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1075914
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Olympics (1980) - Federal Assistance for
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1075914
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Olympics (1980) - Federal Assistance for
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This file contains press releases.
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Vernon C. Loen and Charles Leppert Files
Vernon Loen's and Charles Leppert's General Subject Files
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1976-05-07
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1976
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1976
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The original documents are located in Box 19, folder "Olympics (1980) - Federal
Assistance for" of the Loen and Leppert Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential
Library.
Copyright Notice
The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of
photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Gerald Ford donated to the United
States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections.
Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public
domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to
remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid
copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
Digitized from Box 19 of the Loen & Leppert Files
at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library
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EMBARGOED FOR RELEASE
MAY 7, 1976
UNTIL 11:15 A.M. (EDT)
Office of the White House Press Secretary
THE WHITE HOUSE
FACT SHEET
Federal Assistance for the 1980
Winter Olympic Games
The President announced today that he is requesting legislation
to provide for special financial assistance for the 1980 Winter
Olympic Games, to be held in Lake Placid, New York.
The proposed legislation will:
-
Give the Secretary of Commerce the responsibility
for coordinating the Federal assistance for the
construction of the permanent sports facilities
required for the Games (estimated cost of $28
million). The Secretary would use existing
program authorities and budgets to the maximum
extent possible, and could request additional
appropriations, if needed, to finance the
construction;
-
Stipulate that the Federal Government not assume
any special responsibility for financing other
facilities or services which may be needed for
these Games. These costs would be the respon-
sibility of the State and local governments.
The sports facilities expected to be built with Federal
financial support include:
-
A new field house with two ice sheets and a
seating capacity of 9,000;
-
A 90-meter ski jump which would be the only
one of its kind in the country;
-
A 400-meter outdoor speed skating oval; and
-
A luge run.
####
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
MAY 7, 1976
OFFICE OF THE WHITE HOUSE PRESS SECRETARY
THE WHITE HOUSE
REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT
UPON HIS SIGNING
OF THE REQUEST FOR FUNDING
FOR FACILITIES FOR THE 1980 OLYMPICS
THE ROSE GARDEN
11:40 P.M. EDT
First, I wish to extend my very warm welcome
to all of you who are here today, the representatives of
the Lake Placid Organizing Committee, Philip Krumm, President
of the United States Olympic Commistee, Gerald Zornow, Chairman
of the President's Commission on Olympic Sports and other
Commissioners of that body, distinguished Congressmen are
also here, Gene Cowan, ABC host, spectacular coverage of the
Olympics who brought the thrill of victory and the agony
of defeat right into the living room for myself and millions
and millions of other Americans who were watching those
spectacular Olympic games, and finally and most particularly,
to the seven athletes who won medals on our behalf in the
1976 Winter Olympic games in Innsbruk:
Today we are here to pay tribute to your recent
accomplishments and to consider the future of American
amateur athletics in the 01ympic efforts of this country.
I doubt whether anybody here, except the athletes themselves,
fully understands the tremendous sacrifices that you and your
fellow teammates have made over the years and at Innsbruk
in order to successfully compete in the Olympic games.
I would like to thank each and every one of them
on behalf of all Americans for the honor which their
achievements have brought to our country and for advancing
the cause of international fellowship.
Obviously, it makes all of us extremely proud of what
you have done. I believe that the time is right for greater
understanding and support of amateur athletic competition in
this country. For this reason, I appointed a Presidential
Commission on 01ympic Sports last year to examine the nature
of American athletic competition. Their report, due later
this year, will assess the organization and the financing of
amateur sports in this country and how it affects American
participation in international competition, such as the 01ympic
games.
MORE
Page 2
An important factor in the success of
American 01ympic teams is the availability of first class
facilities for training as well as competition.
Many of the most thrilling events of the 1978
01ympics like the bobsled races and ski jumping events were held
at facilities which required tremendous expenditures to
construct. Europe, as we all know, has several speed skating
rinks and a number of 90 meter ski jumps. The United States,
I am sorry to say, has only one speed skating rink and no 90
meter ski jumps. As a result, American athletes in these
events must spend long months abroad to prepare for competition
or they must, on the other hand, limit their training.
America is very proud of her 01ympic athletes
and proud to have them take part in the great Olympic competition.
I am proposing, therefore, legislation that will provide
special financial assistance for the 1980 Winter Olympic
games to be held at Lake Placid, New York. The funds will be
used to build permanent sports facilities, including, among
others, a speed skating rink, a 90 meter ski jump and a
luge run. These facilities will not only be used for the
1980 Olympics, but will also be available for United States
athletes to train on thereafter.
I know that many of the Senators and the Congress-
men here today, like Bob McEwen of New York State, have worked
hard to improve amateur athletics and to bring the 1980 winter
games to the United States. Hopefully, the proposals that
I am making and submitting to the Congress will permit the full
realization of these goals.
Thank you very much.
END
(AT 11:45 P.M. EDT)
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
MAY 7, 1976
Office of the White House Press Secretary
THE WHITE HOUSE
TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:
I am returning, without my approval, S. 2662, a bill
that would seriously obstruct the exercise of the President's
constitutional responsibilities for the conduct of foreign
affairs. In addition to raising fundamental constitutional
problems, this bill includes a number of unwise restrictions
that would seriously inhibit my ability to implement a
coherent and consistent foreign policy:
By imposing an arbitrary arms sale ceiling, it
limits our ability to respond to the legitimate
defense needs of our friends and obstructs U.S.
industry from competing fairly with foreign
suppliers.
By requiring compliance by recipient countries
with visa practices or human rights standards set
by our Congress as a condition for continued U.S.
assistance, the bill ignores the many other complex
factors which should govern our relationships with
those countries; and it impairs our ability to deal
by more appropriate means with objectionable
practices of other nations.
By removing my restrictions on trade with North
and South Vietnam, S. 2662 undercuts any incentive
the North Vietnamese may have to provide an
accounting for our MIAs.
By mandating a termination of grant military
assistance and military assistance advisory groups
after fiscal year 1977 unless specifically authorized
by Congress, the bill vitiates two important tools
which enable us to respond to the needs of many
countries and maintain vital controls over military
sales programs.
The bill also contains several provisions which violate
the constitutional separation of executive and legislative
powers. By a concurrent resolution passed by a majority of
both Houses, programs authorized by the Congress can be later
reviewed, further restricted, or even terminated. Such frus-
tration of the ability of the Executive to make operational
decisions violates the President's constitutional authority
to conduct our relations with other nations.
While I encourage increased Congressional involvement in
the formulation of foreign policy, the pattern of unprecedented
restrictions contained in this bill requires that I reject such
Congressional encroachment on the Executive Branch's constitu-
tional authority to implement that policy.
more
2
Constitutional Objections
With regard to the Constitutional issues posed by S.2662,
this bill contains an array of objectionable requirements
whereby virtually all significant arms transfer decisions
would be subjected on a case-by-case basis to a period of
delay for Congressional review and possible disapproval by
concurrent resolution of the Congress. These provisions are
incompatible with the express provision in the Constitution
that a resolution having the force and effect of law must be
presented to the President and, if disapproved, repassed by
a two-thirds majority in the Senate and the House of
Representatives. They extend to the Congress the power to
prohibit specific transactions authorized by law without
changing the law -- and without following the constitutional
process such a change would require. Moreover, they would
involve the Congress directly in the performance of Executive
functions in disregard of the fundamental principle of sepa-
ration of powers. Congress can, by duly adopted legislation,
authorize or prohibit such actions as the execution of
contracts or the issuance of export licenses, but Congress
cannot itself participate in the Executive functions of
deciding whether to enter into a lawful contract or issue
a lawful license, either directly or through the disapproval
procedures contemplated in this bill.
The erosion of the basic distinction between legislative
and Executive functions which would result from the enactment
of S. 2662, displays itself in an increasing volume of similar
legislation which this Congress has passed or is considering.
Such legislation would pose a serious threat to our system of
government, and would forge impermissible shackles on the
President's ability to carry out the laws and conduct the
foreign relations of the United States. The President cannot
function effectively in domestic matters, and speak for the
nation authoritatively in foreign affairs, if his decisions
under authority previously conferred can be reversed by a
bare majority of the Congress. Also, the attempt of Congress
to become a virtual co-administrator in operational decisions
would seriously distract it from its proper legislative role.
Inefficiency, delay, and uncertainty in the management of our
nation's foreign affairs would eventually follow.
Apart from these basic constitutional deficiencies
which appear in six sections of the bill, S. 2662 is faulty
legislation, containing numerous unwise restrictions.
Annual Ceiling on Arms Sales
A further objectionable feature of S. 2662 is an annual
ceiling of $9.0 billion on the total of government sales and
commercial exports of military equipment and services. In
our search to negotiate mutual restraints in the prolifera-
tion of conventional weapons, this self-imposed ceiling would
be an impediment to our efforts to obtain the cooperation of
other arms-supplying nations. Such an arbitrary ceiling
would also require individual transactions to be evaluated,
not on their own merits, but on the basis of their relation-
ship to the volume of other, unrelated transactions. This
provision would establish an arbitrary, overall limitation
as a substitute for case-by-case analyses and decisions based
on foreign policy priorities and the legitimate security
needs of our allies and friends.
more
3
Discrimination and Human Rights
This bill also contains well-intended but misguided
provisions to require the termination of military coopera-
tion with countries which engage in practices that dis-
criminate against United States citizens or practices
constituting a consistent pattern of gross human rights
violations. This Administration is fully committed to a
policy of not only actively opposing but also seeking
the elimination of discrimination by foreign governments
against United States citizens on the basis of their race,
religion, national origin or sex, just as the Administration
is fully supportive of internationally recognized human rights
as a standard for all nations to respect. The use of the
proposed sanctions against sovereign nations is, however, an
awkward and ineffective device for the promotion of those policies
These provisions of the bill represent further attempts to ignore
important and complex policy considerations by requiring
simple legalistic tests to measure the conduct of sovereign
foreign governments. If Congress finds such conduct deficient,
specific actions by the United States to terminate or limit
our cooperation with the government concerned would be man-
dated. By making any single factor the effective determinant
of relationships which must take into account other considera-
tions, such provisions would add a new element of uncertainty
to our security assistance programs and would cast doubt upon
the reliability of the United States in its dealings with
other countries. Moreover, such restrictions would most
likely be counterproductive as a means for eliminating
discriminatory practices and promoting human rights. The
likely result would be a selective disassociation of the
United States from governments unpopular with the Congress,
thereby diminishing our ability to advance the cause of
human rights through diplomatic means.
Trade with Vietnam
The bill would suspend for 180 days the President's
authority to control certain trade with North and South
Vietnam, thereby removing a vital bargaining instrument
for the settlement of a number of differences between the
United States and these countries. I have the deepest
sympathy for the intent of this provision, which is to
obtain an accounting for Americans missing in action in
Vietnam. However, the enactment of this legislation would
not provide any real assurances that the Vietnamese would
now fulfill their long-standing obligation to provide such
an accounting. Indeed, the establishment of a direct
linkage between trade and accounting for those missing in
action might well only perpetuate Vietnamese demands for
greater and greater concessions.
This Administration is prepared to be responsive to
Vietnamese action on the question of Americans missing in
action. Nevertheless, the delicate process of negotiations
with the Vietnamese cannot be replaced by a legislative
mandate that would open up trade for a specified number of
days and then terminate that trade as a way to achieve our
diplomatic objectives. This mandate represents an unacceptable
attempt by Congress to manage the diplomatic relations of the
United States.
more
4
Termination of Grant Military Assistance and
Advisory Groups
The legislation would terminate grant military assis-
tance and military assistance advisory groups after fiscal
year 1977 except where specifically authorized by Congress,
thus creating a presumption against such programs and
missions. Such a step would have a severe impact on our
relations with other nations whose security and well-being
are important to our own national interests. In the case of
grant assistance, it would limit our flexibility to assist
countries whose national security is important to us but which
are not themselves able to bear the full cost of their own
defense. In the case of advisory groups, termination of
missions by legislative fiat would impair close and long-
standing military relationships with important allies.
Moreover, such termination is inconsistent with increasing
Congressional demands for the kind of information about and
control over arms sales which these groups now provide.
Such provisions would insert Congress deeply into the
details of specific country programs, a role which Congress
has neither the information nor the organizational structure
to play.
*****
I particularly regret that, notwithstanding the spirit
of genuine cooperation between the Legislative and Executive
Branches that has characterized the deliberations on this
legislation, we have been unable to overcome the major
policy differences that exist.
In disapproving this bill, I act as any President would,
and must, to retain the ability to function as the foreign
policy leader and spokesman of the Nation. In world affairs
today, America can have only one foreign policy. Moreover,
that foreign policy must be certain, clear and consistent.
Foreign governments must know that they can treat with the
President on foreign policy matters, and that when he speaks
within his authority, they can rely upon his words.
Accordingly, I must veto the bill.
GERALD R. FORD
THE WHITE HOUSE,
May 7, 1976.
#####