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Records of the White House Office of Speechwriting (George H. W. Bush Administration)
Mark Davis Subject Files
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Originally Processed With FOIA(s):
FOIA Number:
S
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
Library Staff.
Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting, White House Office of
Series:
Davis, Mark, Files
Subseries:
Subject File, 1989-1991
OA/ID Number:
13872
Folder ID Number:
13872-017
Folder Title:
Mainz, 5/31/89 [2]
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Shelf:
Position:
G
19
2
6
5
2
NATO'S FIRST MISSION
This morning, Barbara and I were charmed by a small group of
German students, bright young men and women who had studied in
the United States. Their knowledge of my country and the world
was impressive, to say the least. But sadly, too many in the
West, Americans and Europeans alike, seem to be have forgotten
our common heritage, how the world we know came to be. We must
recall that the generation coming into its own in America and
Western Europe is heir to the greatest gifts ever bestowed to any
generation in history -- peace, freedom and prosperity.
This inheritance is possible because forty years ago the
nations of the West joined in a noble, common cause called NATO.
First, there was the vision, the concept of free peoples in North
America and Europe working to protect our values. Second, there
was the practical sharing of risks and burdens, and an
understanding of Soviet expansionism, free of illusions.
Finally, there was the determination to change -- to look beyond
the old animosities. The Alliance did nothing less than provide
a way for Western Europe to heal centuries-old rivalries, to
begin a new era of reconciliation and restoration, a second
Renaissance of Europe.
Look at the West. On this side of the Elbe Europeans are
3
preparing to unite under the banner of liberty in 1992, the
crowning achievement of our Alliance. Now look East of the Elbe
-- Europeans are courageously demanding freedom. The air is
electric with hope. And while times like these offer great
uncertainty, this is also a time of immense promise -- a European
promise that together we can fulfill.
As you know best, this is not just the fortieth birthday of
the Alliance. It is also the fortieth birthday of the Federal
Republic. At the height of the Berlin Crisis, Ernst Reuter (ROY-
ter) called on Germans to discover a new confidence in
themselves, and you did -- magnificently.
The genius of the German people has flourished in an age of
peace. Your nation has become a leader in technology, and the
fourth largest economy on earth. But more important, you have
inspired the world by forcefully advocating the principles of
human rights and freedom stated so eloquently in your Basic Law.
America and the Federal Republic have always been friends and
allies. But now we are something else -- partners in leadership.
Of course, leadership has a constant companion --
responsibility. And our responsibility is to look ahead and
grasp the promise of the future.
4
THE NEXT MISSION OF NATO: TO MAKE EUROPE WHOLE AND FREE
I recently said that we are at the end of one era, and at
the beginning of another. I also said that in regard to the
Soviet Union, we may be able to move beyond containment. What
does this mean?
by
Well, for forty years, the seeds of democracy in Eastern
Europe lay dormant, crushed into the frozen tundra of the Cold
War.
And for forty years, the world has waited for the Cold War
to end.
Decade after decade, time after time, the flowering human
spirit withered from the chill of conflict and oppression.
And again, the world waited.
But the passion for freedom cannot be denied forever. My
friends, the world has waited long enough. ((Pause)) The time
is right. Let us make Europe whole and free.
To the founders of the Alliance, this aspiration was a
distant dream. Now it is the new mission of NATO. If the
5
ancient rivals of Britain and France, and then France and
Germany, can reconcile, then why not East and West? Brave men
and women in the East are showing us the way. Look at Eastern
Europe, where Solidarity and the Catholic Church have won legal
status in Poland. Everywhere, the forces of freedom have put the
Soviet status quo on the defensive.
We have succeeded because we have been faithful to our
vision. But on the other side of the rusting Iron Curtain, a
vision failed.
That is why our hopes run especially high, because it is
this very division of Europe that is under siege The
Cold War
began with the division of Europe, and it can only end when
Europe is whole.
The division of Europe is under siege not by armies, but by
a dissemination of ideas that began here, right here -- in Mainz.
A son of Mainz, Johannes (YO-hans) Gutenberg, liberated the mind
of Man through the power of the printed word. And how far we've
come. The same liberating power is unleashed today with renewed
force in a hundred new forms. The Voice of America and Deutsche
Welle (DOY-cha Vella) allow us to enlighten millions deep into
Eastern Europe and the rest of the world. Television allows us
to bear witness from the shipyards of Gdansk, to Tiananmen
Square. But the momentum for change does not just come from the
6
printed word, the transistor or the television screen. It comes
from the power of an idea itself -- democracy.
This simple idea is sweeping across Eurasia. This simple
idea is why the Communist world, from Budapest to Beijing, is in
ferment. Of course, we must remember that the rulers of the East
are not seeking more freedom for freedom's sake. They are
seeking modernity. We hope they realize that democracy is a step
toward this achievement. But whatever their motivation, they are
unleashing a force difficult to channel or control -- the hunger
for liberty, the power of oppressed peoples who have tasted
freedom.
Nowhere is this more apparent than at the birthplace of the
Cold War. It was in Poland at the end of World War Two, that the
Soviet Army prevented the free elections promised by Stalin at
Yalta. Today, the Poles are taking the first steps toward
holding real elections; so long promised, so long deferred. In
Hungary, we see a chance for multi-party competition at the
ballot box.
Our Alliance's call for self-determination behind the Iron
Curtain has been the catalyst for true reform. I will continue
(these?) (s)
to do everything I can as President of the United States to open
the doors of the closed societies of the East. We will not
relax. We will not waver. Again, the world has waited long
7
enough.
Yes, democracy's journey East has never been easy.
Intellectuals like Czech playwright Vaclav (VAHTS-lah) Havel
still work under the shadow of coercion. Repression still
menaces the peoples of some Eastern European countries. So when
I visit the nations of Poland and Hungary this summer, I will
deliver this message: There cannot be a Common European Home
until the family within is free to move from room to room.
JACKSON- UAnik
And I will take another message: the freedom path leads to a
greater home -- a home where West meets East, a democratic home -
- the commonwealth of free nations. It is with this in mind,
that I make four proposals to help end Europe's tragic division,
to help Europe become whole and free.
PLURALISM
First, I propose that the West seek to broaden the Helsinki
process to promote free elections and political pluralism in
Eastern Europe. I do this knowing that, for good reasons, the
Helsinki accords were regarded with some skepticism in the West.
But the scope of change in the East convinces me that our
approach is finally paying off; that it is important to
strengthen and broaden this agreement. As the forces of change,
of democracy, rise in the East, so should our expectations.
8
To broaden every slender thread of freedom in the East will
require a spirit of activism from the Western democracies. In
particular, the great parties of the West must assume an historic
responsibility -- to part the Iron Curtain, to lend counsel and
support to those brave men and women who are trying to form the
first truly representative political parties in the East.
GLASNOST FOR BERLIN
This Curtain is already parting between Hungary and Austria.
But tearing down a frontier of barbed wire, foot by foot, mile by
mile, is the work of years. Why should the rest of Eastern
Europe and the Soviet Union wait for another spring thaw? I call
on the Soviet Union to follow the example of Hungary -- sweep the
minefields and bale the barbed wire of Berlin before the first
snows of winter. ((PAUSE))
Nowhere is the division between East and West more clearly
seen than in Berlin, where a brutal wall cuts neighbor from
neighbor, brother from brother, mother from child. The United
States remains firmly committed to the 1987 Allied initiative to
strengthen freedom and security in Berlin. The Wall is more than
an admission of the failure of Communism. It is a crucible of
human liberty. If there is to be true reconciliation in Europe,
this Wall of injustice must be dismantled, brick by brick, block
9
by block, stone by stone. ((PAUSE))
Glasnost is a Russian word, but openness is a Western
concept. West Berlin has always enjoyed the openness of a free
city. Our proposal would make the whole city of Berlin a center
of international commerce between East and West. Let Berlin
become a place UnBro of cooperation, not a point of confrontation. So
this is my second proposal, to bring glasnost to East Berlin.
((PAUSE))
The United States shares the fervent desire of West Germany
for more freedom for 17 million Germans in the East. We, too,
are thankful that more East Germans are allowed to visit the West
and even resettle. But most of all, know that America shares
your fondest dream -- a free and undivided Europe, a free and
undivided Germany. ( (PAUSE))
SAVING THE EUROPEAN ENVIRONMENT
A Europe ravaged 15/06 by war is a vivid remembrance to my
The
generation. Europe has long since rebuilt its proud cities and
restored its majestic cathedrals. But what a tragedy it would be
if your continent was again spoiled, this time by a more subtle
and insidious danger -- that of poisoned rivers and acid rain.
America is enduring an environmental tragedy in Alaska.
10
Countries from France to Finland suffered after Chernobyl. West
Germany is struggling to BOLD save the Black Forest today. And
throughout, we have all learned a terrible lesson: environmental
destruction respects no borders. So my third proposal is to
preserve the European environment, with the United States and
Western Europe extending a hand to the East. Since much remains
to be done, both East and West, we ask Eastern Europe to join us
in this common struggle. I invite the environmentalists and
engineers of the Bold East to visit the West, to share knowledge so we
can work together in this great cause.
We must assist the countries of Eastern Europe to support
the aspirations of their people. But there is another benefit.
STET
p
As we struggle and succeed together to save our common natural
heritage, we can form a special bond difficult to break. This is
(to boilda) thatis
yet another way Europe can become whole and free.
who
WEST GERMANY'S SPECIAL ROLE
(Language to come
Fourth, there is now hope that in Europe, the most heavily
armed continent in the world, we can begin to safely reduce
armaments.
Butfor, for,
I
Those who yearn the most for further arms reductions, should
OURSTRATEGY of flexible eesponse AND forward Delive have
kept the peace. Consultional forcus alone have not
peace in Emoses, AnD sundean forces
11
understand that history teaches that unity and strength are the
exe
catalyst to arms control. We have always believed that a strong
Western defense is in the best interest of peace. But we have
done more than just keep the peace. By standing together, we
have convinced the Soviets that their arms build-up has been
costly and pointless. Let us not give them an incentive to
return to the policies of the past. Let's give them every reason
to discard the arms race
for the sake of the human race.
100
In this era of both negotiation and armed force, America
understands that West Germany bears a special burden. Of course,
in this nuclear age, every nation is on the front-line. But most
free nations do not endure the tension of regular military
activity, or the constant presence of foreign military forces.
MBB IN RECOS. (over) of your concerns, AND of
Language to come)
our shand intenst, + am mailing de
(THIS SEGMENT TO BE REWRITTEN WHEN CLASSIFIED LANGAUGE
INSERTED:
By our strength and through our sacrifices, together
as allies, we have prevented war. This we must continue to do.
But I am determined to ease the ecological and social disruption
of U.S. military maneuvers in West Germany. Our military has
already cancelled a major training exercise for 1989. From now
on, this exercise will be conducted once a year, not twice
But I believe even more can be done. I have instructed the Fifth
U.S. Corps, headquartered in Frankfurt, to serve as a test unit
for less disruptive forms of training -- including the use of new
WHAT is THE BEST way
(A)
(B)
(c)
(E)
F) Open Skies
(6) Cormany
Chenuaral/ T.W.
12
technologies to simulate field conditions.
V
CONCLUSION
Growing political freedom in the East, an open Berlin, a
cleaner environment, a less militarized Europe -- each is a noble
goal. But taken together, they are features of a larger vision -
- a Europe that is free and at peace with itself. Let the
Soviets know that our goal is not to undermine their legitimate
security interests. Our goal is to convince them, by degrees,
that their definition of security is inflated, that their deepest
fears are unfounded.
When Western Europe unites in 1992, it will formalize what
has been true for years -- borders open to people, goods and
ideas. No shadow of suspicion, no sinister fear, is cast between
you
these
nations
The VERY prospect of war within the West is
unthinkable to our citizens. But such a peaceful integration of
nations into a world community does not mean that any nation must
relinquish its culture, much less its sovereignty.
This process of integration, a subtle weaving of shared
interests, which is so near complete in Western Europe, has now
begun in the East. We want to help the nations of Eastern Europe
to realize what the nations of Western Europe learned long ago.
The foundation of lasting security is not tanks, troops and
13
barbed wire. Security springs from shared values and agreements
that bind free peoples.
The nations of Eastern Europe are rediscovering the glories
of their national heritage. Let the colors and hues of national
EUROPE
culture return to the grey societies of the East. Let this
EUROPE
Continent forgo a peace of tension for a peace of trust, one in<
which the peoples of Europe can rejoice; imfreedom a continent that is
E+W
diverse, yet whole.
This is the next mission for the free nations of the Western
Alliance -- the fulfillment of the European vision, our European
vision.
Thank you for inviting me to Mainz, and may God bless you
all.
LET Europe Foego a peaceof thes tension
foR A PEACE of a tRusti a continent that is
DIVERSE, YET WHOLE; one in whach the peoples
of EAST + West can REjoice in freedom.
MARK
Davis/Martin
May 25, 1989/6p.m.
Title:Mainz
Draft: Three A
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: Rheingoldhalle, Mainz
May 31, 12:40 p.m.
Thank you, Chancellor Kohl, Lord Mayor, distinguished hosts.
7
I want to also thank these two bands, American and West German,
choeus
HERR CHANCELLOR
and the choir, for such a stirring performance.
I
especially want to thank you for inviting me to this ancient,
beautiful city on my first presidential trip to the Federal
Republic of Germany.
Here in Mainz, on the banks of the broad Rhine, it is often
said that this heartland of mountain vineyards and villages
embodies the very soul of Germany. So perhaps Mainz is the best
forum for an American President to address the German people.
Rohl
DELIBERATIONS
YOUR Chancellor and I have just concluded our conversations at
the NATO summit in Brussels, an excellent start to our working
partnership as President and Chancellor. But today, I come to
speak not just of mutual defense, but of the shared values of
Western civilization. I come to speak not just of matters of the
mind, but of the deepest aspirations of the heart.
over A mission ACCOMPLISHED
On this fortieth birthday of the Federal Republic and NATO,
IS
we celebrate West Germany emergence as a world leader. But 1949
marks something else in your history -- the year of the
2
a
ratification of your Basic Law -- the rekindling of the flame of
liberty for the people of West Germany.
I bRing up this PAST not to DWELL ON NOST., BUT TO HELPUS
While we may honor the past, we shall not cling to
UNDERSTAND
nostalgia. For when Ernst Reuter (ROY-ters) called on Germans to
discover a new confidence in themselves, you did --
magnificently. You have build a great democracy and the world's
fourth largest economy. And now your country and ours are not
only friends and allies. We are something else -- partners in
leadership.
of course, leadership has a constant companion --
responsibility. And our responsibility is to look ahead and
grasp the promise of the future
Look West, beyond the Elbe --
Europeans are discarding age-old legacies of national rivalry, to
unite under the banner of common liberty. Then look East of the
Elbe -- Europeans are summoning the courage to demand freedom.
The air is electric with hope. True, times like these offer
great uncertainty. But this is also a time of immense promise.
A European promise that we can fulfill.
THE NEXT MISSION of NATO : M.E. whole Aoan
I recently said that we are at the end of one era, and at
ISAIA
the beginning of another; that in regard to the Soviet Union, we
may be able to move beyond the policy of containment. What do I
mean by this? For forty years, the seeds of democracy in Eastern
Europe lay dormant, crushed into the frozen tundra of the Cold
War.
The FiRST mission of the ANDTO WESTERN AlliAnCE
TO RECONCILE nATIONS. RESTORE
D. AND
DETER Com 13 NEARYE PEEP will BE FULLY ACCOMPLISHED
untry - 1992. now we are ontho FACinG A NEW
CHALLENCE: TO MAKE EUROPE WHOLE AGAM
3
The world waited for the Cold War to end. Time after time,
the flowering of the human spirit withered from the chill of
conflict.
And again, the world waited.
But the passion for freedom cannot be denied forever. My
WISSIN MAKE unose Eurone AGAIN
friends, the world has waited long enough.
((Pause))
Let
the
Cold War end.
this happen
(E.EUROPE, AND )
How might it end? Look around the world -- Chinese students
parading a paper-mache Statue of Liberty -- Solidarity and the
Catholic Church winning legal status in Poland. Everywhere we
FREEDOM GAininG THE HIGH GROUND.
see the impetition of ideologies moving to a higher plane
The Cold War began with the division of Europe, and it can
only end when Europe is no longer cut in half. That is why our
hopes run especially high, because it is this very division of
Europe that is under siege. It is under siege not by armies, but
by a dissemination of ideas that began here. It was, after all,
a son of Mainz, Johannes (YO-hans) Gutenberg, who liberated the
mind of Man through the new power of the printed word. The same
power is unleashed today with renewed force in a hundred new
forms. The Voice of America and Deutsche Welle (DOY-cha Vella)
enlighten
allow us to inform millions deep into Eastern Europe. Television
allows us to bear witness in the Shipyards of Gdansk, and
Tiananmen Square. But the momentum for change does not just come
4
from the printed word, the transistor or the television screen.
It comes from the power of an idea itself -- democracy.
This simple idea is sweeping across Eurasia. This simple
idea is why the Communist world, from Budapest to Beijing, is in
ferment. Of course, we must remember that the rulers of the East
are not seeking more freedom for freedom's sake. They are
seeking modernity. But whatever their motivation, they are
unleashing a force difficult to channel or control -- the power
of oppressed peoples who have tasted freedom.
Nowhere is this more apparent than at the birthplace of the
Cold War. It was in Poland in the last months of World War Two,
that the Soviet Army prevented the free elections promised by
Stalin at Yalta. Today, the Poles are taking the first steps
toward holding real elections; so long promised, so long
deferred. In Hungary, we see a prospect for multi-party
competition at the ballot box. Even in the Soviet Union, so
strong is the people's voice that a candidate who recently ran
unopposed for the Congress of Deputies was buried at the polls in
a landslide of "no" votes.
Our call for freedom behind the Iron Curtain has been the
catalyst for true reform. We must not relax now. I will do
everything I can as President of the United States to make the
most of every opening in the closed societies of the East.
5
still, it may be years before we will know if democracy will
take root in the East. We watch with concern as intellectuals
like Czech playwright Vaclav (VAHTS-lah) Havel continue to work
under the shadow of coercion. We are troubled by continuing
repression in East Germany and Romania. So when I visit the
peoples of Poland and Hungary this summer, I will deliver this
message: If there is to be a Common European Home, then why are
the occupants not free to move from room to room?
And I will take another message to the governments of the
East: If you continue down the path of freedom, the West will
welcome you into the commonwealth of free nations. It is with
this in mind, that I make four proposals to help to bring an end
to the tragic division of Europe.
PLURAISM
am
I propose that the West seek to broaden the Helsinki
process to promote free elections in Eastern Europe. I do this
knowing that for good reasons, the Helsinki accords were regarded
with some skepticism in the West. But the scope of change in the
East convinces me that our approach is finally paying off; that
it is important to strengthen and broaden this agreement. As the
forces of democratic change rise in the East, so will our
PLURACISM
expectations. Let us widen every slender opening of freedom.
GLASNOT FOR BERLIN
I strongly reaffirm my government's commitment to
the 1987 Allied initiative to strengthen freedom and security in
Berlin. Nowhere is the division between East and West more
6
clearly seen than in that unhappy city, where a brutal wall cuts
neighbor from neighbor, brother from brother, mother from child.
The Wall is more than an admission of the failure of Communism.
It is a crucible of human liberty. If there is to be true
reconciliation in Europe, this Wall of injustice must be
dismantled, brick by brick, block by block, mortar by stone.
We applaud the decision of the Hungarian government to
remove the barrier between it and Austria. Why should the rest
of Eastern Europe wait? Why not follow the example of Hungary --
sweep the minefields and bale the barbed wire of Berlin before
the first snows of winter.
Let us make Berlin an open city, a center of international
travel between East and West. Let us make Berlin a conference
cite for nations, not a point of confrontation. Let us make
Berlin a city famous for international sporting events, where
nations compete for soccer trophies, not for power. In short,
let glasnost come to Berlin.
The United States shares your fervent desire for more
freedom for 17 million Germans in the East. We too are thankful
that more East Germans are allowed to visit and even resettle.
But most of all, know that America shares your fondest dream --
that one day Germany will live united in freedom.
7
SAVING THE EURO PEAN ENVIRON.
] 9
HIM
My generation remembers a Europe ravaged by war.
Since then, Western Europe has rebuilt its proud cities and
restored its majestic cathedrals. But what a tragedy it would be
if your continent was again spoiled, this time by a more subtle
danger -- that of poisoned rivers and poisoned rain.
We are learning a terrible lesson in the Black Forest:
Pollution respects no borders. To save the European environment,
I propose that the United States join with Western Europe to
extend a hand to the East. We can and must assist the countries
of Eastern Europe in a campaign to save a common heritage. Only
our engineers, our technology and our experience can make the
difference.
The Special GERMAN RolE
( (SNF/Conventional to come -- Open Skies as an
example of a more open Europe, mutual trust -- the defense of
West Germany is indivisible from the defense of the West. ))
America understands that West Germany bears a special
burden. Of course, in this nuclear age, every nation is on the
front-line. But most free nations do not endure the tension of
regular military activity, or the constant presence of foreign
forces. You bear your special burden by conscripting German
youth. And you bear it in a thousand other ways: villages
blocked by convoys, and pastures torn by tanks.
8
By our strength and through our sacrifices, we have
prevented war. This we must continue to do. But I am determined
to ease the ecological and social disruption of U.S. military
maneuvers in West Germany. Our military has already cancelled a
major training exercise for 1989. From now on, this exercise
will be conducted once a year, not twice
But I believe even
more can be done. I have instructed the Fifth U.S. Corps,
headquartered in Frankfurt, to serve as a test unit for less
disruptive forms of training -- including the use of new
technologies to simulate field conditions.
CONCLUSION
Growing political freedom in the East, an open Berlin, a
cleaner environment, a less militarized Europe -- each is a noble
goal. But taken together, they are features of a larger vision -
- a Europe that is free and at peace with itself. Let the
Soviets know that our goal is not to undermine their legitimate
security interests. Our goal is to convince them, by degrees,
that their definition of security is inflated, that their deepest
fears are unfounded.
Let the nations of Eastern Europe rediscover the glories of
their national past. Let the colors and hues of national culture
return to the grey societies of the East. In short, let this
war-weary, strife-torn Continent achieve a true peace, one in
AMERICAN
which the peoples of Europe rejoice in their very diversity.
9
This is our European vision. With a balance of wisdom and
daring, with a strong partnership of the American and West German
peoples this vision of today will be the Europe of the 21st
Century. Thank you for inviting me to Mainz, and God bless you
all.
05/25/89
13:05
USIA OFF. EUR. AFFAIRS WASH DC
NO. 067
P001/009
U.S. Information Agency
Office of European Affairs
FAX MESSAGE
Fax No. (202) 485-8821
DATE: 25 May 1989
TO:
Christina Martin, White House Research Office
456-6218
FROM:
Jeff Murray Jun
SUBJECT: Quotes from Konrad Adenauer for President's Speech
REFERENCE: Martin-Murray telcon/this date
Herewith follows copy of chapters XI and XV from World Indivisible, a
selection of Konrad Adenauer's speeches. Hope you find it helpful.
Regards.
Page One of 9 Pages
WORLD PERSPECTIVES
Volume Five
P002/009
BOARD OF EDITORS
Planned and Edited by RUTH NANDA ANSHEN
of
NO. NO.067
WORLD PERSPECTIVES
WORLD INDIVISIBLE
WITH LIBERTY AND JUSTICE
NIELS BOHR
FOR ALL
RICHARD COURANT
Hu SHIH
USIA OFF. OFF.EUR. AFFAIRS WASH DC
ERNEST JACKH
By KONRAD ADENAUER
ROBERT M. MACIVER
Introduction by ERNEST JACKH
JACQUES MARITAIN
J. ROBERT OPPENHEIMER
Translated from the German
I.I. RABI
by
SARVEPALLI RADHAKRISHNAN
RICHARD and CLARA WINSTON
ALEXANDER SACHS
13:06
New York
HARTER & BROTHERS PUBLISHERS
U.S. INFORMATION AGENCY
05/25/89
9th Floor
Walker-Johnson Bldg.
WORLD INDIVISIBLE
Copyright, 1955, by Harper & Brothers ©
Printed in the United States of America
All rights in this book are reserved.
As a selection from Dr. Adenauer's speeches this book
No part of the book may be used or reproduced
aims to present in an ordered sequence the flow of events
in any manner whatsoever without written per-
which called for forthright declarations from the Chancel-
P003/009
mission except in the case of brief quotations
lor. The reader will note that many of the references are
embodied in critical articles and reviews. For
information address Harper & Brothers,
by their very nature dated, in that they are intimately
49 East 33rd Street, New York 16, N. Y.
linked with the changing circumstances of Europe's speed-
ing postwar history which called them forth.
FIRST EDITION
The material is concerned generally with three periods:
O-E
First, from the founding of the Federal Republic (Sep-
NO. 067
tember, 1949) to the modification of the Document of
Allied Control, the Occupation Statute (March, 1951), the
ratification of the Schuman Plan (April, 1951) and German
entrance into the Council of Europe (May, 1951);
Second, from the negotiations for a European Defense
Community (initialed in May, 1952) until the abandonment
of this approach (August, 1954);
Third, creation of the West European Union and Ger-
USIA OFF. OFF.EUR. AFFAIRS WASH DC
man entry into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(May, '955) together with the return of German sovereignty.
Thus the viewpoints expressed in this text are not to be
read in the context of the present, but rather as contribu-
tions to the developments of the past half-doren years
which brought free Germany to its present status in Europe.
Germany remained divided, of course, free only in the
west, its central and eastern areas behind the Iron Curtain.
8/22/55
LIBRARY
Perhaps no greater tribute can be paid to Chancellor
U.S. INFORMATION AGENCY
Adenauer's statesmanship than this: that despite the divi-
sion in his homeland his leadership forged a policy which
enabled free Germany to contribute its full share to West.
9th Floor
ern unity and strength at a critical juncture of history.
Walker-Johnson Bldg.
13:06
D 1058.A23
Library of Congress catalog card number: 55-6562
05/25/89
100
WORLD INDIVISIBLE
old, are entitled to strive for these goals-provided we
have the courage to plan and to work for them. Our
desires for the next few years and our dreams for the
XI.
coming generation will only come to pass if we take
P004/009
action in the present.
Germany's Reunification
I BELIEVE that the time will come when we can sit
NO. 067
at the conference table with Soviet Russia, provided
we have the backing of the three powers. But surely
no one imagines that the Soviet Union will evacuate
the East Zone of her own accord. I therefore am un-
able to see how by concluding these treaties we are in
any way prejudicing the prospect of reunion in free-
dom. I am convinced that Russia will then recognize
this newly created political situation and will alter her
policies accordingly.
05/25/89 13:07 USIA OFF. OFF.EUR. WASH DC
EUR. AFFAIRS
The core of our program for the unification of Ger-
many is free elections. These are indeed the central
question. We will not achieve general and personal
freedom throughout Germany unless freely elected
representative bodies are able to develop and conduct
a consistently democratic policy. German policy ought
to rest upon the will of the people, not upon the arbi-
trary decisions and whims of totalitarian rulers. But
free elections can only be held under orderly condi-
tions of liberty.
101
102
WORLD INDIVISIBLE
GERMANY'S REUNIFICATION
103
The Federal Government will endeavor to realize
tration of the four zones, for these would necessarily
the following immediate program:
lack objectivity.
I. Opening of all interzonal crossings.
Supposing that the Soviets should agree to free elec-
P005/009
2. Abolition of the prohibited belt and the evacu-
tions throughout all of Germany, these elections should
ated zone.
not, to my mind, be held immediately. There ought to
3. Freedom of movement for all Germans through-
be several months in which the terrorized population
out Germany.
of the Soviet Zone could familiarize itself with the
4. Freedom of the press and of assembly.
new situation, so that it could make a really free de-
NO. 067
5. Permission for all parties to function.
cision. The story of the Trojan horse is well known. I
6. Democratic legal reforms to protect the people
believe it would be a real Trojan horse if the Soviets
against arbitrary acts and intimidation.
should link unification of Germany with the demand
We have completed our plans for reunification.
that after the elections Soviet troops would partici-
Special study committees have drawn up measures to
pate in the occupation of the Federal Republic. On
be put into effect immediately on the day of unifi-
the other hand I am certain-if the Soviets are ready
cation. Preliminary work has been done to ensure
to permit really honest and free elections-that these
USIA OFF. EUR. AFFAIRS WASH DC
supplies of food, coal, iron, steel and power. Further-
would lead to an endorsement of the present policy
more, the co-ordination of manpower, currency, so-
of the Federal Government. I believe an overwhelm-
cial welfare and transportation has already been
ing majority of the population would support that
mapped.
policy. If the Soviets would permit this, it would
Free elections are possible only if during the elec-
constitute in my opinion a real proof that the Soviet
tion itself, and before and after the election as well, the
Union is resolved upon a new course and is ready to
voters feel no coercion and fear no reprisals. It there-
abandon the old course she has hitherto followed in
fore follows that in the event that investigations of
the Soviet Zone. But, as I have said, we cannot agree
the commission should show that at present truly free
to such free elections if they are conjoined with the
elections are not possible, conditions must first be
demand that Soviet Russian troops will take part in
created which will permit free elections. It is surely
the occupation of Germany.
13:08
self-evident that such an investigating commission
Unification of Germany is not an isolated problem;
cannot be comprised of persons active in the adminis-
it is inseparably linked with the whole problem of
05/25/89
104
WORLD INDIVISIBLE
Europe. If all troops were withdrawn from Germany
-the troops of the West and those of the East-the
XII.
Soviets would pull their forces back to Poland, which
P006/009
is to say a stone's throw from the German frontier.
The West-in other words America-would have to
German Sovereignty
pull their troops back three to six thousand miles. To
my mind that would leave Europe in an incredibly
NO. 067
endangered position. On the one hand we would have
THE BERLIN CONFERENCE
the powerful Soviet bloc, and on the other hand a
totally isolated Germany without any connection with
THE partition of Germany has come about not be-
the United States, and a number of other relatively
cause of any internal German dissension, but because
weak European nations. The power and influence of
of a conflict among the four great powers. It follows
the Soviet Union would be so great that, like a magnet
therefore that Germany is vitally interested in an eas-
attracting iron, she would within a short time, perhaps
ing of the East-West conflict and the establishment of
conditions under which the four great powers can
USIA OFF. EUR. AFFAIRS WASH DC
within five or ten years, draw all the other weak
countries into her sphere of influence. The physical
come to an agreement concerning German unity.
distance between us and the United States would be
The Federal Government draws the following con-
too great. The Soviet Union, confronted only by the
clusions from the course of the Berlin Conference:
other countries of free Europe and already having a
I. In order to oppose the Soviet drive toward a
foothold in the heart of Europe, would within a span
dominant position in Europe it is more than ever
of five or ten years so increase her power and influence
necessary to unify Europe and to integrate her re-
that all other weak European countries would have to
sources. This means, too, that the European Defense
fall under Soviet domination. This would mean that
Community should become a reality.
Soviet Russia would have used the cold war to win
2. The Federal Republic must consolidate her in-
one of her objectives.
ternal structure founded on freedom and law and de-
13:08
velob the spiritual and material strength needed to
frustrate any attempt at Sovietization of the whole of
Vermany.
105
05/25/89
124
WORLD INDIVISIBLE
am of seeking solutions, by way of peaceful arrange-
ments. To my mind there is no problem, be it ever so
XV.
P007/009
complicated and difficult, for which negotiations can-
not produce a far more enduring settlement than
NATO
could be obtained by force which, as the past teaches
us, will only breed ever new conflicts. This applies first
RESPONSIBILITY FOR PEACE
and foremost to the great East-West conflict. Ger-
NO. 067
many will do everything within her power to co-op-
erate with all those of good will in seeking an easing
THE accession of the German Federal Republic to the
of tension and a peaceful settlement. For I believe
North Atlantic Treaty has been hailed as an event of
that I can say we all are convinced that the people
historical impact. I am gratified from the bottom of
of this earth-be they Germans, Americans, Britons,
my heart for the words of welcome addressed to the
Frenchmen or Russians-desire nothing more ardently
Federal Government and to the whole German na-
than a lasting peace.
tion. These words reflect the importance of the hour
USIA OFF. EUR. OFF.EUR. AFFAIRS WASH DC
and of the event.
The North Atlantic Treaty Organization represents
a community of free nations which have manifested
their determination to defend the common heritage of
Western civilization founded on the principles of in-
dividual liberty and the rule of law.
In view of the increasing threat by the Communist
states of the Eastern bloc, the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization, in accordance with its objectives, was
compelled to build up a military force for the common
13:09
defense of its member countries, for their security and
for the preservation of world peace.
The objectives of the North Atlantic Treaty Or-
195
05/25/89
126
WORLD INDIVISIBLE
NATO
127
ganization-in particular, its purely defensive tasks-
called upon to co-operate in the economic and cul-
are, in view of the world-wide political tension, in full
tural spheres with a view to promoting their general
P008/009
harmony with the natural interests of the German na-
well-being and safeguarding their common cultural
tion which, after a dreadful experience gained in two
heritage. The world may be sure that it will be the
world wars, is longing as ardently as any other nation
foremost concern of the Federal Government to co-
in the world for security and peace.
operate in these fields to the best of its ability.
The German people have paid harshly for the
The Federal Government is determined to strive,
NO. 067
horrors which were committed in their name by blind
together with the other member states, for peace and
and evil leadership. These sufferings have transformed
freedom. I know that this is the way the German na-
and purified the German nation. Today, everywhere
tion as a whole is feeling and thinking, as are those
in Germany peace and freedom are felt to be the
eighteen million of our brethren who are still being
greatest treasures, as was the case in the best periods
denied the rights of free speech and of deciding freely
of her history.
on their destiny.
I see, in the accession of the Federal Republic to
On behalf of the Federal Government and of the
USIA OFF. EUR. AFFAIRS WASH DC
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and in the
German people, I want to express our gratitude to the
implementation of the treaties which the German
powers represented in the North Atlantic Council for
Federal Republic has entered into with the nations of
having guided Germany along the path leading her
the free world, the expression of the need to overcome
into the community of free nations and for having
the narrow-minded nationalism which, in the past
made our aim of reuniting Germany in peace and
decade, was the root of our disaster.
freedom their own.
We must bring social progress into harmony with
Within the community of free nations Germany will
technical development and integrate the powers re-
be an able and reliable partner and in this community
leased by this development into a well-organized sys-
we wish to employ all our efforts for the safeguarding
tem so as to deprive them of their destructive effect.
of freedom and human dignity. These noble aims will
The organization of a common defense can therefore
guide Germany now that she is called upon, together
13:10
be but one of the aims of the North Atlantic Treaty.
with the other member nations, to take her share of
For these reasons I believe some of the most im-
responsibility for the preservation of peace in the
portant provisions of the North Atlantic Treaty to be
world.
the Preamble and Article 2, in which the nations are
05/25/89
I am convinced that true peace can be brought
128
WORLD INDIVISIBLE
about if the most powerful countries agree on, and
carry out, controlled disarmament measures. It is only
on the basis of limited and controlled armaments that
a genuine security system can be established, which is
our aim too. The whole world will breathe a sigh of
relief once the pressure under which it now lives is
lifted by such controlled disarmament, and it will then
be able to devote itself in full measure to the works of
peace and progress.
EUR.
USIA OFF. OFF.EUR. AFFAIRS WASH DC
13:11
05/25/89
THE WALL STREET JOURNAL TUESDAY MAY 2, 1989
A Smug NATO Is Let
By IRVING KRISTOL
Just how pliable an ally Germany had
It is generally agreed-it is, indeed, a
become was revealed in the 1960s,i when
journalistic cliche-that West Germany is
NATO experienced its first major internal
the "linchpin" of NATO and must remain
crisis. The Soviets, by this time, had be-
so. It is astonishing, however, to note how
come a nuclear superpower, and there was
this cliche seems to exhaust public discus-
understandable concern that the American
sion of what is happening in Germany, as
"nuclear umbrella" over Western Europe
distinct from what is happening to NATO.
might be a less convincing deterrent than
This is the result of the rest of NATO's
was previously the case-especially in the
habit of looking at Germany from NATO's
event of a successful Soviet attack at the
point of view, while never looking at NATO
conventional, non-nuclear level. Would the
from Germany's point of view
U.S. really engage in "mutual assured de-
This is a mistake. There really is a na
struction" with the Soviet Union in retribu-
tion called the Federal Republic of Ger
tion for such a successful attack? Might it
many, populated by 60 million Germans
not decide to cuts its losses instead? And
who speak their own language and think
even if the U.S. were willing, would France
their own thoughts. It is one of the largest
and Britain be equally willing? Such ques-
and most powerful economies in the
world-certainly the largest and most
Board of Co
powerful in Europe. Its cultural and intel-
lectual vitality has decisively shaped West-
ern (and world) civilization. Its military
Instead of coping with
prowess has, alas, radically altered the
course of modern history
NATO is insisting on modern
How does it happen, then, that even
those who are most thoughtful about NATO
happen, regardless of which par
find it SO hard to look at NATO from a
German point of view? Why are we so in-
tions were not (and are not) easily an-
clined to think of Germans as citizens of
swered in the affirmative.
NATO rather than of Germany?
So NATO sidestepped such questions. It
did so by adopting a doctrine of "gradua-
A. Habit of Mind
ted nuclear deterrence. Battlefield nu-
To some extent, of course, this is simply
clear. weapons and short-range nuclear
a
habit of mind that is a natural aftermath
weapons were to be placed in West Ger
of World War II. With Germany devastated
many. These would both deter a Soviet
and defenseless, and with Britain and
conventional attack and should it anyhow
France as much concerned about a posi-
occur, provide some time for the Soviets to
tive resurgence of nationalism as
come to their senses before triggering an
about Soviet aggression, it seemed sensible
all-out nuclear holocaust.
to (a) leave Germany divided, and (b) ac-
The trouble with this strategy was that
cord West Germany a distinctly subordi-
the Soviets quickly demonstrated that they
nate role in the NATO alliance. In effect,
could arm themselves with battlefield nu-
the Federal Republic was to constitute a
clear weapons as well, which they did. The
kind of "buffer" "front-line" state, if
upshot was a West Germany that was
one wished to be polite-against the So
ready to become a nuclear battlefield in
viets, therewith enhancing the security of
defense of the NATO alliance. The alterna-
Western Europe: While the German gov-
tive-a NATO capable of repelling Soviet
ernment and the German military were to
aggression and defeating Soviet forces at
be represented in the councils of NATO, it
the conventional level-was regarded as
was taken for granted that they were not
politically unrealistic, since it involved
there to represent a German "national in
economic sacrifices that all the European
terest, whose very existence was denied,
allies found undesirable to contemplate.
but rather to contribute to a more efficient
What is truly surprising is that German
common defense
acquiescence in this state of affairs lasted
The Germans were content to collabo-
as long as it did. Sooner or later, it was
rate in this enterprise. Shamed by the hor
certain to occur to Germans that theirs
rors of the Nazi regime, numbed by the
was an anomalous position, They were, af-
devastation of a costly war, humiliated by
ter all, the only NATO nation whose self-
territorial division and foreign occupation,
defense involved its self-destruction, the
they thought themselves unworthy of hav-
only NATO nation with thousands of
ing a "national interest" and occupied
"small", nuclear weapons all designed to
themselves with the reconstruction of a
fall on its own soil, and whose firing has to
West German economy. All this time, the
be determined by a NATO command, not a
German government was a relatively pli-
German command. The average German,
able ally within NATO, and the German
considering this situation, was bound even-
people felt it both prudent and right to ac
tually to realize that his was not the best of
commodate themselves to this role.
all possible worlds:
ing Germany Secede
Besides,
what
If
the
Germans
did
fulfill
ates Soviet society at all levels and in all
eir self-sacrificial role? And if Soviet
areas would seem to rule out the possibil-
roops, after suffering heavy losses as they
ity of an actual Soviet invasion.
roceeded through an utterly devastated
Above all, Germany's Western allies
ermany, should reach the Rhine-and
are not offering any alternative to a status
en stop, while Moscow announced that
quo most Germans find increasingly intol-
he "German threat" being extinguished,
erable. Busily patting itself on the back for
is military operations were now con-
having "kept the peace" for 40 years,
luded? What, actually, would France,
NATO is averse to considering any basic
Britain and the U.S. then do? There is good
changes in its structure or strategy.
reason to think that a, continuing war
It isn't broken, so don't fix it" is the
igainst the Soviets would be the least at-
prevailing attitude in Western govern-
ractive option. Many Germans believe
ments, among the Western media, and
their allies would decline this option. But
even in Western public opinion. One reads
even if these allies did remain resolute,
in The Wall Street Journal for April 25:
what good would it do a Germany already
West Germany's foreign and defense min-
reduced to smoking rubble? However
istries, during a meeting in. Washington,
urged the Bush administration to negotiate
ntributors
reductions in battlefield nuclear weapons
with the Soviet Union, but U.S. officials
said such talks would be 'a mistake' and
German nuclear anxieties,
instead stressed the need for NATO
unity.
8
izing the Lance. This won't
This talk about NATO unity conceals
ty is governing Gérmany.
what, in fact, is happening to NATO. And
what is happening can be simply put: West
Germany today is in the process of seced-
things worked out, Germany would lose.
ing from NATO-slowly, grudgingly, reluc-
And Germans are now beginning to
tantly, but the secession is underway.
think about Germany, and not just about
This process can be countered only if
NATO. It is no doubt true that many Ger-
NATO were to address, in a serious way,
mans, perhaps most, have responded
the issue that has engendered this impend-
overenthusiastically to Mikhail Gorba-
ing crisis: the designation by NATO of
chev's rhetoric and few symbolic gestures.
West Germany as its primary nuclear bat-
But If Germany is now reluctant to mod-
tlefield. This is a key issue from the per-
ernize the short-range missiles NATO has
spective of an emerging German national
installed on its soll, more than wishful
interest. It Is, however, an issue that
thinking or a "failure of nerve" is in
NATO obstinately refuses to confront.
volved.
Conflict of Interest
For one thing, the turbulence in Eastern
Europe, provoked by glasnost, has obvi-
Instead of coping with Germany's nu¹
ously made the Warsaw Pact less threaten-
clear anxieties, NATO is insisting on mod-
ing. All of the familiar statistics about So-
ernizing the Lance missiles on German
viet superiority over NATO at the conven-
soil. This will not happen, regardless of
tional level involve comparisons between
which party governs Germany. Under cur-
the nations of the Warsaw Pact and the na-
rent conditions, Germans are more fright-
tions in NATO. But it is difficult, under
ened by NATO's short-range nuclear
current conditions to think of Poland, Hun-
weapons than by Soviet tanks. They are
gary and Czechoslovakia joining a Soviet
also more willing to talk to the Soviets
attack against Western Europe. Remove
about a "denuclearized") Germany in re-
those nations from the Warsaw Pact-from
turn for a Soviet withdrawal from Eastern
which they seem to be removing them-
Europe (including East Germany). Unfor-
selves-and one can understand why many
tunately, West Germany's Western Euro-
Germans should conclude that Soviet
pean allies are quite unconcerned about
strength vis-a-vis NATO, though still much
Eastern Europe, and prefer a divided Ger
superior, is less alarmingly so.
many to a unified one., So there is a real
In addition, the turbulence-nationalist
and serious conflict of interest here
economic, ideological-within the Soviet
It is possible, of course; that any such
Union itself suggests to many Germans
talks with the Soviet Union would prove fu-
(and to other Europeans, too) that no So:
tile. It may even be probable. But so long
viet leadership, for the foreseeable future,
as Germans have not. learned this for
is likely to engage in a military adventure
themselves, their, commitment to NATO
against Western Europe. The withdrawal
will continue to deteriorate
from Afghanistan gives much plausibility
to this belief. Even if there is a reaction
Mr Kristol is an American Enterprise
against glasnost within the Soviet leader-
Institute fellow and editor of the Public
ship, the demoralization that now perme-
Interest.
Talking points and background on Nitze's criticisms of Bush arms
control policy
- We and the Soviets do not share objectives for nuclear forces
in Europe. The Soviets profess to want the goal of a nuclear free
Europe. But they have no vision for replacing the contribution of
nuclear weapons in guaranteeing deterrence and peace in Europe.
NATO continues to see that nuclear weapons are a vital element to
the deterrence of war -- nuclear or conventional.
- That the Soviets have a massive advantage in SNF missiles is
unguestionable -- on the order of 16:1. Our SNF missile level is SO
low, and theirs so high, that it is hard to imagine a successful
negotiation where both sides can compromise. The Soviets would have
to do all the giving, and that's not the kind of negotiation they
enter into.
- Given today's political climate in Western Europe,
particularly in West Germany, and Gorbachev's talent for
manipulating public opinion, it's easy to see that negotiation would
be a slippery slope to a third zero. This is unacceptable to us.
Nitze's Comments on SNF
- A point that Nitze seems to miss is that we want to continue
to develop modernized SNF systems in accordance with the Montebello
Decision of 1983. Recent history demonstrates that we are more
successful in dealing with the Soviets when we are bargaining from a
position of strength. The issue, then, isn't really whether or not
to negotiate, but to adhere to the step-by-step process agreed to in
the June 1987 Statement on the Ministerial Meeting of the North
Atlantic Council (NAC) at Reykjavik.
-2-
- Accordingly, the burden is not on the West to enter into
negotiations where the Soviets seek an outcome against our
interests. The burden is on the Soviets to respond to NATO's
unilateral reductions of 2400 nuclear warheads since 1979 with
reductions of their own. They should apply perestroika to their
European nuclear forces.
- Nitze simply hasn't thought things through. For example,
his proposal to negotiate the withdrawal of nuclear artillery
pieces is ill-conceived. These pieces are all dual capable, and
the guns themselves are already covered in the talks on
conventional forces. Nitze's proposal would not only be
unverifiable, because you can't tell a nuclear artillery piece
from a conventional one, but would also lead to double counting.
Other Arms Control Matters
- Nitze's idea of negotiating a ban on all naval nuclear
weapons at sea except SLBMs has many drawbacks. In addition to
being nearly impossible to verify without unacceptable
intrusiveness, it would capture sea-launched cruise missiles
which are essential to naval operational effectiveness across
the full spectrum of conflict. It also goes contrary to the
U.S. Government position that we will not negotiate naval forces
at this time.
- His criticism of the Navy for phasing out three obsolete
nuclear weapons without extracting analogous cuts from the
Soviets doesn't stand scrutiny. If we'd negotiated them away,
we would have cut off future force options needed to counter
possible Soviet naval technological breakthroughs.
- His comments on negotiating a ban on deployment of
anti-satellite weapons are worrisome. If Soviet systems in
space threaten us on earth, we should not be denied the
opportunity to protect ourselves. Furthermore, some existing
Soviet intelligence satellites threaten our free use of the seas.
Attachment:
Background.
Background
A. The SNF issue is about defending NATO, not about arms control.
NATO's strategy of flexible response requires an adequate force of
modern conventional and nuclear weapons,
B. NATO has unilaterally reduced its nuclear stockpile by 2400
warheads since 1979. The INF Treaty will result in a reduction of
another 500 warheads. This is consistent with our view that we
will keep the minimum number of nuclear weapons in Europe necessary
for deterrence.
C. The Warsaw Pact enjoys superiority in conventional, chemical,
and short-range nuclear weapons in Europe.
Tanks
3:1 (2.4:1 if unilateral cuts are made as announced)
Arty
3:1 (2.4:1
"
)
CBT A/C
2:1 (1.8:1
"
)
Chemical Stockpiles
The Soviet Union acknowledges a 50,000 metric ton stockpile of
chemical munitions. The U.S. maintains slightly over 5 percent of
that total. This represents a minimal retaliatory capability.
SNF
88 NATO SNF missile launchers VS. over 1400 for the Warsaw Pact
D. European history has shown that deterrence solely by means of
conventional weapons is impossible, even when one side holds a
clear advantage over the other.
E. A step-by-step approach is the best approach, given our
uncertainties with Gorbachev's intentions:
- Reduce conventional imbalances to rough force parity
- Eliminate the chemical threat
- Negotiate SNF reductions to equal lower levels once the need
for flexible response is eliminated.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
SCHEDULE OF THE PRESIDENT AND MRS. BUSH
FOR
BONN, FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY
MAY 30 - 31, 1989
EVENTS:
Welcoming Ceremony
Welcoming Reception with President von Weizsaecker
Expanded Bilateral Meeting with Chancellor Kohl
Joint Press Availability
Dinner Hosted by Chancellor Kohl
Private Breakfast Hosted by President von Weizsaecker
Bilateral Meeting with Chancellor Kohl
Meeting with German and American Youth
American Embassy Community Greeting
DRESS:
Dinner Hosted by Chancellor Kohl
Men
- Black Tie
Women
- Evening Gown
All other Events
Men
- Business Suit
Women
- Day Dress
CONTACT:
Office of Presidential Advance
John G. Keller, Jr.
- 202/456-7565
Trip Coordinator
Kristin Goodwin
- 202/456-7565
Bonn Signal
- 202/395-5563
ADVANCE:
Ed Murnane
- LEAD
Steve Ross
- PRESS
Johnathan Bush
- USSS
Woody Lee
- MIL. AIDE
Jim Bintzler
- WHCA
Bill Mullens
- HMX
Greg Miller
- AFI
WEATHER:
Partly Cloudy/Mid 70's
SCHEDULE OF THE PRESIDENT AND MRS. BUSH
FOR
BONN, FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY
MAY 30 - 31, 1989
Tuesday, May 30, 1989
3:50 pm Back-Up Plane arrives.
3:55 pm Press Plane arrives.
4:15 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush arrive Koln/Bonn
(10:15 am
Airport, Bonn, Federal Republic of Germany.
E.D.T.)
Met by:
Ambassador Vernon Walters
U.S. Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Germany
Mr. Hans-Dietrich Genscher
Foreign Minister, Federal Republic of Germany
Mrs. Hans-Dietrich Genscher
(Barbara)
Mr. Erhard Holterman
Chief of Protocol, Federal Republic of Germany
Mrs. Erhard Holterman
(Mary)
NOTE: Chief of Protocol Holterman will
board Air Force One upon arrival.
OFFICIAL PARTY AND STAFF INSTRUCTIONS:
Official Party Members should follow THE
PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush down Front Ramp.
All others should depart down rear ramp.
Official Party Members and other Guests
and Staff will be escorted to appropriate
Helicopters for immediate boarding and
departure for Sudbrucke Landing Zone.
Upon arrival at Landing Zone, Official
Party Members and Guests and Staff will
board Official Party Motorcade for
immediate departure.
Upon arrival of Marine One, remaining
Staff will board Motorcade.
Staff not manifested on Helicopters
will board Staff Bus for transport to
Maritim Hotel.
4:20 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush board Marine One
and depart Koln/Bonn Airport en route
Sudbrucke Landing Zone.
HELICOPTER ASSIGNMENTS:
MARINE ONE
THE PRESIDENT
F.M. Genscher
Secretary Baker
Governor Sununu
T. McBride
1 FRG Security
Doctor
Mil. Aide
2 USSS
EXECUTIVE ONE
Mrs. Bush
Mrs. Genscher
Amb. Walters
General Scowcroft
Chief of Protocol Holterman
Mrs. Holterman
S. Haley
C. Healey
Page Two
A. Perez
1 FRG Security
1 USSS
NIGHTHAWK II
8 USSS
1 WHCA
Mil. Ofc. Director
1 FRG Security
1 DS
D. Valdez
Dr. Mohr
NIGHTHAWK III
A. Card
J. Cicconi
D. Demarest
M. Fitzwater
S. Studdert
R. Ridgway
R. Zoellick
M. Tutwiler
R. Blackwill
D. Ross
J. Keller
E. Rogers
J. Reed
K. Groomes
E. Murnane
J. Parmer
P. Zelikow
Medic
1 WHCA
3 USSS
1 FRG Security
NIGHTHAWK IV
S. Ross
4 WHTV
G. Fendler
Official Photographer
1 WHCA AV
1 USSS
21 Press
(Flying Time: 20 Minutes)
Page Three
4:40 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush arrive Sudbrucke
Landing Zone and proceed to Motorcade.
4:45 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush board Motorcade and
depart Sudbrucke Landing Zone en route Villa
Hammerschmidt.
MOTORCADE ASSIGNMENTS:
Lead
E. Murnane
Spare
T. McBride
Doctor
Protocol Car
FRG Security
LIMO
THE PRESIDENT
F. M. Genscher
Mrs. Bush
Mrs. Genscher
Follow Up
FRG Chief of Security
Control
J. Sununu
S. Studdert
Mil. Aide
Support
M. Fitzwater
J. Keller
C. Healey
Official Photographer
Medic
ID
WHCA
Sec. Limo
Sec. Baker
Amb. Walters
Follow-Up
Page Four
Camera I
Camera II
G. Fendler
Wire I
Wire II
Press Van I
B. Zanca
Press Van II
Press Van III
(Drive Time: 5 Minutes)
OFFICIAL PARTY AND STAFF INSTRUCTIONS:
Official Party Members will be escorted to
Positions of Honor for Welcoming Ceremony.
Other Guests and Staff will be escorted to
Viewing Area.
Upon conclusion of Welcoming Ceremony,
Official Party Members will accompany THE
PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush into Villa
Hammerschmidt. Other Guests and Staff will
be escorted to Staff Holding Area.
EVENT:
WELCOMING CEREMONY
POOL COVERAGE ONLY
NATIONAL ANTHEMS
HONOR GUARD
Page Five
4:50 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush arrive Villa
Hammerschmidt and proceed to Front Steps.
Met by:
President Richard von Weizsaecker
Federal Republic of Germany
Mrs. Richard von Weizsaecker
(Marianne)
Chancellor Helmut Kohl
Federal Republic of Germany
4:52 pm
THE PRESIDENT, accompanied by President von
Weizsaecker, arrives Front Steps and begins
participation in Welcoming Ceremony.
NOTE: Mrs. Bush remains on Front Steps with
Mrs. von Weizsaecker during the Ceremony
5:05 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush, accompanied by
President and Mrs. von Weizsaecker, conclude
participation in Welcoming Ceremony, depart Front
Steps, and enter Villa Hammerschmidt.
OFFICIAL PARTY AND STAFF INSTRUCTIONS:
Official Party should proceed inside
Villa Hammerschmidt where they will
be escorted to Reception Room.
5:08 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush, accompanied by
President and Mrs. Von Weizsaecker, proceed to
Villa Hammerschmidt Terrace for Photo Opportunity.
PHOTO OPPORTUNITY
NOTE: Mrs. Bush will assume a separate schedule
at this time.
Page Six
5:15 pm
THE PRESIDENT, accompanied by President Von
Weizsaecker, departs Villa Hammerschmidt Terrace
and proceeds to Reception Room.
EVENT:
WELCOMING RECEPTION WITH PRESIDENT VON
WEIZSAECKER
OFFICIAL PHOTOGRAPHER ONLY
U.S. PARTICIPANTS
FRG PARTICIPANTS
THE PRESIDENT
President von Weizsaecker
U.S. Official Party
Chancellor Kohl
FRG Official Party
5:17 pm
THE PRESIDENT, accompanied by President Von
Weizsaecker, arrives Reception Room and begins
participation in Welcoming Reception.
OFFICIAL PARTY AND STAFF INSTRUCTIONS:
Following Welcoming Reception, Official
Party and Staff not participating in
Bilateral Meeting with Chancellor Kohl
will be directed to vehicles for transport
to Maritim Hotel.
5:25 pm
THE PRESIDENT concludes participation in Welcoming
Reception and, accompanied by Chancellor Kohl,
departs Reception Room and proceeds to Motorcade.
5:27 pm
THE PRESIDENT boards Motorcade and departs Villa
Hammerschmidt en route Chancellery.
Page Seven
MOTORCADE ASSIGNMENTS:
Lead
E. Murnane
Spare
T. McBride
Doctor
Protocol Car
FRG Security
LIMO
THE PRESIDENT
Chancellor Kohl
Interpreter
Follow Up
FRG Chief of Security
Control
J. Sununu
S. Studdert
Mil. Aide
Support
M. Fitzwater
J. Keller
Official Photographer
Medic
ID
WHCA
Sec. Limo
Secretary Baker
Amb. Walters
Follow-Up
Staff I
B. Scowcroft
R. Blackwill
Staff II
R. Zoellick
Camera I
Camera II
G. Fendler
Page Eight
Staff Van
Wire I
Wire II
Press Van I
B. Zanca
Press Van II
Press Van III
(Drive Time: 3 Minutes)
5:30 pm
THE PRESIDENT arrives Chancellery and proceeds
to Cabinet Room.
GUEST AND STAFF INSTRUCTIONS:
Meeting Participants will accompany THE
PRESIDENT and Chancellor Kohl to Cabinet
Room.
Other Guests and Staff will be escorted to
Staff Holding Area on First Floor (Second
Level).
EVENT:
EXPANDED BILATERAL MEETING WITH CHANCELLOR KOHL
PHOTO OPPORTUNITY AT BEGINNING
U.S. PARTICIPANTS
FRG PARTICIPANTS
THE PRESIDENT
Chancellor Kohl
Secretary Baker
F.M. Genscher
Ambassador Walters
TBD
Governor Sununu
Notetaker
General Scowcroft
Interpreter
Marlin Fitzwater
Robert Zoellick
Robert Blackwill
(Notetaker)
Interpreter
Page Nine
5:35 pm
THE PRESIDENT arrives Cabinet Room and begins
participation in Bilateral Meeting.
6:20 pm
THE PRESIDENT concludes participation in Bilateral
Meeting and, accompanied by Chancellor Kohl,
proceeds to First Floor Lobby for Joint Press
Availability.
EVENT:
JOINT PRESS AVAILABILITY
OPEN PRESS
6:25 pm
THE PRESIDENT, accompanied by Chancellor Kohl,
arrives First Floor Lobby and begins participation
in Joint Press Availability.
6:38 pm
THE PRESIDENT concludes participation in Joint
Press Availability, departs First Floor Lobby and
proceeds to Motorcade.
6:40 pm
THE PRESIDENT boards Motorcade and departs
Chancellery en route Ambassador's Residence.
MOTORCADE ASSIGNMENTS:
Lead
E. Murnane
Spare
T. McBride
Doctor
Protocol Car
FRG Security
LIMO
THE PRESIDENT
Amb. Walters
Follow Up
FRG Chief of Security
Page Ten
Control
J. Sununu
S. Studdert
Mil. Aide
Support
M. Fitzwater
J. Keller
Official Photographer
Medic
ID
WHCA
Camera I
Camera II
G. Fendler
Wire I
Wire II
Press Van I
B. Zanca
Press Van II
Press Van III
(Drive Time: 5 Minutes)
OFFICIAL PARTY AND STAFF INSTRUCTIONS:
Guests and Staff not accompanying THE
PRESIDENT to Ambassador's Residence
should board Secretary Baker's Motorcade
for transport to Maritim Hotel.
STAFF MOTORCADE ASSIGNMENTS:
Staff I
J. Sununu
B. Scowcroft
A. Card
Page Eleven
Staff II
S. Studdert
M. Fitzwater
Guest and Staff Van I
J. Cicconi
D. Demarest
J. Reed
Guest and Staff Van II
R. Zoellick
D. Ross
M. Tutwiler
R. Ridgway
6:45 pm
THE PRESIDENT arrives Ambassador's Residence for
Private Time.
PRIVATE TIME: 1 HOUR 20 MINUTES
8:05 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush board Motorcade and
depart Ambassador's Residence en route La Redoute
Castle.
MOTORCADE ASSIGNMENTS:
Lead
E. Murnane
Spare
T. McBride
Doctor
Protocol Car
FRG Security
LIMO
THE PRESIDENT
Mrs. Bush
Follow Up
FRG Chief of Security
Page Twelve
Control
J. Sununu
S. Studdert
Mil. Aide
Support
M. Fitzwater
J. Keller
C. Healey
Official Photographer
Medic
ID
WHCA
Camera I
Camera II
G. Fendler
Wire I
Wire II
Press Van I
B. Zanca
Press Van II
Press Van III
(Drive Time: 10 Minutes)
OFFICIAL PARTY AND STAFF INSTRUCTIONS:
Official Party and Staff attending
Chancellor Kohl's Dinner should board
Secretary Baker's Motorcade at Maritim
Hotel no later than 7:40 pm.
STAFF MOTORCADE ASSIGNMENTS:
Staff I
J. Sununu
S. Studdert
M. Fitzwater
Page Thirteen
Staff II
B. Scowcroft
R. Blackwill
Guest and Staff Van I
A. Card
J. Cicconi
D. Demarest
J. Reed
Guest and Staff Van II
R. Zoellick
D. Ross
M. Tutwiler
R. Ridgway
8:15 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush arrive La Redoute
Castle and proceed to VIP Room.
Met by:
Chancellor Helmut Kohl
Federal Republic of Germany
Mrs. Helmut Kohl
(Hannelore)
EVENT:
DINNER HOSTED BY CHANCELLOR KOHL
POOL COVERAGE ONLY
RECEIVING LINE
TOASTS
BRIEF REMARKS
BLACK TIE
OFFICIAL PARTY
8:17 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush arrive VIP Room and
begin participation in Receiving Line.
PHOTO OPPORTUNITY
Page Fourteen
8:40 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush conclude participation
in Receiving Line and, accompanied by Chancellor
and Mrs. Kohl, are announced into Dining Room.
8:45 pm Chancellor Kohl Remarks.
9:04 pm Chancellor Kohl gives Toast.
9:05 pm
THE PRESIDENT is introduced for Brief Remarks
by Chancellor Kohl.
9:06 pm
THE PRESIDENT makes Brief Remarks.
9:15 pm
THE PRESIDENT concludes Brief Remarks, offers
Reciprocal Toast, and returns to Seat for Dinner.
9:20 pm Dinner is served
10:40 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush conclude participation
in Dinner, depart Dining Room and proceed to
Motorcade.
10:45 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush board Motorcade and
depart La Redoute Castle en route Ambassador's
Residence.
GUEST AND STAFF INSTRUCTIONS:
Guests and Staff accompanying THE PRESIDENT
to the Ambassador's Residence should board
Motorcade no later than 10:35 pm.
Guests and Staff returning to Maritim Hotel
should board Secretary Baker's Motorcade no
later than 10:40 pm.
Page Fifteen
MOTORCADE ASSIGNMENTS:
Same as on Arrival.
(Drive Time: 10 Minutes)
10:55 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush arrive Ambassador's
Residence for RON.
Wednesday, May 31, 1989
OFFICIAL PARTY AND STAFF INSTRUCTIONS:
Baggage Call will be at 7:00 am.
Please place all unlocked baggage
outside your door at this time.
Guests and Staff not accompanying THE
PRESIDENT to Mainz via Helicopter should
board vehicles at Maritim Hotel no later
than 2:00 pm for transport to Koln/Bonn
Airport and Backup Plane departure
to Rhein-Main Air Force Base.
NOTE: Mrs. Bush will assume a separate
schedule at this time.
7:50 am
THE PRESIDENT boards Motorcade and departs
Ambassador's Residence en route Villa
Hammerschmidt.
MOTORCADE ASSIGNMENTS:
Lead
E. Murnane
Page Sixteen
Spare
T. McBride
Doctor
Protocol Car
FRG Security
LIMO
THE PRESIDENT
Follow Up
FRG Chief of Security
Control
J. Sununu
S. Studdert
Mil. Aide
Support
M. Fitzwater
J. Keller
Official Photographer
Medic
ID
WHCA
Camera I
Camera II
G. Fendler
Wire I
Wire II
Press Van I
B. Zanca
Press Van II
Press Van III
(Drive Time: 5 Minutes)
7:55 am
THE PRESIDENT arrives Villa Hammerschmidt and
proceeds to Living Quarters.
Met By:
President Richard Von Weizsaecker
Page Seventeen
EVENT:
PRIVATE BREAKFAST HOSTED BY PRESIDENT VON
WEIZSAECKER
PHOTO OPPORTUNITY AT BEGINNING
U.S. PARTICIPANTS
FRG PARTICIPANTS
THE PRESIDENT
President Von Weizsaecker
8:00 am
THE PRESIDENT begins participation in Breakfast.
9:00 am
THE PRESIDENT concludes participation in
Breakfast, departs Living Quarters and proceeds to
Motorcade.
9:05 am
THE PRESIDENT boards Motorcade and departs Villa
Hammerschmidt en route Chancellery.
MOTORCADE ASSIGNMENTS:
Same as on Arrival.
(Drive Time: 3 Minutes)
9:08 am
THE PRESIDENT arrives Chancellery and proceeds to
Chancellor's Office.
Met By:
Chancellor Helmut Kohl
Federal Republic of Germany
EVENT:
BILATERAL MEETING WITH CHANCELLOR KOHL
PHOTO OPPORTUNITY AT BEGINNING
Page Eighteen
9:10 am
THE PRESIDENT arrives Chancellor's Office and
begins participation in Bilateral Meeting.
U.S. PARTICIPANTS
FRG PARTICIPANTS
THE PRESIDENT
Chancellor Kohl
NSC Notetaker
Horst Teltschik
Interpreter
(Notetaker)
Interpreter
10:05 am
THE PRESIDENT concludes participation in Bilateral
Meeting, departs Chancellor's Office and proceeds
to Motorcade.
10:10 am
THE PRESIDENT boards Motorcade and departs
Chancellery en route Sussmuth Residence.
MOTORCADE ASSIGNMENTS:
Same as on Arrival.
(Drive Time: 10 Minutes)
OFFICIAL PARTY AND STAFF INSTRUCTIONS:
On arrival at Chancellery, Staff will be
escorted to Holding Area. Staff should
board Motorcade no later than 10:00 am
for transport to Sussmuth Residence.
Staff not participating in Meeting with
German and American Youth should remain
with Motorcade.
Page Nineteen
10:20 am
THE PRESIDENT arrives Sussmuth Residence and
proceeds to Living Room.
Met by:
Dr. Rita Sussmuth
President of Parliament
Federal Republic of Germany
EVENT:
MEETING WITH GERMAN AND AMERICAN YOUTH
POOL COVERAGE AT BEGINNING
QUESTION AND ANSWER SESSION
10:25 am
THE PRESIDENT arrives Living Room and begins
participation in Meeting.
10:43 am
THE PRESIDENT concludes participation in Meeting,
departs Living Room and proceeds to Motorcade.
10:45 am
THE PRESIDENT boards Motorcade and departs
Sussmuth Residence en route Ambassador's
Residence.
MOTORCADE ASSIGNMENTS:
Same as on Arrival.
(Drive Time: 5 Minutes)
OFFICIAL PARTY AND STAFF INSTRUCTIONS:
Official Party, Guests, and Staff not
accompanying THE PRESIDENT to Sussmuth
Residence should board vehicles at Maritim
Hotel no later than 10:15 am for transport
to Ambassador's Residence.
Page Twenty
On arrival at Ambassador's Residence,
Official Party and Staff will be escorted
to Viewing Area.
10:50 am
THE PRESIDENT arrives Ambassador's Residence and
proceeds to Suite.
NOTE: Mrs. Bush will join THE PRESIDENT at
this time.
10:55 am
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush depart Suite and
proceed to Back Yard of Ambassador's Residence.
EVENT:
AMERICAN EMBASSY COMMUNITY GREETING
POOL COVERAGE ONLY
BRIEF REMARKS
11:00 am
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush arrive Back Yard
and begin participation in American Embassy
Community Greeting.
11:15 am
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush conclude participation
in American Embassy Community Greeting, depart
Back Yard and proceed to Motorcade.
11:20 am
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush board Motorcade and
depart Ambassador's Residence en route Sudbrucke
Landing Zone.
MOTORCADE ASSIGNMENTS:
Lead
E. Murnane
Page Twenty-one
Spare
T. McBride
Doctor
Protocol Car
FRG Security
LIMO
THE PRESIDENT
Mrs. Bush
Follow-Up
FRG Chief of Security
Control
J. Sununu
S. Studdert
Mil. Aide
Support
M. Fitzwater
J. Keller
C. Healey
Official Photographer
ID
WHCA
Sec. Limo
Sec. Baker
Amb. Walters
Follow-Up
Staff I
B. Scowcroft
R. Blackwill
A. Card
Staff II
R. Zoellick
M. Tutwiler
R. Ridgway
Staff III
J. Cicconi
D. Demarest
D. Ross
Staff IV
J. Reed
Camera I
Camera II
G. Fendler
Page Twenty-two
Staff Van
State Staff Van
Wire I
Wire II
Press Van I
B. Zanca
Press Van II
Press Van III
(Drive Time: 5 Minutes)
OFFICIAL PARTY AND STAFF INSTRUCTIONS:
Official Party and Staff accompanying
THE PRESIDENT to Mainz via helicopter
should board Motorcade no later than
11:10 am for transport to Sudbrucke
Landing Zone.
Before arrival at Landing Zone, Official
Party and Staff will be directed to
appropriate helicopters for transport to
Mainz.
11:25 am
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush arrive Sudbrucke
Landing Zone and proceed to Marine One.
11:30 am
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush board Marine One and
(5:30 am
depart Sudbrucke Landing Zone, Bonn, FRG en route
E.D.T.)
Mainz, FRG.
HELICOPTER ASSIGNMENTS:
MARINE ONE
THE PRESIDENT
J. Sununu
Gen. Scowcroft
Page Twenty-three
M. Fitzwater
T. McBride
Mil. Aide
Doctor
2 USSS
1 FRG Security
EXECUTIVE ONE:
Mrs. Bush
Secretary Baker
Ambassador Walters
E. Holterman
M. Holterman
C. Healey
B. Zoellick
M. Tutwiler
1 USSS
1 DS Security
1 FRG Security
NIGHTHAWK II:
6 USSS
2 WHCA
1 FRG Security
D. Valdez
Mil. Office. Dir.
Doctor Mohr
Medic
NIGHTHAWK III:
A. Card
J. Cicconi
D. Demarest
S. Studdert
R. Ridgway
R. Blackwill
J. Keller
J. Reed
E. Rogers
D. Ross
K. Groomes
K. Hoggard
A. Perez
S. Haley
Official Photographer
3 USSS
1 FRG Security
4 WHTV
1 WHCA AV
Page Twenty-four
NIGHTHAWK IV:
24 Press
2 USSS
3 Staff
1 Steno
(Flight Time: 55 Minutes)
Page Twenty-five
Davis/Martin
May 30, 1989/ 6 p.m.
Title: Mainz7
Draft: Eight
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: A WHOLE EUROPE, A FREE EUROPE
Rheingoldhalle, Mainz
May 31, 1:05 p.m.
Thank you, Chancellor Kohl, Lord Mayor, distinguished hosts.
I want to also thank these two bands, American and West German,
and the chorus, for their stirring performance. Chancellor Kohl,
I especially want to thank you for inviting me to this beautiful,
ancient city on my first presidential trip to the Federal
Republic of Germany. Herr Kohl and I have just concluded our
deliberations at the NATO summit in Brussels, an excellent start
to our working partnership as Chancellor and President.
Here in Mainz, by the banks of the broad Rhine, it is often
said that this heartland of mountain vineyards and villages
embodies the very soul of Germany. So Mainz provides a fitting
forum for an American President to address the German people.
Today, I come to speak not just of our mutual defense, but
of our shared values. I come to speak not just of matters of the
mind, but of the deeper aspirations of the heart.
2
NATO'S FIRST MISSION
Just this morning, Barbara and I were charmed by a small
group of German students
bright young men and women who had
studied in the United States. Their knowledge of my country and
the world was impressive, to say the least. But sadly, too many
in the West, Americans and Europeans alike, seem to have
forgotten the lessons of our common heritage and how the world we
know came to be. That should not be, that cannot be. We must
recall that the generation coming into its own in America and
Western Europe is heir to gifts greater than those bestowed to
any generation in history -- peace, freedom and prosperity.
This inheritance is possible because forty years ago the
nations of the West joined in that noble, common cause called
NATO. First, there was the vision, the concept of free peoples
in North America and Europe working to protect their values.
Second, there was the practical sharing of risks and burdens, and
a realistic recognition of Soviet expansionism. Finally, there
was the determination to look beyond the old animosities. The
NATO Alliance did nothing less than provide a way for Western
Europe to heal centuries-old rivalries, to begin an era of
reconciliation and restoration. It has been, in fact, a second
Renaissance of Europe.
As you know best, this is not just the fortieth birthday of
3
the Alliance. It is also the fortieth birthday of the Federal
Republic -- a Republic born in hope, but tempered by challenge.
At the height of the Berlin Crisis in 1948, Ernst Reuter (ROY-
ter) called on Germans to stand firm and confident, and you did -
- courageously and magnificently.
The historic genius of the German people has flourished in
this age of peace. Your nation has become a leader in
technology, and the fourth largest economy on earth. But more
important, you have inspired the world by forcefully promoting
the principles of human rights, democracy and freedom. The
United States and the Federal Republic have always been firm
friends and allies. But today we share an added role -- partners
in leadership.
Of course, leadership has a constant companion --
responsibility. And our responsibility is to look ahead and
grasp the promise of the future.
THE NEXT MISSION OF NATO: TO MAKE EUROPE WHOLE AND FREE
I said recently that we are at the end of one era, and at
the beginning of another. And I noted that in regard to the
Soviet Union, our new policy is to move beyond containment.
For forty years, the seeds of democracy in Eastern Europe
4
lay dormant, buried under the frozen tundra of the Cold War.
And for forty years, the world has waited for the Cold War
to end.
Decade after decade, time after time, the flowering human
spirit withered from the chill of conflict and oppression.
And again, the world waited.
But the passion for freedom cannot be denied forever. The
world has waited long enough. ( (Pause)) The time is right. Let
Europe be whole and free.
To the founders of the Alliance, this aspiration was a
distant dream. Now it is the new mission of NATO. If ancient
rivals like Britain and France, or France and Germany, can
reconcile, then why not the nations of East and West?
In the East, brave men and women are showing us the way.
Look at Poland, where Solidarity and the Catholic Church have won
legal status. The forces of freedom are putting the Soviet
status quo on the defensive.
In the West, we have succeeded because we have been faithful
to our values and our vision. But on the other side of the
5
rusting Iron Curtain, their vision failed.
The Cold War began with the division of Europe. It can only
end when Europe is whole.
Today, it is this very concept of a divided Europe that is
under siege. And that is why our hopes run especially high,
because the division of Europe is under siege not by armies, but
by the spread of ideas that began here, right here. It was a son
of Mainz, Johannes (YO-han-nes) Gutenberg, who liberated the mind
of Man through the power of the printed word.
That same liberating power is unleashed today in a hundred
new forms. The Voice of America and Deutsche Welle (DOY-cha
Vella) allow us to enlighten millions deep within Eastern Europe
and throughout the world. Television satellites allow us to bear
witness from the shipyards of Gdansk, to Tiananmen Square. But
the momentum for freedom does not just come from the printed
word, the transistor or the television screen. It comes from the
power of a single idea -- democracy.
This one idea is sweeping across Eurasia. This one idea is
why the Communist world, from Budapest to Beijing, is in ferment.
Of course, for the leaders of the East, it is not just freedom
for freedom's sake. But whatever their motivation, they are
unleashing a force they will find difficult to channel or control
6
-- the hunger for liberty of oppressed peoples who have tasted
freedom.
Nowhere is this more apparent than in Eastern Europe, the
birthplace of the Cold War. In Poland at the end of World War
Two, the Soviet Army prevented the free elections promised by
Stalin at Yalta. Today, Poles are taking the first steps toward
real elections, SO long promised
so long deferred. And in
Hungary, at last we see a chance for multi-party competition at
the ballot box.
A catalyst for these reforms has been our Alliance's support
for self-determination behind the Iron Curtain. As
President, I will continue to do all I can to open the closed
societies of the East. We seek self-determination for all of
Germany and all of Eastern Europe. We will not relax. We must
not waver. Again, the world has waited long enough.
But democracy's journey East is not easy. Intellectuals
like Czech playwright Vaclav (VAHTS-lah) Havel still work under
the shadow of coercion. Repression still menaces too many
peoples of Eastern Europe. Barriers and barbed wire still fence
in nations. So when I visit Poland and Hungary this summer, I
will deliver this message: There cannot be a common European home
until all within are free to move from room to room.
7
And I will take another message: the path of freedom leads
to a larger home -- a home where West meets East, a democratic
home -- the commonwealth of free nations.
I said that positive steps by the Soviets would be met by
steps of our own. This is why I announced on May 12th a
readiness to consider granting to the Soviets a temporary waiver
of the Jackson-Vanik trade restrictions, if they liberalize
emigration. This is also why I announced on Monday that the
United States is prepared to drop the "no exceptions" standard
that has guided our approach to controlling the export of
technology to the Soviet Union -- lifting a sanction enacted in
response to their invasion of Afghanistan.
In this same spirit, I set forth four proposals to heal
Europe's tragic division, to help Europe become whole and free.
PLURALISM
First, I propose we strengthen and broaden the Helsinki
process to promote free elections and political pluralism in
Eastern Europe. As the forces of freedom and democracy rise in
the East, so should our expectations.
Weaving together the slender threads of freedom in the East
will require much from the Western democracies. In particular,
8
the great political parties of the West must assume an historic
responsibility -- to lend counsel and support to those brave men
and women who are trying to form the first truly representative
political parties in the East, to advance freedom and democracy,
to part the Iron Curtain.
But we should do more. We can encourage reforms by
supporting efforts to help the private sector develop in the
East. Let us encourage Eastern Europe to decentralize through
contacts with free press associations, universities, trade unions
and other organizations. The private associations of the West
should be encouraged to establish ties with those new groups. We
have some experience; they have the need; and we can both benefit
from the new relationship.
GLASNOST FOR BERLIN
The IRoncurtain
unm,
it has already begun to part. The frontier of
barbed wire and minefields between Hungary and Austria is being
removed, foot by foot, mile by mile. Just as the barriers are
coming down in Hungary, SO must they fall throughout Eastern
Europe. Let Berlin be next. ( (PAUSE) )
Nowhere is the division between East and West seen more
clearly than in Berlin. There, a brutal wall cuts neighbor from
neighbor, and brother from brother. That Wall stands as a
9
monument to the failure of Communism. It
must
come
down. ( (PAUSE) )
Now, Glasnost may be a Russian word, but openness is a
Western concept. West Berlin has always enjoyed the openness of
a free city. Our proposal would make all Berlin a center of
commerce between East and West
a place of cooperation, not
a point of confrontation. This, then, is my second proposal --
bring glasnost to East Berlin.
( (PAUSE) )
SAVING THE EUROPEAN ENVIRONMENT
My generation remembers a Europe ravaged by war. Of course,
Europe has long since rebuilt its proud cities and restored its
majestic cathedrals. But what a tragedy it would be if your
continent was again spoiled, this time by a more subtle and
insidious danger -- that of poisoned rivers and acid rain.
America has faced an environmental tragedy in Alaska.
Countries from France to Finland suffered after Chernobyl. West
Germany is struggling to save the Black Forest today. And
throughout, we have all learned a terrible lesson: environmental
destruction respects no borders.
So my third proposal is to work together on environmental
problems, with the United States and Western Europe extending a
10
hand to the East. Since much remains to be done, in both East
and West, we ask Eastern Europe to join us in this common
struggle. We can offer technical training, assistance in
drafting laws and regulations, and new technologies for tackling
these problems. I invite the environmentalists and engineers of
the East to visit the West, to share knowledge so we can succeed
in this great cause.
WEST GERMANY'S SPECIAL ROLE
Europe is the most heavily armed continent in the world.
Nowhere is this more apparent than in the two Germanies. That is
why our quest to safely reduce armaments has a special
significance for the German people.
To those who are impatient with our measured pace in arms
reductions, I respectfully suggest that history teaches us a
lesson: that unity and strength are the catalyst and prerequisite
to arms control. We have always believed that a strong Western
defense is the best road to peace. Forty years of experience
have proven us right. But we have done more than just keep the
peace. By standing together, we have convinced the Soviets that
their arms build-up has been costly and pointless. Let us not
give them incentives to return to the policies of the past. Let
us give them every reason to abandon the arms race
for the
sake of the human race.
11
In this era of both negotiation and armed camps, America
understands that West Germany bears a special burden. Of course,
in this nuclear age, every nation is on the front-line. But not
all free nations are called to endure the tension of regular
military activity, or the constant presence of foreign military
forces. We are sensitive to these special conditions this needed
presence imposes.
To significantly ease the burden of armed camps in Europe
will, we must be aggressive in our pursuit of solid, verifiable
agreements between NATO and the Warsaw Pact.
On Monday, with my NATO colleagues in Brussels, I shared my
great hope for the future of conventional arms negotiations in
Europe. I shared with them a proposal for achieving significant
reductions in the near future.
As you know, the Warsaw Pact has now accepted major elements
of our Western approach to the new conventional arms negotiations
in Vienna. The East Bloc acknowledges that a substantial
imbalance exists between the conventional forces of the two
Alliances. They have moved closer to NATO's position by
accepting most elements of our initial conventional arms
proposals. These encouraging steps have produced the opportunity
for creative and decisive action. We shall not let it pass.
12
Our proposal has several key initiatives.
*** I propose we "lock in" the Eastern agreement to
Western-proposed ceilings on tanks and armored troop carriers.
We should also seek agreement on a common numerical ceiling for
artillery in the range between NATO's and that of the Warsaw
Pact, provided definitional problems can be solved. And the
weapons we remove must be destroyed. ( (PAUSE) )
*** We should expand our current offer to include all land-
based combat aircraft and helicopters, by proposing that both
sides reduce in these categories to a level 15 percent below the
current NATO totals. Given the Warsaw Pact's advantage in
numbers, the Pact would have to make far deeper reductions than
NATO to establish parity at these lower levels. Again, the
weapons we remove must be destroyed.
*** I propose a 20-percent cut in combat manpower in U.S.
stationed forces, and a resulting ceiling on U.S. and Soviet
ground and air forces stationed outside of national territory in
the Atlantic-to-Urals zone, at approximately 275,000 each. This
reduction to parity, a fair and balanced level of strength, would
compel the Soviets to reduce their 600,000-strong Red Army in
Eastern Europe by 325,000. And these withdrawn forces must be
demobilized.
13
*** Finally, I call on President Gorbachev to accelerate
the timetable for reaching these agreements. There is no reason
why the five-to-six year timetable as suggested by Moscow is
necessary. I propose a much more ambitious schedule. We should
aim to reach an agreement within six months to a year, and
accomplish reductions by 1992, or 1993 at the latest.
In addition to my conventional arms proposals, I believe we
P
must strive to improve the oneness with which we and the Soviets
conduct our military activities. Therefore want to reiterate my
support for greater transparency. I renew my proposal that the
Soviet Union and its allies open their skies to reciprocal,
unarmed aerial surveillance flights, conducted on short notice,
to watch military activities. Satellites are a very important
way to verify arms-control agreements. But they do not provide
constant coverage of the Soviet Union. An Open Skies policy
would move both sides closer to a total continuity of coverage,
while symbolizing greater openness between East and West.
These are my proposals to achieve a less militarized Europe.
A short time ago they would have been too revolutionary to
consider. Yet today, we may well be on the verge of a more
ambitious agreement in Europe than anyone considered possible.
14
But we are also challenged by developments outside of NATO's
traditional area of concern. Every Western nation still faces
the global proliferation of lethal technologies, including
ballistic missiles and chemical weapons. We must collectively
control the spread of these growing threats. So we should begin
as soon as possible with a worldwide ban on chemical weapons.
( (PAUSE) )
CONCLUSION
Growing political freedom in the East, a Berlin without
barriers, a cleaner environment, a less militarized Europe --
each is a noble goal. Taken together, they are the foundation of
our larger vision -- a Europe that is free and at peace with
itself. Let the Soviets know that our goal is not to undermine
their legitimate security interests. Our goal is to convince
them, step by step, that their definition of security is
obsolete, that their deepest fears are unfounded.
When Western Europe takes its giant step in 1992, it will
institutionalize what has been true for years -- borders open to
people, commerce and ideas. No shadow of suspicion, no sinister
fear, is cast between you. The very prospect of war within the
West is unthinkable to our citizens. But such a peaceful
integration of nations into a world community does not mean that
any nation must relinquish its culture, much less its
15
sovereignty.
This process of integration, a subtle weaving of shared
interests, which is so nearly complete in Western Europe, has now
finally begun in the East. We want to help the nations of
Eastern Europe realize what the nations of Western Europe learned
long ago. The foundation of lasting security comes not from
tanks, troops or barbed wire. It is built on shared values and
agreements that link free peoples.
The nations of Eastern Europe are rediscovering the glories
of their national heritage. Let the colors and hues of national
culture return to these grey societies of the East. Let Europe
forgo a peace of tension for a peace of trust, one in which the
peoples of East and West can rejoice; a continent that is
diverse, yet whole.
Forty years of Cold War have tested our resolve and the
strength of our values. Now the first mission of NATO is nearly
complete. But the challenge of the next forty years will ask no
less of us, if we are to fulfill this European vision, our
European vision. The world has waited long enough.
Thank you for inviting me to Mainz, and may God bless you
all.
05/25/89 11:18
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001
FAX MESSAGE
TO:
Christina Martin
DATE: May 23, 1989
Office of Research
The White House
FAX 456-6218
SUBJECT: Requested input for Speech in Mainz
FROM:
Kathrine Papathanassiou
German American Contacts
D/G, Room 224, USIA
Tel: (202) 485-9567
PAGE 1 of 6
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- 2 -
Christina:
Following is information on human interest story of person who
left Germany, became American citizen, has family in East and
West Berlin:
Guenter Skole, resident of McLean, Virginia. Manager of the
Metropolitan Club, 1700 H Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. office
telephone 835-2500.
- Born in Berlin 1924
- Father from southeastern part of Germany, now GDR. Deceased
- Mother from part of Germany that is now Poland, because of
the Wall and separation of family became mentally ill
committed to mental institution where she passed away
- Brother Gerhard lives in Liepzig
- Two brothers died as result of WWII
- Sister-in-law Nillo Skole lives in West Berlin
- Two nephews: one in Stuttgart who escaped GDR military,
one in W. Berlin
Guenter Skole was POW in US 1944-45. Returned to Germany, but
never returned to Berlin because POW's from Berlin were returned
to the Soviet Union/East Germany (? sorry cannot make out my
notes which is correct, please clarify with Mr. Skole). Left
Frankfurt in 1948 for U.S. to become American citizen. Began
working as household servant, gradually progressed and is today
Manager of The Metropolitan Club. Married to June T. Skole, an
American.
Has visited his brother in the GDR. During visit leaves the
curtains up and windows open because brother wishes to convey
that there is no conversation other than that regarding family.
Because his brother is over 70 he is allowed to visit son and
relatives in FRG.