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American Legion, Washington, DC 9/7/89 [OA 8130]
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American Legion, Washington, DC 9/7/89 [OA 8130]
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Records of the White House Office of Speechwriting (George H. W. Bush Administration)
Curt Smith Chronological Files
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Originally Processed With FOIA(s):
FOIA Number:
S
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
Library Staff.
Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting, White House Office of
Series:
Smith, Curt, Files
Subseries:
Chron File, 1989-1992
OA/ID Number:
13888
Folder ID Number:
13888-031
Folder Title:
American Legion, Washington D.C., 9/7/89
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
G
18
29
1
4
(Smith/Blessey)
Draft Six
August 22, 1989
LEGION
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN LEGION
WASHINGTON, D.C.
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1989
Justice Gierke [GER-kee] -- and let me salute the first Viet
Nam veteran to be selected National Commander. And all of you
who represent our Nation's largest and fastest-growing veterans
organization -- now 2.8 million strong.
As always, it is a great privilege to join you. And a deep
personal pleasure to renew old ties. And to greet new friends.
Today is September 7th -- and I'm determined not to repeat
the mistake I made last year when I referred to this date as
Pearl Harbor Day. Now that I've dispensed with that
announcement, I want to wish all of you a happy Thanksgiving.
Not surprisingly, anniversaries were on my mind as I
traveled here from Washington. Past the Pentagon. The Congress.
And then Fort McHenry. And it got me to thinking how 1989 marks
the 175th anniversary of the "Star-Bangled Banner." And how your
convention lies a few yards from its birthplace.
OK
Yesterday, you did something that would have pleased Francis
Scott Key. For by supporting a Constitutional Amendment making
it illegal to desecrate the American flag, you joined the crusade
to protect the symbol of America's honor. What our flag embodies
is too sacred to be abused.
2
so
Woodrow Wilson once called the flag "the embodiment, not of
sentiment, but of history." And he went on to say, "It
OR
represents the experiences made by men and women, the experiences
of those who do and live under that flag." "
What Wilson meant, of course, was that the flag -- like
America -- has many parts, means many things.' It means represents self-
represents
is
expression and (sier) opportunity. And democracy for all.
But
embody
Like America, the Stars and Stripes mean the strength needed
the
that
to defend those values moral and intellectual, economic and
military - that have made america lem storg.
And like America, Old Glory means symbolizes the gallantry of veterans
love
and afend it
who enrich their country -- in wartime and in peacetime.
Storming the beaches of Anzio. Scaling the cliffs of Normandy.
Amulel
Going about their daily lives with courage and with pride.
Fellow veterans, for 71 years the "experiences" of the
American Legion -- its "men and women" -- have helped write the
M
Story we of America -- and the story of our flag. And today you
write them still.
Cherring
empire.
as
there.
J
For the flag, like America, is more than "sentiment."
It
spelsor
lives. It lifts. And at its heart is freedom. The freedom to
wis
wal
der
in
dream, and to innovate. The freedom to enlarge our possibilities
as individuals. And expand our horizons as a Nation.
in alon arer, in
Fifty years ago last Friday, our allies went to war to
&
protect this freedom. For as panzer tanks crossed the Polish
frontier, and Stuka bombers savaged Warsaw, liberty confronted an
evil which -- even now -- defines hell on earth
encapules
Lus
pear
If
as
Its very presención a rugged lucat IOW June or the
Fear
Jeny hand of the
1,Hagul Isau ana a sheet corner supt
Gdanch,
3
In the end, that conflict took more than 55 million lives.
underscered
And headlined, as few things have, man's inhumanity to man. Our
challenge today is to prove man's humanity to man. And by
preserving liberty without war, secure what Franklin Roosevelt
called the "Four Freedoms": Freedoms of speech, of religion,
freedom from want and fear.
Today, I want to focus upon one of those freedoms
freedomfum
thefear of
the fear of
fear
Freedom from war abroad. Freedom from drugs, crime, and
indifference at home. Locally, and globally: Freedom from fear.
to build a better, safer life,
To win that freedom, will require the bravery and sacrifice)
that Americans have shown before. And must again. For freedom
dependsont
from fear can assist the triumph of democracy. And build a
better, safer life.
Already, we have done much. Now, let us do
both comeste and foregn
more. And achieve the real peace of plenty over poverty, and
Nixs?
health over disease the kind of peace which lasts.
First " at home, freedom uses from those forces which assault the
our
dignity of man.
For
Our sworn duty to "ensure" domestic Tranquility" is as old
as America itself. When we ask what kind of society the American
people deserve, our answer is -- and must be -- a Nation in which
law-abiding citizens are safe and feel safe.
an
to put an end to O anys that anplizing this nation
That is why we have sent a comprehensive battle plan
to Congress It seeks to rid America of violent criminals with
15
m
guot, this
an attack on four points. bronts New laws -- to punish hoods. then New
agents -- to arrest them. New prosecutors -- to convict these
TIP
V
Un sub.
slugs
And new prisons -- to hold them.
We mus y take back the streets
on
In 1939 that lettle girls Ogrona Imather n
the fear of a unutal occupation Her mather Das hnaw the
fear of a represence Communeet state, is
The feor of war and repression a
terrible
S.
But the Gime part of Pachage the Dead walion malimal
only Two one days 080, 4 & part the was on
stra tesy anings,
Fellow veterans, bullies and con artists prey on fear. We
seek to banish it. Our crime package can do that by taking
Dm
back the streets. And so can a program I announced two days ago
293h
Dais
to face down a companion -- and even more deadly -- scourge: I
refer, of course, to drugs.
8
2
gitt
O
Our drug abuse program will cost nearly $ And put
0
funding where the problem is in the community. As veterans,
the
you know how battles are often fought -- block-by-block, house-
we 'll wm this the
by-house. Well, this battle will do the same/.
way. hed by ked, neighborhood
vymeghbohood,
We will fight on any front, and every front. Supply and
demand. Education and rehabilitation. Interdiction and
We will fight to be free of the
MUE
enforcement. In the cities, and the towns. Yes, to fight will
theat thefen of crime and drugs, She future four chedren depends
be expensive. But to surrender would exact a still higher price
but
the future of our kids.
They We need your help. And I know we 11 have it. Because for
theyle 942
you
9
years you've done your part. In Minnesota, for instance,
Rosemont Post Number 65 runs the program "Drug Talk." And in
Russellville, Arkansas, I especially like Post Number 20's
giveaway of thousands of rulers. Their message says it all.
things
"You really measure up when you say 'No' to drugs.
s
O
What I'm talking about, of course, is freeing America
from indifference. Against drugs. Against crime. Against any
fact of life -- disease, for example; lack of education -- which
imperils the human spirit.
I think, for instance, of how the Legion aids handicapped
kids. Or builds good government through Boys State and Girls
h
Drugs are sad chapter in the american
story as Presidents have so money theres all be before, last
Copscont you to help doalore write Teachers an ending cont we do can it alone. proud of The adduct 1
who wants to laget clean can't do it alone, u
We must we free of the theat -- the
feor of drugs and crime.
5
State programs. And I'm sure you will build on these beginnings:
Since 1985 -- Money given to scholarships -- $13 million; and to
all causes -- $144 million; blood donated -- pints; and hours
given to charity - count 'em: over 60 million.
These efforts have brought community service to every
corner of America. And nowhere more than in the VA health
system. Here's a number for you: At last count, over 11,000
Legion and Auxiliary members volunteered at VA hospitals. Now,
let us take an even bigger step toward ensuring veterans' access
to quality health care. By supporting our proposed National
Commission to review the alignment of VA medical facilities.
This Commission will outline the future structure of the VA
system. And it will be modeled after the Department of Defense
Base Closure Commission. But here's the difference: Our bill
will forbid the closing of a single, solitary medical center.
We will ask Congress to approve or disapprove our proposals
as a single package. And it will be a good package. For it will
create specialized centers from ambulatory to community-based
care. And strengthen veterans' overall care. So I ask you to
support VA's realignment commission. And free veterans from the
move
fear that care will not be accessible to all.
O
Well and good, and yet: No freedoms are possible
3
without freedom from war. Not speech. Not religion. Not from
want. And surely, not from fear. Fifty years ago, we learned
lesson
at
that lesson in Guadalcanal and Monte Casino. Belgium and Bataan.
I've salhed about our mission to
mission But secure today freedom to free were involved nation (pain from the fear of wor.
from Jan at home. in a global
Alimy Al I 5 impr willin
r
carl
like
6
And this lesson, too: The best way to ensure peace is for
America to be militarily strong.
Half-a-century ago, Ike, and Nimitz, and Jimmy Doolittle,
mony of you today
fought to end a housiblewor.
and millions of unsung heroes used that strength to preserve a
and an almoste reign of terror.
maybe
immagence world bereft of violence and tyranny Our challenge today is
less dramatic, but just as vital: To make fragile peace strong,
and temporary peace permanent. For ours remains a global stage,
its
and America remains the leading player. So let us use our
strength to keep the peace. And thus spur closer East West ties.
Thankfully, America today is strong And will remain so.
For our strength is a major reason that as tyranny's tide is
<
running out, democracy's tide is running in. In Poland and
Hungary, in the gulag and ghetto, [ liberty is sweeping the globe.
Yet with even hopeful change comes uncertainty. And with
uncertainty comes the need for vigilance. This is no time to
declare freedom's victory before the fact.
nutronal
That is why we need a1 Defense budget that ensures a strong
and secure America. And why I'm pleased that the Senate largely
agrees. This week, our defense authorization bill moves to
House-Senate conference committee. There's just one problem:
The House version is totally unacceptable. It keeps unneeded
programs that would save nearly $20 billion from 1990-94. And it
lengthens their funding. Harming our defense budget for years to
holders
come. And making it hostage to pork-barrel projects that will
strip money from programs crucial to strategic modernization.
5
waping
7
This modernization is vital -- vital because America must
base its procurement decisions not on perestroika and glasnost --
but on the future capacity -- the actual weapons -- that any
Soviet leader might have available. As decades change, so do the
weapons needed to deter other Nations' first-strike ability.
This President -- any President -- would betray his. office if he
viewed America's deterrence in a vacuum,
of today's headleness
maintain
Accordingly, we must strength America's defense by
strengthening its deterrent triad. And by that I mean:
Submarines, missiles, and the B-2 bomber.
I have called for two Trident submarines to be funded in
1990 and 1991. Today, I renew that call. And reaffirm my
commitment to the second part of our triad: strategic land-based
missiles. Already, the Soviet Union has two mobile systems. And
we need to match them. Not only to modernize our forces into the
21st Century. But to gain leverage for arms control.
What we're talking about is simple logic. Or as Sam Rayburn
said, "If a man has common sense, he has all the sense there is."
We want to ban all mobile missiles in the Strategic Arms
bugang position
to
Juls
CM
Reduction Talks. But common sense warns us: We wont 't ban any
until the Congress makes our level comparable to the Soviets.
Well, our new single-warhead ICBM missile --- the Midgetman and
we've got two ways to encure parity -
our MX mutti washed CBM.
makes common sense. For when deployed, it would require more
and that makes
than one enemy missile to take out a single warhead. And our MX
sense.
But
multi warhead ICBM it makes sense. For the Midgetman won't be
sil
web
5)
So
8
WP
ready until 1997. And to fill the void, I have asked Congress
to
shift existing MXs to mobile, less vulnerable rail cars.
Ml
where
The third part of our deterrent triad -- the B-2 or Stealth
Bomber -- can avoid radar. Its range is perfect for long-range
missions. And here's the kicker: the B-2 makes it impossible
for any country to destroy a mixed force of bombers and missiles.
more part .0 the equation
Finally, I want to mention-the Strategic Defense Initiative.
For SDI will begin the movement from offensive to defensive
it will
deterrence Put would-be aggressors in the dark about what
targets had been destroyed. And deter not merely existing threats
but also Nations on the verge of possessing nuclear and chemical
missiles. If that's not common sense, I don't like fishing.
Fellow veterans, peace is not an accident. Not the real
peace which ensures FDR's Four Freedoms of speech, religion, and
2
from want and, yes, fear Real peace evolves from planning and
preparedness, engagement and reality Real peace springs from
democracies who know that when it comes to national defense,
finishing second means finishing last.
So, let us modernize our strategic forces. And, thus,
encourage arms control. We need the Trident and Midgetman. We
need the MX, B-2, and SDI. Yes, each involves short-term funding
defense
responsible
pain. But each is crucial to a package that is sane -- fiscally
cin
-- and cohesive -- strategically.
whose
Thirty-four years ago, Douglas MacArthur returned to the
in
Plain at West Point, where he gave a speech to the cadets. "The
soldier," he told them, "above all other people, prays for peace
you
9
-- for he must suffer and bear the deepest wounds and scars of
war. "
Each of us Dere know the truth of Those
Fellow veterans, General MacArthur knew as we do -- how
words.
war can be glorious from a distance -- but hateful and grotesque
war hasbeen
up close. At times, it is inevitable -- at times, even
Not for am children
necessary. But not here. Not now. Not if we summon our heart
and will to build a more secure and peaceful world.
What a wonderful legacy -- for this, and future generations.
What a tribute to the men and women who toiled at Inchon and
Bastogne. In the gulleys and the hills. Valiant Americans --
heroes all -- now part of our history. and of our Lore.
Let me close by saluting them, and you. And by asking you
to help preserve the democracy which celebrates our freedom from
fear. Thank you for your support, and for the privilege
addressing you. God bless you, Godspeed to the American Legion,
and God bless the United States of America.
#
#
#
#
Gla c go se liste heale
Freedom from the year - of war, of crime with
of drugs. We are unt are soldiers also with
a sroud history. We are, soldies are
new hattles to fight But we
americans and
(Smith/Blessey)
Draft Four
August 15, 1989
LEGION
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN LEGION
WASHINGTON, D.C.
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1989
Justice Gierke [GER-kee] -- and let me salute the first Viet
Nam veteran to be selected National Commander. And all of you
who represent our Nation's largest and fastest-growing veterans
organization -- now 2.8 million strong.
As always, it is a great privilege to join you. And a deep
personal pleasure to renew old ties. And to greet new friends.
One year ago today, addressing the American Legion, I
observed what an honor it was to meet with you on the anniversary
of Pearl Harbor Day. Alright, I'll admit: I was wrong about the
timing. But believe me, as we say down in Texas, I "wasn't
woofin'" about the group.
I thought of that today -- a date, I trust, that will not
live in infamy -- as I traveled here from Washington. Past the
Pentagon. Congress. And Fort McHenry. For I kept thinking how
this marks the 175th anniversary of the "Star-Bangled Banner."
And how your convention lies a few yards from its birthplace.
Yesterday, you did something that would have pleased Francis
Scott Key. For by supporting a Constitutional Amendment making
it illegal to burn the American flag, you upheld the crusade to
honor what some have died for. And that we must live for. What
the American flag embodies is too sacred to be abused.
(Smith/Blessey)
Draft Seven
August 23, 1989
LEGION
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN LEGION
WASHINGTON, D.C.
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1989
Justice Gierke [GER-kee] -- and let me salute the first Viet
Nam veteran to be selected National Commander. And all of you
who represent our Nation's largest and fastest-growing veterans
organization -- now 2.8 million strong.
As always, it is a great privilege to join you. And a deep
personal pleasure to renew old ties. And to greet new friends.
Today is September 7th -- and I'm determined not to repeat
the mistake I made last year when I referred to this date as
Pearl Harbor Day. Now that I've dispensed with that
announcement, I want to wish all of you a happy Thanksgiving.
Not surprisingly, anniversaries were on my mind as I
traveled here from Washington. Past the Pentagon. The Congress.
And then Fort McHenry. And it got me to thinking how 1989 marks
the 175th anniversary of the "Star-Bangled Banner." And how your
convention lies a few yards from its birthplace.
Yesterday, you did something that would have pleased Francis
Scott Key -- and for which I thank you. For by supporting a
Constitutional Amendment making it illegal to desecrate the
American flag, you joined the crusade to protect the symbol of
America's honor. What our flag embodies is too sacred to be
abused.
2
Woodrow Wilson once called the flag "the embodiment, not of
sentiment, but of history.' And then he went on to say, "It
represents the experiences made by men and women, the experiences
of those who do and live under that flag."
What Wilson meant, of course, was that the flag -- like
America -- represents many things. It represents self-expression
and opportunity. And democracy for all.
Like America, too, Old Glory reflects the values -- moral
and intellectual, economic and military -- that have made, and
keep, us strong.
And like America, the flag symbolizes the gallantry of
veterans who love their country -- giving of themselves, and
often of their lives. Storming the beaches of Anzio. Scaling
the cliffs of Normandy. Taking shell-torn hills named Hamburger
and Arrowhead.
Fellow veterans, for 71 years the "experiences" of the
American Legion -- its "men and women" -- have helped write the
Story of America -- and the story of our flag. And today -- in
peacetime, as in wartime -- you write their stories still.
For the flag, like America, is more than "sentiment." It
lives. On a rugged hill at Iwo Jima. It lifts. The tiny hand
of the little girl I saw on a street corner in Gdansk, waving the
Stars and Stripes. For both encapsule freedom. The freedom to
vote as we want, and pray where we choose. The freedom to go
about our daily lives gently, quietly -- without tyranny or fear.
3
Fifty years ago last Friday, our allies went to war to
protect this freedom. For as panzer tanks crossed the Polish
frontier, and bombers savaged Warsaw, liberty confronted an evil
which -- even now -- defines hell on earth.
In the end, that conflict took more than 55 million lives.
And underscored, as few things have, man's inhumanity to man.
Our challenge today is to prove man's humanity to man. And by
preserving liberty without war, secure what Franklin Roosevelt
called the "Four Freedoms": Freedoms of speech, of religion,
freedom from want and fear.
Today, I want to focus on one of those freedoms -- freedom
from fear. The fear of war abroad. The fear of drugs and crime
at home.
To win that freedom -- to build a better, safer life -- will
require the bravery, and sacrifice, that Americans have shown
before. And must again. Already we have done much. Now, we
must do more. And achieve real peace -- both domestic and
foreign -- the kind of peace which lasts.
First, our mission at home. Where our sworn duty to "ensure
domestic Tranquility" is as old as the Republic itself. When we
ask what kind of society the American people deserve, our answer
is -- and must be -- a Nation in which law-abiding citizens are
safe and feel safe.
That is why we have sent a comprehensive battle plan to
Congress to put an end to the crime and drugs which plague the
United States.
4
First, our plan seeks to rid America of violent criminals
with an attack on four fronts. New laws -- to punish them. New
agents -- to arrest them. New prosecutors -- to convict them.
And new prisons -- to hold them.
Our plan strikes at the bullies and con-artists who prey on
fear. For we want to double the mandatory minimum penalties for
the use of semi-automatic weapons in crimes involving violence or
drugs. And to end plea-bargaining for federal firearm offenses.
We want to ban -- permanently -- the import of so-called "assault
weapons" that aren't acceptable under the standards of existing
law. And, yes, we want Congress to enact the steps needed to
implement the death penalty.
In short, our crime proposals are based on three principles.
Every criminal in this Nation must understand that if they commit
a crime, they will be caught. And if caught, they will be
prosecuted. And if convicted, they will do time. By taking
hoods off the streets, we can -- and will -- take back the
streets.
I ask you to support our crime plan. And yet it's only one
part of the answer. So, two nights ago, I announced America's
first national strategy to win the war on drugs.
Yes, our drug abuse program will be expensive -- nearly $8
billion. But to surrender would exact a still-higher price --
the future of our kids. As veterans, you know how battles are
often fought -- block-by-block, house-by-house. Well, we'll win
this battle the same way. By putting funding where the problem
5
is -- the community. Winning kid-by-kid, neighborhood-by-
neighborhood.
Our drug program aims to stop drug abuse before its start.
Through education and prevention -- from grade school to graduate
school. And, second, to help addicts who want to go clean. With
special emphasis on expectant mothers. Then, there's the third
part of our strategy -- giving drug dealers the security of the
slammer. And for their ultimate bosses -- the drug lords -- life
in prison, with no parole. And, finally, working with other
governments to help crack international drug rings.
For years now, drugs have written a sad chapter in the
American story. Well, I ask you to help write an ending all of
us can be proud of. For cops -- like teachers -- can't do it
alone. Nor can the addict weary of abuse. They need your help.
And I know they 11 get it -- just as you've helped handicapped
kids, donated blood, and spurred good government through programs
like Boys State and Girls State.
Today, for instance, Post Number 65 in Rosemont, Minnesota,
runs the program "Drug Talk." And in Russelville, Arkansas, I
especially like Post Number 20's giveaway of thousands of rulers.
Their message says it all. "You really measure up when you say
'No' to drugs." You know -- as I do that we're in this
together. So let us fight on any front, and every front. Supply
and demand. Education and rehabiliation. Interdiction and
enforcement. In the cities, and the towns. Walter Lippman once
6
write of a "Nation at the mercy of violence." Let us pledge the
mercy of freeing America from the scourge of crime and drugs.
This morning, I have talked about our mission to secure
freedom from fear at home. But we also have another mission -- a
global mission -- to free America from the fear of war.
Half-a-century ago, Ike, and Nimitz, and Jimmy Doolittle,
and millions of unsung heroes -- like many here today -- fought
to end a war. You fought at Guadalcanal and Monte Casino. At
Rhemigan and Bataan. You fought to rid the world of
totalitarianism. And to put tyranny in the grave.
Our challenge may be less dramatic, but just as vital: To
make fragile peace strong, and temporary peace permanent. Today,
ours remains a global stage, and America remains its leading
player. And we must use our strength to keep the peace. Well,
this we know from World War II: The best way to ensure peace is
for America to be militarily strong.
Thankfully, America today is strong. And our strength has
helped democracy's tide run in -- even as tyranny's tide runs
out. In Poland and Hungary, in countries East and West, liberty
is sweeping the globe. Yet with even hopeful change comes
uncertainty. And with uncertainty comes the need for vigilance.
This is no time to declare freedom's victory before the fact.
That is why we need a national defense that ensures a strong
and secure America. And why I'm pleased that the Senate largely
agrees. This week, our defense authorization bill moves to
House-Senate conference committee. There's just one problem:
7
The House version is unacceptable. It keeps unneeded programs
that would save nearly $20 billion from 1990-94. And it
lengthens their funding. Holding our defense budget hostage to
pork-barrel projects that will strip money from programs crucial
to strategic modernization.
This modernization is vital -- vital because America must
base its procurement decisions not on perestroika and glasnost --
but on the future capacity -- the actual weapons -- that any
Soviet leader might have available. As decades change, so do the
weapons needed to deter other Nations' first-strike ability.
This President -- any President -- would betray his office if --
yielding to today's headlines -- he viewed America's deterrence
in a vacuum.
I don't -- and won't. For we we must maintain America's
defense by strengthening its deterrent triad. And by that I
mean: Submarines, missiles, and the B-2 bomber.
We have called for two Trident submarines to be funded in
1990 and 1991. Today, I renew that call. And reaffirm my
commitment to the second part of our triad: strategic land-based
missiles. Already, the Soviet Union has two mobile systems. And
we need to match them. Not only to modernize our forces into the
21st Century. But to gain leverage for arms control.
What we're talking about is simple logic. Or as Sam Rayburn
said, "If a man has common sense, he has all the sense there is."
We want to ban all mobile missiles in the Strategic Arms
Reduction Talks. But common sense tells us: We won't be in a
8
bargaining position to ban any until the Congress makes our level
comparable to the Soviets.
Such parity can be ensured in two ways: Our new single-
warhead ICBM missile -- the Midgetman -- and our MX multi-
warhead ICBM. When deployed, the Midgetman will require more
than one enemy missile to take out a single warhead. And that
makes sense. But the Midgetman won't be ready until 1997. So to
fill the void, I have asked Congress for funds to shift existing
MXs to mobile, less vulnerable rail cars.
The third part of our deterrent triad -- the B-2 or Stealth
Bomber -- can avoid radar. Its range is perfect for long-range
missions. And here's the kicker: the B-2 makes it impossible
for any country to destroy a mixed force of bombers and missiles.
Finally, there's the last part of our defense equation --
the Strategic Defense Initiative. SDI will begin the movement
from offensive to defensive deterrence. And deter not merely
existing threats but also Nations on the verge of possessing
nuclear and chemical missiles. And in an attack, it will put
would-be aggressors in the dark about what targets had been
destroyed. If that's not common sense, I don't like fishing.
Fellow veterans, real peace is not an accident. Not the
real peace which evolves from planning and preparedness,
engagement and reality.
So, let us modernize our strategic forces. And, thus,
encourage arms control. We need the Trident and Midgetman. We
need the MX, B-2, and SDI. Yes, each involves short-term funding
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pain. But each is crucial to a defense posture that is sane --
fiscally -- and cohesive -- strategically. We know that when it
comes to national defense, finishing second means finishing last.
Thirty-four years ago, Douglas MacArthur returned to the
Plain at West Point, where he gave a speech to the cadets. "The
soldier," he told them, "above all other people, prays for peace
-- for he must suffer and bear the deepest wounds and scars of
war
"
Each of us knows the truth of General MacArthur's words.
Yes, at times, war has been inevitable -- at times, even
necessary. But not here. Not now. Not if we summon the heart
and will to build a more secure and peaceful world.
What a wonderful legacy -- for this, and future generations.
What a tribute to the heroes of our history, and of our lore.
Together, let us preserve the triumph of democracy. By ensuring
the freedom from crime, drugs, and war that will ensure -- for
ourselves, and for our kids -- America's freedom from fear.
Thank you for your support. And for the privilege of
addressing you. God bless you all, Godspeed to the American
Legion, and God bless the United States of America.
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