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Records of the White House Office of Speechwriting (George H. W. Bush Administration)
Tony Snow Subject Files
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Originally Processed With FOIA(s):
FOIA Number:
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FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
Library Staff.
Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting, White House Office of
Series:
Snow, Tony, Files
Subseries:
Subject File, 1988-1993
OA/ID Number:
13897
Folder ID Number:
13897-018
Folder Title:
[Presidential Speech Drafts, 1990-1992]
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18
29
2
5
"The New World in Which We Now Live:"
Realism and Rhetoric in American Foreign Policy
-- Daniel McGroarty
Draft proposal, submitted to the Council on Foreign
Relations, October 1991.
For the third time this century, the geopolitical tectonic
plates are shifting. What began in Eastern Europe's Revolution
of '89 has culminated in the short span of two years in the
wholesale collapse of the communist idea. This radical
transformation of the world as we have known it represents at
once a triumph, for the policies guiding the United States and
the West for the past four decades -- and a trauma, inducing a
kind of national (or more precisely international) identity
crisis.
The irony in this undisputed victory for Western ideals is
that the committed "internationalist" camp that led the battle
has sustained nearly as much damage as the Berlin Wall. The end
of the Cold War has sparked a resurgence of isolationist
sentiment, and the kaleidoscopic changes of the past two years
have taken a toll on how we speak about our national aims and
interests.
The danger is more than simply finding ourselves at a loss
for words. The risk in terms of unguided rhetoric will be
measured in opportunities squandered -- in instability and
conflict that might well have been avoided.
The reason has to do with rhetoric's special role in
American democracy. The American polity -- the only regime in
history animated not by blood bonds or ties to a land, but by the
revo-rhetric
2
power of an idea -- is constitutionally unable to sustain a
policy based simply on realpolitik.
For too long, advocates of foreign policy "realism" have
relegated rhetoric to the "idealist" camp. The dangers in doing
so were less apparent during the Cold War era, when rhetoric
rallying the faithful against communist ideology served the
interest of realists opposed to Soviet power. In the post-Cold
War world, this consonance of pragmatism and principle can no
longer be assumed. Realists must recognize that, in America,
rhetoric will always be the lever by which we move policy.
This marriage of realism and rhetoric I am suggesting has
all the allure of a shotgun wedding. Often in the past, realists
scorned rhetoric as policy set to pretty words. And when
Presidents urged Americans to support a "war to end all wars,' " to
make it "the policy of the United States to support free
peoples
" to "pay any price" and "bear any burden," realists
frequently scored such statements as moralistic bombast,
responsible for plunging America into self-defeating fits of
crusading moralism.
Yet, how we speak about the larger aims of American policy,
about this Nation's proper place in the world, defines who and
what we are. Desert Storm offers our most recent case in point.
Compelling interests were undoubtedly at stake in the Gulf -- but
without a larger ideal, American support for Desert Storm would
have been far more precarious.
3
We move forward into the post-Cold War world as victors but
also as victims of our own success. For four decades, American
policy was built around the core concept of containment -- an
essentially negative goal. The question now is whether in the
post-Cold War era we are summoned to some more positive purpose -
- or whether we must merely complete the mop-up operation before
America, as voices on the Right and Left now urge, "comes home
again.' If "internationalism" is to turn back this challenge --
as I believe it must -- it must find a new voice.
* * *
This study constitutes an attempt to explore how rhetoric
can be harnessed to speak to the challenges of a new world, a
world of changing American objectives and enduring American
ideals.
As such, it must contend with the New World Order -- the
concept popularized by President Bush as a shorthand for the
opportunities opened to us by the demise of the ideology and
enemy against which the West defined itself for half a century.
To some, New World Order is no more than a slogan; a catch-all so
elastic as to be devoid of meaning. To others, the new world
order is a snare: an all-too-real enticement to new and
unwarranted international adventures and obligations we should
not seek and cannot support.
This study should take as its point of departure the present
transition period, from the summer and fall of 1989 through
Desert Storm to the present. It is my intention to supplement an
4
analysis of the present interplay of rhetoric and policy with
interviews of the major actors: President Bush, National
Security Advisor Brent Scowcroft, Deputy NSC advisor Robert
Gates, and others experts and analysts in and out of government.
Such an approach would shed light on the policy behind the
rhetoric, and the relation between the two.
This study, however, must be more than a snapshot of the
present. I will buttress my analysis with a close reading of the
past. As a people, we are inclined not to look back but to
plunge ahead. The safeguard against this danger is distance --
critical space in which we can weigh alternatives. We can
purchase distance from present events by exploring past
analogues. In part, this study would seek to illuminate the
present by examining the rhetoric of this century's previous
transition periods: the defining years of 1919 and 1945.
Such a study is relevant because in significant ways, the
"new order" now emerging is hardly new at all. It shares many
common characteristics with the post-war dreams of 1919 and 1945
-- visions of a world in which order (as a necessary but not
sufficient cause) would form the backdrop for a widening circle
of democracy. It may prove possible to anticipate the new
realities of 1991 in the hopes, and therefore in the rhetoric, of
1919 and 1945.
What is at stake is far more than merely providing the
present with its pedigree. The passing of the old order does not
mean we have reached "the end of history." Saddam Hussein has
5
taught us that the end of the Cold War does not mean the end of
conflict. In the Balkans, and in what stood for so long as the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, we now see ancient
animosities frozen in place by the long Cold War flaring into
armed conflict. In China, home to more than one-fifth of the
world's population, a gerontocracy continues to rule in the name
of an ideology now recognized as morally bankrupt.
A rhetoric informed by realism must avoid shackling our
national "freedom of action" to the vagaries of an evanescent
"international will." It must rise above a cold calculus of
interests that will never move the American people to act --
without verging over into a crusading moralism that sacrifices to
prudence to principle.
Ultimately, the attempt to identify a new realist rhetoric
resolves itself into a debate about America's purpose. The
outcome of this debate will affect everything from the percentage
of GNP devoted to defense and social services to a nation's sense
of self. Beneath its surface rage the perennial tensions between
realpolitik and idealism, the polar extremes of isolationism and
internationalism -- questions that determine the commitment of
U.S. power and prestige. As in 1919 and 1945, the answers will
open certain avenues of action and close off others for years and
decades to come. The results of such a study could contribute to
our self-understanding at the critical moment when old order
gives way to new.
# # #
12
Let us honor those who have served us -- those who have
shown us all that America means to the world -- by making certain
that we here are worthy of them. ///
Our victory sends a clear signal. To any dictator -- to any
would-be tyrant, anywhere in the world, the message is clear:
Aggression will not stand. ///
All that we have accomplished in war will be in vain, if
this nation fails to serve -- now and in the future -- as a force
for peace and stability. //
In 1948 and 1956 -- in '67 and again in '73 -- in 1982 in
Lebanon, and today in the violence of the West Bank and Gaza --
hostility has spilled over into bloodshed and open conflict. //
For too long, the passage of time in the Middle East has been
measured by wars waged. //
The work of peace begins with the liberation of Kuwait --
with a peace that makes a small nation whole. Throughout the
Middle East, we must work to put to rest the ancient enmities
that for so long have shattered the peace. //
I am pleased to report tonight that the ceasefire is holding
and appears to be secure. [[LATEST DEVELOPMENTS ON CEASEFIRE,
POWs, etc. ]]
13
historic heart and crossroads of civilization.
cultivate in ourselves -- in everything we do -- that same sense
of humanity. A saving sense of humility -- and let that kind and
generous spirit shine forth in all that America does. //
The fruits of this victory are far more than a free Kuwait.
By defending one nation's right to exist -- we made every nation
more secure. // It is that willingness to act together that is
the world's best hope for lasting peace. ///
Finally, let us pray that this pain and loss and tragedy will
move man to seek peace with all his strength.
// Let history mark this moment as a turning point in
pursuit of peace.
Let's recognize right here and now what that means for our
own defenses. It's time to turn away from politics-as-usual --
from the temptation to protect unneeded weapons systems and
obsolete bases. It's time to put an end to micro-managing
security assistance programs. It's time to enact a national
energy strategy that reduces our vulnerability to foreign oil.
In short, it is time to rise above the parochial and the pork-
barrel -- and do what's necessary and right. //
12
cultivate in ourselves -- in everything we do -- that same sense
of humanity. A saving sense of humility -- and let that kind and
generous spirit shine forth in all that America does. //
The fruits of this victory are far more than a free Kuwait.
By defending one nation's right to exist -- we made every nation
more secure. // It is that willingness to act together that is
the world's best hope for lasting peace. ///
3/09/92-1100-haass
America's Role in the Emerging World
I could not be more pleased than to be here this evening, to
have this opportunity to speak before this gathering devoted to
exploring "America's Role in the Emerging World." The subject
could not be more timely. And the auspices could not be more
appropriate. The Richard Nixon Library stands as a monument to a
President and to an administration devoted to an active,
thoughtful and above all realistic approach to the world.
The challenge faced by President Nixon could hardly have
been more daunting: How to maintain domestic support for a
foreign policy mandated by a growing Soviet threat at a time an
over-burdened America was fighting an unpopular war in Vietnam.
What emerged--the policies of detente and the doctrine that bears
use thing
the name of the 37th President-<provided a balance between
7
confrontation and cooperation, a balance between ithdrawal from
?
and engagement in the world. President Nixon managed this and
more, extricating us from a war, negotiating the first
comprehensive U.S.-Soviet arms control agreements, opening up
relations with China, mediating disengagement pacts in the Middle
this
11
And he did all this
use.
East-all while preserving a consensus at home favoring continued
engagement in world affairs.
To be sure, today's challenge is fundamentally different.
Yet it does bear some resemblance. Once again we must find a way
C
2
Today, we must
to balance withdrawal and engagement, to square the
use
responsibilities of world leadership with the requirements of
The
domestic renewal. What we must do is find a way to maintain
popular support for an active foreign policy and a strong defense
single
in the absence of an overriding external threat to our nation's
security. In this post-Cold War world, ours is the wonderful yet
better at
meeting than
no less real or difficult challenge of coping with success.
w/sdeess.
This challenge is by no means unprecedented. Think back to
the era after World War I or the years in the immediate wake of
World War II. In both instances, the American people were
anxious to bring their victorious troops home, to focus their
energies on making the American dream a reality.
histone challenge
Perhaps more instructive, though, are the differences
between our reactions following this century's two great wars.
After World War I, the United States retreated behind its oceans.
We refused to support the League of Nations. We allowed our
military forces to shrink and grow obsolete. We helped
international trade plummet, the victim of beggar-thy-neighbor
protectionism. And we stood by and watched as Germany's
struggling democracy, the Weimar Republic, failed under the
weight of reparations, protectionism and depression, and gave way
to the horror of the Third Reich.
It is true that our initial reaction to victory in World War
II showed little learning. But, galvanized by an emerging
Communist threat spearheaded by an imperialist Soviet Union, the
United States acted. NATO, the IMF, the World Bank, the Marshall
Nixon of what the Nixon
3
meant studens
Plan--these and other institutions are proof that Americans
of of peace."
grasped the nature of the challenge and the need to respond. Our
military was modernized, free trade nourished, U.S. support for
former adversaries Germany and Japan made generous. It was
fitting that Dean Acheson titled his memoirs "Present at the
Creation", for these years were truly creative.
The result, as they say, is history. We kept the peace. We
won the Cold War. Democracy is today more rule than exception.
Now, for the third time this century, we have emerged on the
winning side of a war--the Cold War--involving the great powers.
The question before us is the same: We have won the war. But
are we prepared to secure the peace?
That is a challenge we must face. We often hear that we no
longer need to worry about the world, that with the Cold War won
the United States can relax. I hear too that we cannot afford to
worry about the world, that we have done our part, that now it is
time to spend our precious resources on ourselves, to fix what
got broken here at home while we focussed on the outside world.
Already, there are voices across the political spectrum
calling- in some cases, shouting-- for America to "Come Home.' "
use
"Gut defense" they say. "Spend the peace dividend". "Shut out
this
foreign goods". "Slash foreign aid".
You all know the slogans. You all know the so-called
solutions: Protectionism. Isolationism. America First.
But now we have the have the obligation, the responsibility
to our children, to reject the false answers of isolation and
4
protection, to heed history's lessons. Turning our back on the
world is no answer. Allowing the world to become a worse place
will not make America a better place.
To the contrary, the
futures of the United States and the world we are entering are
inextricably linked.
Just why this is so could not be more clear. Yes, the world
is a safer place. Yes, the Soviet Union that we knew and feared
is no longer. But the successor republics are still struggling
to establish themselves as democracies, still struggling to make
the transition to Capitalism. We invested SO much to win the
Cold War. Can we not afford to invest what is necessary to win
the peace? If we fail, if we repeat the experience of the Weimar
Republic, we will create new problems for our security and that
of Europe and Asia. The cost of meeting such a challenge would
be far greater than the cost of avoiding it. We must support
reform, not only in Russia, but throughout the former Soviet
Union and Eastern Europe.
There are as well other challenges, the responses to which
will help determine the character of the emerging world.
odhegion
Fledgling democracies in the Americas require our help. A
historic peace process in the Middle East, one that holds out the
hope of reconciling Israel and her Arab neighbors, will not
succeed without U.S. support and leadership. Developments in
Cambodia may allow us to resolve--finally--the vestiges of
decades of bitter conflict in southeast Asia. The United Nations
at long last may be in a position to fulfill the vision of its
Looh at the threats that
5
founders. But at the same time, there are real dangers: drugs,
terrorism, disease, the environment, above all the spread of
chemical, biological and nuclear weapons together with ballistic
missiles. The post-Cold War world promises to be one of
increased diffusion of military power, one with more, not less,
chance for conflict. With SO much that is good and right within
our grasp, yet with so much still that could threaten us, to cast
off the mantle of leadership would be to betray both our
predecessors and our children, our past and our future.
Yes, carrying out a leadership role in determining the
course of the emerging world will cost money. But like any
insurance policy, the premium is cheap compared to the potential
cost of living in a warring and hostile world. Many in Congress
are calling for a peace dividend. They would have us slash
defense spending far below the reduced levels we have calculated
would be prudent. This must be resisted. The United States must
remain ready and able to keep the peace; a well-trained, well-
equipped military cannot be created overnight if and when the
this
need arises. Anyone who has ever gone to war knows that peace is
use
its own dividend.
Those who would have us do less abroad ignore the potential
for overseas developments to affect life here at home. If we had
not resisted aggression in the Gulf a year ago, if we had not
liberated Kuwait and defeated Iraq's invading army, we would now
be facing the economic consequences not of a mild recession, but
of depression brought on by Saddam Hussein's control over the
6
majority of the world's oil. It is a pipedream to believe that
we can somehow insulate our society or our economy or our lives
from the world beyond our borders.
This is not meant to suggest that we should not do more here
at home. Of course we should. We must--to improve our schools,
to fight crime and drugs, to make sure quality health care is
available to every American. But the problem is not simply one
of resources. We already spend more on health care than any
other country in the world. And we have learned that the federal
government and money alone cannot make our cities safe or keep
families intact. Some things we must do for ourselves--as
states, as communities, as families, as individuals. Foreign
policy must not be made the scapegoat for what ails America.
Isolationism is not the only temptation we need to avoid.
Protectionism is another. It too will be difficult to resist.
There are many examples of unfair trade practices where U.S.
firms get shut out of foreign markets owing to trade barriers of
one sort or another or owing to government subsidies.
But the way to bring down barriers abroad is not to raise
Drive down basins that
exist -nd
bm It new mulb.
them at home. In trade wars there are no winners, only losers.
It is not hard to see why. Prices go up. Quality and choice go
down. The Atlantic and Pacific Oceans do not form a moat. This
is no time to pull up the economic drawbridge and cut ourselves
off from the benefits of trade. Our goal should be the opposite,
to increase trade. Export growth is a proven engine for economic
growth. Every billion dollars in our exports creates 20,000 jobs
We did not win the Cold War
to make The world safe for
trade was.
7
for Americans. And we should have no doubts about the ability of
our workers and farmers to thrive in a competitive world.
We all have thoughts on how best to cope with the challenges
of the emerging world. What matters most is that we understand
the nature of the challenges and commit ourselves to engaging
them. Opting out, be it under the banner of protection or
isolation, is nothing more than a recipe for impoverishment,
weakness and, ultimately, disaster. We will need to act with the
same energy, the same generosity, the same leadership that have
made possible the current prospects for peace and prosperity. We
will have little success at persuading others to do more if we
ourselves are determined to do less.
If I can choose a theme for you to take away from what I
have to say tonight, it is this: there is no distinction between
how we fare abroad and how we live at home ) Foreign and domestic
policy are but two sides of the same coin. True, we will not be
able to lead abroad if we are not united and strong at home, but
it is no less true that we will be unable to build the society we
seek in a world where military and economic warfare is the norm.
Ladies and Gentlemen, the responsibility for supporting an
active foreign policy is one for every American. But this task
falls especially upon those in this room tonight. Many of you
helped form the consensus that served us SO well over the past
half century. Now we face a challenge no less daunting. If I
may cite your conference chairman Jim Schlesinger, "The Cold War,
despite its menace, had an elegant simplicity." I quote this not
8
out of any regret over the Cold War's passing, but to point out
the risks we face in its wake. We are entering a world that
promises to be more rather than less complicated, more rather
than less difficult to lead. And again you have a special
responsibility to help show the way.
At this point I can do no better than to echo the words of
Richard Nixon, the man responsible for our being together this
evening. "We are privileged to live at a moment of history like
none most people have ever experienced or will ever experience
again. We must seize the moment not just for ourselves but for
others. Only if this becomes a better world for others will it
be a better world for us, and only when we participate in a cause
greater than ourselves can we be fully true to ourselves."
As we look toward the future, the only thing that is certain
is that it will bring a new world. Our task--our opportunity--is
to make it an orderly one, to build a new world order of peace,
democracy and prosperity. Let us dedicate ourselves to making
the most of this precious opportunity, of this privilege.
Thank you.
nec'd 9'5 3/31
Returned
113° 3/31
Draft 2
March 30, 1992
DRAFT PRESIDENTIAL PRESS STATEMENT
I have just met with the Congressional leadership to request
their bipartisan backing for a new and comprehensive program to
support the struggle for freedom in Russia, Ukraine, Armenia and
the other new states that have replaced the Soviet Union. The
2ge
revolution we are witnessing in these states is a defining moment
in history with profound and compelling consequences for
America's own future. national interests and ideals.
The one nation that posed world-wide
But we are more than mere spectators standing on the sidelines.
The stakes are as high as any America has faced in a long time.
threat to freedom
stuggling 90 join democracy.
A victory for freedom in the former USSR creates the possibility
of a new world of peace for our children and grandchildren.
The defeat of democratic forces, however, could plunge us back
into a more dangerous world similar to the dark years of the Cold
War
mangrespects than
a world of anarchy +chaos, compounded by The existence of nuclear weapons.
the
America must rise to meet this challenge, joining in a global
[battle
effort with those who stood beside us in (the Cold War Germany,
against
the United Kingdom, Japan, France, and our other allies.
imperial
comminism]
Today we
Together, we won the Cold War.
We
must
new
win
the
peace.
This effort will require new resources from the industrial
democracies, but [nothing that would approximate what we would
[the cost
would be
have to pay if democracy and reform failed in Russia and Ukraine,
Armenia and Kazakstan. It will also require the efforts of a
nothing
companed
united America, strengthened by a consensus that transcends even
to the
the heated partisanship of a Presidential election campaign.
not simply for a new national effort -bat
price,d]
I am calling today for a new global effort to respond to this
challenge.
First, the United States and its western allies will join forces
To This end, I announce this paint plan to support the growth of democracy in the rains of communist dictororship:
in an unprecedented multilateral program to support reform in the
former USSR. The U.S. is committed to working with our allies
and the IMF to develop a $6 billion currency stabilization fund
for the Russian ruble. We will also join our key allies in
marshalling existing and Rew resources to develop an $18 billion
international program to extend additional financial support to
Russia this year. This program will help the Russian government
to close its financing gap and stabilize its economy at a
critical moment for reform. in the quest for democratic reform.
Third
Second, I am introducing today a comprehensive bill--the Support
for Freedom Act--that charts a new U.S. program of engagement and
support for the new states. This bill would:
(MAKE PROVISIONS THE BILL POINT + NEITS) 3
2
Authorize a U.S. contribution of $12 billion for IMF
replenishment, which is critical to supporting Russia and
the other new states, without spending a penny of budgetary
funds. The IMF and World Bank will be the primary source of
funding for the major financial assistance needs of the new
governments.
Give me the authority to work with the G-7 and the IMF to
put together the stabilization program for Russia, and
possible subsequent programs for other states as they embark
on landmark reforms.
Repeal restrictive old Cold War legislation to permit expanded
trade and investment with Russia and the other states. This
will allow American business to compete on an even footing
in these new markets.
Broaden use of the $500 million appropriated by Congress
last year to encompass not only the safe dismantling and
destruction of nuclear weapons, but also the broader goals
of nuclear plant safety, demilitarization and defense
conversion.
Establish a major people-to-people program between the U.S.
and the CIS states to create the type of lasting, personal
bonds among our peoples so critical to long-term peace.
second
Third, Thi I am announcing today $1.1 billion in new Commodity Credit
(Moveto)
Corporation credit guarantees for the purchase of American
agricultural products: $600 million for Russia, and an additional
$500 million for Ukraine and other states.
Let me close with a few personal reflections.
LET ME SAY to The domeccion people why we must support this program.
As President, I think every day about the challenge of securing a
peaceful future for the American people. I believe very strongly
that President Yeltsin's courageous reform program holds the
greatest hope for the future of the Russian people, and for the
security of the American people as we define a new relationship
with that great country.
For more than forty-five years the highest responsibility of nine
American Presidents, Democrats and Republicans, was to wage and
win the Cold War. It is my privilege to be the first American
President to lead the American people in winning the peace. And
I intend to do so.
Instead of containing the Soviet Union, we must now turn our
welcome
energies to embracing the people so recently freed from that
them into
tyranny I know I am asking for a commitment at a difficult time
a widening
for America, but I nonetheless do so without reservation (The
circle of
face an opportunity this year to shape a secure and peaceful
freedom.]
I know there are Phose who say
our
3
will not for be fulfilled overnight, and will likely engage our
country many years to come But it is a challenge that the
future into the next century. This enormous, historic challenge prepashs
United States must meet and win.
paras.
My message to all Americans today is that we must seize this
moment to embark on this challenge of peace. M we walk away
from it, the relief would be temporary and shallow a few more
dollars in (somebody' s) pocket If we face up to the challenge,
the
matching the courage of Russian President Boris Yeltsin,
democratic
Ukrainian President Kravchuk, Armenian President Ter-Petrosian
dreams of
and,many others, future generations of Americans will thank us
so millions many
for having had the foresight and conviction to stand up for
democracy, and to work for peace in this decade and into the next
of people,
century. For freedom, For a future blessed by peace.
93.
IF we turn away, of we
do not do what we can to
help democ. success in the lands
of the old Sovre f Union
would
our failure to act will carry
a for higher price.
DRAFT STATEMENT BY THE PRESIDENT
I have just met with the Congressional leadership to request
their bipartisan backing for a new, comprehensive, and integrated
program to support the struggle for freedom in Russia, Ukraine,
and the other new states that have replaced the Soviet Union.
The revolution in these states is a defining moment in history
with profound consequences for America's own national interests.
The stakes are as high as any American has faced in this century.
Our adversary for 45 years -- the one nation that posed a world-
wide threat to freedom and peace -- is now seeking to join the
community of democratic nations. A victory for freedom in the
former USSR creates the possibility of a new world of peace for
our children and grandchildren. A defeat could plunge us into a
world more dangerous in some respects than the dark years of the
Cold War.
America must meet this challenge, joining with those who stood
beside us in the battle against imperial communism -- Germany,
the United Kingdom, Japan, France, and our other allies.
Together, we won the Cold War. Today we must win the peace.
This effort will require new resources from the industrial
democracies, but nothing like the price we would pay if democracy
and reform failed in Russia and Ukraine, Armenia, Byelarus or the
other new states. It will require the efforts of a united
2
America, strengthened by a consensus that transcends even the
heated partisanship of a Presidential election campaign. Today I
call upon Congress, Republicans and Democrats alike, and the
American people, to stand behind this united effort.
Our national effort must be part of a global effort. I have been
in contact with Chancellor Kohl, Prime Minister Major, and other
key allies, to discuss our plans, and to assure them of the high
priority I place on the success of this effort.
To this end, I would like to announce today a three-point plan --
six months in the making -- to support democracy in the states of
the former Soviet Union:
First, the United States has been working with its western allies
and the international financial institutions on an unprecedented
multilateral program to support reform in the newly independent
states. The success of this program will depend upon their
commitment to reform and willingness to work with the
international community.
Russia has already exhibited that commitment, and I am announcing
today that the U.S. is prepared to join in a substantial
multilateral financial assistance package in support of Russia's
reforms. We are committed to developing, with our allies and the
IMF, a $6 billion currency stabilization fund to help maintain
confidence in the Russian ruble. The U.S. will also join in a
multilateral effort to marshall $18 billion in financial support
in 1992 to assist Russian efforts to stabilize and restructure
3
their economy. I urge the G-7 Finance ministers to complete
action on this $24 billion package by the end of April.
Second, I am transmitting to Congress a comprehensive bill -- the
Freedom Support Act -- to mobilize the Executive Branch, the
Congress, and our private sector around a comprehensive and
integrated package of support for the new states. This package
will:
-- Authorize a U.S. quota increase of $12 billion for the IMF,
which is critical to supporting Russia and the other new
states. The IMF and World Bank will be the primary source
of funding for the major financial assistance needs of the
new governments. The U.S. quota increase for the IMF was
specifically assumed in the budget agreement, and need not
require a single penny of U.S. cash outlays.
--
Strengthen my authority to work with the G-7 and the IMF to
put together the stabilization program for Russia, and
possible subsequent programs for other states as they embark
on landmark reforms.
Repeal restrictive Cold War legislation so that American
business can compete on an even footing in these new
markets.
--
Broaden use of the $500 million appropriated by Congress
last year to encompass not only the safe dismantling and
destruction of nuclear weapons, but also the broader goals
4
of nuclear plant safety, demilitarization and defense
conversion.
--
Establish a major people-to-people program between the U.S.
and the states of the former Soviet Union to create the type
of lasting, personal bonds among our peoples so critical to
long-term peace.
In sending this authorization legislation to Congress, I call
upon the Congress to act concurrently to provide the
appropriations necessary to make these authorizations a reality.
Third, I am announcing today $1.1 billion in new Commodity Credit
Corporation credit guarantees for the purchase of American
agricultural products: $600 million for U.S. sales to Russia, and
an additional $500 million for U.S. sales to Ukraine and other
states.
Let me close on a personal note.
As President, I think every day about the challenge of securing a
peaceful future for the American people. I believe very strongly
that President Yeltsin's courageous reform program holds the
greatest hope for the future of the Russian people, and for the
security of the American people as we define a new relationship
with that great country.
For more than forty-five years the highest responsibility of nine
American Presidents, Democrats and Republicans, was to wage and
5
win the Cold War. It is my privilege to lead the American people
in winning the peace by embracing the people so recently freed
from tyranny -- to welcome them into the community of democratic
nations. I know there are those who say we should pull back --
concentrate our energies, our interest and our resources on
pressing domestic problems. I ask them to think of the
consequences here at home of peace in the world.
We must seize this moment. If we turn away, if we do not do what
we can to help democracy succeed in the lands of the old Soviet
Union -- our failure to act will carry a far higher price. If we
face up to the challenge, matching the courage of Russian
President Boris Yeltsin, Ukrainian President Kravchuk, Armenian
President Ter-Petrosian and many others, future generations of
Americans will thank us for having had the foresight and
conviction to stand up for democracy and to work for peace in
this decade and into the next century.
1
THE WHITE HOUSE
Washington
THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE ON ENVIRONMENTAL QUALITY
To the Congress of the United States:
At this time of year, when the breeze grows warmer and the
Earth comes alive with new life, it is appropriate that we pause
as a nation to reexamine our stewardship of the Earth's many
blessings.
That is why I am pleased to report that 1990 was a
banner year in the federal government's efforts to enhance
environmental quality:
We enacted the Clean Air Act Amendments of 1990, providing
the United States with the world's most advanced,
comprehensive, and market-oriented laws to address air
pollution, including acid precipitation, urban air quality,
toxic industrial pollutants, and global ozone layer
depletion;
We adopted an international agreement to phase out
chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) and other substances that deplete
the Earth's ozone layer, which protects us from harmful
solar radiation;
We enacted the Oil Pollution Act of 1990 and adopted a major
international agreement to strengthen laws related to oil
pollution prevention, liability, and response;
2
We enacted, as part of the 1990 Farm Bill, measures to
increase conservation in rural areas and farms across the
nation; and,
We made a host of other specific commitments to stewardship,
including the expansion of national parks, wildlife refuges,
NATREE
and recreation areas; the establishment of a foundation to
TRUST
stimulate national tree planting in the 1990s; and the
schame)s n
suspension for ten years of oil and gas leasing in large
areas of the Outer Continental Shelf pending further
environmental and resource analysis.
progress has come from working in partnership -
In each case, working together with the 101st Congress, state and
local governments, environmental and conservation groups,
corporations, educators, and scores of individuals -- not to
mention foreign governments and international institutions.
I
am proud that our Administration played a catalytic and
constructive role in the fuller realization of environmental
quality.
As a nation, we can be proud of our environmental track
record. Our skies are clearer, our lakes and streams are
cleaner, and our major technologies are less wasteful. Even so,
we continue to be sobered by ecological degradation at home and
abroad. [more?] In the coming decade, the challenge of
stewardship will requires creativity and hard work. Therefore I have
EVEn more
Laiset
established our Administration's national strategy for
from
environmental quality, based upon the following six principles:
p.6.
Harnessing the power of the marketplace, herever possible,
we am 7 whit est free enforgance in sendito the enviro,
since free markets provide for greater creativity and
3
with
fulfillment of our freedoms and economic aspirations than
end
central bureaucracies ever can;
We must ev pund our
Enhancing stewardship enhancing our efforts to understand
and protect the functional integrity of our environment;
Promoting creative partnerships, between the public and
We ant we mark
private sectors that break down arbitrary barriers and
between The pablic
x
prote
utilize the enthusiasm and expertise of citizen volunteers;
It's past time we
Sectoras
Seeking cooperative international solutions. to the many
recognize that many
environmental problems that recognize no borders;
Preventing or reducing pollution. before.it comes out of the
we numt We 'n focus to
There in no reason to think about
years
end of a pipe; and,
pollution as a problem "at The
we Zue
end of the Line! we must take
Enforcing our existing environmental laws vigorously and
measures
firmly to ensure the effectiveness of existing laws and
to stop
pollution
regulations purt be make effective.
before it
Taken together, these principles and the programs that put begins.
them into action Arepresent a turning point in American
environmental affairs. No longer should we as a nation focus on
what is in Fact
isolated fragments of a holistic problem.
Nor should we accept
rigid, short-sighted measures that stymie innovation,
movel simply shift
trem
pollution around, or impose unnecessary costs.
To the contrary,
nice
the holistic integrity of the environment is essential to our
please
quality of life, and must be integrated with all of our economic,
social, and international policies. This means that wherever
policies of the past sacrificed jobs, competitiveness, or
technological innovation, we must review them carefully and adopt
the appropriate reforms.
The nation requires an environmental
4
strategy that is comprehensive, adaptable, and compatible with
other national goals.
In the coming months, our Administration will pursue a
number of new environmental initiatives to advance our
environmental strategy. Many changes in our daily ways of doing
business will occur as the departments and agencies begin to
implement ambitious new laws Also, last December I established
Emphasis
by Executive Order the President's Commission on Environmental
that
Quality (PCEQ). The PCEQ will soon be at work building public
that for the prejent "wh that
private partnerships for concrete results in the areas of
pollution prevention, conservation, education, and international
cooperation. A competition for Presidential Awards for
Achievement in Environmental Quality will stimulate voluntary
activity and recognize the outstanding efforts of individuals and
organizations.
In the legislative arena, we will work with the 102nd
nove
up?
Congress toward enactment of Clean Water Act Amendments, seeking
to replicate the success of the clean air debate in incorporating
market-oriented measures to improve water quality. We will also
recommend amendments to promote further our goal of no-net-loss
of wetlands. I ask the Congress to study and act upon our
National Energy Strategy which, if implemented, Я would provide a
balanced national energy policy of increased energy efficiency,
use of alternative fuels, and environmentally responsible
development of all U.S. energy resources.
I also urge the Congress to give the environment a place at
at the Cabinet table by creating a Department of the Environment
I
from the Environmental Protection Agency. Given the importance
of environmental matters, both domestically and internationally,
EPA is already accorded equal status with other major Federal
departments by this Administration. However, we believe this
policy should be established in law as well as in everyday
practice, without extraneous provisions that would interfere with
the effective administration of environmental law.
Looking beyond purely domestic concerns, I am stating once
again my strong desire to conclude an international convention on
global climate change in time for its signing at the 1992 United
Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED '92) in
Brazil. In our view, such a convention should be comprehensive
in scope, addressing all sources and sinks of greenhouse gases,
adaptation measures and emission levels, and continued scientific
research as well as policy responses.
Our preparations for the UNCED '92 conference will provide
several other opportunities for cooperative global environmental
progress. For example, the international market for U.S.
environmental goods and services is already valued in excess of
$60 billion, and it is growing. I have asked the Department of
Commerce to assess that market and, working with the private
sector, to explore the opportunities to create new jobs while
here at home and
enhancing the quality of life for our friends around the globe.
I also hope we can move forward on U.S. proposals for a global
forestry convention; and proposals for economic/environmental
assistance in several regions, including Latin America and the
Caribbean, Eastern and Central Europe, and the Middle East.
Need state to characterize
attitude at "besining" of
6
Enviro. mumt - circa 1970.
The causes and effects of our environmental problems are
diverse and complex. Unlike the situation in 1970, however, we
have now learned a great deal about both the problems and the
solutions. We have learned that the problems are serious and
persistent. But we have also learned that we can reduce
*
environmental problems, current and prospective, through rigorous
that
Boonomy than
analysis, constructive dialogue, and hard work. As a new era of
knowledge and action dawns, we will continue to employ the best
tools and ideas and realize a more productive harmony between
loched a sum zergame t That
civilization and the environment
we
enbit
&
the
of
enviro....
GEORGE BUSH
can
in
We have raised our sights, and our sense of mission is
use
strengthened by several factors: our unprecedented scientific
this-
and technological capabilities; the public's strong and enduring
on
commitment; and the federal government's newfound sense of its
p.z.
environmental strategy for the 1990s.
The accomplishments of recent months lend a sense of optimism,
but we should not forget the diverse contributions of earlier
generations of Americans such as Lewis and Clark, Henry David
Thoreau, Teddy Roosevelt, Aldo Leopold, and Edmund Muskie.
Indeed, just as their legacies shape our lives today, our own
efforts will be judged by future generations.
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
5/9
Chriss: The text mat it marked
with arrows from page 8 to
page 11 is very sensitive stull.
The economic working group is
SH still Joing the report on
assible proposals, so this
staff is not fully blened by
anyone. It's included on or example see
what we world We to we
in of general Grass, and how
might have the speech flow.
Im when -
PRESIDENT'S COMMENCEMENT SPEECH AT
THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN
SATURDAY, MAY 19, 1990
(Opening touches, comments about University of Texas at Austin
and other flourishes)
Today, I want to look ahead through the decade of the 1990's and
into the next century. My purpose is to propose a common vision,
one that I believe is shared-- and should be shared-- by all the
people of this hemisphere.
The policy of the US will be directed at making this vision a
reality. Cynics will say that this vision is an illusion, but I
know they are wrong, because we are already close to making it a
reality.
What am I suggesting? It is the following: A Hemisphere of
Democracy, stretching from Alaska in the north to Antarctica in
the south; living at peace, with increasing prosperity, and free
from the menace of narcotic drugs.
In pursuit of this policy during the 1990's, we propose to do the
following: We will support democracy and human rights. We will
promote demilitarization and nuclear non-proliferation. We will
work together with the Latin American countries to combine our
assistance with their forward-looking economic policies to
2
achieve increased prosperity and the just distribution of its
fruits. And we will strive--both by reducing demand at home and
by interdicting illegal production abroad-- to rid our cities and
streets of narcotic drugs.
This is a vision and a policy of openness. It is open to
dialogue and willing to accept differences of view. We do not
fear political pluralism. Nor are we afraid of frank exchanges
of views with our neighbors. We believe that the progress toward
democracy throughout the hemisphere will demonstrate that we
indeed have moved closer to a mature partnership.
The decade of the 1980's was a time of transition in many Latin
American countries. Central America moved from a period of
military domination to civilian rule. The same is true for many
of the South American countries. These processes seemed to
accelerate during the last year of the decade and the first
several months of this year:
Chile completed its transition to civilian rule.
Brazil chose its first directly elected president in almost
three decades.
Paraguay shucked off a superannuated dictatorship, and has
held its first truly open elections.
3
-- The OAS and the UN supervised peaceful elections in
Nicaragua, and guaranteed that the overwhelming vote for
Dona Violeta was respected.
-- The people of Panama have been able to throw off a corrupt
and repressive dictatorship to begin building a new
demilitarized democracy.
-- We are hopeful that the changes which have been taking place
in Haiti will also lead this year to internationally
supervised democratic elections.
Ironically, however, these immensely important changes were
obscured by the riveting events of Eastern and Central Europe
during the last twelve months. And as a result of this, a number
of Latin American and Caribbean leaders have expressed worry that
the United States will disengage from this hemisphere, to devote
its energies and resources to Europe.
I would like to give the following reply to these concerns: Yes,
the events of the last year in Europe have been revolutionary.
Yes, they have caused us to look again at our defense needs and
the future of our alliance relationships. Yes, the year 1992
will signal new challenges in our relations with an integrating
Europe.
However, I am personally interested in and committed to
maintaining excellent relations with our Caribbean and Latin
American neighbors. Over the last month, I have met with leaders
4
of Honduras, Venezuela, Panama, Jamaica, and Bolivia at the White
Cof
House. I have spoken on numerous occasions by telephone to
A.
President Salinas of Mexico, President Collor of Brazil, and
President Barco of Colombia. Vice President Quayle has made
three trips to the region since January, and I plan to visit five
announce
countries of South America this fall. As for 1992, this may be
an important year for Europe, but it is also the year in which
this hemisphere will celebrate together the 500th anniversary of
Columbus epic voyages of discovery.
As long as I am president, our hemispheric neighborhood will be
one of constant and open communication and contact. Our
relations demand it and our commitment to democracy makes it
indispensable. There can be no Hemisphere of Democracy if
leaders cannot speak to each other directly, rapidly, (?) and
candidly.
Another point that must be made is that United States relations
with this hemisphere will be sensitive to differences among our
neighbors. Our relationship with Mexico, for example, is unique
in our relations in this hemisphere. We not only share a common
border, but we are linked by vital lines of commerce, language
and culture. Excellent and productive relations with Mexico are
and will remain fundamental to U.S. security and prosperity.
In Central America, our efforts are directed at consolidation of
democracy, reconciliation and demilitarization. Our Congress
recently passed legislation authorizing more than $700 million in
assistance to Panama and Nicaragua, which will be used wisely to
5
get these countries on their feet economically. Likewise in El
Salvador, our aid is directed at the need to preserve a
democratically elected government, while encouraging the
antagonists in the conflict there to find solutions which will
guarantee political space and human rights within a functioning
democratic system.
Our ties with the Andean region are dominated by the issue of
drugs. At the Cartagena summit in February, we agreed on a
strategy that requires the United States to increase efforts to
reduce demand for drugs here, and committed Colombia, Peru, and
Bolivia to implement efforts to reduce supply through
eradication, interdiction, and alternative development. This is
a good policy, and I will work with these countries and with our
Congress to insure that this fight obtains adequate funding for
the time that is required to rid us of the drug menace.
With the southern cone countries of Brazil, Argentina, and Chile,
economic issues have been at the top of the bilateral agenda.
But this should not obscure the fact that our dialogue with them
has changed in ways one would expect for today's mature
relationship. We recognize the immense size of Brazil-- the
world's eighth largest economy-- and Brazil's importance not only
as a democratic example but also as a guardian of much of the
oxygen that we breathe. Argentina continues its efforts to break
out of the strait-jacket imposed by previous statist policies,
and we will do what we can to help. Chile is farthest advanced
down the road to economic reform, and we want to take action to
relation to
MFN?
6
restore GSP and make our economic relations even more active and
productive.
A discussion of our relations with these countries would not be
NON-
complete if I did not touch on the issue of non-proliferation.
PROUF.
The Tlatelolco agreement has made this hemisphere an example of
the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. I would like to call on all
countries, but especially those which have advanced scientific
capability, to strengthen the non-proliferation regime in this
hemisphere. This should include a renewed commitment to peaceful
uses of nuclear energy and to full-scope safeguards for nuclear
material and facilities under international supervision. This is
not a North-South issue. This is an issue for the safety of this
hemisphere and the safety of mankind.
Democracy in the English-speaking Caribbean is strong, and we
want it to remain that way. I have made a commitment to this
region to give it effective access to the U.S. market through the
extension of the Caribbean Basin Initiative, and with the help of
the Congress, I will carry through with this commitment.
I cannot leave this very broad-brush discussion of the variety
CUBA
and complexity of our relations with Latin America without saying
a few brief words about Cuba. Unfortunately, as Marxism has
faded into irrelevance elsewhere, Cuba continues to cling
doggedly to a tattered old orthodoxy. We would like Cuba to join
the march of democracy. There is room for Cuba among the
democracies of this hemisphere. The people of Cuba deserve no
less. If Cuba chooses to open its windows to the fresh breezes
7
of democracy and economic reform that are blowing through the
world, they will not find the U.S. hostile. But international
respectability requires an end to repression at home and
CUBA
subversion abroad. If our vision of a Hemisphere of Democracy is
to be a reality, we and the other democracies of this hemisphere
must insist on this point.
Devel.
ECON.
Let me turn now to a second major topic-- that of development and
prosperity. A commitment to democracy carries with it a
corollary obligation-- to work to better the lives and welfare of
the governed. In some cases, this progress will have to be
purchased with painful and even difficult economic reforms.
These reforms need to be taken, and are being taken, in most
countries of this region. Ultimately, however, the democracies
have to hold out the prospect of greater prosperity economic
opportunity. The United States wants to be helpful in this
effort.
There are several areas where the U.S. has already taken action.
The extension of the Caribbean Basin Initiative is one of these.
So is the Andean Trade Initiative which I announced last fall,
and which is making progress through the Congress and the U.S.
trade policy system. The Brady Plan is another- I am delighted
that Brady Plan agreements have been worked out with Mexico,
Costa Rica, and Venezuela. Our economic assistance continues
both in bilateral and multilateral mechanisms. Finally, we have
been working with other major donors to stimulate interest in
Latin America and coordinate our assistance efforts.
8
These policies have served as a foundation for our economic
relations with Latin America. But I wanted to make certain that
these are the right measures for the 1990's and beyond. So
earlier this year I asked my economic advisers to examine our
economic and trade relations with Latin America, asking them to
look carefully at countries and policies which had succeeded, and
to come up with recommendations on how the United States can help
promote sustained economic growth that will complement the growth
of democracy in this hemisphere.
This review is now complete. It covered (a) Trade policy, (b)
economic assistance, (c) debt policy, and (d) Investment policy.
Today I am prepared to announce important initiatives in each of
these areas.
First, trade policy. I propose that the countries of this
region establish the Democratic Hemisphere Free Trade Area.
It could be based on three requirements: democratic
civilian form of government, a market-oriented economy based
on sound trade and monetary policies, and a commitment to
remove all trade and investment barriers. I would envision
a ten-year phase-in period for such a Free Trade Agreement.
As an incentive, the U.S. would be prepared in the first
five years to offer unilateral duty-free and quota-free
access to our market for most items. In exchange the Latin
American countries would commit themselves to eliminate
barriers among themselves. In the final five years, Latin
9
America would eliminate its market access barriers to the
United States and Canada.
Let there be no mistake. This would be a complicated
undertaking. But it would mean that those who engage in it
would have no turning back from a course of full economic
integration of a democratic hemisphere. The challenges
would be great. But we are prepared to meet them.
Second, I intend to request that the Congress eliminate the
domestic sugar program and replace it with a higher tariff.
Those countries which are beneficiaries of CBI and GSP would
have unrestricted access to the U.S. market. This would be
consistent with GATT and would reward efficient producers in
Latin America and elsewhere. I am also prepared to consider
modifications in specific sectoral policies such as cotton
imports, aviation, tariffs on other manufactured products,
aviation and shipping.
With regard to economic assistance, I am proposing the following:
Creation of a $100 million fund for small countries--principally
Central America and the Caribbean- that would reward those
countries which have implemented sound economic policies, such as
the negotiation and implementation of bilateral investment
treaties. These funds could only be used to support private
enterprises. Second, I will propose at the July Summit in
Houston that the donor countries represented there create a
multiple donor fund for Central America and the Caribbean, which
would provide up to $300 million annually in grants to countries
10
which carry out investment reforms. The U.S. would be prepared
to contribute $100 million annually out of new or reallocated
funds. Finally, I wish to announce that it is my intention to
have our bilateral economic assistance more closely linked to
economic policy performance criteria. Those who are willing to
do what it takes to bring about reform will be first in line for
our assistance.
The third area which I wish to address is debt policy. This is
an area where the Brady Plan is working, but we have noted two
different problems-- those involving the poorest countries, and
those involving countries whose debt is owed mostly to official
?
3
or
IFI creditors. I would like to see Toronto Terms extended to
such countries as Guyana and Haiti. Second, the United States
would like to propose longer maturities (possibly 14 years on
scheduled export credits and 20 years on aid loans) within the
Paris Club for lower middle income countries. This would help
such countries as Costa Rica, Honduras, Jamaica, Nicaragua, and
Peru. It would also prove beneficial to other countries such as
Egypt, Poland, Indonesia, and Morocco, to name a few.
In pursuit of a better environment in this hemisphere, I would
also like to see the IDB take a more active role in facilitating
debt-for-nature swaps. Much more can be done in this area; the
environment can be protected, and debt can be more effectively
managed.
Fourth, in the area of investment, I have the following
proposals. First, I urge our partners in this region to enter
11
into bilateral investment agreements with us. These should cover
national treatment, expropriation, unrestricted financial
transfers, arbitration, and performance requirements. I also
believe that we should create a regional arbitration facility. I
realize that this means working around the obstacle posed by the
(?)
Calvo Doctrine, but I believe that the time has come to do so. I
pledge that the Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC)
will take a more active role in Latin America if we can make
these improvements in the investment environment.
I also believe that to study these proposals in depth, we should
convene a high-level regional conference focusing exclusively on
investment in this hemisphere. If Latin America is going to stop
the slide in its relative position in world trade, it has to be
more effective in attracting investment. We can work together in
a mature partnership toward this objective.
These are my proposals in outline form. To bring them to
fruition will require a great deal of work, and in some cases
will require totally new ways of thinking about Latin American
involvement in world trade. I emphasize that I am receptive to
hearing the ideas of others. Nobody can go it alone in this
world, SO we have to look for ways to work together. These ideas
are meant to get this process going, but they are serious
proposals, and I would like to follow through on them.
Developments in Europe will not distract us from an active
involvement with Latin America and the Caribbean. A Hemisphere
12
of Democracy is possible. We will work with you to achieve it in
this decade and into the next century.
(Final flourishes as needed)
Draft as of: May 9, 1990
FORGIVE ALL OFFICIAL
DEBT.
(EPC- has it signed off?)
NEED: CofA: lang. on
Free Trade Zone.
GRAND CANYON \ WEDNESDAY, SEPT. 18, 1991 \ 9:50 A.M.
THANK YOU, Gov. SYMINGTON, FOR THAT INTRODUCTION.
RIGHT NOW, I'D LIKE TO SALUTE TWO MEMBERS OF MY
ADMINISTRATION: SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR MANUEL LUJAN
AND EPA ADMINISTRATOR BILL REILLY. SEN. McCAIN, SEN.
DECONCINI, REP. BoB STUMP AND REP. JON KYL, WELCOME.
I'M GLAD YOU COULD JOIN US TODAY.
I LOVE RETURNING TO THIS AREA. THIS SPOT IN
PARTICULAR REMINDS ME OF THAT OLD POLITICAL ADAGE:
NEVER MOVE BACKWARD.
- 2 -
[[I'M ALWAYS AMAZED AT THE SHEER SIZE OF THIS
PLACE. COMING FROM WASHINGTON, I'M TEMPTED TO SAY THAT
IT LOOKS LIKE SOMETHING THAT STARTED OUT AS A TRENCH
-- AND WENT OVER BUDGET. ]] //
As MANY OF YOU KNOW, I LOVE THE OUTDOORS -- THE
SPORTS, THE RECREATION, THE BEAUTY. LET ME TELL YOU,
YOU JUST CAN'T FIND BETTER A OUTDOOR ATTRACTION THAN
THIS.
- 3 -
MANY TIMES, WHAT YOU DON'T SEE IS AS IMPRESSIVE AS
WHAT YOU DO. HERE, AS WE LOOK OVER THE SOUTH RIM OF
THE WORLD'S GREATEST NATURAL WONDER, WE SEE ARIZONA
SKIES, WE SEE THE KALEIDOSCOPIC BEAUTY OF THE GRAND
CANYON, WE SEE A PLACE THAT HAS MADE EVEN THE MOST
CALLOUSED OBSERVER GASP WITH AWE.
WE DON'T SEE SMOG -- TODAY. BUT SOMETIMES SMOKE
AND FUMES OBSCURE THIS LOVELY VIEW. WE'RE HERE TO SAY:
No MORE.
- 4 -
THE NAVAJO VISIBILITY RULE -- THE RULE WE WILL SIGN
TODAY -- HONORS TEDDY ROOSEVELT'S ADMONITION ABOUT THE
GRAND CANYON: "LEAVE IT AS IT IS. You CANNOT IMPROVE
ON IT. THE AGES HAVE BEEN AT WORK ON IT, AND MAN CAN
ONLY MAR IT. WHAT YOU CAN DO IS TO KEEP IT FOR YOUR
CHILDREN, YOUR CHILDREN'S CHILDREN, AND ALL WHO COME
AFTER YOU, AS ONE OF THE GREAT SIGHTS WHICH EVERY
AMERICAN -- IF HE CAN TRAVEL AT ALL -- SHOULD SEE."
- 5 -
THE VISIBILITY RULE WILL HELP ENSURE CLEANER
SKIES -- AND MORE BREATHTAKING VISTAS FOR VISITORS. IT
HELPS PRESERVE THIS SPECTACULAR TREASURE WITHOUT
SHUTTING DOWN THE ELECTRICITY GENERATION INDUSTRY,
WITHOUT FORCING PEOPLE TO CHOOSE BETWEEN THE
ENVIRONMENT AND THEIR JOBS.
- 6 -
IF PEOPLE THINK THE REVOLUTION IN THE SOVIET UNION
WAS SPECTACULAR, THEY OUGHT TO COME HERE. WHO EVER
THOUGHT THAT WE'D BE ABLE TO GET THE GRAND CANYON
TRUST, THE ENVIRONMENTAL DEFENSE FUND, THE SALT RIVER
PROJECT AND THE ARIZONA PUBLIC SERVICE COMPANY TO SHARE
THE SPOTLIGHT -- AND AS PARTNERS IN AN HISTORIC
AGREEMENT?
- 7 -
A LOT OF PEOPLE HERE DESERVE A HAND. // SEN.
McCAIN, Gov. SYMINGTON, REPRESENTATIVES OF THE
ENVIRONMENTAL COMMUNITY, OF THE UTILITY INDUSTRY. //
AND WE OWE A SPECIAL THANKS To BILL REILLY, OUR EPA
ADMINISTRATOR. BILL REILLY'S EPA HAS TRIED TO PROMOTE
A SERIES OF COOPERATIVE VENTURES, BASED ON THE COMMON
SENSE VIEW THAT YOU CAN GET FURTHER BY SEEKING PEOPLE'S
HELP THAN BY SUING THEM.
- 8 -
THE EPA's GREEN LIGHTS PROGRAM ENCOURAGES THE VOLUNTARY
USE OF ENERGY EFFICIENT LIGHTING. GREEN LIGHTS
PROMOTES ENERGY CONSERVATION, WHICH SAVES ELECTRICITY
AND CUTS DOWN ON POLLUTION.
OUR VOLUNTARY PROGRAM TO REDUCE TOXIC EMISSIONS HAS
ENLISTED MORE THAN 200 COMPANIES, WHO TOGETHER HAVE
PROMISED TO CUT TOXIC EMISSIONS BY MORE THAN 200
MILLION POUNDS A YEAR.
- 9 -
AND TODAY'S AGREEMENT OFFERS FURTHER PROOF THAT
BILL'S OWN BRAND OF SHUTTLE DIPLOMACY HAS HELPED
ELIMINATE ENVIRONMENTAL GRIDLOCK AND PRODUCE THE KIND
OF CONSENSUS THAT ENABLES US TO TAKE CARE OF OUR PLANET
-- AND OUR ECONOMY.
THESE AGREEMENTS ILLUSTRATE A CRUCIAL ELEMENT OF
OUR ADMINISTRATION'S VISION FOR AMERICA'S FUTURE. BUT
BEFORE I GO FURTHER, I JUST HAVE TO ASK: How's THIS FOR
A VISION THING? 11
- 10 -
TODAY'S EVENT CELEBRATES THE KIND OF CIVILITY AND
COOPERATION OUR ADMINISTRATION HAS PROMOTED FOR OUR
ENTIRE SOCIETY. FOR TOO MANY YEARS, AMERICANS HAVE
DIVIDED INTO FEUDING CAMPS -- PEOPLE SPARRING OVER
CAUSES; SPECIAL INTERESTS BATTLING IT OUT AGAINST
SPECIAL INTERESTS; AND so ON. WE HAVE OVERLOOKED THE
FACT THAT MOST AMERICANS SHARE A BROADER SET OF GOALS
AND BELIEFS, WHICH WE CALL THE AMERICAN DREAM.
- 11 -
WE NEED TO REVIVE THAT DREAM AND INVITE PEOPLE TO JOIN
US IN PURSUING IT -- REGARDLESS OF THEIR PARTY,
BACKGROUND OR IDEOLOGY.
11
MOST OF US WANT A LOT OF THE SAME THINGS. AROUND
HERE, FOR INSTANCE, EVERYONE WANTED TO PRESERVE THE
CANYON -- AND THE LOCAL ECONOMY. No ONE WANTS AN
ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY THAT PERMITS THE WANTON
DESTRUCTION OF OUR NATURAL TREASURES. NOR CAN WE
AFFORD A POLICY THAT MAKES THE AMERICAN WORKER AN
ENDANGERED SPECIES.
- 12 -
OUR POLICIES SHOULD PROMOTE ECONOMIC GROWTH; CREATE NEW
JOBS -- AND LET EVERYONE ENJOY THE GRANDEUR OF THE
OUTDOORS.
WE CAN ACHIEVE OUR MOST IMPORTANT GOALS ONLY BY
WORKING TOGETHER -- TAKING ADVANTAGE OF OUR DIVERSE
SKILLS, ABILITIES, COMMITMENTS AND PASSIONS. IF WE
DIVIDE. UP LIKE HATFIELDS AND McCoys, WE DON'T
ACCOMPLISH ANYTHING WORTHWHILE. WE JUST DESTROY
OURSELVES AND THE CAUSES WE HOLD DEAR.
- 13 -
TEN YEARS AGO, AS CHAIRMAN OF THE PRESIDENTIAL TASK
FORCE ON REGULATORY RELIEF, I CALLED FOR GREATER USE OF
INFORMAL NEGOTIATION TECHNIQUES -- INSTEAD OF
LITIGATION -- AND FOR MARKET-BASED APPROACHES TO
CONTROLLING POLLUTION. THIS AGREEMENT SHOWS THAT THOSE
INNOVATIONS WORK. So DOES THE LANDMARK CLEAN AIR AcT,
WHICH I SIGNED LAST YEAR -- AND IN THE PROCESS BROKE A
LOGJAM THAT HAD PREVENTED PROGRESS FOR A DOZEN YEARS.
- 14 -
OUR ADMINISTRATION HAS CRAFTED A NEW, COMMON SENSE
APPROACH TO ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES -- ONE THAT HONORS OUR
LOVE OF THE ENVIRONMENT AND OUR COMMITMENT TO ECONOMIC
GROWTH. IN JUST THE LAST YEAR, WE'VE SIGNED BILLS TO
PREVENT OIL SPILLS AND PROTECT THE ANTARCTIC. WE'VE
INITIATED A PROGRAM TO PLANT A BILLION TREES A YEAR
AROUND THE COUNTRY. WE'VE LAUNCHED A MASSIVE EFFORT TO
PROTECT OUR PUBLIC LANDS.
- 15 -
OUR COOPERATIVE EFFORTS GO STILL FURTHER. JUST
THIS SUMMER THE EPA, KEY ENVIRONMENTAL GROUPS, AND THE
PETROLEUM INDUSTRY REACHED AN EXTRAORDINARY AGREEMENT
ON REFORMULATED GASOLINE -- ANOTHER GIANT STEP TOWARD
CLEANER AIR -- AND ANOTHER STEP TOWARD IMPROVING
VISIBILITY HERE AT THE GRAND CANYON.
- 16 -
RECENT WORLD EVENTS MAKE IT CLEAR THAT FREE MARKETS
AND ECONOMIC GROWTH PROVIDE THE FIRMEST FOUNDATION FOR
EFFECTIVE ENVIRONMENTAL STEWARDSHIP. PEOPLE TEND TO
FORGET THAT ENVIRONMENTAL STEWARDSHIP IS A HIGH-TECH
BUSINESS, AND IT REQUIRES GREAT INGENUITY AND INSIGHT.
SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY GIVE US TOOLS FOR CLEANING OUR
ENVIRONMENT AND KEEPING IT CLEAN. THEY HELP US
IDENTIFY OUR PROBLEMS PRECISELY, AND DEVELOP EFFICIENT
SOLUTIONS.
- 17 -
OUR GENIUS WILL OPEN UP NEW FRONTIERS OF CLEAN
ENERGY: NUCLEAR POWER, SOLAR POWER, GEOTHERMAL POWER,
AND OTHERS THAT EXIST ONLY IN THE IMAGINATIONS OF OUR
DREAMERS AND INNOVATORS.
IT'S NO SURPRISE THAT THE POOREST NATIONS -- THOSE
NOT BLESSED WITH PROSPEROUS, GROWING ECONOMIES --
SUFFER THE WORST, MOST SWEEPING ENVIRONMENTAL
DEGRADATION.
- 18 -
IT'S ALSO NATURAL THAT NATIONS WEIGHED DOWN BY
CENTRALLY PLANNED ECONOMIES -- NATIONS THAT DON'T ENJOY
FREE MARKETS -- WOULD EXPERIENCE HORRENDOUS POLLUTION.
IN EASTERN EUROPE, THE SOVIET UNION, THE FORMER
SOCIALIST WORLD: CLEAN AIR AND WATER HAVE BEEN MORE
SCARCE THAN CONSUMER GOODS.
IN CONTRAST, OUR ECONOMIC EXPANSION OF THE 1980s
WAS ACCOMPANIED BY AN UNPRECEDENTED IMPROVEMENT IN AIR
QUALITY.
- 19 -
EPA FIGURES SHOW, FOR INSTANCE, THAT SULPHUR DIOXIDE
LEVELS FELL 24 PERCENT IN THE EIGHTIES; CARBON MONOXIDE
LEVELS DROPPED 25 PERCENT; SUSPENDED PARTICULATE
EMISSIONS DECREASED 15 PERCENT; AND WE HAD 87 PERCENT
LESS LEAD IN OUR AIR AT THE DECADE'S END THAN WE DID IN
1980. AND I PROMISE YOU: WE'LL DO EVEN BETTER IN THE
1990s.// TODAY'S AGREEMENT REPRESENTS A GOOD START: IT
WILL REDUCE SULFUR DIOXIDE EMISSIONS FROM THE NAVAJO
GENERATING PLANT BY 90 PERCENT. //
- 20 -
IN YEARS TO COME, WE WILL FACE TOUGHER CHALLENGES,
AND OUR ADMINISTRATION HAS TAKEN STEPS TO MEET THEM.
WE HAVE DEVOTED SIGNIFICANT RESOURCES TO GATHERING
CRUCIAL DATA ABOUT GLOBAL WARMING, DEFORESTATION, OZONE
DEPLETION AND THE POLAR ICECAPS -- ALL ELEMENTS OF
GLOBAL CHANGE.
WE HAVE BEGUN USING SATELLITES TO DEVELOP SUBTLE,
SOPHISTICATED AND USEFUL MODELS FOR STUDYING OUR PLANET
-- FOR DETERMINING JUST WHAT PROBLEMS EXIST, AND
SUGGESTING WAYS IN WHICH WE CAN ADDRESS THEM.
- 21 -
THAT'S THE KEY TO SENSIBLE SOLUTIONS. THE SPACE
SHUTTLE DISCOVERY JUST THIS WEEK PLACED IN ORBIT A
SATELLITE THAT WILL MEASURE OZONE DEPLETION. THIS
LAUNCH GOT OUR MISSION TO PLANET EARTH OFF THE GROUND,
so TO SPEAK. 11
AND THE NATIONAL SPACE COUNCIL, CHAIRED BY VICE
PRESIDENT DAN QUAYLE, HAS PUSHED FOR WAYS TO GET SPACE-
BASED ENVIRONMENTAL RESEARCH GOING NOW -- NOT TEN YEARS
FROM NOW -- so WE WON'T HAVE TO WAIT FOR ANSWERS.
- 22 -
WE WANT TO USE SCIENCE TO HELP US SOLVE OUR CHIEF
ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS. BILL REILLY PUT IT BEST IN A
RECENT NEWSPAPER PIECE: HE WROTE, "THE ENVIRONMENTAL
DEBATE HAS LONG SUFFERED FROM TOO LITTLE SCIENCE.
THERE HAS BEEN PLENTY OF EMOTION AND POLITICS, BUT
SCIENTIFIC DATA HAVE NOT ALWAYS BEEN FEATURED
PROMINENTLY IN ENVIRONMENTAL EFFORTS, AND HAVE
SOMETIMES BEEN IGNORED EVEN WHEN AVAILABLE." BILL'S
RIGHT.
- 23 -
GOOD SCIENCE HASTENS OUR PROGRESS TOWARD A CLEANER
ENVIRONMENT. WE OUGHT TO USE IT TO OUR BEST ADVANTAGE.
BUT WE ALSO MUST PUT OUR MONEY WHERE OUR MOUTH IS.
IN THIS YEAR'S BUDGET ALONE, I ASKED FOR NEARLY ONE
BILLION DOLLARS FOR ACQUIRING PARKLAND, PROTECTING
WETLANDS AND ENDANGERED SPECIES AND ENHANCING
RECREATION. BUT CONGRESS HAS TENTATIVELY CUT THIS
BUDGET BY MORE THAN 200 MILLION DOLLARS.
- 24 -
TODAY, I CALL ON CONGRESS TO JOIN ME IN A CRUSADE
TO PRESERVE AMERICA'S OUTDOORS. ON THIS YEAR, THE 75TH
ANNIVERSARY OF OUR PARK SERVICE, POLITICIANS SHOULDN'T
FUND SPECIAL INTEREST PROJECTS AT THE EXPENSE OF SUCH
NATIONAL TREASURES AS THE GRAND CANYON.
BUT AFTER WE TALK ABOUT TOXINS AND TAXES;
EXPENDITURES AND INNOVATIONS, WE OWE IT TO OURSELVES TO
STOP AND REMEMBER JUST WHY WE'RE HERE -- WHY WE CARE.
- 25 -
DAVE BEAL, FOR MANY YEARS THE CHIEF NATURALIST OF
THE GRAND CANYON NATIONAL PARK, HAS OFFERED SOME SIMPLE
ADVICE: "Go OUT ALONG THE CANYON RIM ALONE TO WATCH
DARK SHADOWS CLIMB THE COLORED WALLS AS THE SUN DROPS
TO THE HORIZON. THINK ABOUT THE EONS OF TIME
REPRESENTED BY ROCK FORMATIONS EXPOSED TO YOUR VIEW AND
THE FOSSIL RECORD OF LIFE THROUGH THE AGES
...
FEEL THE
BITE OF THE WIND ON YOUR CHEEKS AND LISTEN FOR THE
SOUND OF DISTANT RAPIDS ON THE RIVER FAR BELOW.
- 26 -
FINALLY, DWELL FOR JUST A MOMENT ON THOUGHTS ABOUT
"
YOURSELF AND THE ROLE YOU PLAY ON THIS EARTH
A WISE ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY ENRICHES EVERYONE.
THAT'S WHAT MANY OF YOU HAVE DONE. THIS PARK -- AND
THIS NATION -- OWE YOU A GREAT DEBT OF THANKS.
THANK YOU ALL, AND MAY GOD BLESS AMERICA.
- 27 -
AND NOW, I'D LIKE TO ASK REPRESENTATIVES OF THE
GRAND CANYON TRUST, THE ENVIRONMENTAL DEFENSE FUND, THE
SALT RIVER PROJECT AND THE ARIZONA PUBLIC SERVICE
COMPANY TO WITNESS BILL REILLY'S SIGNING THIS HISTORIC
AGREEMENT.
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