballistic missiles contain no more war-
-Heavy ICBM's will be reduced on a
heads than the number that is attrib-
more stringent schedule than other
strategic arms.
uted to them under the treaty.
Mobile ICBM's
Downloading Ballistic Missile Warheads
The treaty also allows for a reduction in
Because mobile missiles are more difficult
the number of warheads on certain ballistic
to verify than other types of ballistic mis-
missiles. which will help the sides transition
siles, START incorporates a number of spe-
their existing forces to the new regime.
cial restrictions and notifications with
regard to these missiles. These measures
1087
July 31 / Administration of George Bush, 1991
will significantly improve our confidence
that START will be effectively verifiable.
-START bans the encryption and encap-
sulation of telemetric. information and
-Nondeployed mobile missiles and non-
other forms of information denial on
deployed mobile launchers are numeri-
flight tests of ballistic missiles. Howev-
cally and geographically limited so as to
limit the possibility for reload and
er, strictly limited exemptions to this
refire.
ban are granted sufficient to protect
the flight-testing of sensitive research
-The verification regime includes con-
projects.
tinuous monitoring of mobile ICBM
-START allows 12 different types of on-
production, restrictions on movements,
site inspections and requires roughly 60
on-site inspections, and cooperative
different types of notifications covering
measures to improve the effectiveness
production, testing, movement, deploy-
of national technical means of intelli-
ment, and destruction of strategic of-
gence collection.
fensive arms.
Heavy Bombers
Treaty Duration
Because heavy bombers are stabilizing
START will have a duration of 15 years,
strategic systems (e.g., they are less capable
unless it is superseded by a subsequent
of a short-warning attack than ballistic mis-
agreement. If the sides agree, the treaty
siles), START counting rules for weapons on
may be extended for successive 5-year peri-
bombers are different than those for ballis-
ods beyond the 15 years.
tic missile warheads.
-Each heavy bomber counts as one stra-
Noncircumcention and Third Countries
tegic nuclear delivery vehicle.
START prohibits the transfer of strategic
-Each heavy bomber equipped to carry
offensive arms to third countries, except
only short-range missiles or gravity
that the treaty will not interfere with exist-
bombs is counted as one warhead
ing patterns of cooperation. In addition, the
under the 6000 limit.
treaty prohibits the permanent basing of
-Each U.S. heavy bomber equipped to
strategic offensive arms outside the national
carry long-range nuclear ALCM's (up to
territory of each side.
a maximum of 150 bombers) is counted
Air-Launched Cruise Missiles (ALCM's)
as 10 warheads even though it may be
equipped to carry up to 20 ALCM's.
START does not directly count or limit
-A similar discount applies to Soviet
ALCM's. ALCM's are limited indirectly
heavy bombers equipped to carry long-
through their association with heavy bomb-
ers.
range nuclear ALCM's. Each such
Soviet heavy bomber (up to a maxi-
-Only nuclear-armed ALCM's with a
mum of 180) is counted as 8 warheads
range in excess of 600 km are covered
by START.
even though it may be equipped to
carry up to 16 ALCM's.
-Long-range. conventionally armed
-Any heavy bomber equipped for long-
ALCM's that are distinguishable from
nuclear-armed ALCM's are not affect-
range nuclear ALCM's deployed in
ed.
excess of 150 for the U.S. or 180 for the
Soviet Union will be accountable by the
-Long-range nuclear-armed ALCM's
number of ALCM's the heavy bomber
may not be located at air bases for
is actually equipped to carry.
heavy bombers not accountable as
being equipped for such ALCM's.
Verification Regime
-Multiple warhead long-range nuclear
Building on recent arms control agree-
ALCM's are banned.
ments, START includes extensive and un-
Sea Launched Cruise Missiles (SLCM's)
precedented verification provisions. This
comprehensive verification regime greatly
SLCMs are not constrained by the treaty.
reduces the likelihood that violations would
However, each side has made a politically
go undetected.
binding declaration as to its plans for the
deployment of nuclear-armed SLCM's. Con-
1088
Administration of George Bush, 1991 / Aug. 1
ventionally-armed SLCM's are not subject
United
Soviet
to such a declaration.
States
Union
-Each side will make an annual declara-
tion of the maximum number of nucle-
Delivery Vehicles
2,246
2,500
ar-armed SLCM's with a range greater
Warheads
10,563
10,271
than 600 km that it plans to deploy for
Ballistic Missile
8,210
9,416
each of the following 5 years.
Warheads.
-This number will not be greater than
Heavy ICBM's/
None
308/3080
880 long-range nuclear-armed SLCM's.
Warheads.
-In addition, as a confidence building
Throw-weight
2,361.3
6,626.3
measure, nuclear-armed SLCM's with a
(metric tons).
As a result of the
range of 300-600 km will be the sub-
treaty, the above
ject of a confidential annual data ex-
values will be
change.
reduced by the
Backfire Bomber
following
percentages:
The Soviet Backfire bomber is not con-
Delivery
29 percent
36 percent
strained by the treaty. However, the Soviet
Vehicles.
side has made a politically binding declara-
Warheads
43 percent
41 percent
tion that it will not deploy more than 800
Ballistic Missile
40 percent
48 percent
air force and 200 naval Backfire bombers,
Warheads.
and that these bombers will not be given
Heavy ICBM's/
None
50 percent
Warheads.
intercontinental capability.
Throw-weight
None
46 percent
Other Background
(metric tons).
The START agreement consists of the
treaty document itself and a number of as-
sociated documents. Together they total
more than 700 pages. The treaty was signed
in a public ceremony by Presidents Bush
and Gorbachev in St. Vladimir's Hall in the
Proclamation 6319-Helsinki Human
Kremlin. The associated documents were
Rights Day, 1991
signed in a private ceremony at Novo Ogar-
July 31, 1991
yevo, President Gorbachev's weekend
dacha. Seven of these documents were
By the President of the United States
signed by Presidents Bush and Gorbachev.
of America
Three associated agreements were signed
by Secretary Baker and Foreign Minister
A Proclamation
Bessmertnykh. In addition, the START ne-
In 1975, when the United States, Canada.
gotiators. Ambassadors Brooks and Nazar-
and 33 European states joined in adopting
kin, exchanged seven letters related to
the Helsinki Final Act of the Conference on
START in a separate event at the Soviet
Security and Cooperation in Europe, we af-
Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Moscow.
firmed "the close link between peace and
Magnitude of START-Accountable
security in Europe and in the world as a
Reductions
whole." Signatories to the Helsinki accords
also recognized that respect for human
Following is the aggregate data from the
rights and fundamental freedoms is essen-
Memorandum of Understanding, based
tial not only to achieving lasting peace
upon agreed counting rules in START. (Be-
among nations but also to promoting their
cause of those counting rules. the number
social and economic development. During
of heavy bomber weapons actually de-
the past 16 years, the CSCE process begun
ployed may be higher than the number
at Helsinki has played a leading role in
shown in the aggregate.) This data is effec-
building mutual confidence, reducing the
tive as of September 1990 and will be up-
risk of conflict, and enhancing the growth
dated at entry into force:
of democracy and openness in Europe. This
1089
Aug. 1 / Administration of George Bush, 1991
year we welcome Albania's entry into the
CSCE community and its commitment to
fulfill the promise of a Europe that is whole
and free, and at peace with itself.
respect human rights and fundamental free-
doms that this symbolizes.
As an expression of the special impor-
tance that the United States continues to
The tremendous changes that have swept
central and eastern Europe underscore the
attach to the CSCE in a changing Europe,
CSCE's effectiveness in advancing the goal
the Congress, by House Joint Resolution
of universal compliance with the Helsinki
264, has designated August 1, 1991, as "Hel-
accords. At their meeting in Paris last No-
sinki Human Rights Day" and has author-
vember, CSCE members welcomed the
ized and requested the President to issue a
emergence of a new transatlantic partner-
proclamation in observance of this day.
ship of nations based on a mutual commit-
Now, Therefore, I, George Bush, Presi-
ment to upholding human rights and the
dent of the United States of America, do
rule of law. In signing the Charter of Paris
hereby proclaim August 1, 1991, as Helsinki
for a New Europe, members added to exist-
Human Rights Day and reaffirm the United
ing CSCE principles new and sweeping
States dedication to the principles of human
commitments to political pluralism, free
dignity and freedom-principles that are
elections, free enterprise, and the rule of
enshrined in the Helsinki Final Act. As we
law. New CSCE institutions established at
Americans observe this day with appropri-
the Paris summit-such as the Office for
ate programs, ceremonies, and activities, let
Free Elections in Warsaw, the CSCE Secre-
us call on all signatories of the Final Act to
tariat in Prague, and the Conflict Preven-
fulfill their obligation to respect the rights
tion Center in Vienna-strengthen the
and dignity of all their citizens.
CSCE's ability to help consolidate and to
In Witness Whereof, I have hereunto set
build upon recent gains. The United States
my hand this thirty-first day of July, in the
encouraged and welcomed these develop-
year of our Lord nineteen hundred and
ments as evidence that the CSCE can serve
ninety-one, and of the Independence of the
not only as a catalyst for change but also
United States of America the two hundred
itself change to reflect the demands of an
and sixteenth.
evolving Europe.
During the June meeting of CSCE for-
George Bush
eign ministers in Berlin. the Conference en-
[Filed with the Office of the Federal Regis-
dorsed the report of the Valletta Meeting
ter, 10:37 a.m., August 1, 1991]
on the Peaceful Settlement of Disputes and
agreed to designate the Conflict Prevention
Note: The proclamation was released by the
Center in Vienna as the nominating institu-
Office of the Press Secretary on August 1,
tion to help settle disputes. Members also
and published on August 6.
agreed on a mechanism for holding emer-
gency official-level meetings of the CSCE,
which has first been called into action in
the current Yugoslav crisis.
Remarks at the Arrival Ceremony in
As the Yugoslav crisis demonstrates,
Kiev, Soviet Union
major challenges remain. The United States
will continue to suggest that the CSCE
August 1, 1991
strengthen its capacity to address the politi-
cal sources of conflict. One area of special
Chairman Krauchuk. Today on the
Ukrainian soil we are extending our hearty
concern to us is the persecution of ethnic
minorities. Ethnic tensions in Europe pro-
welcome to the high-ranking guests, Presi-
dent of the United States of America
vide a solemn and urgent reminder that we
George Bush and Mrs. Bush. Our sincere
still have much work to do in achieving
words of welcome are also addressed to the
universal compliance with both the letter
and the spirit of the Helsinki accords. The
well-known U.S. statesmen and those ac-
United States has sought to lead other
companying the President.
member-states in exploring ways that the
Mr. President, we attach to your visit to
CSCE can help reduce those tensions and
the Ukraine very great importance. and we
think it will be another step in improving
1090
Administration of George Bush, 1991 / Aug. I
relations between our countries. Your visit
integrate its economy into the world econo-
reflects the changes which have taken place
my.
in our countries and in the world as a
To your visit, Mr. President, we attach
whole.
sincere hope for the establishment of direct
Despite the complexity and contradictori-
relations between the Ukraine and the
ness of the political processes, the basic fea-
United States of America, into whose foun-
ture of today's world development is radical
dation the first bricks have already been
positive changes. And for these changes
laid.
mankind should thank the foresighted
We believe that after your visit to
policy of our states, their common aspira-
Ukraine it will be visited by a great number
tions towards humane and just peace.
of businessmen, and we will create every
We are especially satisfied with the fact
necessary condition for their activities here.
that you, Mr. President, came to our Repub-
Let me once again welcome you, Mr.
lic right after the historic document, the
President, Mrs. Bush, and the members of
Strategic Offensive Arms Reduction Treaty,
the American delegation on the hospitable
had been signed in Moscow. The Ukrainian
Ukrainian soil, and say to you in Ukrainian,
people consider this act as another concrete
Laskavo prosimo.
step towards the achievement of general
President Bush. Chairman Kravchuk,
and complete disarmament, toward a world
Barbara and I are simply delighted to visit
without weapons and without wars.
Kiev, the city of golden domes, and I might
Your visit to the Ukraine is taking place
say that we saw so many beautiful hilltop
at a time difficult for the Republic. Howev-
churches from the windows of Air Force
er, on the basis of the Declaration on State
One as we came in.
Sovereignty and thanks to the aspiration
Ukraine, as we all know, is the mother-
toward national concord, the Ukraine is.
land of many hundreds of thousands of
step by step, moving along the road to its
Americans. In fact, back home in Washing-
high aim: sovereignty, bringing about stabil-
ton, DC, stands a statue of the Ukrainian
ity and civil peace.
poet and painter Taras Shevchenko. Once,
Fifty-two million representatives of differ-
reflecting on the democratic experiment in
ent people-the Ukrainians, the Russians.
America, he wrote this: "When will we
the Poles, the Jews, the Bulgars-are work-
have a Washington with a new and right-
ing together on this land. And for them.
eous law? One day we shall have him."
Ukraine is their home. We have resolutely
Well, I'm here to tell you, sir, that the
chosen the road to democracy, market
United States stands committed to a new
economy, and sovereignty; and this choice
world order based on what Shevchenko
of ours is supported by the majority of the
called a "new and righteous rule
people.
of law and the guarantee of real economic
The American Nation knows only very
freedom, political freedom, religious free-
well the price of genuine sovereignty, and
dom. Yes, the world is changing profoundly.
the Declaration of Independence was one
But with change comes opportunity and
of the first to proclaim to the whole world
hope for the future.
the ideals of freedom, equality, and brother-
The American people applaud the
hood. Taking into account the present-day
changes that are creating a Soviet Union
political and economic realities, we are pur-
blessed with free markets and free people.
suing the policy aimed at the setting up of a
We're anxious to offer help and hope where
new union. a union of sovereign states as
needed, to build ties of understanding and
further consolidation and development of
common interest. In that spirit we recently
fruitful relations with all the Republics. This
opened a consulate general in this great
policy is being supported by the people.
city, a permanent American presence to
and around it. all kinds of political forces
build America's friendship with Ukraine.
are being consolidated.
I come here having concluded 2 days of
On the international area, the Ukraine is
very productive work in Moscow. President
striving to acquire the status of an equal
Gorbachev and I did sign, as you referred
member of the international community, to
to, an historic treaty that will, for the first
1091
Aug. 1 / Administration of George Bush, 1991
time, reduce strategic forces between our
Soviet, spoke in Russian and his remarks
countries. But we also talked about peace
and prosperity, in hopes that our nations
were translated by an interpreter. In his
remarks, the President referred to U.S. and
can increase trade and share ideas and ex-
periences with one another.
Soviet cooperation in dealing with the
Now, we look forward to meeting with
aftermath of a 1986 accident at the Cherno-
Chairman Kravchuk and other Ukrainian
byl nuclear plant in the Ukraine.
leaders. We want to expand the scope of
our relationship with the people of this Re-
public, as you mentioned-build stronger
economic ties and extend the range and
Remarks at a Luncheon in Kiev, Soviet
quality of cultural, social, and academic and
Union
professional exchanges. We want to retain
the strongest possible official relationship
August 1, 1991
with the Gorbachev government, but we
also appreciate the importance of more ex-
Thank you very much. And I am very
tensive ties with Ukraine and other Repub-
grateful to Chairman Kravchuk and people
lics, with all the peoples of the Soviet
of Ukraine for welcoming us so warmly
Union.
through your Golden Gate.
As I hope you know, the American
I will shorten these remarks because our
people care about people in Ukraine and
lives are controlled by satellites these days.
Russia and the other Soviet Republics. In
But I've come here to Kiev to learn more
the aftermath of the Chernobyl tragedy,
about the tremendous challenges you face,
American citizens and private relief organi-
to strengthen the ties that link the people
zations responded with deep concern and
of America and the people of Ukraine, and
generosity. American physicians are helping
to signal our strong support for free mar-
Ukrainian officials study the long-term
kets and free government.
health effects of the accident. And through
Our people are not strangers. In Chicago
a Presidential initiative on medical assist-
and Cleveland, Pittsburgh and Philadelphia,
ance, we've shipped badly needed pharma-
and all across America, hundreds of thou-
ceutical supplies to help Chernobyl victims.
sands of Ukrainian Americans preserve your
You are a strong people, and your rich
proud heritage and history.
and glorious past spans centuries of upheav-
The end of the cold war opens opportuni-
al and change. You first brought Christiani-
ties to forge a new relationship. Through
ty to this part of Europe, this crossroads of
increased trade, expanded exchanges-
Europe and Asia. Christianity took hold
through American medical assistance, ef-
here over a thousand years ago when
forts aimed at helping you cope with the
Prince Vladimir of Kiev baptized his follow-
after-effects of Chernobyl-the United
ers in the Dnieper River.
States and Ukraine can build a future based
Now, for the first time in 40 years, the
on shared aspirations and common interests.
patriarchs of the Ukrainian Orthodox and
So, our visit marks a beginning. We don't
Catholic Churches have returned to Kiev.
come to tell you how to pursue your future.
With the freedom to practice religion a
We won't preach, nor prescribe solutions.
spiritual renewal has begun among all the
We come to offer our expertise, our hopes.
religions of Ukraine-Catholics, Jews, Or-
And we will do our best to build sturdier
thodox, and others. A new day, in some
ties of culture, ideas, and trade with the
ways, has already arrived.
Soviet Union and all of its Republics.
Thank you, Chairman Kravchuk. It's a
America stands ready to support the
great pleasure for all of us to be here. And
forces of reform in Ukraine, especially those
we're looking forward to our visit.
of economic reform. But in the end, we
Note: The ceremony began at 1:01 p.m. at
recognize that Ukraine will shape its own
Borispol Airport. upon the arrival of Presi-
future. And only you can transform an
dent Bush. Leonid M. Krauchuk. Chairman
economy based on the concept of command
and control into one based on the laws of
of the Republic of the Ukraine's Supreme
supply and demand. Only you can guaran-
1092
Administration of George Bush, 1991 / Aug. 1
tee the sovereign rights of the individual-
political, religious, and economic.
"The city of Kiev is an orchard. Kiev is a
You will bear responsibility for making
poet. Kiev is an epic. Kiev is history. Kiev is
art."
your land more prosperous and free, ac-
cording to your traditions and cultures, your
Centuries ago, your forebears named this
hopes and dreams.
country Ukraine, or "frontier," because
May God bless both our lands. And may I
your steppes link Europe and Asia. But
say thank you, Chairman, for your hospital-
Ukrainians have become frontiersmen of
ity. Mrs. Bush and I and all that travel with
another sort. Today you explore the fron-
sir. us are just delighted to be here. Thank you,
tiers and contours of liberty.
Though my stay here is, as I said, far too
short, I have come here to talk with you
Note: The President spoke at 3:10 p.m. at
and to learn. For those who love freedom,
Marinsky Palace. In his remarks, he re-
every experiment in building an open socie-
ferred to Leonid M. Krauchuk, Chairman of
ty offers new lessons and insights. You face
the Republic of the Ukraine's Supreme
an especially daunting task. For years,
Soviet. The President also referred to U.S.
people in this nation felt powerless, over-
and Soviet cooperation in dealing with the
shadowed by a vast government apparatus,
aftermath of a 1986 accident at the Cherno-
cramped by forces that attempted to con-
byl nuclear plant in the Ukraine.
trol every aspect of their lives.
Today, your people probe the promise of
freedom. In cities and Republics, on farms.
in businesses, around university campuses,
Remarks to the Supreme Soviet of the
you debate the fundamental questions of
Republic Union of the Ukraine in Kiev, Soviet
liberty, self-rule, and free enterprise. Amer-
icans, you see, have a deep commitment to
August 1, 1991
these values. We follow your progress with
a sense of fascination, excitement, and
Well, first, thank all of you for that warm
hope. This alone is historic. In the past, our
welcome. And may I take this opportunity
nations engaged in duels of eloquent bluff
to thank all people of Ukraine that gave us
and bravado. Now, the fireworks of super-
such a warm welcome, such a heartfelt
power confrontation are giving way to the
greeting. Every American in that long mo-
quieter and far more hopeful art of coop-
torcade-and believe me, it was long-was
eration.
moved and touched by the warmth of the
I come here to tell you: We support the
welcome of Ukraine. We'll never forget it.
struggle in this great country for democracy
Chairman Kravchuk, thank you, sir. And
and economic reform. And I would like to
to the Deputies of the Soviet, Supreme
talk to you today about how the United
Soviet. may I salute you. Members of the
clergy that are here, members of the diplo-
States views this complex and exciting
period in your history, how we intend to
matic corps, representatives of American
relate to the Soviet central Government
pharmaceutical and health care corpora-
and the Republican governments.
tions who I understand are with us today,
and distinguished guests all. Barbara and I
In Moscow, I outlined our approach: We
are delighted to be here-very, very happy.
will support those in the center and the
We have only one regret, and that is that
Republics who pursue freedom, democracy,
I've got to get home on Thursday night-I
and economic liberty. We will determine
can still make it. And the reason is, our
our support not on the basis of personalities
Congress goes out tomorrow. finishes their
but on the basis of principles. We cannot
session they're in now, and I felt it was
tell you how to reform your society. We will
important to be there on that last day of
not try to pick winners and losers in politi-
the final session.
cal competitions between Republics or be-
This beautiful city brings to mind the
tween Republics and the center. That is
words of the poet Alexander Dovzhenko:
your business; that's not the business of the
United States of America.
1093
Aug. 1 / Administration of George Bush, 1991
Do not doubt our real commitment, how-
really free is the amount of security enjoyed
ever, to reform. But do not think we can
by minorities.
presume to solve your problems for you.
Theodore Roosevelt, one of our great Presi-
Freedom requires tolerance, a concept
dents, once wrote: To be patronized is as
embedded in openness, in glasnost, and in
offensive as to be insulted. No one of us
our first amendment protections for the
cares permanently to have someone else
freedoms of speech, association, and reli-
conscientiously striving to do him good;
gion-all religions.
what we want is to work with that someone
Tolerance nourishes hope. A priest wrote
else for the good of both of us. That's what
of glasnost: Today, more than ever the
our former President said. We will work for
words of Paul the Apostle, spoken 2,000
the good of both of us, which means that
years ago, ring out: They counted us among
we will not meddle in your internal affairs.
the dead, but look, we are alive. In Ukraine,
Some people have urged the United
in Russia, in Armenia, and the Baltics, the
States to choose between supporting Presi-
spirit of liberty thrives.
dent Gorbachev and supporting independ-
But freedom cannot survive if we let des-
ence-minded leaders throughout the
pots flourish or permit seemingly minor re-
U.S.S.R. I consider this a false choice. In
strictions to multiply until they form chains,
fairness, President Gorbachev has achieved
until they form shackles. Later today, I'll
astonishing things, and his policies of glas-
visit the monument at Babi Yar-a somber
nost, perestroika, and democratization point
reminder, a solemn reminder, of what hap-
toward the goals of freedom, democracy,
pens when people fail to hold back the hor-
and economic liberty.
rible tide of intolerance and tyranny.
We will maintain the strongest possible
relationship with the Soviet Government of
Yet freedom is not the same as independ-
President Gorbachev. But we also appreci-
ence. Americans will not support those who
ate the new realities of life in the U.S.S.R.
seek independence in order to replace a
And therefore, as a federation ourselves, we
far-off tyranny with a local despotism. They
want good relations-improved relations—
will not aid those who promote a suicidal
with the Republics. So, let me build upon
nationalism based upon ethnic hatred.
my comments in Moscow by describing in
We will support those who want to build
more detail what Americans mean when we
democracy. By democracy, we mean a
talk about freedom, democracy, and eco-
system of government in which people may
nomic liberty.
vie openly for the hearts-and yes, the
No terms have been abused more regu-
votes-of the public. We mean a system of
larly, nor more cynically than these.
government that derives its just power from
Throughout this century despots have mas-
the consent of the governed, that retains its
queraded as democrats, jailers have posed
legitimacy by controlling its appetite for
as liberators. We can restore faith in gov-
power. For years, you had elections with
ernment only by restoring meaning to these
ballots, but you did not enjoy democracy.
concepts.
And now, democracy has begun to set firm
I don't want to sound like I'm lecturing,
roots in Soviet soil.
but let's begin with the broad term "free-
The key to its success lies in understand-
dom." When Americans talk of freedom, we
ing government's proper role and its limits.
refer to people's abilities to live without
Democracy is not a technical process driven
fear of government intrusion, without fear
by dry statistics. It is the very human enter-
of harassment by their fellow citizens, with-
prise of preserving freedom, so that we can
out restricting others' freedoms. We do not
do the important things, the really impor-
consider freedom a privilege, to be doled
tant things: raise families, explore our own
out only to those who hold proper political
creativity, build good and fruitful lives.
views or belong to certain groups. We con-
In modern societies. freedom and democ-
sider it an inalienable individual right. be-
racy rely on economic liberty. A free econo-
stowed upon all men and women. Lord
my is nothing more than a system of com-
Acton once observed: The most certain test
munication. It simply cannot function with-
by which we judge whether a country is
out individual rights or a profit motive,
1094
Administration of George Bush, 1991 / Aug. 1
which give people an incentive to go to
providing badly needed medical aid to the
work, an incentive to produce.
Soviet Union. And this aid expresses Ameri-
And it certainly cannot function without
the rule of law, without fair and enforceable
cans' solidarity with the Soviet peoples
contracts, without laws that protect proper-
during a time of hardship and suffering.
ty rights and punish fraud.
And it has supplied facilities in Kiev that
Free economies depend upon the free-
are treating victims of Chernobyl. You
dom of expression, the ability of people to
should know that America's heart-the
exchange ideas and test out new theories.
hearts of all-went out to the people here
The Soviet Union weakened itself for years
at the time of Chernobyl.
by restricting the flow of information, by
We have sent teams to help you improve
outlawing devices crucial to modern com-
upon the safety of Ukrainian nuclear plants
munications, such as computers and copy-
and coal mines. We've also increased the
ing machines. And when you restricted free
number of cultural exchanges with the Re-
movement-even tourist travel-you pre-
publics, including more extensive legal, aca-
vented your own people from making the
demic, and cultural exchanges between
most of their talent. You cannot innovate if
America and Ukraine.
you cannot communicate.
We understand that you cannot reform
And finally, a free economy demands en-
your system overnight. America's first
gagement in the economic mainstream.
system of government-the Continental
Adam Smith noted two centuries ago, trade
Congress-failed because the States were
enriches all who engage in it. Isolation and
too suspicious of one another and the cen-
protectionism doom its practitioners to deg-
radation and want.
tral government too weak to protect com-
I note this today because some Soviet
merce and individual rights. In 200 years,
cities, regions, and even Republics have en-
we have learned that freedom, democracy,
and economic liberty are more than terms
gaged in ruinous trade wars. The Republics
of this nation have extensive bonds of trade,
of inspiration. They're more than words.
which no one can repeal with the stroke of
They are challenges.
a pen or the passage of a law. The vast
Your great poet Shevchenko noted: Only
majority of trade conducted by Soviet com-
in your own house can you have your truth,
panies-imports and exports-involves, as
your strength, and freedom. No society ever
you know better than I, trade between Re-
achieves perfect democracy, liberty, or en-
publics. The nine-plus-one agreement holds
terprise; if it makes full use of its people's
forth the hope that Republics will combine
virtues and abilities, it can use these goals as
greater autonomy with greater voluntary
guides to a better life.
interaction-political, social, cultural, eco-
And now, as Soviet citizens try to forge a
nomic-rather than pursuing the hopeless
new social compact, you have the obligation
course of isolation.
to restore power to citizens demoralized by
And so, American investors and business-
decades of totalitarian rule. You have to
men look forward to doing business in the
give them hope, inspiration, determina-
Soviet Union, including the Ukraine. We've
tion-by showing your faith in their abili-
signed agreements this week that will en-
ties. Societies that don't trust themselves or
courage further interaction between the
their people cannot provide freedom. They
U.S. and all levels of the Soviet Union. But
can guarantee only the bleak tyranny of sus-
ultimately, our trade relations will depend
picion, avarice, and poverty.
upon our ability to develop a common lan-
An old Ukrainian proverb says: When you
guage. a common language of commerce-
enter a great enterprise, free your soul
currencies that communicate with one an-
from weakness. The peoples of the U.S.S.R.
other, laws that protect innovators and en-
have entered a great enterprise, full of
trepreneurs, bonds of understanding and
courage and vigor. I have come here today
trust.
to say: We support those who explore the
It should be obvious that the ties between
frontiers of freedom. We will join these re-
our nations grow stronger every single day.
I set forth a Presidential initiative that is
formers on the path to what we call-ap-
propriately call a new world order.
1095
Aug. 1 / Administration of George Bush, 1991
You're the leaders. You are the partici-
tales of victims and villains, cowards and
pants in the political process. And I go
heroes.
home to an active political process. So, if
Babi Yar stands as a monument to many
you saw me waving like mad from my lim-
things. It reminds us that history gives our
ousine, it was in the thought that maybe
lives meaning and continuity and that any
some of those people along the line were
nation that tries to repudiate history, tries
people from Philadelphia or Pittsburgh or
Detroit where so many Ukrainian-Ameri-
to ignore the actors and events that shape
it, only repudiates itself.
cans live, where so many Ukrainian-Ameri-
For many years, the tragedy of Babi Yar
cans are with me in the remarks I've made
here today.
went unacknowledged, but no more. You
soon will place a plaque on this site that
This has been a great experience for Bar-
acknowledges the genocide against Jews,
bara and me to be here. We salute you. We
the slaughter of gypsies, the wanton murder
salute the changes that we see. I remember
of Communists, Christians-of anyone who
the French expression, vive la difference,
dared oppose the Nazi madman's fantasies.
and I see different churnings around this
Babi Yar reminds us of the sheer stupidity
Chamber, and that is exactly the way it
of prejudice. Here we think about people of
ought to be. One guy wants this and an-
great promise and talent, young men and
other one that. That's the way the process
women who would have become doctors or
works when you're open and free-compet-
physicists, athletes or artists, mothers, fa-
ing with ideas to see who is going to
thers. All died because a maniac in Berlin
emerge correct and who can do the most
wanted to exterminate their kind.
for the people in Ukraine.
The statue here testifies to an important
And so, for us this has been a wonderful
truth. Just as bricks and stones shape great
trip, albeit far too short. And may I simply
monuments, families shape nations. The
say, may God bless the people of Ukraine.
love of parents, the trust of children, the
Thank you very, very much.
blessings of life and learning-these things
give life meaning; they give society its char-
Note: The President spoke at 3:55 p.m. in
acter; they give nations a sense of destiny
Session Hall of the Supreme Societ Build-
and purpose.
ing. In his remarks, he referred to Leonid
Here, at Babi Yar, Nazis set out to destroy
M. Krauchuk, Chairman of the Republic of
families and faiths, set out to destroy the
the Ukraine's Supreme Societ.
soul of a nation. And here, on September
29, 1941, soldiers forced men, women, and
children to undergo a ritual of humiliation
and death. Victims stopped first to empty
Remarks at the Babi Yar Memorial in
their pockets and place their valuables in
Kiev, Soviet Union
heaps on the ground, and then moved for-
August 1, 1991
ward to another place where they had to
remove their clothing, which Nazis folded
in neat piles-booty for the Fuehrer.
Thank you, Chairman Kravchuk. And to
our special guests today, the survivors of the
And then shivering, they moved to the
Babi Yar massacres and the Ukrainians who
edge of the ravine where marksmen mur-
helped rescue them, it is my great honor to
dered their prey, letting the bodies tumble
be here today.
into long, deep pits. For 36 hours, rifle re-
ports and shrill human cries shattered the
We come to Babi Yar to remember. We
calm. Nazis tried to drown out that horror
remember violence and valor; we remem-
ber prejudice and selflessness. At Babi Yar,
by playing dance music over loudspeakers.
And despite this macabre ritual, screams
in the vast quiet here, something larger
made their way into the hearts of towns-
than life assails us: the shadows of past evil,
the light of past virtue. The wind that
people-and to the pages of history.
shakes the leaves bears a special weight, as
When the first round of shooting stopped,
if whispering warnings and cautions, telling
more than 33,000 bodies lay in the pit, and
many more people had committed suicide
1096
Administration of George Bush, 1991 / Aug. 1
rather than undergoing the humiliating exe-
bleak our lives may seem, this fact should
cution rites. Within 18 months, nearly
100,000 people perished here.
comfort us. It should inspire us to spare
future generations from horrors like the one
Miraculously, a few managed to escape,
that claimed nearly 100,000 souls at Babi
several of whom have joined us today, along
Yar.
with several people who helped protect the
victims of the massacred at Babi Yar. And I
May God bless you all. May God bless
think it would be most appropriate to ask
Ukraine and its wonderful people, and may
them to stand so we may honor them.
God bless the memories of Babi Yar.
Abraham Lincoln once said: We cannot
escape history. Mikhail Gorbachev has pro-
Note: The President spoke at 5:25 p.m. in
moted truth in history. Here's the quote:
front of the memorial. In his remarks, he
Not to settle political scores, or cause suffer-
referred to Leonid M. Krauchuk, Chairman
ing, but to render due tribute to everything
of the Republic of the Ukraine's Supreme
that was heroic in the past and to learn
Soviet.
lessons from mistakes and miscalculations.
Today we stand at Babi Yar and wrestle
with awful truth. We marvel at the incredi-
ble extremes of human behavior. And we
make solemn vows:
Remarks on the Middle East Peace
We vow this sort of murder will never
Talks in Kiev, Soviet Union
happen again.
August 1, 1991
We vow never to let the forces of bigotry
and hatred assert themselves without oppo-
The President.- wire service report
sition.
that Prime Minister Shamir has accepted
And we vow to ensure a future dedicated
and they will attend this conference. I've
to freedom and individual liberty rather
not yet had a chance-just got on the
then to mob violence and tyranny.
plane-have not had a chance to talk to
And we vow that whenever our devotion
Secretary Baker, but this, indeed, is good
to principle wanes, we will think of this
news if that report is accurate. And I hope
place. We will remember that evil flour-
it is, assume it is.
ishes when good men and women refuse to
And there's still a lot of hard work ahead.
defend virtue.
but this is bound to be good news for peace
Let me quote the poet Yevtushenko,
in the Middle East. And I'm very, very
whose poem about Babi Yar helped restore
pleased that the hard work on many par-
remembrance of this place and of its histo-
ties, especially our Secretary of State, looks
ry. Here's what he wrote: On Babi Yar
like it may be coming to fruition. So, let's
weeds rustle; the tall trees, like judges,
mark this one up as good tidings, and I
loom and threaten. All screams in silence; I
hope that things go forward right now in a
take off my cap and feel that I am slowly
good way.
turning gray. And I, too, have become a
Q. How did you solve the Palestinian
soundless cry over the thousands that lie
issue, Mr. President?
buried here. I am each old man slaugh-
The President. I leave all the details to
tered, each child shot. None of me will
the Secretary until-at least until I have
forget.
chance to talk to the Secretary. All I've
None of us will ever forget.
heard was a service report-a wire service
The Holocaust occurred because good
report that Prime Minister Shamir has ac-
men and women averted their eyes from
cepted. And I assume that's the way-under
unprecedented evil. And the Nazis fell
the conditions that were presented to him.
when good men and women opened their
And if so, that's very good.
eyes, summoned their courage and faith,
Q. Did he ask if
and fought for democracy, liberty, and jus-
tice and decency. This memorial proves
The President. That's all I've got. I don't
that eventually the forces of good and of
know enough about it to comment any-
truth will rise in triumph. No matter how
more, except to say I think it's very good
and we'll have more on that later.
1097
RESEARCH FOR THE SOVIET UNION TRIP by, Carol
Eric Johnson, Library of Congress (202-707-9490)
He just spent a month in the Baltics, and two weeks in Moscow.
McDonald's in Moscow serves 50,000 meals a day; easily the busiest
restaurant in the world. The wait in line has been reduced
from four hours to 40 minutes. The employees are young
teenagers who are polite and responsible. The service is
amazingly efficient and friendly. They greet all customers
with a hello and a smile. Working at McDonald's teaches them
about efficiency, responsibility, and cleanliness. The
windows, floors, and counters are constantly being cleaned.
It has been said that the hardest job in the Soviet Union is
to work at McDonald's. The interior of the restaurant is one
of the most beautiful sights in Moscow.
Music big shots include Madonna and Michael Jackson. Madonna is,
by far, the most popular. Her records, posters, and videos
are found everywhere.
Television news in Estonia consists of Miami Vice and Dallas. CNN
airs for free for 2 hours every day in Latvia. There is CNN
for free sparingly in Moscow, too, although it is mostly
illegal bootleg airings.
Entertainment television in Moscow -- Disney's "Duck Tales" is the
hottest thing right now. Disney made an agreement with the
Soviet Union to give them 80 free episodes. The show airs
every Sunday, and is the most popular show with children and
adults alike. Mickey Mouse is not as big. There is a lot of
Mickey paraphernalia that is illegally produced; he's just not
a very big deal anymore. The European edition of MTV is
fairly widespread.
Movie industry favorites include Ah-nold and Sylvester Stallone.
That's it. They are the two hottest stars in the Soviet
Union. Never before have they had action adventure films with
quite the special effects as these movies have. Rambo is a
favorite. Citizens buy bootleg posters and videos all the
time. Batman is another big movie, as well as any
slasher/horror films (e.g. Freddy Krueger, Jason, etc.). The
only female movie actress that is a big deal is Marilyn
Monroe. There are posters of her to purchase; she's not
really popular, but she's really the most-mentioned. They
mention Meryl Streep and Michelle Pfeiffer, but not with as
much publicity as they have in America.
Gossip does not have the appeal as it does here in the states.
Magazines like People do not exist in the public domain,
because the Soviets just aren't interested in what's behind
the stories of their home-grown stars. They'd rather find out
the behind-the-scenes stuff about Arnold and Stallone.
Magazines such as older issues of Time and Newsweek can be found
in the kiosks, but not with much regularity. There is a
magazine out called Moscow Magazine. It is equivalent to
Washingtonian. It is a Dutch-Soviet venture that is staffed
by Americans. It is printed in English, and just gives a
general gist of what to do, where to go, what's hot/what's
not in Moscow.
From Dierdre Solomon, Soviet Studies
Fiance in Soviet Union, roommate just came over a month ago.
(212) 262-1501
Soviets are very envious of Americans travelling in Moscow
because Americans and other foreigners can carry around hard cash
and go into the stores and buy whatever they want. Soviet citizens
can barely afford McDonald's and Pizza Hut, unless their income
comes from the black market. They sometimes save for months and
months just to have one meal in Pizza Hut or McDonald's.
Soviets tend to produce movies of a gentle nature. They enjoy
comedies, and don't watch too many sexy movies. When Didi was
there a few months ago, "Tango and Cash" was a big hit. All her
friends had bootleg videos of that and other movies. The videos
of movies and MTV are shown all over clubs in Moscow.
From Alfredo Duarte, Asst. Dir. of Soviet Media, Emery University
(404) 420-5151
Program One is the largest Soviet network, covering 90% of Soviet
territory. "Vremya" ["Time"] is the most-watched evening
newscast. It is produced by State Radio and TV Broadcasting
Co. It is watched by 90% of those with televisions in the
Soviet Union -- nearly 200 million watch it every night. It
airs at 9 p.m. Moscow time. The program is authoritative and
influential, as it reflects the views of the executive branch.
American movies, especially the shoot-em-up knock-em-down variety
are a big hit in Moscow. Their entertainment broadcasting
consists more of American movies than television.
American television has been seen more frequently recently in
Moscow. For the Fourth of July, Soviets were treated to an
entire week of American television programming. They were
shown such shows as Dallas and the Flintstones. FYI -- in
Russian, Fred says, "Yee-bee-dee-beep-doop!!!" TBS last year
gave them some programming, including commercials, such as the
Winn-Dixie commercial with dancing vegetables.
The most popular radio station is Moscow Echo. It is very critical
and well-received.
American-style game shows have been attempted. There is a show
called "Field of Miracles -- Capital Show" that is a version
of "Wheel of Fortune". I wonder if the audience gets to chant
in the beginning of it
"Field
of
Miracles!!! Look
at this showroom full of fabulous prizes a loaf of bread,
a stick of butter " There is also a big-budget production
of a show called "Lucky Chance". It's a combo of Trivial
Pursuit and Family Feud. It's basically families on teams for
Trivial Pursuit.
President Bush is mentioned in the news nearly every night.
Everything he does that is related to American foreign policy,
pertaining to the Soviet Union as well as other countries,
makes the news. He is treated extremely well by the Soviet
press.
As for news shows, the most popular is on Russian TV, by the
Russian Network, RTR, called "Vesti" [an old Russian word for
"news"]. It is by far the best news program. It is 15
minutes in length, and airs twice a day. It is fast-paced and
critical. Its broadcasts are often very opinionated about
central government.
There are no magazines as personality-centered as is People.
Although Soviets enjoy reading about American celebrities,
they've discovered because of glasnost, it's open season on
everyone. They're much more interested now in finding out the
dirt about their more home-centered issues.
FUN FACT -- When Program One first broadcasted sessions of
Parliament, people actually stayed home from work just to
watch it. Production went down nearly 20%. Eventually they
stopped broadcasting live, taped it, and showed it after work
hours.
Since January, 1991, Program One has been changing from a primarily
public affairs format, to a more entertainment format. The
government sees television as an electronic pacifier.
Fred Starr, author, music expert, Oberlin College President
(on sabbatical until February)
(216) 775-8400
In the early years after the war, when the United States and
the Soviet Union were at the point of the worst relations (1945-
53), it is most interesting that the music from a film called "Sun
Valley Serenade" was being played all over the country. The Red
Army Band even played the Glen Miller hits from the film. At the
same time in the United States, Americans were being treated to
the music of Prokofiev and Shostakovich.
The American-Soviet Youth Orchestra is something that everyone
at a state dinner would be aware of. It is the first thing that
Mrs. Bush and Mrs. Gorbachev -- both honorary chairmen --
collaborated on. It has been in operation for the past three
years.
There is an old Russian custom that when you are getting ready
to go on a long journey, you sit down for a quiet moment and pray.
The President and Gorbachev have come a long way in their
relations, and they have a journey ahead of them. This is a time
to be thankful and pray for guidance for the trip ahead.
The Bride's Book of Etiquette
(sorry I couldn't resist)
At Russian weddings, guests give gifts to the couple, and the
guests receive gifts in return -- gifts like little trinkets,
picture frames, or something representing the family heritage.
This handy fact has been provided in case any of you get invited
to a Russian wedding.
Chekhov
"We shall find peace. We shall hear the angels, we shall see
the sky sparkling with diamonds."
"To Moscow, to Moscow, to Moscow!"
"All Russia is our orchard."
"People don't notice whether it's winter or summer when
they're happy. If I lived in Moscow I don't think I'd
care what the weather was like."
"Man has been endowed with reason, with the power to create,
so that he can add to what he's been given.'
"Man is what he believes."
Theodore Roosevelt
"Russia's sufferings have been sore, but it is not possible
to overestimate Russia's tremendous tenacity of purpose and power
or endurance. " -- 1916
Irene Thompson, Director of Slavic Studies, GWU
202-994-7081
Some sayings and proverbs:
"You can't tie a knot with one hand."
"One who SOWS peace reaps happiness."
"Faith will keep us strong."
"Faith will move mountains."
"There is no road too long and no obstacle too hard for
friendship."
Toasts:
"Za mir!" -- "To peace!"
"Za budushcheye nashikh narodov!" -- "To the future of
our countries!"
Etiquette Hints: (she really did send me a list -- here are
some of the better ones)
-- Russians talk louder than Americans.
-- Russians may switch topics without warning in a
conversation.
-- Do not put feet up on furniture.
-- For the ladies; do not cross your legs. Cross only
as high as the ankles.
-- Russians are known to be heavy drinkers. Americans
are no match. Don't try to keep up!
-- Russians do not appreciate being slapped on the back,
on the shoulder, or being hugged in public. They
don't know how to react.
-- If Russians look poker-faced to you, don't think they
are unhappy or being unfriendly. Russians simply
smile less than Americans, especially when dealing
with people they do not know well.
FEDERALIST PAPERS, NUMBER 10, MADISON
"By a faction, I understand a number of citizens whether
amounting to a majority or minority of the whole, who are united
and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest,
adverse to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and
aggregate interests of the community."
"The latent causes of faction are thus sown into the nature
of man; and we see them everywhere brought into different degrees
of activity, according to the different circumstances of civil
society."
"The regulation of these various and interfering interests
forms the principal task of modern legislation and involves the
spirit of party and faction in the necessary and ordinary
operations of government."
"The interference to which we are brought is that the causes
of faction cannot be removed and that relief is only to be sought
in the means of controlling its effects."
"From this view of the subject it may be concluded that a pure
democracy, by which I mean a society consisting of a small number
of citizens, who assemble a administer the government in person,
can admit no cure for the mischiefs of faction. A common passion
or interest will, in almost every case, be felt by a majority of
the whole; a communication and concert results from the form of
government itself
"
"The influence of factious leaders may kindle a flame within
their particular States but will be unable to spread a general
conflagration through the other States."
FEDERALIST PAPERS, NUMBER 51, MADISON
"In framing a government which is to be administered by men
over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable
the government to control the governed; and in the next place
oblige it to control itself.'
"If a majority be united by a common interest, the rights of
the minority will be insecure. There are but two methods of
providing against this evil: the one by creating a will in the
community independent of the majority -- that is, of the society
itself; the other, by comprehending in the society so many separate
descriptions of citizens as will render an unjust combination of
a majority of the whole very improbable, if not impracticable."
"In a free government the security for civil rights must be
the same as that for religious rights."
QUOTES ON MINORITY RIGHTS, RESPECTING MINORITIES
"The most certain test by which we judge whether a country is
really free is the amount of security enjoyed by minorities."
-- Lord Acton
The History of Freedom and Other Essays, Ch. 1
1907
"What is a minority? The chosen heroes of this earth have
been a minority. There is not a social, political, or religious
privilege that you enjoy today that was not brought for you by the
blood and tears and patient suffering of the minority."
"It is the minority that have
achieved all that is noble
in the history of the world. "
-- John Bartholomew Gough
Sunlight and Shadow
1880
"All, too, will bear in mind this sacred principle, that
though the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that
will, to be rightful, must be reasonable; that the minority possess
their equal rights, which equal laws must protect, and to violate
which would be oppression."
-- Thomas Jefferson
First Inaugural Address
March 4, 1801
"Men are respectable only as they respect.' "
-- Emerson
Lectures and Sketches: Sovereignty of Ethics
"Neither our national nor our local civic life can be what it
should be unless it is marked by the mutual kindness, the mutual
respect, the sense of common duties and common interests, which
arise when men take the trouble to understand one another, and to
associate together for a common object."
-- Theodore Roosevelt
Century
January, 1900
"To be patronized is as offensive as to be insulted. No one
of us cares permanently to have some one else conscientiously
striving to do him good; what we want is to work with that some one
else for the good of both of us -- any man will speedily find that
other people can benefit him just as much as he can benefit them. "
-- Theodore Roosevelt, 1913
"We cannot possibly do our best work as a nation unless all
of us know how to act in combination as well as how to act each
individually for himself."
-- Theodore Roosevelt
September 2, 1901
"I ask in our civic life that we
pay heed only to the man's
quality of citizenship, to repudiate as the worst enemy that we can
have whoever tries to get us to discriminate for or against any man
because of his creed or his birthplace."
-- Theodore Roosevelt
Milwaukee, Wisconsin
October 14, 1912
"No democracy can long survive which does not accept as
fundamental to its very existence the recognition of the rights of
its minorities."
-- Franklin Delano Roosevelt
January 8, 1938
"The moment a mere numerical superiority by either states or
voters in this country proceeds to ignore the needs and desires of
the minority, and for their own selfish purpose or advancement,
hamper or oppress that minority, or debar them in any way from
equal privileges and equal rights -- that moment will mark the
failure of our constitutional system. "
-- Franklin Delano Roosevelt
Radio Address
March 2, 1930
"On a candid examination of history, we shall find that
turbulence, violence, and abuse of power, by the majority trampling
on the rights of the minority, have produced factions and
commotions which, in republics, have, more frequently than any
other cause, produced despotism."
-- James Madison
Speech in the Virginia Convention
June 16, 1788
"If by mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a
minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in
a moral point of view, justify revolution -- certainly would if
such a right were a vital one."
-- Abraham Lincoln
Inaugural address
March 4, 1861
"Minorities are the stars of the firmament; majorities, the
darkness in which they float.' "
-- Martin H. Fischer (1879- )
FREE TRADE/ADAM SMITH
"[T]hat trade which, without force or constraint, is naturally
and regularly carried on between any two places, is always
advantageous, though not always equally so, to both.'
-- Adam Smith
Wealth of Nations, IV, 3
"By opening a more extensive market for whatever part of the
produce of their labour may exceed the home consumption, it
encourages them to improve its productive powers, and to augment
its annual produce to the utmost, and thereby to increase the real
revenue and wealth of the society. These great and important
services foreign trade is continually occupied in performing to all
the different countries between which it is carried on.
-- Adam Smith
Wealth of Nations, IV, 1
"We have learned that we cannot live alone, [at peace] ; that
our own well-being is dependent on the well-being of other nations,
far away. "
-- FDR
Fourth Inaugural Address
January 20, 1945
"Every individual endeavors to employ his capital so that its
produce may be of greatest value
He intends only his own
security, only his own gain
By pursuing his own interest he
frequently promotes that of society more efficiently than when he
really intends to promote it."
-- Adam Smith
Wealth of Nations
Vol. II, bk. IV, ch. 2
UKRAINE COLOR
*
Ukraine means "frontier".
Jaroslav the Wise, son of Vladimir and ruler of Kievan Rus in
the 11th century, wrote some of the "Ruska Pravda", the first
written code of laws in the Slavic world. It served Russian
law-makers as a source and model for years to come.
Under Jaroslav, local representatives of the people were
elected by free citizens.
Jaroslav built dozens of churches, including the gold-domed
St. Sophia, the most revered church in Kiev, which still
stands.
For hundreds of years, monks lived underneath Kiev in a
labyrinth of tunnels known as the Monastery of the Caves.
Most of the caves are man-made. People could sometimes hear
the eerie sound of the monks singing beneath their feet.
*
Ukrainians are known for their singing. There is an old
saying, "When two Ukrainians meet, we have the start of
another choir."
The most famous folk art is Easter Egg painting, which dates
back to ancient times. Known as "pysanka", the eggs are
painted with intricate geometric patterns."
The Pecherskaya Lavra is the most important and the most
famous historical site in Kiev. Most of its buildings have
been turned into museums, though some still function as
churches. The bell tower, the highest in the USSR, was built
in 1731-45; it has been completely restored, and the dome
reguilded. Local legend speaks of the belfry being built by
12 brothers so saintly that heaven aided them -- as they
worked, the bell tower sunk deeper and deeper into the earth,
needing no scaffolding, and when it was finished, it rose
again to its full height in a single night.