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{
    "localId": "1554455",
    "label": "Puerto Rico - Compact of Permanent Union, October 1975",
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    "id": "1554455",
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    "contentType": "document",
    "title": "Puerto Rico - Compact of Permanent Union, October 1975",
    "description": "This file contains a published report of the Ad hoc Advisory Group on Puerto Rico.",
    "citationUrl": "https://catalog.archives.gov/id/1554455",
    "collections": [
        "White House Special Files Unit Files",
        "Issue Decision Papers for the President"
    ],
    "subjects": [
        "Puerto Rico",
        "Intergovernmental relations",
        "Territories and possessions"
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        "logicalDate": "1975-10-31",
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        "year": 1975
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{
    "seq": 65,
    "pageIndex": 0,
    "type": "photo",
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    "ocrText": "political parties in Puerto Rico have treated continuously with the\nunnecessary. On the contrary, we hold that each transfer\nnational political parties. They have usually avoided direct\niation but the association has always been close. The president\naffil.\npetition be will be examined on its own merits. Claims by States of\nof\nthe Union for more power vis-a-vis the Federal Government have\nthe Popular Democratic Party is now a national committeeman\nthe National Democratic Party. The head of the New Progressive of\nnever been denied because the citizens of the States vote for\nFederal officials on Federal questions. It is the nature of a federal\nParty is closely associated with the leadership of the National\nunion to share authority between the central and the associated\nRepublican Party. These associations have neither turned local\nbodies-States of the Union or the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico.\nparties away from local issues nor subordinated them to the\nThe 10th amendment of the Constitution reserves residual powers\nnational parties. Elections in Puerto Rico, as in the States of the\nto the States. This is the type of treatment requested by Joint\nUnion, will continue to treat local issues. Winning candidates and\nResolution No. 1 of December 3, 1962. Two of the political\nparties will be those preferred by local majorities.12\nIt is true, of course, that voting in a presidential election will\nparties in Puerto Rico have recently published lists of powers\nwhich they believe should be transferred from the Federal Govern-\ninclude the consideration of national issues. This is neither new\nment to the Commonwealth, some of which might well be studied\nnor harmful. U.S. citizens resident in Puerto Rico have always\nby future ad hoc advisory groups.\nbeen concerned with national issues and candidates. With the\nWe conclude that a President owing his election in part to the\npresidential vote, they will have an opportunity to participate in\nvoters in Puerto Rico would in fact be more, rather than less\nmajor decisionmaking.\nsensitive to requests for Commonwealth development.\n7. The Presidential Vote and Further Political Developments\nB. STATEHOOD AND INDEPENDENCE\nA. COMMONWEALTH GROWTH\nOver 99 percent of the voters in the 1967 plebiscite favored a\nIt has been argued that the presidential vote would thwart\npermanent union between Puerto Rico and the United States.\nsubsequent petitions for more autonomy. We do not find the\nFurther, since the establishment of the Commonwealth in 1952,\nargument persuasive. The presidential vote would permit citizens\nevery 4 years a party which favors permanent union with the\nin Puerto Rico a measure of participation in Federal authority.\nUnited States has been elected. These two prime facts have clearly\nThe growth of autonomy, which is the transfer of authority from\nestablished the present will of the voters of Puerto Rico. A sub-\nthe Federal Government to the government of the Common-\nsequent electorate in a subsequent plebiscite could make another\nwealth, is a separate question. The transfer of Federal powers to\ndetermination, but the combined majority of 97 percent in the\nthe Commonwealth, we believe, will be made only when and if\n1968 election for parties and candidates favoring permanent union\nCongress and the government of Puerto Rico agree on the powers\ndo not suggest that any substantial change is imminent. For\nto be transferred. We can see the presidential vote as having only\ncitizens resident in Puerto Rico the presidential vote would make\nindirect influence upon such decisions, and that influence prob-\nthis permanent union more democratic; therefore, it lies directly\nably in the direction of expanded autonomy.\nwithin the mandate of the plebiscite of 1967 as well as the general\nOne hypothetical argument presented was that the Federal\nelection of 1968. 13\nGovernment might respond to future petitions for further power\n13\nFor the results of the 1967 plebiscite vote see p. 4 above. In the 1968 election, all\ntransfers by asserting that, since Puerto Rico already had the\nparties except the Independentist Party favored permanent union with the United States.\nThe results were as follows:\npresidential vote, it already participated in those powers and the\nParty:\nIntegral vote for the party\ntransfer of such powers to the Commonwealth would, therefore,\nNew Progressive Party\n390,922\n12\nSee Henry Wells, \"A Consideration of the Effects that the Presidential Vote for\nPopular Democratic Party\n367,901\nPuerto Rico Might Have on Political Parties and Elections,\" Six Special Studies, pub-\nPeople's Party\n87,832\nlished by the Ad Hoc Advisory Group, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington,\nPuerto Rico Independentist Party\n24,729\nJuly 1971.\nStatehood Republican Party\n4,057\nTotal\n875,441\n120\n121"
}