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Tony Snow Subject Files
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Originally Processed With FOIA(s):
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MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
Library Staff.
Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting, White House Office of
Series:
Snow, Tony, Files
Subseries:
Subject File, 1988-1993
OA/ID Number:
13899
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13899-009
Folder Title:
[Snow-Speeches for President, 1991]
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18
29
2
7
November 20, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR TONY SNOW
FROM:
ELIZABETH CLARK
RE:
AS-DELIVERED TEXTS OF YOUR SPEECHES
Attached is an updated list of your speeches that includes five
additional as-delivered texts. I have also submitted a list to
Nancy in case you wish to order more copies from Publications.
SPEECHES BY TONY SNOW
3/17/91
SUMTER TROOP WELCOME
#5181
3/21/91
PRESS STATEMENT - CABINET ROOM
#5230
4/09/91
AMERICAN BUSINESS CONFERENCE
#5328
4/11/91
CHIEF EXECUTIVES ORGANIZATION
(not transcribed)
4/11/91
EUROPEAN COMMUNITY DEPARTURE
#5343
5/04/91
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN COMMENCEMENT
#5543
5/12/91
HAMPTON UNIVERSITY COMMENCEMENT
#5588
5/24/91
DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE EXPORTS LUNCH
#5706
6/03/91
NATIONAL FEDERATION OF INDEPENDENT BUSINESS ADD.
#5754
6/11/91
PBS TELECONFERENCE
#5812
6/17/91
FUNDRAISER FOR SENATOR BOB KASTEN
#5862
6/21/91
RADIO ADDRESS TO THE NATION
#5900
6/27/91
ENTERPRISE FOR THE AMERICAS
#5942
7/09/91
AMERICAN DEFENSE PREP. ASSOCIATION
#6015
7/18/91
GREEK PARLIAMENT
#6083
7/19/91
GREEK-AMERICAN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE
#6097
7/20/91
STATE DINNER TOAST/ANKARA, TURKEY
#6105
8/01/91
MONUMENT AT BABI YAR
#6247
8/01/91
UKRAINIAN PARLIAMENT
#6245
9/11/91
STAN SCOTT TRIBUTE
#6472
9/18/91
GRAND CANYON
#6543
9/23/91
UNITED NATIONS
#6578
10/01/91
CHICAGO BULLS
#6662
10/01/91
OLYMPIC DINNER
#6663
10/10/91
BILL OF RIGHTS OP-ED
(not transcribed)
10/17/91
ASSOCIATED PRESS MANAGING EDITORS TELECONFERENCE
#6801
10/24/91
PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
#6851
11/12/91
ASIA SOCIETY ANNUAL DINNER
(waiting for text number assignment)
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
June 27, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT CEREMONY FOR THE 1ST ANNIVERSARY
OF THE ENTERPRISE FOR THE AMERICAS INITIATIVE
The Rose Garden-
4:05 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Please be seated. Welcome, distinguised
members of Congress and both Houses. Let me salute our Secretary of
the Treasury and another Cabinet member, Ambassador Carla Hills.
Minister Foxley of Chile, Minister DeFranco of Nicaragua, Minister
Alfaro of Panama. I could not be more pleased to have you all join
me up here today. And look at this audience, sweating out there.
(Laughter.) Change that -- perspiring out there.
Bob Mosbacher is here, our Secretary of Commerce; and Ed
Madigan, General Scowcroft, Bill Reilly, Mike Boskin, Larry
Eagleburger -- and I'm going to get in trouble -- Mr. Robson and
many, many more. Fred Zeder and John Macomber of the Ex-Im, Ron
Roskens of AID. You have our top people here and it's very symbolic
and important that they be here. I think that this shows vividly our
commitment to building a better and more prosperous hemisphere.
We're also pleased to have with us Mr. Enrique Iglesias
of the Inter-American Development Bank. It seems like he just left.
He was just here the other day, and we welcome him back. The
Ambassadors from Latin America and some of the Caribbean countries,
from the OAS, the Secretary General here, we salute you, sir; and
many members of the diplomatic corps. To everyone, I would say my
warmest greetings to you on this historic day. Feel free to take
your coats off. If it weren't for these cameras, I'd take mine off.
(Laughter.)
I'm just delighted, again, that you're all here. And
we've come here today to celebrate the first anniversary of the
Enterprise for the Americas Initiative. As you know, this initiative
wasn't a unilateral thing, it grew out of talks between many of us
here today.
I heard many of your concerns about building a prosperous
hemisphere, of throwing off the deadening weight of debt and economic
stagnation, and building strong ties of idealism and self-interest.
With the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative, we vowed
to encourage free trade, stimulate investment and reduce the debt
burden that overwhelms so many of our neighbors and our colleagues.
We've made great progress. In just one year we've signed
eight bilateral framework agreements for trade and investment: with
Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Honduras, Peru and
Venezuela. Make that 10 agreements, because today Carla Hills will
sign bilateral framework agreements with Minister DeFranco of
Nicaragua and Minister Alfaro of Panama. We also are negotiating
with Guatemala and the 13-nation, English-speaking Caribbean
community.
Last week, right here, Ambassador Hills also joined
representatives of Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay in signing
what we call The Rose Garden Agreement, the first regional framework
accord under the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative. Carla has
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been very busy, and I'm glad to see her bringing a lot of these
things to fruition. I congratulate her and Dave Mulford and so many
others who have worked tirelessly on these projects.
Ambassador Hills and her counterparts will pull down
tariff and nontariff barriers, protect patents and intellectual
property, strengthen investment environments and make it possible for
firms to repatriate their profits. In short, we will build a solid
foundation for economic cooperation and prosperity.
We've also begun making our hemisphere more hospitable to
investment. The Inter-American Development Bank has approved its
first investment sector loan. It's $150 million to Chile. Minister
Foxley and President Iglesias completed arrangements for this loan
today, I am told.
President Iglesias, I want to thank you, sir, and
congratulate everyone at the IDB for this important step. And we
should congratulate Chile for the impressive free-market reforms that
it has undertaken. Through these loans, the IDB will help Latin
America and the Caribbean countries compete for capital and embrace
reforms that foster economic growth.
For years the world experimented with the fantasy that
experts could manage economies. The utter failure of the communism
system demonstrated that expert cadres can no more manage growth than
they can manage the weather or anything else. Free markets reward
people who have ideas, not just those who have connections. They
allow poor people to become rich. They make possible unprecedented
levels of social mobility. And, of course, they mean jobs. They
teach people hard study, hard work and commitment to others -- those
commitments produce real wealth.
I'm also pleased to report that our proposal for a $1.5
billion Multilateral Investment Fund has gotten off to a great start.
Japan has pledged $100 million for each of the next five years.
Canada, France, Portugal and Spain have expressed keen interest in
supporting the fund, which will provide targeted support for
countries that undertake the difficult reforms necessary to encourage
investment and stimulate free enterprise.
Pillar three of our proposal, debt reduction, also has
gotten off to a rousing start. Five nations already have negotiated
far-reaching reductions in commercial debt through the provisions of
the Brady Plan. Other nations will take advantage of the plan as
their economic reforms take shape.
Congress has agreed to reward economic reform and trade
liberalization by reducing a portion of a nation's debt -- the food
assistance loans contracted under PL 480. Congress also supported
our recommendation to use interests on remaining debt for grassroots
environmental projects. And this ambitious, innovative plan already
has produced results.
Today, the U.S. will sign an agreement with Chile,
slashing Chile's PL 480 debt 40 percent, to $23 million. This is the
first example of bilateral debt reduction under EAI. We look forward
to reaching an understanding soon on the environmental component of
this agreement.
So now, just briefly, let me talk about what lies ahead.
As you know, Congress recently voted not to terminate the fast-track
trade procedures that enable us to deal in good faith with you -- and
with Congress -- in trade negotiations. Our goal is to create a free
trade zone that will cover all of North America. This trade zone. --
360 million consumers and markets that produce more than $6 trillion
in annual output will set the stage for something even more
dramatic -- a whole hemispheric zone of free trade.
I was very proud and pleased the way so many countries
south of Mexico and in the Caribbean supported the FTA, the
fast-track authority, with Mexico. It's broad vision, because it
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should sweep through this whole concept of free trade must sweep
through our whole hemisphere.
The Enterprise for the Americas Initiative can link our
nations with their diverse cultures, work forces, and creative
forces. I know some have worried that the EAI might indicate a
reduction in our commitment to the multilateral trading system. Not
so: we remain fully committed and fully determined to make that
system work.
Indeed, as part of the Uruguay Round, we have joined our
Latin American and our Caribbean allies in trying to pull down
protectionist barriers in Europe and in Asia. I want to stress the
importance of reaching a successful conclusion to the round. It can
establish a basis for worldwide free and fair trade. Without it,
we're going to have great difficulty moving forward.
We live in an extraordinary place at an extraordinary
time. When Cuba embraces democracy, ours will become the first truly
democratic hemisphere in the world. That is a major goal, a major
accomplishment by most countries already; Cuba being this holdout.
There's no accident of history here. From the Northern
tip of Alaska to the southernmost point of Tierra del Fuego, we share
common heritages. Our people can trace their roots to all the
nations of the world. We share ties of culture, and of blood, and of
common interest. And now, as democracy sweeps the world, we share
the challenge of leadership through example.
We can lead the way to a world freed from suspicion and
from mercantilist barriers, from socialist inefficiencies. We can
show the world how prosperity preserves the social order -- and the
land, air, and water as well. We can show the rest of the world that
deregulation, respect for private property, low tax rates and low
trade barriers can produce vast economic returns. We can show the
rest of the world how to build upon each other's strengths, rather
than preying upon weaknesses.
Today, I simply want to pledge to you, our friends, my
full effort to make the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative a
total reality. I urge Congress to pass promptly the legislation
necessary to enact EAI. This includes debt reduction authority and
authority for the United States to contribute its share to the
Multilateral Investment Fund.
In 1876 -- I think I mentioned this the other day when
President Collor was here -- the Brazilian Emperor, Dom Pedro II
visited the United States, and stopped in St. Louis, among other
places. And he noted that local craftsmen were using only the
sturdiest materials in building a customs house. The emperor was
stunned. "But an iron building would last 400 years," he noted.
"You do not mean to tell me that there will be any custom houses in
400 years."
We meet today to honor Dom Pedro's vision of a hemisphere
shorn of customs houses and jammed with thriving markets. If we can
build a hemisphere devoted to freedom, one that prefers enterprise to
envy, we're going to create our own new world order.
We've worked miracles in one year; and so let us shape a
revolution in the next. Because I honestly believe that, together,
we can make our hemisphere's freedom first and best for all.
Thank you, and God bless you. And thank you all for
coming down here on this very hot, but very significant occasion.
Thank you. (Applause.)
One half of it done. (Applause.)
Q. Mr. President, have you thought about a successor to
Thurgood Marshall?
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Q
Mr. President, what do you want in a Marshall
successor, sir?
Q
And how soon? How soon will we have a successor?
Q
Have you got a successor, Mr. President?
THE PRESIDENT: Now, what was that one question? What
was the one question?
Q
Thurgood Marshall, sir. What about a successor to
Mr. Marshall?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, it just happened, I mean. But
we'll move promptly; we'll move very swiftly. I paid my respects to
Justice Marshall in a statement that we put out. He served his
country with great distinction. And, you know, it's very pleasant
for Barbara and me -- I knew nothing about this, of course, but he
and Mrs. Marshall were our guests up at Camp David a while back. And
we had a very warm and relaxed and entertaining visit. I say
entertaining from him -- he fired off a few jokes for us. And it was
very pleasant.
So, in the personal relationship, we feel sad about this,
but he's served his country well. And we're going to move --
Q
Wasn't there some notice at all, sir?
THE PRESIDENT: No, no. This is really the -- literally,
the first I heard when we went up to the Hill.
Q
What about --
Q
Will it be a minority?
Q
Mr. Sununu has issued another apology. What do you
have -- do you have anything to say about?
THE PRESIDENT: I've said all I really care to say about
that.
Q
What qualities will you look for in a replacement?
Q
What about a replacement, sir? A successor?
THE PRESIDENT: Somebody that believes in the
Constitution of the United States, as all nine of those judges do
that are on the court now; and somebody with experience, obviously.
And somebody that will be able to serve a while. So that's it.
All right. Thank you all.
Q
Are you going to tell Sununu to apologize?
THE PRESS: Thank you.
END
4:25 P.M. EDT
# 6245
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Kiev, Ukraine, USSR)
For Immediate Release
August 1, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN ADDRESS TO THE SUPREME SOVIET
OF THE UKRAINIAN SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLIC
Session Hall
Supreme Soviet Building
Kiev, Ukraine, USSR
3:55 P.M. (L)
THE PRESIDENT: Well, first, thank all of you for that
warm welcome. And may I take this opportunity to thank all people of
Ukraine that gave us such a warm welcome, such a heartfelt greeting.
Every American in that long motorcade -- and believe me, it was long
-- was moved and touched by the warmth of the welcome of Ukraine.
We'll never forget it.
Chairman Kravchuk, thank you, sir. And to the Deputies
of the Soviet Supreme Soviet, may I salute you. Members of the
clergy that are here, members of the diplomatic corps,
representatives of American pharmaceutical and health care
corporations who I understand are with us today, and distinguished
guests all. Barbara and I are delighted to be here -- very, very
happy. We have only one regret, and that is that I've got to get
home on Thursday night -- I can still make it. And the reason is,
our Congress goes out tomorrow, finishes their session they re in
now, and I felt it was important to be there on that last day of the
final session.
This beautiful city brings to mind the words of the poet
Alexander Dovzhenko: "The city of Kiev is an orchard. Kiev is a
poet. Kiev is an epic. Kiev is history. Kiev is art."
Centuries ago, your forebears named this country Ukraine,
or "frontier," because your steppes link Europe and Asia. But
Ukrainians have become frontiersmen of another sort. Today you
explore the frontiers and contours of liberty.
Though my stay here is, as I said, far too short, I have
come here to talk with you and to learn. For those who love freedom,
every experiment in building an open society offers new lessons and
insights. You face an especially daunting task. For years, people
in this nation felt powerless, overshadowed by a vast government
apparatus; cramped by forces that attempted to control every aspect
of their lives.
Today, your people probe the promise of freedom. In
cities and republics -- on farms, in businesses, around university
campuses -- you debate the fundamental questions of liberty,
self-rule and free enterprise. Americans, you see, have a deep
commitment to these values. We follow your progress with a sense of
fascination, excitement and hope.
This alone is historic. In the past, our nations engaged
in duels of eloquent bluff and bravado. Now, the fireworks of
superpower confrontation are giving way to the quieter -- and far
more hopeful -- art of cooperation.
I come here to tell you: We support the struggle in this
great country for democracy and economic reform. And I would like to
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talk to you today about how the United States views this complex and
exciting period in your history -- how we intend to relate to the
Soviet central government and the republican governments.
In Moscow, I outlined our approach: We will support
those in the center and the republics who pursue freedom, democracy
and economic liberty. We will determine our support not on the basis
of personalities, but on the basis of principles. We cannot tell you
how to reform your society. We will not try to pick winners and
losers in political competitions between republics -- or between
republics and the center. That is your business, that's not the
business of the United States of America.
Do not doubt our real commitment, however, to reform.
But do not think we can presume to solve your problems for you.
Theodore Roosevelt, one of our great presidents, once wrote, "To be
patronized is as offensive as to be insulted. No one of us cares
permanently to have someone else conscientiously striving to do him
good; what we want is to work with that someone else for the good of
both of us." That's what our former president said.
We will work for the good of both of us -- which means
that we will not meddle in your internal affairs.
Some people have urged the United States to choose
between supporting President Gorbachev and supporting
independence-minded leaders throughout the USSR. I consider this a
false choice. In fairness, President Gorbachev has achieved
astonishing things, and his policies of glasnost, perestroika and
democratization point toward the goals of freedom, democracy and
economic liberty.
We will maintain the strongest possible relationship with
the Soviet government of President Gorbachev. But we also appreciate
the new realities of life in the USSR. And therefore, as a
federation ourselves, we want good relations -- improved relations --
with the republics.
So let me build upon my comments in Moscow by describing
in more detail what Americans mean when we talk about freedom,
democracy and economic liberty.
No terms have been abused more regularly, nor more
cynically than these. Throughout this century despots have
masqueraded as democrats; jailers have posed as liberators. We can
restore faith in government only by restoring meaning to these
concepts.
I don't want to sound like I'm lecturing, but let's begin
with the broad term, "freedom." When Americans talk of freedom, we
refer to people's abilities to live without fear of government
intrusion; without fear of harassment by their fellow citizens;
without restricting others' freedoms.
We do not consider freedom a privilege, to be doled out
only to those who hold proper political views or belong to certain
groups. We consider it an inalienable individual right, bestowed
upon all men and women. Lord Acton once observed, "The most certain
test by which we judge whether a country is really free is the amount
of security enjoyed by minorities."
Freedom requires tolerance -- a concept embedded in
openness, in glasnost, and in our First Amendment protections for the
freedoms of speech, association and religion -- all religions.
Tolerance nourishes hope. A priest wrote of glasnost,
"Today, more than ever the words of Paul the Apostle, spoken 2,000
years ago, ring out: They counted us among the dead, but look -- we
are alive." In Ukraine, in Russia, in Armenia and the Baltics -- the
spirit of liberty thrives.
But freedom cannot survive if we let despots flourish or
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permit seemingly minor restrictions to multiply until they form
chains, until they form shackles. Later today, I'll visit the
monument at Babi Yar -- a somber reminder, a solemn reminder, of what
happens when people fail to hold back the horrible tide of
intolerance and tyranny.
Yet freedom is not the same as independence. Americans
will not support those who seek independence in order to replace a
far-off tyranny with a local despotism. They will not aid those who
promote a suicidal nationalism based upon ethnic hatred.
We will support those who want to build democracy. By
democracy, we mean a system of government in which people may vie.
openly for the hearts -- and, yes, the votes -- of the public. We
mean a system of government that derives its just power from the
consent of the governed -- that retains its legitimacy by controlling
its appetite for power. For years, you had elections with ballots,
but you did not enjoy democracy. And now, democracy has begun to set
firm roots in Soviet soil.
The key to its success lies in understanding government's
proper role -- and its limits. Democracy is not a technical process,
driven by dry statistics. It is the very human enterprise of
preserving freedom, so that we can do the important things -- the
really important things: raise families, explore our own creativity,
build good and fruitful lives.
In modern societies, freedom and democracy rely on
economic liberty. A free economy is nothing more than a system of
communication. It simply cannot function without individual rights
or a profit motive -- which give people an incentive to go to work,
an incentive to produce.
And it certainly cannot function without the rule of law
-- without fair and enforceable contracts, without laws that protect
property rights and punish fraud.
Free economies depend upon the freedom of expression --
the ability of people to exchange ideas and test out new theories.
The Soviet Union weakened itself for years by restricting the flow of
information, by outlawing devices crucial to modern communications,
such as computers and copying machines. And when you restricted free
movement -- even tourist travel -- you prevented your own people from
making the most of their talent. You cannot innovate if you cannot
communicate.
And finally, a free economy demands engagement in the
economic mainstream. Adam Smith noted two centuries ago, trade
enriches all who engage in it. Isolation and protectionism doom its
practitioners to degradation and want.
I note this today because some Soviet cities, regions,
and even republics have engaged in ruinous trade wars. The republics
of this nation have extensive bonds of trade, which no one can repeal
with the stroke of a pen or the passage of a law. The vast majority
of trade conducted by Soviet companies -- imports and exports --
involves, as you know better than I, trade between republics.
The nine plus one agreement holds forth the hope that
republics will combine greater autonomy with greater voluntary
interaction -- political, social, cultural, economic -- rather than
pursuing the hopeless course of isolation.
And so American investors and businessmen look forward to
doing business in the Soviet Union -- including the Ukraine. We've
signed agreements this week that will encourage further interaction
between the U.S. and all levels of the Soviet Union. But ultimately,
our trade relations will depend upon our ability to develop a common
language -- a common language of commerce -- currencies that
communicate with one another, laws that protect innovators and
entrepreneurs, bonds of understanding and trust.
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It should be obvious that the ties between our nations
grow stronger every single day. I set forth a presidential
initiative that is providing badly needed medical aid to the Soviet
Union. And this aid expresses Americans' solidarity with the Soviet
peoples during a time of hardship and suffering. And it has supplied
facilities in Kiev that are treating victims of Chernobyl. You
should know that America's heart -- the hearts of all -- went out to
the people here at the time of Chernobyl.
We have sent teams to help you improve upon the safety of
Ukrainian nuclear plants and coal mines. We've also increased the
number of cultural exchanges with the republics -- including more
extensive legal, academic and cultural exchanges between America and
Ukraine.
We understand that you cannot reform your system
overnight. America's first system of government -- the Continental
Congress -- failed because the states were too suspicious of one
another and the central government too weak to protect commerce and
individual rights. In 200 years, we have learned that freedom,
democracy and economic liberty are more than terms of inspiration.
They're more than words. They are challenges.
Your great poet Shevchenko noted, "Only in your own house
can you have your truth, your strength and freedom." No society ever
achieves perfect democracy, liberty or enterprise; if it makes full
use of its people's virtues and abilities, it can use these goals as
guides to a better life.
And now, as Soviet citizens try to forge a new social
compact, you have the obligation to restore power to citizens
demoralized by decades of totalitarian rule. You have to give them
hope, inspiration, determination -- by showing your faith in their
abilities. Societies that don't trust themselves or their people
cannot provide freedom. They can guarantee only the bleak tyranny of
suspicion, avarice and poverty.
An old Ukrainian proverb says, "When you enter a great
enterprise, free your soul from weakness."
The peoples of the USSR have entered a great enterprise,
full of courage and vigor. I have come here today to say: We
support those who explore the frontiers of freedom. We will join
these reformers on the path to what we call -- appropriately call a
new world order.
You're the leaders. You are the participants in the
political process. And I go home to an active political process. So
if you saw me waving like mad from my limousine, it was in the
thought that maybe some of those people along the line were people
from Philadelphia or Pittsburgh or Detroit where so many
Ukranian-Americans live, where so many Ukranian-Americans are with me
in the remarks I've made here today.
This has been a great experience for Barbara and me to be
here. We salute you. We salute the changes that we see. I remember
the French expression, viva la difference, and I see different
churnings around this chamber, and that is exactly the way it ought
to be. One guy wants this and another one that. That's the way the
process works when you're open and free -- competing with ideas to
see who is going to emerge correct and who can do the most for the
people in Ukraine.
And so for us this has been a wonderful trip, albeit far
too short. And may I simply say, may God bless the people of
Ukraine. Thank you very, very much. (Applause.)
END
4:17 P.M. (L)
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Athens, Greece)
For Immediate Release
July 19, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT THE GREEK-AMERICAN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE BREAKFAST
Intercontinental Hotel
Athens, Greece
8:55 A.M. (L)
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all very much. And thank you
for that warm welcome, and the welcome from various members of this
association that I see all around the hall here. And let me salute
Ambassador Sotirhos -- proud of his Greek heritage -- doing a
fantastic job for the United States of America here in Athens and in
this great country. And I'm proud of him, I'm proud of his wife, and
I am delighted with the job he is doing for all of us. (Applause.)
And may I salute Mr. Petsiavas and Mr. Ioannou and Mr.
Tsomokos and the members of the Greek and foreign diplomatic corps
who are with us today. I see the Dean over here. But others are
here, I am sure. And I just want to say again how pleased Barbara
and I are to be here.
If we look a little bit that we've been outside, the
answer is, we have. We had a fantastic visit up at the Parthenon,
and there we had a chance to salute 2,500 years of democracy and
commitment to individual rights. (Applause.)
And this is quite a scene, if you think about it. I
notice that Mike very generously said I was a businessman, but when
he said profit and loss, I thought he put a little too much emphasis
on the last one. (Laughter.) But far be it from me to be critical.
And he was right about the risk-taking and trying -- which I think
has given me a little more understanding about what your lives are
all about as you try to build the productivity of this country and
the productivity of our great country.
So it is quite a scene. Here we have a number of
citizens -- accomplished citizens from many countries -- gathered in
the capital of Greece -- Athens -- in a hotel run by an American
company. And that certainly symbolizes the kinds of ties that our
nations enjoy, and ties that I want to talk to you about today. I am
sorry I wasn't here for the breakfast. They told me that inside the
eggs there was going to be broccoli. And I decided I would come in
later -- (laughter) -- just for the very end of all of this.
But, you know, we brought with us from England two
gentlemen that are known to many here. For those that don't know
them, I just want to single them out. Sons of Greece, great friends
of Greece, but people who have joined us here and who have done great
things for the United States, and I'm talking about my dear friends
Alex Spanos and Alec Kortelas. I'd like them to stand if they re
here. (Applause.) There they are.
I single them out because really there are others -- many
others right in this room like them. There are many others in the
United States like them. But they show that opportunity can
translate into prosperity. And in many ways their example ought to
serve as a beacon for Greek businessmen in Greece. They show that a
new world order applies old world genius to new world realities. So
Alec and Alex, our businessmen. They remind me from time to time
that time is money. So in the interest of keeping profits high, I
promise to keep this morning's talk short. I know that will come as
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a great relief to all of you.
Let me just talk a little bit about improving economic
relations between the United States and Greece, and to express my
support -- strong support -- for the economic path that Prime
Minister Mitsotakis has charted for this great country. The Prime
Minister has taken a giant first step towards strengthening the Greek
economy by outlining some goals that sound very familiar to this
American President.
He wants to cut the red tape, privatize the economy,
reduce the cost and size of the public sector, of the government
sector, and get his economy on a growth path.
Prime Minister Mitsotakis deserves enormous credit for
working to lift the vail that for too long kept Greece out of the
international economic mainstream. He understands that free markets,
not state-management, can help Greece invigorate its economy, reduce
its deficit, pay off its external debt, and remain a member in good
standing of the European Community.
We shouldn't underestimate, given the state of the world
economy, the difficulty of the Prime Minister's task. We shouldn't
underestimate its importance either. So let me just tell you what he
and I talked about, what I told him.
First, we believe in the reform efforts. And I might ask
you to take a rather global look at this point. It isn't simply
Greece that is moving on this important path that I have outlined
above. Take a look at what is happening in Eastern Europe. Take a
look at the aspirations inside the Soviet Union towards privatization
and market reform and convertibility and all of the things necessary
to improve the lives of the people through trade. Far better to do
it that way than through some aid program that screeches to a halt
because it has no underpinnings.
So we are embarked here on a program that really makes a
difference -- this reform program. I think his reforms will work. I
think they can make a big difference in Greece. You see, we also
believe strongly in the benefits of trade. I left that economic
summit there in London more determined than ever to press for open
markets, free and fair trade around the world, and open investment
opportunities everywhere. This isn't to benefit solely the United
States, and yes, we would benefit, but it is to benefit every single
country that participates in achieving these goals.
You see, the litter of communism provides eloquent
testimony to what happens when people forget about the virtues of
free enterprise and avoid the tough discipline that competition
provides. If we want to make the most of the talent of our people in
America, in Greece, in Europe and all around the world, we must
advance the cause of free and fair trade.
Our administration remains totally determined to reach a
successful conclusion of the GATT -- of this Uruguay Round -- and I
remain optimistic that we can do SO.
As I look at the various economies around the world, I am
absolutely convinced that Greece would benefit enormously from a
successful conclusion of the GATT Round. The more Greece opens its
markets to foreign investment and the more it works to develop its
export industries, the more secure its future will be. And I am
happy to say that our trade relationship with Greece is growing
stronger every single day. The United States enjoys what I think is
a special and strong relationship with Greece. And, again, I salute
the Prime Minister for his key role in all of this.
That relationship should make a lot of people happy.
Consider the bottom line. U.S. exports to Greece increased 10
percent last year, and Greek imports to the U.S. increased by $30
million. But, you see, if you look at the big picture -- and you all
understand this -- that was only a beginning. Our governments
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recently have signed a bilateral customs agreement, a new civil
aviation agreement, a joint declaration on tourism. And I believe
that these initiatives will increase the number of commercial flights
between the nations, speed the flow of goods through customs, and
generate more tourist business.
I couldn't help but stand there Barbara and I talked
about this standing there just in the wish that many and all
Americans could someday share the joys that we felt standing in the
midst of that history just a few minutes ago. The Greek and the U.S.
governments are cooperating effectively in this worldwide fight
against terrorism, and this effort is obviously going to remain a
priority for both countries. We're trying to expand trade and
investment opportunities for American companies that want to do
business in Greece. And we have worked to protect intellectual
property rights, patents, copyrights, trademarks and the like for
American firms doing business in Greece. We have worked with the
government of Greece to ensure the swift and fair repatriation of
profits. It has to happen. And we hope to improve the prospects for
American firms interested in bidding on Greek government contracts.
This progress -- and I'm not saying there is not more
that needs to be done. There is. But this progress demonstrates
that the Greek government is ready to do business with American
companies and that it welcomes American investment. And this is a
refreshing change. And it explains why, for the first time in more
than a decade, OPIC, the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, can
offer insurance and financing for private-sector investment projects.
The investment climate here seems more hospitable than ever for
Americans.
And now the United States need to take advantage of the
welcome that the Prime Minister has given us. So, as I announced
yesterday in my speech to the legislature, I have asked Commerce
Secretary Bob Mosbacher, known to many in this room, to lead a
presidential trade and investment mission to Greece this autumn. And
that mission can persuade even more American businesses to take
advantage of the opportunities that are already here and the
opportunities that will be here in the future.
In the days and months ahead, our governments will
continue working to improve economic relations and eliminate these
obstacles to growth. But in the end, good business is common sense,
and common sense ought to guide us as we work to build a more
prosperous future.
I am happy to say that I think, as you look at this
country and our country, things look good. In the United States, as
everyone here knows, we've been facing substantial, tremendous
economic problems. Our country has been in recession, albeit by
historical standards statistically rather mild. But some of our
people have been hurting because of this recession. Most of the
indicators now are that the recession is over and that growth is
beginning. And it is my own view that if that growth pattern
continues, and I think it will, this will benefit businesses all
around the world. The dynamism and the size of the American economy
relates to economies of small countries and medium-sized countries
all around the globe.
So we are more optimistic today about the economies at
home. I must tell you, as President, I think it is tremendously
important that we keep a vigil out. Last year, about this time, I
lost about four quarts of blood fighting with Congress on a budget
agreement. But I can tell you that the results of that budget
agreement, controversial though it may have been, painful though it
may have been, we now have caps -- real caps -- on government
spending. It is fine for me to come to Greece and lecture the Greeks
about how they ought to control the government sector. But we'd
better do something about it ourselves in the United States. And so
we have put caps real caps, that are holding, on our own spending.
And I think that will result in the government sector getting more
under control and freeing up the private sector, as our economy
- 4 -
recovers, to do the dynamic things that only private enterprise can
take care of.
So I am going to fight for those caps. I am going to
keep them on. And I don't care how much blood it takes in the
future, I am not going to let the Congress take them and let us go
back to reckless government spending that hurts the enterprise and
hurts the American people. (Applause.)
And so, as one firm says, I am bullish on America. And
I'm not advertising for one firm against some of the others I see
around here. But I have reason to be. And let me just tell you
something very personally. This is a fantastic and challenging time,
a rewarding time to be President of the greatest and freest country
on the face of the Earth. As you look around the world and you see
what has happened in Eastern Europe, as you see the changes that are
already beginning to take hold in the gigantic Soviet Union, as you
see our own hemisphere -- the Western Hemisphere -- with all but one
country moving down democracy's path. As you take a look at Asia and
the dynamic trade relationships that we have with Asia and that they
are continuing to grow, we remain, in spite of our affinity and
affection for the people of Greece and Europe -- we are also a
Pacific power. And you see those trade relationships strengthening.
I can tell you, it is an emormously rewarding time -- in spite of the
problems we face -- to be President of the United States.
I happen to believe that the action that we took
collectively with allies -- and I will always be grateful to Greece
for their participation -- the action we took against Saddam Hussein
gave the United States a new respect and credibility around the
world. And I am very grateful, obviously, to the men and women who
served under our banner. But the other day I had a chance to reward
the French general, the British general, with high honors, expressing
our appreciation that this was not a United States unilateral move;
it was a revitalized United Nations, and it brought together Greece
and the United States and Turkey and many other countries who stood
up against -- for a common purpose -- and that purpose is aggression,
bullying, one neighbor against another, will not stand. It did not
stand. And we've set a principle out there for the world. It will
not stand in the future. And I am very grateful to everybody that
participated. (Applause.)
And so that achievement of that common purpose of turning
back aggression from a bullying and brutal dictator now leads us to
what I call a possibility of a new world order. And let me just
assure you -- this isn't on the subject of commerce, it's on the
subject of political rivalries, its on the subject of world peace --
that we will use every bit of this newfound political power or this
worldwide credibility to do our best to bring peace to the
historically troubled corners of the world.
As you see the changes that are taking place in your
sphere, and then you couple those with the changes that are taking
place in the political sphere, I think we all conclude that we have a
historic opportunity. I must tell you, I felt very strongly about
that when I sat down with Mikhail Gorbachev the other day in London.
They are trying. They ve got enormous economic problems. But we sat
there and we finalized a strategic arms reduction treaty --
(applause) the first time that we have been able to significantly
reduce the destabilization of the world through intercontinental
ballistic missiles. It is a wonderful achievement -- not just for
the American people, not just for the people in the Soviet Union, for
I think it reflects on everybody in Greece -- the feeling that we can
curtail the unprofitability that goes into these massive arms and
then bring the power of private enterprise to bear, helping the
people of the countries around the world. These are exciting times.
These are not times to be pessimistic about the world in which we
live.
And so things do look good. The President of this great
country and the Prime Minister have felt, as we're back to bilateral
relations now, have helped forge what is a new beginning here -- a
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new beginning to an old friendship. And so my challenge to you all
is let's make things even better.
I want to thank you for inviting me this morning. I got
a good shot of your strong coffee next door, which added to the warm
welcome here, I might add. And now Barbara and I have the thrill of
doing what I am sure everyone here has done -- go to Crete -- as for
us will be a first time, though this vist to Athens was not the first
for either of us, which has been fantastic.
But I think we will take away a lot of things with us
when we leave after this very short visit to Greece. But we won't
ever forget the warm reception. We won't forget this meeting,
because as you look around the room and see the numbers, you keep in
mind the world opportunity that private business brings.
And so thank you all. And may God bless Greece, but may
God bless the United States of America. Thank you very much.
(Applause.) Thank you all. It's a pleasure to be with you.
(Applause.)
END
9:20 A.M. (L)
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Ankara, Turkey)
For Immediate Release
July 20, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT STATE DINNER
Presidential Palace Garden
Ankara, Turkey
8:35 P.M. (L)
THE PRESIDENT: Mr. President and Mrs. Ozal and ladies
and gentlemen. Let me begin by thanking President Ozal for inviting
us over here to see this wonderful country. We were standing outside
of Ataturk's tomb this morning, and I couldn't help but think of the
parallels between the founder of the modern Turkish Republic -- whose
name means "Father of the Turks" -- and the man we Americans call
the Father of our Country, George Washington.
Both were great generals; both were great leaders. And
both used their words, their times and their opportunities to build
great nations. Each knew that to win a war one must secure the
peace. And each had a vision for his country's future that, through
courage, labor and selfless determination, became the nation's
destiny.
And then, as now, we believe in what Ataturk called
"peace at home and peace abroad." We know that protecting peace
sometimes means being willing to defend it. That's why we've worked
together in NATO for close to 40 years. That's why we fought
together in the Korean War. And that's why we stood together to
reverse the occupation of Kuwait.
There were many people -- many men and women --
responsible for the success of the international coalition and the
liberation of Kuwait. But I firmly believe that no one provided
greater leadership or clarity of purpose than President Turgut Ozal.
I know because we talked together by phone countless times. And he
never flinched and he was always courageous and farsighted.
Let me add, sir, that our respect and gratitude
certainly extends also to Turkey's military leaders -- the Turkish
General Staff -- who displayed uncommon dedication to the coalition's
objectives. It was a comfort for all of us in Washington to know
that when the United Nations decided to take that step and impose
sanctions against Iraq, Turkey would not hesitate to do what was
right. I want you to know -- and on this one I speak confidently on
behalf of the American people ---- that Turkey's role in the Gulf
crisis has not, and will not be, forgotten.
Let me also say that we know the cost of your courage.
Your Turkey's incurred enormous damage -- especially in the southeast
-- from its compliance with U.N. sanctions, its decision to deploy
troops, and its generous relief assistance to hundreds of thousands
of displaced people camped along its borders.
As we look ahead, let's use the last year as a model of
cooperation. As allies, Mr. President, we must expand and deepen our
relationship -- we must create a new strategic relationship.
It's been said that great tasks and important missions
are accomplished only through cooperative efforts. And that's why I
talked today with President Ozal and Prime Minister Yilmaz of
strengthening the bonds that link our countries.
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Turkey's genius can advance not only prosperity at home
but also peace abroad. So let us build a new future together. A
future of peace in the Middle East; a future of peace on Cyprus; and
peace between two great countries, Turkey and Greece, led by wise and
responsible men. And let us work together to build a U.S.-Turkish
relationship with the knowledge that our paths are common, our
interests and values are intertwined, and our fate -- as free and
democratic peoples -- will be always linked.
Mr. President, let our path be straight and true. Let
us achieve the real peace that Ataturk and General Washington dreamt
of. And let us enrich this generation -- and all generations to
come.
And may I ask all the guests here to join me now in a
toast to the health of the President and Mrs. Ozal, and to the great
and strong relationship between the United States and Turkey. And
thank you, sir, for your hospitality.
(A toast is offered.)
END
8:40 P.M. (L)
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
November 12, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE ASIA SOCIETY
Waldorf Astoria Hotel
New York, New. York
7:20 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all very much. And John
Whitehead, thank you, sir. John has served this country with great
distinction over the years, and it's great to join him and Nancy here
this evening, the other distinguished leaders here with me, and all
of you -- so many ambassadors from countries in Asia, charges, United
Nations contingents, Washington D.C. contingents. And I'm just
delighted to be here with all of you.
It's also a pleasure to see Asia Society President
Robert Oxnam, and then Vice Chairman Peter Aaron. To you, and to the
distinguished men and women in this audience, greetings -- and my
thanks for this opportunity to speak with you on topics of great
concern to us all. And I heard you were having broccoli SO I asked
to speak before the dinner. (Laughter.) I hope this doesn't really
foul things up, but I feel strongly about that. (Laughter.) No, but
seriously, we do have to go back, and I'm very pleased for this
accommodation and I hope you'll all understand.
But as you know, I have just returned from Rome, that
NATO meeting, and The Hague for an EC meeting. There, I worked with
other Western leaders to help build a post-Cold-War world that's
characterized by mutual security, democracy, individual liberty, free
enterprise, and unfettered international trade. I want to talk
tonight about those topics, with the accent on Asia.
But first, for audiences here and in Asia, I think it's
important to discuss once again why I will not travel to the region
this month, later this month. As President, I must serve the entire
nation in the domestic and foreign arenas. Sometimes those
obligations clash. When we planned our trip a couple of months ago,
worked out the schedule, Congress had planned to adjourn early in
this month. I believe it was November 2nd, possibly November 4th.
Now the members say that they will wrap up by November 22, but who
knows? We will reschedule the trip, but I will not leave while
Congress is wrapping up a session. It can commit too much mischief
in times like that. (Laughter.)
I saw Home Alone, that movie -- (laughter) -- and I just
don't feel comfortable -- (laughter) -- leaving Congress home alone.
But make no mistake, however, I will not turn my back on my
responsibility to do the nation's business here and abroad. And in
times of economic pain, I certainly will not give up an opportunity
to work with our allies to create new markets, new jobs and new
opportunities for American workers -- in agriculture, in
manufacturing and in service industries.
And I certainly will not permit us to retreat into a
kind of Fortress America, which will doom us to irrelevance and
poverty. The notion that we can separate domestic and foreign policy
rests upon a stubborn fantasy that we can live as an isolated island
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surrounded by a changing and developing world. We tried
isolationism, and we ended up fighting two bloody world wars.
We tried economic isolationism -- protectionism -- and
we helped set off a worldwide depression. I remain deeply committed
to building closer ties with the Asia-Pacific region. Although much
of our nation's heritage comes from Europe, our future points
equally, importantly, toward Asia.
Asia's transformed itself in the space of a generation
into the most rapidly growing region on the face of the Earth. Asia-
Pacific nations enjoyed staggering real economic growth in the decade
of the '80s: The Australian economy grew 41 percent; Japan's nearly
52 percent; Malaysia almost 60 percent; Hong Kong -- there are many
here from Hong Kong tonight -- 89 percent; Singapore, 93 percent;
Taiwan, 116 percent and South Korea, 150 percent.
The Asia-Pacific region has become our largest and
fastest growing trade partner. We conduct more than $300 billion
worth of two-way trade annually. Together, we generate nearly half
-- listen to this one -- together we generate nearly half of the
world's gross national product. American firms have invested more
than $61 billion in the region, and that figure will grow. Asians
have invested more than $95 billion in the United States. In
everything from automobiles to microchips, from baseball to
Australian rules football, we grow closer each day.
A few years ago, it was fashionable to refer to the 20th
century as the American Century and the 21st as the Pacific Century,
as if we were engaged in some long-term competition with our Asian
allies. I don't see it that way. The United States will remain
large and powerful, but in years to come, we will deepen our
partnership with our Asian friends in building democracy and freedom.
We'd be here forever if I tried to tick off our
interests and activities, country by country. So, forgive me, but
instead, I will address three central issues in our relationships
with the nations of the region: security, democracy, and trade.
In the area of security, Asia's variety has spawned a
diverse pattern of political and strategic cooperation. Our custom-
made agreements and relationships provide a strong foundation for
future security.
Let me give you a few examples of how we seek to build
the peace. The conflict in Indochina has preoccupied this nation for
years. Finally, we've entered into a period of healing and
constructive cooperation. We will work step by step to resolve the
painful issues left by that war. The ASEAN nations, Japan, Australia
and the U.N. Security Council's permanent members recently forged a
Cambodian peace process that promises free elections in a nation
previously rent by tyranny and genocide. Just yesterday, for the
first time in 16 years, we sent an accredited diplomat to Cambodia,
to participate in the peacemaking arrangements.
We envision normal relations with Vietnam as the logical
conclusion to a step-by-step process that begins by resolving the
problems in Cambodia and by addressing thoroughly, openly and
conclusively the status of American POW-MIAs.
Today, I am announcing that we will upgrade our
relations with Laos, and that we soon will place an ambassador in
Vientiane.
The Republic of Korea has moved to build better ties
with North Korea while boldly challenging the North to abandon its
menacing nuclear weapons program, which is the greatest threat to
regional peace.
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We welcome recently organized efforts involving us and
the Japanese and the Soviets, Chinese and Koreans to bring North
Korea's nuclear program under international supervision. Meanwhile,
we will maintain our military presence in the south as long as the
people want and need us.
In laying the foundation for peace through our global
partnership, we have worked closely with Japan in the area of foreign
aid. We are the world's two foremost providers of such aid. We also
cooperate on development assistance, more and more on environmental
protection, trade, arms control, refugees and regional peace. We've
urged the Soviet Union to take a progressive attitude toward the
Northern Territories in its discussions with Japan.
The Japanese have joined us in trying to lead the Soviet
Union and Eastern Europe toward free enterprise. They support more
than 45,000 U.S. military forces in Japan with $3 billion in annual
host nation contributions. Japan contributed nearly $13 billion
to the multinational forces for the Gulf war, 10 billion of which
went to the United States. This required new taxes -- a very tough
thing for any politician to ask of working people -- but Japan
deserves praise for choosing the right course.
To the south, Australia casts a presence far larger than
its relatively small population would suggest. It takes justifiable
pride in its long tradition of defending democracy, and its economic,
political and cultural presence helps unite the Asia-Pacific region
with the rest of the world.
We can help ensure future peace in the region and defend
our interests through a range of military arrangements. Bilateral
alliances, access agreements and structures such as the five-power
defense arrangement give us the flexibility we need.
While we must adjust our force structure to reflect
post-Cold-War realities, we also must protect our interests and
allies. In this light, we cannot afford to ignore the important
sources of instability: in North Korea; in Burma, where socialist
despotism holds sway, despite, I might say -- I might add, despite
the heroic efforts of freedom fighters like Nobel Laureate Aung San
Suu Kyi; in China and other states that resist the worldwide movement
toward political pluralism -- and that contribute to the
proliferation of dangerous weapons.
Let me mention just a few words regarding China. China
is vitally important. It is our policy to remain engaged. We
believe this is the way to effect positive change in the world's most
populous nation. That's exactly what Secretary of State Jim Baker is
doing there this week.
Fortunately, the key to future stability in the region
lies not with arms, but with ballots. Democracy has swept across
Asia -- with some notable exceptions, such as Burma, China, North
Korea, and Vietnam. Yet we remain engaged in the region, and
especially in China. If we retreat from the challenge of building
democracy, we will have failed many who have worked hard, even died,
for the cause.
The United States will support democracy wherever it
can, understanding that nations adopt political freedom in their own
ways, in manners consistent with their histories and cultures. After
decades of uncertainty, the future really does seem full of hope, and
even the intransigent few seem likely to join the rest of the world
in building a commonwealth of freedom.
Then this brings us then to the third focal point, and a
crucial ingredient in a stable, free society: and I'm talking, of
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course, about economic prosperity. No nation can ignore the
incredible vitality of this region -- or afford to. Yes, we disagree
on some important trade issues, but we also recognize a more
important fact: Our fates and values have become linked forever.
Contrary to the opinions of American protectionists,
free trade requires efforts by all parties involved. Too often,
trade disputes bring out the worst in people. Japan bashing --
you've heard that expression -- Japan bashing has become a minor
sport in some places in the United States, and some in Japan have
become equally scornful of the United States. Both our nations must
reject those who would rather seek out scapegoats than tackle their
own problems.
We made a good start: The Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation Group encourages growth and trade. The Uruguay Round of
GATT talks remains the single most important vehicle for advancing
the cause of free trade and fending off the scourge of protectionism.
We call upon Japan and Korea to work with us in breaking down old
barriers to trade, opening up markets in manufacturing, services and
agriculture. Our Structural Impediments Initiative, those talks have
helped lower barriers to trade and investment. But we need to give
those talks new life give them them a kick -- and create a better
climate in Japan for U.S. businesses.
The fact is that Japan, which nearly half a century ago
became a focal point of American hatred, has become one of our
closest and most treasured allies. I enjoyed a warm and constructive
relationship working with Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu. And I look
forward to spending time with my old friend, Prime Minister Kiichi
Miyazawa -- significantly, a man steeped in Western and Eastern
culture and superbly equipped to build bridges of culture and trade
between our two great nations.
Together, we can build an even more prosperous and
spectacular future -- but only if we take up the tough, rewarding
task of promoting worldwide economic liberty. We seek a vibrant
international economic system that unites markets on every continent.
We in the United States also must strengthen our
economy. We level an unacceptably high effective tax rate on capital
gains. Germany no capital gains tax. The complicated Japanese
tax averages about one percent. This puts our own business people,
our own entrepreneurs and venture capitalists at a huge and shameful
disadvantage compared to our Asian trading partner.
We run an enormous and growing budget deficit, which
inflames political divisions within our own country. We must take
powerful action to reduce that deficit while nourishing economic
growth. To compete internationally we must modernize our banking
industry and make our industrial base more competitive. We must work
with our allies to build a stable and sound monetary regime.
Perhaps most important, we must build human capital. We
have an obligation to prepare future generations for life in the 21st
century. The integrated global economy will demand more of us than
ever before, and our schools must meet the challenge.
Technological change can do much more than make our
lives more comfortable. It can sweep away totalitarianism and forge
the foundation for lasting liberty. We live in an age of liberation
technology, and no technology does more for the cause of freedom than
the means of mass communication. No wall is high enough and no
government sufficiently despotic to shut off what some call a
revolution of electrons. As we compete with our allies in this area,
we must remember that information feeds intellect, and good
information fosters freedom.
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Let me close by summarizing our general approach to
relations with Asia. Our administration sees six keys to promoting
lasting peace in the Asia-Pacific region: progressive trade
liberalization; security cooperation; a shared commitment to
democracy and human rights; educational and scientific innovation;
respect for the environment; and an appreciation of our distinct
cultural heritages.
Americans have always looked to the horizons for their
destiny, even from our earliest days. And we've grown great because
we've welcomed people from every continent and every country, and
we've tried to make use of their distinct talents when they come
here, while constructing a common culture.
Today, we celebrate that diversity, and celebrate the
prospect that in years to come, we will develop with our Asian
friends even greater ties of trade and culture.
I look forward to traveling soon to Asia, to advance
these important principles and to expand market opportunities for
tens of thousands of American workers and businesses. As President,
I will continue building ties with our allies because those ties mean
peace at home and jobs for American men and women.
I want to thank the Asia Society for its vital
contributions to the cause of peace, prosperity and understanding. I
look forward to your help as I seek to build closer bonds of
affection and interest with the peoples of the vast, marvelous,
varied Asia-Pacific region.
Thank you all. And may God bless our Asian-Pacific
friends and the United States of America. Thank you very very much.
(Applause.)
END
7:43 P.M. EST