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The original documents are located in Box 9, folder "Discrimination - Arab Boycott (1)" of
the Philip Buchen Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
Copyright Notice
The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of
photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Gerald R. Ford donated to the United
States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections.
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copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
U.S. S. DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE
Cifice of the Secretary
Wa shingson, D.C. 20230
STATES OF
Discrimmation
March 4, 1975
Honorable Philip W. Buchen
Counsel to the President
The White House
Washington, D. C. 20500
Dear Mr. Buchen:
Pursuant to our telephone conversation this
morning, attached please find the February 14
letter to Secretary Dent from Senators Javits
and Williams concerning the issue of alleged
Arab discriminatory practices. Attached also
are copies of our preliminary responses from
our Office of Congressional Affairs.
Sincerely,
Robert RobertS.Milligan Milligan
Director
Office of Policy Development
Attachments
BERALD FORD LIBRART
Digitized from Box 9 of the Philip Buchen Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library
February 18, 1975
Honorable Harrison A, Williams, Jr.
United States Senate
Washington, D. C. 20510
Dear Senator Williams:
Secretary Dent has asked me to acknowledge the February 14
letter in which you and Senator Javits express concern with
reports of religious discrimination in international financial
transactions.
You may be assured that we will look into this matter and that
Secretary Dent will write you further in this regard at an early
date.
Sincerely,
James M. Sparling, Jr.
Assistant to the Secretary
for Congressional Affairs
145039
Dobbin
FORD + LIBRARY GERALD
Secretary's signature
Dinited States Senate
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20510
February 14, 1975
Dear Mr. Secretary:
We have noted with grave concern reports of efforts to
discriminate against banking firms with Jewish members from
participation in international financial transactions. This
effort now seems to be spreading to the United States as
evidenced by the reported withdrawal of the Kuwait Investment
Company from two transactions in which it would have been
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE
OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY
EXECUTIVE SECRETARIAT
1975 FEB 14 PM 4 15
an underwriter together with Lazard Freres and Company. We
believe that the spread of this unconscionable practice so
opposed to American principles and law should be stopped in
the United States. Quite properly, Merrill Lynch, Pierce,
Fenner, and Smith, Inc., as the leading underwriter, and
Donald Regan, its chief executive has announced its intention
to proceed with the transactions not to be intimidated by
the Kuwait withdrawal.
It is clearly intolerable to permit Arab---or any---
investors to attempt to extend such religious discrimination
to the United States. Indeed, the policy of the United States
has been expressed in the Export Administration Act in an
amendment we introduced in 1965 now law which states:
"It is the policy of the United States (A) to oppose
restrictive trade practices or boycotts fostered or imposed
by foreign countries friendly to the United States and (B) to
encourage and request domestic concerns engaged in the export
of articles, materials, supplies or information, to refuse
to take any action, including the furnishing of information
or the signing of agreements, which has the effect of furthering
or supporting the restrictive trade practices or boycotts
fostered or imposed by any foreign country against another
country friendly to the United States
"
This latest action by Arab interests is an attempt to
extend the boycott against Israel to firms with any Jewisho
members everywhere, including the United States, and BERAF® therefore
contrary to stated U.S. policy.
RARY
4503.
-2-
These events have raised the distinct possibility also of
pressure by Arab interests that could result in a positive
discriminatory action or financial harm to a U.S. company or
citizen. Furthermore, the Kuwait Investment Company may be
engaged in other U.S. transactions of a comparable discriminatory
nature. While U.S. law cannot compel the inclusion of under-
writers who do not wish to participate in an underwriting,
we cannot allow any investor to dictate the membership of an
underwriting group on the basis of religious exclusion.
Prompt action is required to prevent the spread of such
discrimination. We therefore request your department to act
promptly to:
(1) determine whether any cases of religious discrimination
against Jewish or any other Americans by the Arab interests
have already occurred;
(2) examine closely U.S. law and regulations to deter-
mine whether violations of law are involved;
(3) promulgate, where possible, under existing law
such regulations as may be necessary to prevent the occurrence
of any such religious discrimination; and
(4) propose such new legislation as may be needed to
prevent such discrimination.
We are aware that studies may be under way in your
department with regard to foreign investment in the U.S., and
we welcome them. However, the issue of religious discrimination
in business is so vital and so fundamental that it should be
addressed immediately.
We feel the U.S. stands ready to welcome foreign invest-
ment, including Arab investment, that conforms to the standards
of our society and the national security and interest, but Arab
oil money should not be permitted to enter our country on a basis
contrary to our morality and constitution. This matter should be
given the highest priority and we await your prompt response.
Sincerely,
that Jacob K. Javits
Harrison A. Williams,
Jr.
The Honorable Frederick B. Dent
Secretary
Department of Commerce
BERALO FORD LIBRART
Washington, D.C.
luesday 5/4/10
10:20 Robert Milligan would like a call.
967-4885
(Dir., Office of Policy Development, Office of Secy. of Commerce
His secretary said you had talked with him either
yesterday or today.
FORD is LIBRARY 07V830
Discrimination
Wednesday 3/5/75
10:45
Dennis Fahrney of the Wall Street Journal
783-0164
would appreciate a call.
Needs to talk about the investigation into the Arab
boycott of Jewish businesses ??
He had been referred to Ed Savage in the Press Office
but he didn't know very much about it.
FORD is LIBRARY QERVLD
WASHINGTON, D.C. OFFICE
ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUE
Of B'nai B'rith
1640 Rhode Island Avenue, N.W.
Washington, D. C. 20036
[202] 393-5284
NATIONAL COMMISSION
DAVID A. BRODY
SEYMOUR GRAUBARD
Director
National Chairman
DORE SCHARY
HENRY E. SCHULTZ
Honorary Chairmen
DAVID A. ROSE
Chairman. National
Executive Committee
March 20, 1975
LEONARD L. ABESS
JACK A. GOLDFARB
LAWRENCE A. HARVEY
JACOB K. JAVITS
PHILIP M. KLUTZNICK
LEON LOWENSTEIN
ROBERT R. NATHAN
Hon. Philip W. Buchen
ABRAHAM A. RIBICOFF
MATTHEW B. ROSENHAUS
Counsel to the President
CHESTER H. ROTH
WILLIAM SACHS
The White House
PAUL H. SAMPLINER
MELVIN H. SCHLESINGER
Washington, D. C. 20500
THEODORE H. SILBERT
Honorary Vice-Chairmen
MRS. ISADORE E. BINSTOCK
Dear Mr. Buchen:
MERLE D. COHN
MORTON R. GODINE
CHARLES GOLDRING
BERNARD D. MINTZ
I just want to take this opportunity to
NORMAN J. SCHLOSSMAN
Vice-Chairmen
express to you our thanks for taking time
MAXWELL E. GREENBERG
out of your busy schedule to meet with us to
Vice-Chairman. National
Executive Committee
discuss the implications of the boycott by
BENJAMIN GREENBERG
RICHARD M. LEDERER, JR.
the Arabs of domestic concerns doing business
Honorary Treasurers
with Israel and their effort to export anti-
BURTON M. JOSEPH
Treasurer
Semitism to this country along with their
THOMAS D. MANTEL
petrodollars. We appreciate the deep seated
Assistant Treasurer
JOHN L. GOLDWATER
concern over these developments which you
Secretary
NORMAN M. WALL
expressed to us as well as your helpful
Assistant Secretary
suggestions.
BENJAMIN R. EPSTEIN
National Director
Incidentally, I saw Dick Vander Veen earlier
DAVID M. BLUMBERG
President. Binai B'rith
this week and told him of the fine meeting we
RABBI BENJAMIN KAHN
Executive Vice-President,
had with you.
B'nail B'rith
MRS. MILTON T. SMITH
President B'nai B'rith Women
With every good wish,
ARNOLD FORSTER
Associate National Director
Sincerely
and General Counsel
NATHAN PERLMUTTER
Assistant National Director
Development Planning
DAB:mbh
David A. Brody
STAFF DIRECTORS
ABRAHAM H. FOXMAN
Leadership
THEODORE FREEDMAN
Program, Community Service
GERALD FORD
YNNE IANNIELLO
Public Relations
J. HAROLD SAKS
Administration
Discrimination
Thursday 3/13/75
Meeting
3/13/75
12:30 p.m.
6:15 David Brody, Lawrence Pierez and Justin Finger
will meet with you at 12:30 p.m. tomorrow (Friday 3/14).
(Mr. Brody had originally said Arnold Foster would be
coming with him but Justin Finger is coming instead.)
FORD it LIBRARY 076830
David
Tuesday 3/11/75
Meeting
3/14/75
3:20 David Brody, Washington representative of the Anti-
Ex. 3-528
defamation League of B'Nai Brith, is the Chairman
of the National Executive Committee.
Lawrence Pierez and Arnold Foster (General Counsel)
will be here in Washington on Friday and David Brody
would like to bring them in to meet with you to discuss
the Arab boycott and offer some suggestions.
They have a 10:30 meeting and then a 2 p.m. meeting
at the Pentagon ------ but would be free between 11:30 and
1:30 for a short meeting.
Mr. Brody knows the President and Congressman Vander Veen,
he says.
Do you want us to schedule a meeting for Friday?
Descriment
ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUE OF B'NAI B'RITH
315 LEXINGTON AVENUE, NEW YORK, N.Y. 10016, TEL. 689-7400
IONAL COMMISSION
MOUR GRAUBARD
onal Chairman
SCHARY
March 26, 1975
E. SCHULTZ
Chairmen
ID A. ROSE
rman, National
cutive Committee
Hon. Philip W. Buchen
NARD L. ABESS
A. GOLDFARB
Counsel to the President
VRENCE A. HARVEY
The White House
K. JAVITS
M. KLUTENICK
Washington, D.C. 20500
LOWENSTEIN
R. NATHAN
AHAM A. RIBICOFF
Dear Mr. Buchen:
THEW B. ROSENHAUS
STER H. ROTH
LIAM SACHS
I want to thank you for our most satisfactory and productive
VIN H. SCHLESINGER
ODORE H. SILBERT
meeting on the Arab boycott issue. Mr. Peirez, Mr. Brody and I
orary Vice-Chairmen
were most encouraged by the Administration's attitude toward this
ROTHY BINSTOCK
D. COHN
problem and we are anxious to be of any further help if we can.
TON R. GODINE
RLES GOLDRING
NARD D. MINTZ
Since our meeting, the ADL has come into possession of the at-
MAN J. SCHLOSSMAN
-Chairmen
tached document, which directly bears on the matter of our mutual
KWELL E. GREENBERG
concern. By its own terms, it is only one of a number of invita-
-Chairman, National
tions issued to American firms to bid on a contract to furnish
cutive Committee
JAMIN GREENBERG
architectural-engineering services in Cairo, Egypt. We understand
HARD M. LEDERER, JR.
from our source that the addressee company plans to submit a bid
orary Treasurers
for this very lucrative contract. Acceptance of the conditions set
M. JOSEPH
isurer
forth in the letter would constitute compliance with the Arab boy-
OMAS D. MANTEL
cott by these companies, a matter which should be of great interest
istant Treasurer
L. GOLDWATER
to the Justice Department as a possible violation of the Sherman Act.
retary
RMAN M. WALL
We believe that American firms would be better able to withstand
istant Secretary
JAMIN R. EPSTEIN
pressure for compliance if they had a definitive interpretation of the
ional Director
law from the Justice Department.
M. BLUMBERG
dent, B'nai Birth
We have deleted the name of the addressee on the document as we
BENJAMIN M. KAHN
must protect our source from disclosure.
cutive Vice-President,
B'rith
G. SMITH
Again, we at the ADL are most appreciative of the Administration's
sident, B'nai Birth Women
efforts to protect the rights of all our citizens.
NOLD FORSTER
ociate National Director
Sincerely,
General Counsel
THAN PERLMUTTER
istant National Director
velopment, Planning
DIRECTORS
JJF:am
FORD
RAHAM H. FOXMAN
dership
EODORE FREEDMAN
cc: David Brody
LIBRARY
gram, Community Service
INE IANNIELLO
Relations
IAROLD SAKS
Enclosures
ministration
AMISTANT ATTORNEY GENERAL
OFFICE OF LEGAL COUNSEL
Department of Justice
Mashington, D.C. 20530
MAR 2 4 1975
MEMORANDUM TO THE HONORABLE PHILIP W. BUCHEN
Counsel to the President
Re: Principal Federal Laws Relating to Arab
Boycott and Discrimination
This is in response to your recent request for a
description of the principal Federal laws bearing upon
the Arab League boycott of businesses having certain
contacts with Israel; the alleged application of racial
or religious tests by Arab states and businesses, in
connection with the boycott or otherwise; and the con-
duct of U.S. Government agencies, private companies
and individuals in complying with or cooperating in
the boycott or the racial or religious discrimination.
The nature of the boycott, and the steps now being
taken by the Departments of State, Treasury, Commerce,
and Justice to meet it, were discussed in recent testi-
mony by representatives of those agencies before the
Subcommittee on International Trade and Commerce of the
House Committee on Foreign Affairs; copies are attached
for your information. There is an almost unlimited
number of laws which have conceivable application to
discriminatory or boycott-related activities, depending
upon the precise nature of the activity and the par-
ticular field of commerce involved. For example, a
regulation of the Federal Communications Commission,
47 C.F.R. § 21.307, prohibits racial or religious
discrimination by communications common carriers. We
have not attempted to assemble all such particularized
restrictions, but will address only those statutes
that are of general application, and those more narrow
statutes which bear upon specific abuses that have been
alleged.
FORD LIBRARY
I. FEDERAL CIVIL RIGHTS LAWS
The boycott rules established by the Central Boycott
Office of the Arab League Council do not impose sanctions
on the basis of race or religious affiliation--nor even,
for that matter, on the basis of ordinary commercial
dealings with Israel. Allegations have been made, however,
that racial or religious criteria have been applied.
Moreover, quite unconnected with the boycott itself, some
Arab nations have restrictive practices with respect to
the entry or employment of Jews in their territories.
Thus, application of the United States civil rights laws
is relevant.
For purposes of this discussion, it will be useful
to divide the problem into three categories: discrmina-
tion in employment; discrimination in the selection of
suppliers or contractors; and discrimination by private
firms in the treatment of customers.
Discrimination in Employment
Federal employment
The Federal government is of course prohibited
from discriminating in employment on the basis of race
or religion by the Constitution itself. The courts have
held that the due process clause of the Fifth Amendment
embodies equal protection concepts like those expressly
set forth in the Fourteenth Amendment. See, e.g.,
Bolling V. Sharpe, 347 U.S. 497, 499 (1954) ; Johnson V.
Robison, 415 U.S. 361, 364, footnote 4 (1974) In
furtherance of this constitutional principle, Executive
Order 11478 explicitly prohibits discrimination in the
employment practices of Federal agencies and charges the
Civil Service Commission with responsibility for over-
seeing enforcement of the prohibition. It should be
noted that the Executive Order recites (Section 6) that
it "does not apply to aliens employed outside the
limits of the United States." The implication of this
is that it does apply to United States citizens employed
throughout the world. Cf. Espinoza V. Farah Mfg. Co.,
414 U.S. 86, 95 (1973).
- 2 -
FORD
is
GENALD
LIBRARY
In 1972, discrimination in employment practices
of Federal agencies was made unlawful by statute,
through the addition of Section 717 to Title VII of
the Civil Rights Act of 1964, 42 U.S.C. 2000e-16.
This requires each agency to establish an administrative
procedure for the handling of discrimination complaints.
When administrative procedures are exhausted, the
aggrieved individual is given a right to judicial
relief. Enforcement of Section 717 rests with each
agency, with respect to its own employees, with over-
sight responsibility in the Civil Service Commission.
This statutory provision, like the pre-existing Execu-
tive Order, is not applicable "to aliens employed out-
side the limits of the United States"- an exclusion
which implies that it is applicable to citizens employed
by the Federal government throughout the world.
Private employment
With respect to discrimination in employment by
private companies and individuals, the governing pro-
vision is Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, as
amended. This prohibits a broad range of "unlawful
employment practices" by any private employer "engaged
in an industry affecting commerce who has fifteen or
more employees." § 701 (b), 42 U.S.C. 2000e (b). The
prohibited practices include refusal to hire an indi-
vidual, or any discrimination regarding the terms or
conditions of his employment, based on race, color,
religion, sex or national origin. § 703 (a), 42 U.S.C.
2000e-2 (a). Once again, the statute contains an exemp-
tion "with respect to the employment of aliens outside
any State," § 702, 42 U.S.C. 2000e-1, which implies
that it is applicable to the employment of United States
citizens by covered employers anywhere in the world.
Prior to March 24, 1974, the Department of Justice
had civil enforcement responsibility with respect to
this legislation; but as of that date the 1972 amend-
ments transferred such authority to the Equal Employment
Opportunity Commission (EEOC). $ 707 (c) - (e), 42 U.S.C.
2000e-6(c) - (e). Of course, civil lawsuits by the
aggrieved individuals are also an available means of
enforcement.
Title VII provides for certain exceptions to its
broad prohibitions, one of which deserves special
mention within the present context. Section 703 (e),
42 U.S.C. 2000e-2(e), provides in part that hiring or FORD
- 3 -
employment "on the basis of
...
religion, sex, or
national origin" (note that "race" and "color" are
significantly omitted) is not unlawful in circumstances
in which such factor "is a bona fide occupational quali-
fication reasonably necessary to the normal operation
of
[the] particular business or enterprise."
There is no Federal case law on the point whether this
provision would, for example, justify the refusal to
hire a Jewish applicant for a job to be performed in a
country which does not issue visas to Jews. A New York
State trial court found that a comparable exemption under
that State's antidiscrimination legislation would not
justify such refusal. American Jewish Congress V.
Carter, 19 Misc. 2d 205, 190 N.Y.S. 2d 218 (Sup. Ct.
1959), modified, 10 App. Div. 2d 833, 199 N.Y.S. 2d 157
(1960), aff'd, 9 N.Y. 2d 223, 213 N.Y.S. 2d 60, 173 N.E.
2d 788 (1961). Moreover, EEOC guidelines concerning sex
discrimination, 29 C.F.R. § 1604.2 (a), and national
origin discrimination, 29 C.F.R. § 1606.1 (a), state that
the bona fide occupational qualification exception is to
be construed "narrowly" or "strictly." The guidelines
regarding religious discrimination, 29 C.F.R. Part 1605,
do not address this matter. In the present context, it
is not clear whether discrimination against Jews should
be regarded as "religious" or "racial" discrimination
or even discrimination based on "national origin.'
In addition to Title VII, there are special restric-
tions upon discrimination in the employment practices of
persons who hold contracts (or subcontracts) with the
Federal government or who perform federally assisted
construction. Executive Order 11246, as amended, forbids
such employers, regardless of the number of employees
whom they hire, to discriminate on the basis of race,
color, religion, sex, or national origin. Responsibility
for securing compliance with the Executive Order belongs
to the various contracting agencies, subject to the over-
all authority of the Secretary of Labor. The sanctions
provided by the Order include the bringing of lawsuits by
the Department of Justice, upon referral by the agency,
to enforce the nondiscrimination requirements.
It should be noted that Section 204 of the Order
gives the Secretary of Labor the power (which he has
exercised in 41 C.F.R. § 60-1.5 (a) (3)) to exempt classes
of contracts "whenever work is to be
performed
outside the United States and no recruitment of workers
- 4 -
i
FORD
GERALD
LIBRARY
within the limits of the United States is involved."
The clear implication is that contracts to be performed
abroad cannot, as a class, be exempted so long as
recruitment takes place within the United States.
Section 204 of the Order also permits the Secretary to
exempt a particular contract when "special circumstances
in the national interest so require.' On March 10, 1975,
former Secretary of Labor Brennan sent to all Federal
agencies a memorandum which stated that the Order is
violated by refusal in this country to employ any person
on the prohibited discriminatory grounds, "regardless
of exclusionary policies in the country where the work
is to be performed or for whom the work will be performed."
While Title VII and Executive Order 11246 are the
main sources of authority with regard to private employ-
ment, it should be noted that some agencies have issued
regulations, based upon their particular statutes,
concerning employment practices of federally regulated
or assisted entities. See, e.g., the regulations of the
Federal Communications Commission, alluded to above,
pertaining to communications common carriers, 47 C.F.R.
§ 21.307.
Discrimination in Selection of Contractors
Title VII and the Executive Orders discussed above
relate to "employment." That term does not cover the
selection of suppliers or subcontractors. Nor is there
any other generally applicable Federal statute or Execu-
tive Order prohibiting discrimination on the basis of
race or religion in the selection of suppliers or
contractors.
With respect to the procurement practices of Federal
agencies, the due process clause would presumably pro-
hibit any discrimination even as between contractors, on
the basis of race or religion. With respect to the
practices of private firms, however, in selecting suppliers
of goods or services, it appears that the civil rights
laws impose no such constraints. In some circumstances,
1/ Section 1 of the Civil Rights Act of 1866, 42 U.S.C.
1981, provides that "all persons within the jurisdiction
of the United States shall have the same right
to
make and enforce contracts
as
is
enjoyed
by
white
citizens
This provision has been interpreted to
prohibit private discrimination in contraction
on the basis of alienage or color.
(continued on next page)
GERALD
LIBRARY
- 5 -
when a private company is closely connected to the
Federal government or a State government, it might be
argued that the action of the company is "State action"
and therefore subject to constitutional prohibitions
against discrimination. Cf. Burton V. Wilmington
Parking Authority, 365 U.S. 715 (1961). Recent deci-
sions indicate, however, that the present Supreme
Court has a narrow view of the scope of "State action.
See, e.g., Jackson V. Metropolitan Edison Co., 43 U.S.L.W.
4110 (Dec. 23, 1974).
Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, 42 U.S.C.
2000d, states:
No person in the United States shall, on
the ground of race, color, or national origin,
be excluded from participation in, be denied
the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimina-
tion under any program or activity receiving
Federal financial assistance.
This has been interpreted by some agencies as prohibiting
discrimination by grantees in their selection of indepen-
dent contractors. See, e.g., 28 C.F.R. § 42.104 (b) (vi).
It is not entirely clear that this extension will be
upheld in all cases, at least where the contractors can
in no way be regarded as intended beneficiaries of the
grant statute. Moreover, it should be noted that
Title VI only applies to persons "in the United States,"
and does not prohibit discrimination on the basis of
religion.
Discrimination in the Treatment of Customers
There are no generally applicable Federal laws or
Executive Orders which prohibit, the refusal to deal with
a particular customer on the basis of race or religion.2,
Title VI, mentioned above, theoretically might apply,
but it is hard to visualize the circumstances under which
1/ (Continued from the previous page)
that the Supreme Court might extend it to racial or reli-
gious discrimination in contracting; but unless we wish
to seek a significant extension of present law, the pro-
vision must be considered inapplicable to the circum-
stances here discussed.
See note 1, supra.
:
FORD
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GERALD
LIBRARY
the Arab boycott would result in discrimination against
a customer on racial grounds in the United States by one
receiving a Federal grant.
Some civil rights statutes do impose restrictions,
unconnected with the receipt of Federal money, upon
particular areas of commerce--for example, Title II of
the 1964 Civil Rights Act, 42 U.S.C. 2000a, relating
to public accommodations, and Title VIII of the 1968
Civil Rights Act, 42 U.S.C. 3601, relating to housing.
There are, however, numerous State laws which impose
more general restrictions.
Conclusions
With regard to employment (including work assignments)
and contracting, the Federal government may not discrimi-
nate against anyone on the basis of race, religion, color,
sex, or national origin in the United States; it cannot
SO discriminate against American citizens anywhere in the
world. Thus, it would be unlawful for a Federal agency
intentionally to exclude Jewish employees from agency
work in Arab countries (assuming the employees themselves
did not wish to be excluded) merely because they might
incur the disfavor of the host country.
In the present context, the most difficult questions
with respect to Federal employment and contracting are
presented by those cases in which the Arab state excludes
Jews from the country altogether, as does Saudi Arabia.
--Is it essential, in order to avoid a
violation, to submit the names of Jewish employees
for entry even though it is a certainty that they
will be rejected? As a practical matter, cer-
tainty will rarely exist and submission of the
visa applications will be necessary to establish
it. This seems the best course as a matter of
policy in any event. It would probably consti-
tute technical compliance with the law to make
the possession of a valid visa a qualification
for the employment or work assignment.
FORD
While the impact of such a racially neutral hiring or
assignment qualification would be exclusively on Jews,
GERALD
LIBRARY
there would exist the required correlation between the
ability to meet the job or assignment qualification and
the ability to do the job. Cf. Griggs V. Duke Power Co.
401 U.S. 424, 431-432 (1971).
- 7 -
--If a visa is discriminatorily denied to
a person attempting to enter a country to par-
ticipate in activity of a Federal agency, must
the activity itself be cancelled? The civil
rights laws in no way require this, although it
certainly is a policy matter to be considered.
--How can the Federal government select
contractors for work in Arab countries which
exclude Jews without violating the civil rights
laws? Again it would probably constitute
technical compliance with the law to condition
the acceptance of a bid or the letting of a
contract on the ability of the contractor to
obtain entry into the country.
With respect to private businesses, discrimination
in employment (including work assignment) is unlawful
in this country--and abroad if it affects American citizens.
The same visa problems discussed with respect to the Federal
government arise here as well.
Generally speaking, unless a business is a regulated
utility, a grantee of Federal funds, or a business
engaging in "State action" in the constitutional sense,
it has no Federal obligation in contracting or in selecting
customers, to refrain from discrimination against Jews
either in this country or abroad.
A caveat is necessary with respect to so much of the
foregoing conclusions as applies to activity on foreign
soil: Where, with respect to such activity, the extra-
territorial application of United States law would result
in a direct conflict with the mandate of the foreign
sovereign, under established principles of international
law the United States law may yield. Absent a vital
national interest on the part of the State whose law has
extraterritorial application, an individual normally will
not be punished by the State for an act which he was
compelled to perform under the law of the State which had
physical jurisdiction over him at the time. See
Restatement (Second), Foreign Relations Law § 40 (1965) .
We are unaware of any judicial application of this principle
to the type of law at issue here, nor to acts of the Federal
government itself as opposed to acts of private citizens
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II. FEDERAL ANTITRUST LAWS
The primary Federal antitrust statute which has
significant potential application with respect to the
Arab boycott is the Sherman Act, which makes illegal
"every contract, combination
or conspiracy in
restraint of trade or commerce among the several States,
or with foreign nations. 15 U.S.C. 1. This legislation
is enforced by the Antitrust Division of the Department of
Justice through suit in the courts to impose both civil
and criminal sanctions. 15 U.S.C. 2, 4. In addition, any
person injured as a result of violation of the Act may
bring a law suit seeking treble damages. 15 U.S.C. 15.
The Sherman Act represents what might accurately be
called a "common law" of antitrust. That is to say, the
generalized prohibition set forth in the language just
quoted has been given content by judicial reference to
common law antitrust principles which existed before the
Act was passed, and by judicial elaboration and refinement
of new principles under the rubric of the statutory
language. "Restraint of trade" has been read to mean
"unreasonable restraint of trade" and unreasonableness
has been determined by economic and legal principles
enunciated by the courts.
Violations of the Sherman Act also constitute violations
of Section 5 of the Federal Trade Commission Act, 15 U.S.C.
45. American Cyanamid Co. V. F.T.C., 363 F.2d 757 (6th Cir.
1966) ; Union Circulation Co. V. F.T.C., 241 F.2d 652
(2d Cir. 1957). While "unfair methods of competition"
condemned by Section 5 are not limited to violations of the
Sherman Act, F.T.C. V. Motion Picture Advertising Service
Co., 344 U.S. 392 (1953), they. have not been interpreted to
include activity based upon racial or religious discrimina-
tion. And with respect to boycotts the reach of Section 5
is apparently no greater than that of the Sherman Act. See,
e.g., F.T.C. V. Paramount Famous-Lasky Corp., 57 F.2d 152
(2d Cir. 1932). There is some possibility that Section 5
could be interpreted to require American companies to dis-
close to their customers as a material fact that they are
boycotting Israel. This extension, however, seems to us
both doubtful and undesirable. In any event, enforcement
of the Federal Trade Commission Act is the exclusive
province of the F.T.C. (Continued on next page.)
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The primary boycott in the present case--the boycott
of Israel by the Arabs-does not directly affect United
States commerce and is not cognizable under our antitrust
laws. The secondary boycott, that is, the boycott of
United States businesses providing certain economic
advantages to Israel, is another matter. An agreement
between commercial firms doing business in the United
States to boycott another firm in this country would
constitute a traditional form of restraint of trade, and
ordinarily would fall within the category of acts illegal
per se. See, e.g., Klor's, Inc. V. Broadway-Hale Stores,
Inc., 359 U.S. 207 (1959). For purposes of further
analysis it will be useful to consider separately the
possible Sherman Act liability of (1) the Arab states,
(2) Arab businesses, and (3) United States businesses.
It is highly unlikely that the Sherman Act can
be used against the Arab states. This is so primarily
because a sovereign state cannot be made a defendant in
the courts of another sovereign. Guaranty Trust Co. V.
United States, 304 U.S. 126, 134 (1938) (Stone, J.). While
this doctrine only fully applies to "public or political"
acts of a state, and perhaps not to its "priváte or
commercial" acts, see, e.g., United States V. Deutsches
Kalisyndikat Gesellschaft, 31 F.2d 199 (S.D.N.Y. 1929),
the boycott in question is probably more "political" than
"commercial," inasmuch as it is an expression of the Arab
states' economic warfare against Israel. Secondly, the
"act of state" doctrine might insulate most of the Arab
states' boycott activities (and perhaps all of them if
they were properly structured) from our antitrust laws.
That doctrine holds that the courts of a sovereign will
not examine the validity of acts of another sovereign
performed within its own territory. See, e.g., Banco
Nacional de Cuba V. Sabbatino, 376 U.S. 398 (1964).
Sherman Act liability of Arab entities other than
the Arab states themselves is more likely, but in our view
Continued from previous page
Two other trade statutes deal with restraints of
trade in imports, the Wilson Tariff Act of 1894, 15 U.S.C.
8-11, and the Tariff Act of 1930, 19 U.S.C. 1337. It is
unlikely that these provisions provide any coverage with
respect to the activities here under discussion, not
duplicative of the Sherman Act.
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still doubtful. Foreign corporations are, of course,
subject to the Sherman Act even when their unlawful
activity is carried on in foreign territory, so long
as the activity affects our commerce. United States
V. Aluminum Company of America, 148 F. 2d 416 (2d Cir.
1945). However, if the activity in question occurs
within a foreign state, and under legal compulsion by
that state, it would ordinarily be contrary to the
principles of international comity to subject the actor
to liability in another jurisdiction. See, e.g., Inter-
american Refining Corp. V. Texaco Maricaibo, Inc., 307
F. Supp. 129 (D. Del. 1970). This principle might
insulate actions by Arab companies taken within their
own countries. Moreover, even with respect to acts
committed by such nongovernmental entities within this
country, it is in our view likely that the international
political situation and the compulsion exerted by the
Arab states over their nationals would be taken into
account in determining whether the restraint of trade
was "reasonable" under the Sherman Act. The purpose and
context of a particular restraint of trade are of course
relevant in determining its reasonableness, see, e.g.,
Worthen Bank & Trust Co. V. National BankAmericard, Inc.,
485 F.2d 119 (8th Cir. 1973), cert. denied, 415 U.S. 918
(1974). Even "per se" violations of the Act can sometimes
be legitimated by such factors--for example, an agreement
not to compete can be valid if its purpose is to preserve
the good will of a business that has been sold. Cincinnati,
Portsmouth, Big Sandy and Pomeroy Packet Co. V. Bay,
200 U.S. 179 (1906). With this flexibility available,
it seems to us unlikely that the courts will find the
Sherman Act to be a device which thrusts us into unavoid-
able confrontation in international politics whenever a
secondary boycott, motivated by political considerations,
is imposed by foreign governments through their nationals.
5/ We have no firm information on whether the secondary
boycott is mandatory for Arab companies under their
domestic laws; mere permissibility would not suffice to
bring the principle into play. Continental Ore Co. V.
Union Carbide & Carbon Corp., 370 U.S. 690 (1962).
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(There would be no basis under the Act for distinguishing
between boycotts with which we are sympathetic and those
with which we are not.) At least with respect to what
might be termed the "core" of the secondary boycott--
that is, the agreements among Arab states and their own
nationals--it seems to us doubtful that the restraint
would be held "unreasonable." At a minimum, it is
probable that the courts would require a material adverse
effect upon foreign commerce greater than that which the
Arab boycott in most cases produces.
American businesses and businessmen cannot rely
upon any of the distinctive features discussed above to
avoid Sherman Act liabilities. Nonetheless, the existence
of a "contract, combination, or conspiracy" as opposed to
merely individual action, would have to be established.
United States V. Colgate & Co., 250 U.S. 300 (1919). This
requirement would ordinarily not be satisfied by a
company's mere unilateral abstention from doing business
with Israel in order to obtain Arab business. It might be
argued, however, that an economic decision to do business
with one person rather than another in order to avoid the
effect of the former's boycott is a tacit combination or
contract, cf. Interstate Circuit, Inc. V. United States,
306 U.S. 208 (1939). It is uncertain whether this theory
would be applied, but it could form the basis of good-
faith prosecution.
If an American company has made an actual agreement
not to deal with Israel (as opposed to mere unilateral
determination not to do so in order to obtain Arab business),
6/ If Arab entities are held subject to the Sherman Act,
there would of course often be substantial impediment to
the assertion of personal jurisdiction or the enforcement
of judgments. See, e.g., United States V. Imperial Chemical
Industries, 105 F. Supp. 215 (S.D.N.Y. 1952) ; British Nylon
Spinners, Ltd. V. Imperial Chemical Industries, Ltd., [1953]
Ch. 19 (C.A. 1952).
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the fact that the agreement was made under duress, in
order to avoid becoming an object of the boycott, would
be no defense. Interstate Circuit, Inc. V. United
States, supra. There might, however, be some difficulty
in establishing that the agreement resulted in the pro-
scribed restraint upon American foreign commerce. That
is, assuming that the Arab states may with impunity bar
an American company from doing business with them if it
trades with Israel; and assuming further (as presumably
would always be the case) that the volume of business
which the company will do with the Arabs exceeds that
which it would anticipate from Israel; it could be argued
that the only net restraint, if any, is upon Israeli
foreign commerce, an interest not protected by the United
States antitrust laws. See American Banana Co. V. United
Fruit Co., 213 U.S. 347 (1909) ; United States V. Aluminum
Company of America, supra. This argument would not be
available, of course, when the American business agrees
to refrain from dealing not only with Israel, but also
with another American company. There, the effect upon
American commerce would be immediate and demonstrable.
It may be noted that the Congress is apparently
of the view that "foreign policy" boycotts of the sort
here involved do not violate United States law. A
provision of the Export Administration Act of 1969,
which first appeared in 1965 as an amendment to the
Export Control Act of 1949, reads as follows:
(5) It is the policy of the United States
(A) to oppose restrictive trade practices or
boycotts fostered or imposed by foreign coun-
tries against other countries friendly to the
United States, and (B) to encourage and request
domestic concerns engaged in the export of
articles, materials, supplies, or information,
to refuse to take any action, including the
furnishing of information or the signing of
agreements, which has the effect of furthering
or supporting the restrictive trade practices
or boycotts fostered or imposed by any foreign
country against another country friendly to the
United States. 50 U.S.C. App. 2402(5).
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It would certainly be strange for the Congress to refer
to merely a "policy" of opposing a practice which, at
least as applied to United States commerce (which was
the subject of the legislation), was positively unlawful
under United States law. Likewise, it would be strange
merely to "encourage and request" American companies to
refrain from "furthering or supporting" activities
plainly illegal. The language of this legislation
clearly presumes that the "core boycott" is not illegal,
and the legislative history supports that interpretation.7/
Conclusions
Absent some particularly significant effect upon
United States exports, it seems to us unlikely that the
"core boycott" that is, boycott activities by Arab
states and their nationals- would be held to be a viola-
tion of the Sherman Act. Liability is at least
sufficiently doubtful that the Justice Department is
justified in devoting its prosecutorial resources else-
where. Insofar as participation in the boycott by
American nationals is concerned: The mere decision by
an individual firm not to trade with Israel, in order
that it may receive Arab business, may not constitute a
violation. If the Arab Government or corporation exacts,
and the the American company provides, an agreement not
to deal with Israel, a Sherman Act violation is more likely.
It would almost certainly be a violation for an American
company to agree to boycott another American company in
order to obtain Arab business.
7/ An argument based on this provision of the Export
Administration Act may prove too much: The quoted
language indicates the presumption that not only the
"core boycott" is lawful, but also "agreements" by
United States companies in furtherance of that boycott--
a point which we are not prepared to concede.
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III. OTHER PROMINENT LEGISLATION
There are numerous laws besides the antitrust and
civil rights laws which might apply to acts of discrimina-
tion by United States citizens arising out of the Arab
boycott. The following are the most prominent.
1. The third section of the Export Administration
Act of 1969, Pub. L. No. 91-184, $ 3, 83 Stat. 841, as
amended (50 U.S.C. App. 2402), sets forth five Congressional
"declarations of policy," the last of which reads as follows:
(5) It is the policy of the United States
(A) to oppose restrictive trade practices or
boycotts fostered or imposed by foreign
countries against other countries friendly to
the United States, and (B) to encourage and
request domestic concerns engaged in the export
of articles, materials, supplies, or information,
to refuse to take any action, including the fur-
nishing of information or the signing of agree-
ments, which has the effect of furthering or
supporting the restrictive trade practices or
boycotts fostered or imposed by any foreign
country against another country friendly to the
United States.
Section 4 (a) (1) of the Act (50 U.S.C. App. 2043 (a) (1)),
directs the Secretary of Commerce to make such organiza-
tional and procedural changes in the Department of
Commerce "as he determines are necessary to facilitate
and effectuate the fullest implementation of the policy
set forth in this Act. " Section 4 (b) provides as follows:
To effectuate the policies set forth in
section 3 of this Act, the President may pro-
hibit or curtail the exportation from the
United States
of any articles
except under such rules and regulations as he
shall prescribe. To the extent necessary to
achieve effective enforcement of this Act,
these rules and regulations may apply to the
financing, transporting, and other servicing
of exports and the participation therein by
any person.
The rules and regulations
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shall implement the provisions of section 3 (5)
of this Act and shall require that all domestic
concerns receiving requests for the furnishing
of information or the signing of agreements as
specified in that section must report this fact
to the Secretary of Commerce for such action as
he may deem appropriate to carry out the purposes
of that section. 50 U.S.C. App. 2403 (b).
The U.S. Exporter's Report prescribed by regulation pur-
suant to the last quoted sentence is attached to this
memorandum. Failure to submit it is punishable by fine or
imprisonment, 50 U.S.C. App. 2405 (a), but we are advised
that no such penalty has ever been imposed.
This legislation would permit the President to
restrict exports and to regulate the financing of exports
for the purpose of opposing the Arab boycott and encourag-
ing domestic concerns to ignore it. It is in our view the
most sweeping and flexible means clearly available to the
President for dealing with the main aspects of the present
problem.
2. Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974, Pub. L.
No. 93-618, Jan. 3, 1975, 88 Stat. 1978, entitled
"Responses to Certain Trade Practices of Foreign
Governments," provides in part as follows:
(a) Whenever the President determines that
a foreign country or instrumentality --
(2) engages in discriminatory or
other acts or policies which are unjus-
tifiable or unreasonable and which bur-
den or restrict United States commerce,
the President shall take all appropriate and feasible
steps within his power to obtain the elimination of
such restrictions
and he--
(A) may suspend, withdraw, or prevent
the application of, or may refrain from
proclaiming, benefits of trade agreement
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concessions to carry out a trade agreement
with such country or instrumentality; and
(B) may impose duties or other import
restrictions on the products of such foreign
country or instrumentality, and may impose
fees or restrictions on the services of such
foreign country or instrumentality, for such
time as he deems appropriate.
For purposes of this subsection, the term "commerce"
includes services associated with the international
trade.
The language of this provision would clearly embrace
the present boycott, assuming it were found to be
"unjustifiable" or "unreasonable". There is no indica-
tion in the legislative history that the boycott was
specifically intended to be reached--and indeed political
boycotts are not expressly mentioned in the long list of
illustrative restrictive practices which the Senate
report contains. S. Rep. No. 93-1298, 93d Cong., 2d Sess.,
1974 U.S. Code Cong. & Adm. News 8246, 8362. Given, how-
ever, the clear language of the statute itself, it does
not seem that this omission would suffice to render the
statute inapplicable in the present situation. In our
view, it can be applied, if the President determines that
the boycott is "unjustifiable or unreasonable" and that
it "burdens or restricts" United States commerce.
The terms "unjustifiable" and "unreasonable" are
not defined in the Act, but the legislative history is
explicit that "unjustifiable" means "restrictions which
are illegal under international law or inconsistent
with international obligations," and that "unreasonable"
refers to "restrictions which are not necessarily illegal
but which nullify or impair benefits accruing to the United
States under trade agreements or otherwise discriminate
against or unfairly restrict or burden U.S. commerce."
H.R. Rep. No. 93-571, 93d Cong., 1st Sess., 65 (1973).
Similar language is contained in the Senate report. S. Rep.
No. 93-1298, 93d Cong., 2d Sess., 1974 U.S. Code Cong. &
Adm. News 8246, 8361. In our view, the President has
broad discretion in making this determination of unjusti-
fiability or unreasonableness; it is highly unlikely that
a court would reverse his judgment.
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If the President wishes to take action against the
boycott under this section, he must comply with certain
procedural requirements, including the provision of
public hearings if requested. § 301 (e). In fact, even
if the President does not wish to utilize Section 301,
it appears that he must "provide an opportunity for the
presentation of views" concerning the boycott (§ 301 (d)
(1) ) ; and "any interested party" may compel the Special
Representative for Trade Negotiations to review the boy-
cott and hold public hearings on it by filing a complaint
under Section 301 (d) (2).
Of course, the principal sanctions available under
this provision of law--import controls--are precisely not
those that are likely to be effective against the Arab
countries. Moreover, the Congress might well regard any
tariff-type controls with respect to the principal Arab export
(oil) to be a Presidential evasion of agreements reached
with respect to the present oil import fees.
3. Section 14 of the Shipping Act of 1916, ch. 451,
39 Stat. 733 (46 U.S.C. 812) provides that common carriers
by water shall not:
Third. Retaliate against any shipper by
refusing, or threatening to refuse, space
accommodations when such are available, or
resort to other discriminating or unfair
methods, because such shipper has patronized
any other carrier or has filed a complaint
charging unfair treatment, or for any other
reason.
Fourth.
...
[U] nfairly treat or unjustly
discriminate against any shipper in the matter
of (a) cargo space accommodations or other
facilities.
Section 16 of the same Act (46 U.S.C. 815) provides that
a common carrier by water shall not
make or give any undue or unreasonable preference
or advantage to any particular person, locality,
or description of traffic in any respect whatso-
ever, or
subject any particular person,
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locality, or description of traffic to any undue
or unreasonable prejudice or disadvantage in any
respect whatsoever.
These sections make violation of their provisions mis-
demeanors punishable by fine. We are advised that the
Federal Maritime Commission, in practice, investigates
possible violations and then refers them to the Justice
Department.
One feature of the Arab League boycott prevents
ships from calling at Arab ports on a trip which includes
calls in Israel. It has been alleged that U.S. flag
carriers have complied with the Arab boycott by not
calling at Israeli ports or accepting cargo for Israel.
It is by no means clear that such action constitutes
violation of the provisions discussed above. The Arab
countries unquestionably have the right to determine
which ships shall be permitted to enter their ports, and
if an American water carrier is merely complying with
the conditions necessary to secure entry for the products
of some shippers destined for those ports, his action may
not have the "unfair," "unjust," "undue," or "unreasonable"
character necessary to establish violation. We are advised
that the matter is currently under investigation by the
Federal Maritime Commission.
4. The Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, Pub. L.
No. 87-195, pt. I, § 102, 75 Stat. 424, as amended
(22 U.S.C. 2151), provides in the "Congressional statement
of policy" that
[I]t is the policy of the United States to
support the principles of
freedom of
...
religion
and recognition of the
right of all private persons to travel and
pursue their lawful activities without dis-
crimination as to race or religion. The
Congress further declares that any distinc-
tion made by foreign nations between American
citizens because of race, color, or religion
in the granting of, or the exercise of, per-
sonal or other rights available to American
citizens is repugnant to our principles.
This statement of policy is nowhere translated into a
concrete prohibition by the Act; it presumably is meant
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to be only one of the factors considered by the President
in exercising his discretion with respect to foreign
assistance.
5. The Securities Exchange Act of 1934, ch. 404,
§ 15A (b) (8), as added, June 25, 1938, ch. 677, § 1, 52
Stat. 1070, as amended (15 U.S.C. 780-3 (b) (8)), requires
registered securities associations to have rules designed
"to promote just and equitable principles of trade,
...
and to remove impediments to and perfect the mechanism of
a free and open market; and
not designed to permit
unfair discrimination between customers or issuers, or
brokers or dealers In compliance with this pro-
vision, the rules of the National Association of
Securities Dealers (NASD) provide as follows:
Members who participate or intend to participate
in the preparation or in the distribution of
...
issues of securities, whether as an underwriter,
a selling group member, or otherwise, have an
obligation in respect to that distribution to act
at all times in accordance with high standards of
commercial honor and just and equitable principles
of trade. Thus, members may not so participate
when the underwriting or other arrangements in
connection with or related to the distribution, or
the terms or conditions relating thereto, are
unfair or unreasonable.
A securities association which does not enforce com-
pliance with its rules can have its registration suspended;
and an officer or director of a registered securities asso-
ciation who willfully fails to enforce its rules can be
removed from office by the Securities Exchange Commission
(SEC). 15 U.S.C. 780-3(1). These provisions would argu-
ably enable the SEC to investigate, and to require the
NASD to move against, the alleged attempts by certain
Arab banks and investment companies to exclude "Zionist
supporters" from bond offerings.
6. With respect to the banking agencies (Federal
Reserve Board, Comptroller of the Currency, and Federal
Home Loan Bank Board) we are unaware of any explicit
statutory provision or regulation which would prohibit
practices in support of the Arab boycott. The charters
of all these agencies are extraordinarily unspecific,
however, and as a practical matter it seems likely that they
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can put an end to undesirable practices if they wish.
Banking Bulletin 75-3 issued by the Comptroller of the
Currency on February 24, 1975, advised the Presidents
of All National Banks as follows:
This Office has recently learned that some
national banks may have been offered large
deposits and loans by agents of foreign inves-
tors, one of the conditions for which is that
no member of the Jewish faith sit on the bank's
board of directors or control any significant
amount of the bank's outstanding stock.
One of the major responsibilities of this
Office is to insure that each national bank
meets the needs of the community it was chartered
to serve. While observing those credit and risk
factors inherent to the banking business, all the
activities of all national banks, indeed of all
banks regardless of the origin of their charters,
must be performed with this overriding principle
of service to the public in mind. Discrimination
based on religious affiliation or racial heritage
is incompatible with the public service function
of a banking institution in this country.
By means of its regular examination function,
this Office will assure the adherence of national
banks to a nondiscriminatory policy in the cir-
cumstances mentioned, as well as in any other
respect where racial or religious background might
similarly be placed in issue
The Bulletin cites no specific statutory provision in
support of its prescription.
Section 1818 of Title 12, U.S.C., permits Federal
insurance to be terminated or "cease and desist" pro-
ceedings to be brought by the appropriate Federal banking
agency, with respect to any bank which has engaged in
"unsafe or unsound practices" or has violated a "law,
rule, regulation" or "any condition imposed in writing
in connection with the granting of any application or other
request by the bank, or any written agreement entered into
with" the Federal agency. As indicated, we know of no such
laws, rules, regulations, conditions or agreements at
present, but in our view they could be imposed for the
future.
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7. There are many other provisions of law prohib-
iting commercial discrimination in particular areas of
activity regulated by the Federal government. For
example, several laws under the jurisdiction of the
Secretary of Agriculture prohibit generally discrimina-
tion in stockyard services (7 U.S.C. 205, 208, 213) and
in warehouse services (7 U.S.C. 254). Common carriers,
water carriers, motor carriers and freight forwarders
subject to the jurisdiction of the I.C.C. are prohibited
from unreasonable and unfair discrimination. 49 U.S.C.
3(1), 316 (d), 905 (c), 1004 (b). The Federal Aviation Act
broadly prohibits discrimination against any "person"
in air travel services by any air carrier, including
foreign air carriers. 49 U.S.C. 1374 (b). Discrimination
in services by communications common carriers and tele-
graph carriers is prohibited by 47 U.S.C. 10, 202 (a).
We have made no attempt to exhaust the list of such
specific proscriptions. Since each of them individually
has such limited application, they seem inappropriate as
the basis for any Presidential action except a general
instruction to all agencies to prevent unlawful discrim-
ination in regulated commercial services. Beyond that,
the application of each of these provisions must be con-
sidered within the context of a particular abuse in a
specific area of commerce.
Antonin Scalia
Assistant Attorney General
Office of Legal Counsel
Attachments
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Testimony -- State
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07V830
Statement by Sidney Sober, Acting Assistant
Secretary for Near Eastern and South Asian
Affairs, before the Subcomittee on International
Trade and Commerce, House Foreign Affairs Committee
Thursday, March 13, 1975
MR. CHAIRMAN, I am sure the Subcommittee will
understand that, while we are in the middle of delicate
negotiations in the Middle East, this is a particularly
difficult time to be discussing the subject before us
today. I nevertheless wish to be responsive to the
Subcommittee's interest in discussing the policy of the
Department of State toward the Arab boycott of Israel
and actions by the Department in connection with the
boycott
Let me begin by putting the boycott in its Middle
East context.
The Arab boycott of Israel is one manifestation
of the basic Arab-Israel conflict and thus arises from
deep-seated political and emotional factors. The initial
boycott organization, which was set up as a committee
of the Arab League Council at the beginning of 1946,
applied a primary boycott to prevent the entry of certain
products into Arab countries from what is now the State
of Israel. The secondary boycott, designed to inhibit
third parties from assisting in Israel's development,
was introduced in 1951, and it is this secondary boycott
that affects American economic relations with a number
LIBRARY GERALD R. FORD
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of Middle East countries.
The scope of the boycott has been broadened through
the years, and it applies to a variety of activities
which are seen by the Arab countries as constituting
a special economic relationship with Israel. An
extension of the boycott has involved the blacklisting
of foreign actors, artists and other entertainment
figures (and their films or recordings) judged to have
aided Israel, such as through fund-raising. It is our
understanding that, generally speaking, the act of
trading with Israel -- as such -- does not violate
any of the regulations of the boycott organization
and does not of itself bring the boycott into effect.
However, the Arab countries themselves reserve the
power to interpret the boycott regulations and decisions,
and our experience suggests that they are not uniformly
applied. There are a number of firms which do business
in Israel and Arab countries.
It is impossible to determine how much the boycott
up to now has actually harmed Israel, whose economy has
been growing at the rate of about 10 percent annually.
We recognize, however, that the rapidly increasing
FORD & LIBRARY
economic strength of certain Arab countries has enhanced
the Arab boycott as a potentially effective weapon against
Israel. There is a likelihood that the growing attractive-
ness of commerce with Arab countries will place greater
-3-
pressure on some foreign firms not to deal with Israel
because of the boycott.
Now I want to come to the position of the U.S.
with regard to the boycott. As stated on numerous
occasions our position is clear and it can be summarized
as follows: the United States opposes the boycott. We
do not support or condone it in any way The Department
has emphasized our opposition to the boycott to the
Arab governments on many occasions as it adversely affects
United States firms, vessels and individuals. Where
the commercial interests of American firms or individuals
have been injured or threatened with injury, we have
made representations to appropriate Arab officials.
Consistent with our policy of opposition to the
boycott, as reflected in the Export Administration Act
of 1969, the Department of State has refused hundreds
of requests from U.S. companies for authentication of
documents relating to the boycott, as being contrary to
public policy.
A number of American firms with boycott problems
GERALD FOND
have consulted with Department officials. These firms
have been (A) reminded of their reporting responsibilities
under the Export Administration Act and (B) encouraged
and requested to refuse to take any action in support
of restrictive trade practices or boycotts.
A fundamental factor which has to be faced is
-4-
that Arab governments regard the boycott as an important
element in their position toward Israel, and one of the
basic issues of the Arab-Israeli conflict to be dealt
with as progress is made toward resolving that conflict.
Indeed, this is one of the issues which we have very
much in mind as we continue our diplomatic efforts
to help the parties achieve a just and lasting peace.
The problem has been how to change effectively the
underlying conditions which led to imposition of the
boycott. We believe we can best serve this objective
not through confrontation but by continuing to promote
with the parties directly concerned a peaceful settle-
ment of basic Middle East issues. We believe that our
present diplomatic approach is the most effective way
to proceed.
Though the boycott emerged from the political
problems of the Arab-Israeli conflict, we are also con-
cerned by reports that it could be used for discrimination
on outright religious grounds. On this subject President
GENALD FORD EIBRARY
Ford has recently said: "There have been reports in
recent weeks of attempts in the international banking
community to discriminate against certain institutions
or individuals on religious or ethnic grounds.
"There should be no doubt about the position of
this Administration and the United States. Such dis-
crimination is totally contrary to the American tradition
-5-
and repugnant to American. principles. It has no
place in the free practice of commerce as it has flourished
in this country.
"Foreign businessmen and investors are most welcome
in the United States when they are willing to conform
to the principles of our society. However, any allegations
of discrimination will be fully investigated and appro-
priate action taken under the laws of the United States.
"
In summing up, I want to reemphasize
that we oppose the boycott and will continue
to make our opposition to it known, and
that we will continue to oppose any efforts
to discriminate against American firms or individuals
on the basis of religion or ethnic background.
At the same time, we will continue to do our utmost
to help the countries in the Middle East to find a basis
for resolving the Arab-Israeli dispute and to arrive
at a just and durable peace. It is our conviction that
in the attainment of peace lies the fundamental basis for
FOOD
the resolution of the boycott issue, among others, which
we are discussing today.
Testimony -- Treasury
Statement of
The Honorable Gerald L. Parsky
Assistant Secretary of the Treasury
Before the
Subcommittee on International Trade
and Commerce
House Committee on Foreign Affairs
March 13, 1975
Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to be here this afternoon as the rep-
resentative of the Treasury Department to speak on matters concerning
the Arab economic boycott of Israel and the issue of discrimination on
religious or ethnic grounds.
It is the policy of the United States to encourage trade and economic
cooperation with all countries with which we have diplomatic relations.
Pursuant to that policy, and in the belief that closer economic ties with
nations in the Mid-East could further political as well as economic sta-
bility, the U.S. Government has established Joint Commissions for the pur-
pose of furthering economic cooperation with Egypt, Israel, Iran, and Saudi
Arabia, among others. The U.S.-Saudi Arabian Joint Commission on Economic
Cooperation, established by Secretary Kissinger and the Second Deputy Prime
Minister of Saudi Arabia, is headed on the U.S. side by the Secretary of the
Treasury. Its stated purposes are to promote programs of industrialization,
trade, manpower training, agriculture, and science and technology. The
Secretary of the Treasury is also U.S. Chairman of the U.S.-Israel Joint
Committee for Trade and Investment which has been dealing with ways to enhance
collaboration in the areas of investment, trade, raw materials supply and
scientific cooperation. Although the Treasury Department does not head the
other Joint Commissions, we have participated in their activities.
FORD
Questions have arisen whether it is appropriate for the United States
- 2 -
Government to follow these policies in light of the Arab boycott and
reported discriminatory activities against Jews. In answering these
questions, I think it is important to begin with the clearest possible
understanding of the nature of the Arab practices. In particular, I
would like to distinguish between the Arab economic boycott of Israel,
on the one hand, and discriminatory activities based on religion on the
other.
The Arab boycott of Israel has been in operation since the late 1940's.
As a secondary boycott, it operates to prevent certain businesses, those on
the so-called blacklist, from doing business in Arab countries or entering
into joint business undertakings with Arab firms. The Arabs maintain that
firms are placed on the blacklist only if they have especially close economic
ties with Israel, or if they contribute to the Israeli defense capability.
Although there have been allegations to the contrary, the best information
available to us indicates that the boycott has in fact been based primarily
on these economic factors and not on the religion or ethnic background of
owners or managers of firms. To our knowledge, questionnaires distributed
by the boycott office focus on the economic relations of businesses to Israel;
they generally do not request religious or racial information. Furthermore,
are being boycotted
there is every indication that firms without any clear Jewish ties/while other
firms with prominent Jewish owners, managers, or directors are doing business
in the Arab world. The existence of the boycott machinery may have in the
past permitted some instances of discrimination based on religion, but the
evidence available to us indicates that this has not been among the criteria
FORD
for being boycotted.
GERALD
- 3 -
A separate issue apart from the boycott has been the policy of
the Government of Saudi Arabia to deny visas to Jews. Saudi Arabia
has always had a very restrictive visa policy, and in previous decades
obtaining an entry permit was difficult for any non-Moslem. At present,
the Government of Saudi Arabia maintains a general policy of not issuing
visas to Jews.
While we must recognize the sovereign right of foreign nations to
choose the criteria on which they permit and deny the entry of individuals
into their country, nonetheless the U.S. Government opposes this Saudi
visa policy, and we have so informed the Saudis. Furthermore, the
Treasury Department has never acquiesced in or complied with this
discriminatory practice. We have advised the Saudis that we will not
screen individuals visiting Saudi Arabia under the aegis of the
Joint Commission, and government employees have been permitted entry
into that country without regard to religion. To make the point as
clearly as possible: U.S. Government employees who are Jewish have
gone to Saudi Arabia and have conducted business in that country in
connection with Joint Commission activities. Thus, the Saudi
Government policy of discrimination against Jews in issuing visas has
not been a problem in the past in this connection and we do not
anticipate it will be a problem in the future.
Let me return now to the issue of the Arab boycott against U.S.
firms. The record clearly indicates that the U.S. Government has
consistently opposed the boycott and we shall continue to oppose it.
FORD
The Department of State has repeatedly made known our disapproval of
- 4 -
the boycott through diplomatic channels and has on numerous occasions
offered assistance to affected U.S. firms. Treasury Department
officials have made clear to Arab representatives to Joint Commissions
that we oppose the boycott and consider it injurious to our bilateral
relations and to their development efforts.
Furthermore, we believe we are, in a real sense, working to end
the boycott of U.S. firms by promoting closer economic ties with all
the nations in the Mid-East. These ties serve to demonstrate the
potential contribution of U.S. firms to their economies. There is
an economic cost to the Arab countries involved in boycotting U.S.
firms -- the opportunity cost of foregoing U.S. technology, managerial
talent, and capital -- and this cost will become clearer as economic
cooperation increases. We believe this is an especially important
consideration with regard to the non-oil producing countries in, the
Middle East which are more readily inclined to the removal of
impediments to their economic growth. Thus we have seen cases where
companies have been permitted to do business in these countries,
although they continue their relationship with Israel.
More importantly, we are attempting to create an economic and
political climate in which a lasting peace settlement in the Mid-East
is possible. Such a peace settlement is the best way to bring a
definitive end to the Arab boycott. Thus we view our broad effort
at increased economic cooperation with Arab countries as the most
effective way in the long run to oppose and bring an end to the boycott.
LIBRARY GERALD ? FORD
- 5 -
We must, however, recognize that the increased economic power
of the Arab oil-exporting countries has substantially enhanced the
potential effect of the boycott. Being boycotted by the Arab league
is a much more serious situation for most American firms in 1975
than it was in 1955. And in recognition of this, I think it is
altogether appropriate that we re-examine our legal and other means
to effectively counter the effects of the boycott. As you are aware,
President Ford has ordered an interdepartmental study which is
presently being conducted to determine what U.S. laws may be brought
to bear on this problem and also what additional steps, if any,
should be taken by the Government in response.
Finally, let me say a few words concerning foreign investment
in the U.S. This is a subject under active review by other Congressional
committees, but questions concerning investments which are germane to
this hearing have been raised.
In formulating our policies in this area I would urge that full
account be taken of two factors: One is that we need to encourage
foreign investment in the U.S., all the foreign investment we can
appropriately attract to assist in promoting the growth of our
economy. Second, we have a long-standing commitment to achieve an
environment for international investment in which capital flows are
responsive to market forces unencumbered by governmental influence.
We have urged other countries to help create such an environment and
we are a party to numerous treaties granting broad reciprocal access
FORD
to markets. We feel strongly that this policy helps maximize long-
LIBRAGUA
term economic growth and productivity.
-6-
I think it has been made clear both by the President and by
the Congress that we will not tolerate foreign investors who
discriminate in the United States on the basis of religion or
race. Several Arab countries have agreed to consult with us
prior to undertaking significant investments in order to assure
that their activities in the U.S. are consistent with our national
policies and objectives. We are hopeful that all foreign investors
will follow this policy. These consultations offer us the
opportunity to stress to investors that it is imperative
that they conduct their affairs here in conformity with the
principles of our society. The Justice Department has been
actively reviewing our present laws to determine whether they
are adequate to assure this conformity for all.
As we explore the question of whether additional approaches
to all of these issues are required, I believe we must keep
carefully in mind the need to avoid
unnecessary confron-
tation. This would obviously have an adverse effect on our
overall relations in the Mid-East, particularly our ability to help
further an Arab-Israeli settlement, and would stiffen resistance
in the Arab world to relaxation and removal of the boycott.
:
FORD
Testimony -- Commerce
STATEMENT OF
CHARLES W. HOSTLER
DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY FOR INTERNATIONAL COMMERCE
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL TRADE AND COMMERCE
OF THE
HOUSE FOREIGN AFFAIRS COMMITTEE
MARCH 13, 1975
INTRODUCTION: Two Separate Issues (1) Discrimination
(2) Arab Boycott
Mr. Chairman: I welcome this opportunity to present Department
of Commerce views concerning the issue of discrimination on
religious or ethnic grounds and the Arab economic boycott
of Israel.
The Department of Commerce subscribes totally to President
Ford's statement of February 26 on this subject. We view the
problem as involving two separate issues: (1) On the one
hand, we are faced with allegations of Arab pressures on
certain U.S. institutions to undertake actions which discrimi-
nate against American citizens or firms on the basis of race
or religion. (2) On the other hand, there is a long-standing
system of economic sanctions applied by Arab League countries
against certain types of business relationships undertaken
by U.S. firms with Israel. As different issues, they need
different remedies and approaches.
FORD is 0ERALD LIBRARY
2
Discrimination
There is no question that the Department of Commerce finds
unacceptable any pressures on U.S. private institutions to
discriminate against U.S. citizens or firms in their investment
or employment policies. As Secretary Dent wrote to Senators
Javits and Williams on March 7, "I fully share your indignation
at attempts by any groups, foreign or domestic, to discriminate
against American institutions on religious or ethnic grounds."
As you know, the President has directed several Departments,
including the Department of Commerce, to investigate
allegations of ethnic discrimination in activities carried out
pursuant to laws and programs under their jurisdiction. It
would be inappropriate for me to comment further until these
investigations of discrimination against U.S. citizens and
firms have been completed.
At the same time, and also at the President's request, we are
investigating whether there have been any instances of pressure
or submission to pressure for such discrimination within the
Commerce Department. Although this investigation is not yet
complete, I am pleased to report that no instances of such
discrimination within the Department have yet been found.
FORD & GERALD LIBRARY
3
On the contrary, at least one Department of Commerce representa-
tive recently traveled to an Arab OPEC nation after openly
acknowledging he was Jewish.
Arab Boycott
The Arab Boycott of Israel poses a different problem. This
government's opposition to the Boycott, in accordance with
Congressional policy, is a matter of record. I would endorse
the comment of Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Harold H.
Saunders in his February 26 appearance before Senator Church's
Subcommittee, to the effect that the question is not whether we
oppose the Boycott but how we can most effectively work to
change the situation which gives rise to it. It in no way
detracts from our policy of opposition to recognize that in
trying to deal with this issue we are concerned with
conditions imposed by independent nations on their
own external economic relations, which impact on U.S. economic
interests. Moreover, however negative our reaction to them,
they reflect convictions deeply. held by the Arab countries.
It is unfortunate that in the current dialogue, the terms
"discrimination" and "boycott" are becoming virtually inter-
changeable. I say unfortunate because of the possibility that
ALD R. FORD LIBA
4
proposed legislative remedies which may be appropriate to the
discrimination problem may, in the confusion of the issues,
be extended also to the existing U.S. anti-boycott legislation.
The Department's view is that such action would adversely
affect U.S. economic interests without in any way redressing
the causes of the boycott problem, for reasons which I shall
outline.
As you know, the Boycott has its origins in the long-standing
Arab-Israeli dispute resulting from the creation of the State
of Israel in 1948. Although the Arab states generally act in
concert where actions against specific foreign firms are
concerned, various countries throughout the history of the
Boycott have made exceptions to it on a case-by-case basis
when apparently it was deemed in their national interest to do
so. The Boycott has worldwide application; it is not directed
only at U.S. interests.
The Boycott operates both as a primary boycott (aimed at
preventing direct economic relations between the Arab States
and Israel) and as a secondary boycott (by seeking to influence
companies in third countries not to establish certain types
of relationships with Israel). It is directed essentially
FORD is 076839 LIBRARY
5
at firms undertaking activities which the Arabs consider as
contributing to the consolidation of Israel's economic and
defense capabilities.
The Boycott generally does not apply to companies engaged in
regular civilian trade with Israel. This is illustrated by
the type of questions contained in Arab questionnaires
sent to firms asking them to certify to their relations
with Israel. The questions include the following:
1. Do you have main or branch factories, assembly
plants, or joint ventures in Israel?
2. Do you hold shares in Israeli companies?
3. Do you provide technical assistance or consultative
services to Israel?
4. Do you maintain general agencies or main offices
in Israel for Middle East operations?
5. Do you license technology to Israel?
6. Are you prospecting for natural resources in Israel?
7. Are you acting as the principal importer or agency
for Israeli goods?
Certain Arab states also have boycott related import regulations
or otherwise require pro-forma boycott certifications on
purchase orders, letters of credit, and other commercial documents
issued for individual transactions.
FORD & QERVLD LIBRARY
6
In short, the Boycott appears intended to deny the State of
Israel certain economic benefits, but not to constitute an
attempt to prevent routine exports of products and services
to Israel or to deny trade opportunities to exporters on
religious or ethnic grounds. We would not contend that
there have not been instances of attempted religious or ethnic
discrimination under cover of the Boycott rules. It has been
the Department's overall experience, however, that for the
most part, the boycott has been applied solely as an economic
weapon against Israel.
How effective has it been? The concensus appears to be
"Not very effective." Until recently it has apparently been
more of a nuisance than any real impairment of Israel's
access to needed investment, technology, and trade goods. As
to the affected U.S. firms, many--perhaps most--of those which
have been boycotted have suffered an actual or potential
loss of sales to Arab countries. On the other hand, it is
difficult to assess how many of these firms have had any
interest in, or potential for dealing with, Arab countries.
The effect on total U.S. exports to the Arab countries cannot
be estimated, since it would be virtually impossible to
FORD is 03RALD LIBRARY
7
determine the extent to which sales have been lost by
boycotted firms and to what degree these sales may have been
recouped by other U.S. firms or lost to foreign competitors.
In view of the steadily increasing U.S. exports to the Arab
countries and Israel over the years, and particularly the
dramatic increases of the past two years, the Boycott would
not appear to have significantly hampered the overall ability
of U.S. firms to do business with either Israel or the Arab
countries.
The Department is aware, however, of the increased concern
being generated over the Boycott by the new economic realities
in the Arab states, and of legislative proposals to prohibit
U.S. firms from responding to boycott requests. The Department
of Commerce believes that any such legislation would be ill-
advised. In this connection, it might be useful to sketch
briefly the history of the anti-boycott legislation.
When the Export Control Act of 1949 was extended by Congress
on June 30, 1965, it was amended to include a statement that
the policy of the United States is: (a) to oppose restrictive
trade practices or boycotts fostered or imposed by foreign
countries against other countries friendly to the United
States; and (b) to encourage and request U.S. domestic concerns
FORD it GERALD LIBRARY
8
engaged in export to refuse to take any action or sign any
agreement that would further such practices.
Prior to the adoption of the 1965 amendment there was
consideration in the House of a bill that would have prohibited
U.S. exporters from responding to questionnaires issued by the
League of Arab States. The Department of Commerce opposed
such an amendment to the Export Control Act at that time,
essentially for the following reasons:
a) its effectiveness as a device to force boycotting
countries to terminate the Boycott was negligible.
b) data required by the Arabs to administer the Boycott,
if not obtained from exporters, via questionnaires,
could be collected from other sources. To the extent
that the information was unreliable, businessmen
might be blacklisted erroneously;
c) many companies that, for reasons of their own, decided
to trade with the Arab countries would be adversely
affected because their legal inability to respond to
the questionnaire would lead to their blacklisting;
d) firms are boycotted only when their relationships with
Israel are within certain specifications; firms not
so involved would be adversely affected by a law
prohibiting responses to questionnaires.
FORD & LIBRARY
9
e) a businessman should be free to make a choice between
two countries when certain commercial relations with
one may result in retaliation by the other. He is
the best judge of the requirements of his business.
Under a legal prohibition, he would lose this discretion.
The Congress found these arguments persuasive and in its final
form, the amendment "encouraged" and "requested" firms to
refuse to take any action, including the furnishing of informa-
tion or the signing of agreements, that would have the effect
of furthering or supporting restrictive trade practices or
boycotts fostered or imposed by any foreign country against
another country friendly to the United States. It did not,
however, prohibit taking such action or supplying such
information.
This amendment was endorsed by the Congress in 1969 after some
discussion by being incorporated without change in the Export
Administration Act of 1969. It was endorsed again in 1972
and 1974 when the Act was extended.
The reasons for the position taken in 1965 and subsequently by
the Department of Commerce were sound at that time and are sound
today. The Department believes that American firms should not
FORD & GERALD LIBRAR
10
be restricted in their freedom to make economic decisions
based on their own business interests, where no element of
ethnic or religious discrimination in violation of U.S. law
is involved. This is particularly important in the current
economic climate, when exports to the Near East may be
significant to a company's financial position and employment,
as well as to our overall national economy and balance of
payments. International competition for the Arab markets is
intense, and we know of no other country which has enacted or
intends to enact anti-boycott legislation. There is a strong
possibility that the Arab countries, interpreting more
restrictive U.S. anti-boycott legislation as an anti-Arab
action, might react with obvious counter-measures against U.S.
interests and business concerns. Mandatory U.S. legislation
could thus produce serious adverse effects in the U.S. and
would remove flexibility on the part of the U.S. Administration
to deal with the changing conditions in the Near East. Such
legislation would have only a very limited effect on supplies
available to the countries against which such legislation would
be directed. There would thus be little pressure on the Arab
states to abandon their Boycott.
FORD is 07V839 LIBRARY
11
The Department believes that the Boycott, as a manifestation of
the deep-seated Arab-Israeli differences, can only be
effectively dealt with as part of an overall settlement.
We share with the Department of State the view that the most
effective way to resolve this problem is to continue to seek
a resolution of the matters which gave rise to it. We do not
endorse a policy of confrontation which could work to the
detriment of U.S. interests and efforts to resolve the under-
lying issues. We advocate an approach which provides an
appropriate balance between our policy of opposing restrictive
trade practices and supporting legitimate U.S. business operations.
I would like to comment on the Department's role in
implementing the present law as it applies to boycotts of the
type we are concerned with here. Our regulations set forth
the U.S. Government's basic policy of opposing such boycotts
and require exporters to report receipt of requests for informa-
tion or action that would further the boycott efforts of the
requesting country. The Department has twice conducted wide-
spread publicity campaigns in an effort to make certain that
exporters were aware of the law and their responsibility
to report. The first campaign followed immediately upon
enactment of the legislation and carried over into 1966.
Another intensive campaign was launched in 1968 and carried
over into 1969.
LIBRARY GERALD R. FORD
12
In 1968 and 1969, the Department also made a spot check of a
number of New York firms known to be trading with the Arab
countries but which had filed no reports. Many had received
no boycott requests. Others, because of ignorance or misunder-
standing, were not complying with the reporting requirement.
However, those firms which should have reported, but had
not, immediately complied.
Currently, the Department is preparing another campaign aimed
at calling to the attention of the export community the policy
of the government respecting boycotts and the reporting
requirements of the laws and regulations.
Given the limited investigative resources of the Office of
Export Administration, which has the responsibility within
the Department for administering the law, constant surveillance
of exporters trading with the Arab states would be difficult.
Priority has had to be placed on investigating alleged
violations of our national security export controls. Notwith-
standing, any allegation that a firm is not complying with
the reporting provisions of the export regulations is promptly
investigated. Upon learning of the recent press release of
the Anti-Defamation League of B'Nai B'rith naming shipping
LIBRARY GERALD ? FORD
13
companies and banks who were alleged to be in violation of
our regulations, for example, the Department's investigators
in New York were immediately instructed to obtain copies of
the relevant documents, and to conduct a thorough investigation.
This is currently underway, as is outlined in our Commerce
press release of March 6, 1975.
MARITIME ADMINISTRATION
As a final point, the Maritime Administration, an agency
within the Department of Commerce, has reviewed questions
raised with respect to the Boycott. The Maritime Administration,
however, does not have the statutory responsibility for regulating
the commercial practices of United States-flag ocean carriers
under the Shipping Act of 1916, especially those practices
pertaining to unlawful discrimination against persons, localities
or cargo. Rather, this responsibility is vested in the Federal
Maritime Commission, an independent regulatory agency.
The Maritime Administration on the other hand does have
primary responsibility for fostering and promoting the
construction and operation of the privately-owned United
States-flag merchant fleet. The basic methods utilized to
LIBRARY GERALD R. FORD
14
achieve this responsibility are the various assistance
programs available to the Maritime industry, including direct
construction and operating-differential subsidies, under the
Merchant Marine Act of 1936.
The Maritime Administration, as part of its responsibility
to promote the U.S. Maritime Industry, has an obligation to
inform American-flag shipping companies of appropriate laws
and regulations that may affect their business. This Agency
is developing a Bulletin which will be directed to the entire
United States-flag oceangoing fleet, both subsidized and
unsubsidized, reapprising them of their obligation under the
Export Administration regulations to report restrictive trade
practices or boycotts to exporters.
SUMMARY
In summary, Mr. Chairman, the Department of Commerce, for the
reasons set forth, urges that there be no change in the "anti-
boycott" provisions of the Export Administration Act. We
shall administer the law and our regulations effectively and
thus keep before the affected elements of the U.S. business
community, the Government's policy of opposing such boycotts.
LIBRARY GERALD R. FORD
15
This position is in the mutual self interest of this
Nation, the Arabs and the Israelis. We must work
constructively to build a stable and lasting peace in
that area. We believe that avoiding confrontation in this
sensitive part of the world at this time would be in the
best interest, not only of those nations directly involved,
but the world at large.
This, Mr. Chairman, concludes my prepared remarks.
FORD & GENALD LIBRAR
Testimony -- Justice
Department of Justice
TESTIMONY
OF
ANTONIN SCALIA
ASSISTANT ATTORNEY GENERAL
OFFICE OF LEGAL COUNSEL
ON
LEGAL ISSUES UNDER CIVIL RIGHTS AND ANTITRUST
LAWS REGARDING THE ARAB BOYCOTT
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL TRADE AND COMMERCE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
MARCH 13, 1975
FORD & GERALD LIBRARY
Mr. Chairman and Members of the Subcommittee:
My role in this joint presentation before you today
is to describe the application to the Arab boycott of
those categories of laws for which the Department of
Justice has enforcement responsibilities. I may note at
the outset that I will be unable, either in my testimony
or in responding to your questions, to provide the
Department of Justice's views as to whether a specific
incident which has been reported in the press or which
has otherwise come to your attention constitutes a viola-
tion of law. All such incidents within the jurisdiction
of the Department are currently under active investigation,
and it would be inappropriate for me to comment upon them.
Moreover, as you will conclude from the later portions of
my testimony, the lawfulness or the unlawfulness of a
certain act will often depend so much upon particularized
circumstances that it would be misleading to attempt a
conclusion until a full investigation and assessment of
the circumstances had been completed.
I. CIVIL RIGHTS LAWS
I would first like to discuss the application of what
are generically termed the Civil Rights Laws. Most of
FORD & GERALD LIBRATE
these laws are not the enforcement responsibility of the
Department of Justice, but some of them are; some others
of them used to be; and the Department in general has wide
experience in the field. For purposes of this discussion
it will be useful to divide the problem into three
categories: discrimination in employment; discrimination
in the selection of suppliers or contractors; and discrim-
ination by private firms in the treatment of customers.
Discrimination in Employment - The Federal government
is of course prohibited from discriminating in employment
on the basis of race or religion by the Constitution
itself. In furtherance of this Constitutional principle,
Executive Order 11478 explicitly prohibits discrimination
in the employment practices of Federal agencies and
charges the Civil Service Commission with responsibility
for enforcement of the prohibition. In 1972, discrimina-
tion in employment practices of Federal agencies was made
unlawful by statute through the addition of § 717 to
Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Enforcement of
§ 717 rests with each agency, with respect to its own
employees, with oversight responsibility in the Civil
Service Commission. It should be noted that both
Executive Order 11478 and § 717 of Title VII specify that
they are not applicable to "aliens employed outside the
=
- 2 -
FORD
GERALD
LIBRARY
limits of the United States." The implication of this
is that they do apply to United States citizens employed
throughout the world.
With respect to discrimination in employment by
private companies and individuals, Title VII of the 1964
Civil Rights Act, as amended, prohibits a broad range of
"unlawful employment practices" by any private employer
"engaged in an industry affecting commerce who has
fifteen or more employees." The prohibited practices
include refusal to hire an individual, or any discrimina-
tion regarding the terms or conditions of his employment,
based on race, color, religion, sex or national origin.
Once again the statute contains an exemption "with respect
to the employment of aliens outside any State", which
implies that it is applicable to the employment of United
States citizens by covered employers anywhere in the world.
Prior to the 1972 amendments, the Department of Justice had
civil enforcement responsibility with respect to this
legislation but it is now lodged in the Equal Employment
Opportunity Commission.
With respect to Title VII's restrictions on employment
practices of private individuals, one provision deserves
special mention within the present context: Section
703 (e) provides, in part, that discrimination in hiring
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or employment "on the basis of
religion, sex, or
national origin" (note that "color" and "race" are signifi-
cantly omitted) shall not be unlawful in circumstances
where such factor "is a bona fide occupational qualifica-
tion reasonably necessary to the normal operation of /the/
particular business or enterprise." There is no Federal
case law on the point whether this provision would, for
example, justify the refusal to hire a Jewish applicant
for a job to be performed in a country which does not
issue visas to Jews. A New York State trial court found
that a comparable exemption under that State's anti-
discrimination legislation would not justify such refusal.
In addition to Title VII, there are special restric-
tions upon discrimination in the employment practices of
persons who hold contracts with the Federal government and
perform federally assisted construction. Executive
Order 11246 forbids such employers, regardless of the
number of employees whom they hire, to discriminate on
the basis of race, color, religion, sex, or national
origin. Responsibility for securing compliance with the
Executive order belongs to the various contracting agencies,
*/ See American Jewish Congress V. Carter, 19 Misc. 2d 205,
I90 N.Y.S. 2d 218 (Sup. Ct. 1959), modified, 10 App. Div. 2d
833, 199 N.Y.S. 2d 157 (1960), aff'd, 9 N.Y. 2d 223, 213 N.Y.S.
2d 60, 173 N.E. 2d 788 (1961).
R.
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subject to the overall authority of the Secretary of
Labor. Sanctions include the bringing of law suits by
the Department of Justice, upon referral by the agency,
to enforce the nondiscrimination requirements. It should
be noted that the order permits the Secretary of Labor
to exempt classes of contracts which involve "work
to be
... performed outside the United States and no
recruitment of workers within the limits of the United
States." The clear implication is that contracts to be
performed abroad are covered.
While Title VII and Executive Order 11246 contain
the principal Federal restrictions upon discrimination in
private employment, some agencies have issued regulations,
based upon their particular statutes, concerning employ-
ment practices of federally regulated or assisted entities.
See, for example, the regulations of the Federal Communi-
cations Commission, 47 CFR § 21.307.
Discrimination in Selection of Contractors - Title VII
and the Executive order discussed above relate to
"employment." That term does not cover the selection of
suppliers or subcontractors. Nor is there any other
generally applicable Federal statute or Executive order
prohibiting discrimination on such grounds as race or
religion in the selection of suppliers or contractors.
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With respect to the procurement practices of Federal
agencies, the Constitution would presumably prohibit any
discrimination, even as between contractors, on the basis
of race or religion. With respect to the contracting
practices of private firms, however, in selecting suppliers
of goods or services, it appears that the Federal Civil
Rights Laws impose no constraints.
Discrimination in the Treatment of Customers - There
are no generally applicable Federal Civil Rights Laws
which prohibit discriminatory refusal to deal with a
particular customer. The closest approach to a broad
Federal prohibition is Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights
Act, which prohibits the recipients of Federal grants
from discriminating against the intended beneficiaries of
Federal programs on the ground of race, color or national
origin--for example, such discrimination by private
hospitals which receive Federal money. Some civil rights
statutes do impose restrictions, unconnected with the
receipt of Federal money, upon particular areas of
commerce. for example Title II of the 1964 Civil Rights
Act, relating to public accommodations, and Title VIII of
the 1968 Civil Rights Act, relating to housing. There are,
however, numerous State laws which impose more general
restrictions.
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II. FEDERAL ANTITRUST LAWS
The only Federal antitrust statute which has signifi-
cant application to the problem we are discussing is the
Sherman Act, which makes illegal "every contract, combina-
tion
or conspiracy in restraint of trade or commerce
among the several States, or with foreign nations." This
legislation is enforced by the Antitrust Division of the
Department of Justice through suit in the courts to impose
both civil and criminal sanctions. In addition, any person
injured as a result of violation of the Act may bring a
law suit seeking treble damages.
The Sherman Act represents what might accurately be
called a "common law" of antitrust. That is to say, the
generalized prohibition set forth in the language just
quoted has been given content by judicial reference to
common law antitrust principles which existed before the
Act was passed, and by judicial elaboration and refinement
of new principles under the rubric of the statutory
language. "Restraint of trade" has been read to mean
"unreasonable restraint of trade" and unreasonableness
has been determined by economic and legal principles
enunciated by the courts.
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The primary boycott in the present case--the boycott
of Israel by the Arab countries--is not a matter which
directly affects United States commerce or is cognizable
under our antitrust laws. It is the secondary boycott we
are here concerned with, that is, the boycott by the Arab
countries of United States businesses which provide certain
economic advantages to Israel. Let me discuss first what I
might call the "core boycott' that is, the agreement among
the Arab nations and (let us assume) independent Arab
businesses to boycott certain United States companies.
An agreement between commercial firms doing business
in the United States to boycott another firm in this
country would constitute a traditional form of restraint
of trade, and ordinarily would fall within the category
of acts illegal per se under the Sherman Act. There are,
however, some special features about the present case.
First, and perhaps most important, is the fact that the
ultimate purpose of the boycott is not to injure any
United States firm--nor is it even a commercial purpose in
the usual sense. The boycott is ultimately a political
rather than a commercial phenomenon. Second, there is a
question whether a boycott of this sort, which in effect
requires an American company to choose whether it wishes
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LISERAY
to have certain types of business relations with Israel
or to have dealings with the Arab countries, has a
sufficient impact upon United States foreign commerce to
come within the Sherman Act. The Act only proscribes
activity which has a "material adverse effect" upon our
foreign commerce.
There are some distinctive legal considerations raised
by the governmental character and the nationality of the
boycotting parties. In general, as a matter of inter-
national law, a sovereign state cannot be made a defendant
in the courts of another sovereign. This doctrine only
applies with respect to the "public or political" acts of
a state and not with respect to its "private or commercial"
acts; but there is at least some question as to which
category the present boycott occupies. Another principle
of international law is the so-called "act of state
doctrine," which holds that our courts will not examine the
validity of acts of a foreign sovereign performed within its
own territory. This would pose considerable difficulty with
respect to boycott agreements and activities undertaken by
the Arab states within their own territory. Finally,
another doctrine of international comity provides that a
defendant (whether a sovereign or a private individual or
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corporation) should not ordinarily be subject to sanction in
one jurisdiction for acts performed in another jurisdiction
under pain of sanction by the latter jurisdiction. Applica-
tion of this principle could exclude from liability even
non-governmental Arab entities which participate in the boy-
cott outside this country by direction of their own
governments.
None of the above-described distinguishing considera-
tions makes it theoretically impossible to apply the
Sherman Act to the "core boycott" in the present case.
Cumulatively, however, they raise substantial doubts that
the courts would interpret the flexible statute to require
such application--at least absent evidence of major
economic impact upon United States exports. It has at
least never been held that a foreign, politically motivated
boycott of this sort violates the Act.
Let me turn now from the "core boycott" that is, the
agreement among the Arab Governments and companies
themselves- to other agreements in this country which may
accompany or flow from the "core boycott." An agreement
between an American company and an Arab company that the
latter will give the former its business in exchange for a
commitment by the former not to trade with Israel would be
much more likely to constitute a Sherman Act violation.
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(This is to be distinguished from the situation in which
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the American company unilaterally refrains from trading
with Israel in order to obtain Arab business, but without
agreeing not to trade.) Even more suspect--and almost a
certain offense--would be an agreement by the American
company not only to refrain from doing business with
Israel but to refrain from doing business with certain
American companies as well.
Such indirect consequences of the "core boycott"
are currently under active investigation by the Antitrust
Division. Of course, in order to find a violation of the
Sherman Act, a "contract, combination, or conspiracy" as
opposed to merely individual action, must be established.
Where there is an agreement, however, it will not
necessarily suffice as a defense that the agreement was
entered into by a company under duress in order to avoid
becoming an object of the boycott. The answer to these
issues which extend beyond the core boycott must be
considered on a case-by-case basis.
I would like to conclude, Mr. Chairman, by noting that
the Justice Department has always been the vanguard of the
struggle against both of the evils we are seeking to avoid
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in connection with the present boycott: racial or
religious discrimination, and anticompetitive behavior
exerting a material adverse effect upon United States
commerce. The President has asked us to redouble our
efforts, in the present situation, and I assure you we
are promptly and enthusiastically complying.
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DOJ-1975-03
U.S. Exporter's Report
AND ASSINT ACMINISTRA
Form
DUREAU 01 51 TRADE
Budget Bureau No.
(FORMERLY 14-1014)
OFFICE OF EXPORT THOL
WASHINGTON. O.C. 20230
U.S. EXPORTER'S REPORT
OF REQUEST RECEIVED FOR INFORMATION, CERTIFICATION, OR OTHER ACTION INDICATING
A RESTRICTIVE TRADE PRACTICE OR BOYCOTT AGAINST A FOREIGN COUNTRY
a IMPORTANT. It is the policy of the United States to oppose restrictive trade practices or boycolls fostered or imposed by foreign
countries against other countries friendly to the United States. All U.S. exporters of articles, materials, supplies or information
DIC encouraged and requested to refuse to take, but are not legally prohibited from taking. any action, including the furnishing of
information or the signing of agreements, that hos the effect of furthering or supporting such restrictive trade proctices or hoycatts.
Accordingly, I encourage and request individuals and firms receiving such requests to refuse to
comply with them.
Frederick B. Dent
Secretary of Commerce
B. INSTRUCTIONS: This form must be completed by 3 U.S. exporter whenever he is requested to take any action, including the
ing of information or the signing of an agreement, which is designed to support a restrictive trade practice or boycore instered :: :-
posed by a foreign country against any other country not included in Country Group 5, ", Y, or Z. (Country Groups are listed in
Supplement No. 1 to Part 370 of the U.S. Department of Commerce Export Control Regulations.) Submission of this form is mancerery
(50 USC App. 2403(b). Failure to comply subjects the U.S. exporter to the penalties prescribed in Section (6) of the Export Adminis-
trotion Act of 1969, 05 amended. It must be submitted to the U.S. Department of Commerce, Domestic and International Business Ad-
ministration, Bureau of East-West Trade, Office of Export Control, Washington, D.C. 20230, within fifteen business days from the CASH
of receipt of such 2. request. Whenever a person receives more than one request for action with reference to the same transaction, only
the first request need be reported to the Office of Export Control (See Part 369 of the Export Control Regulations).
C. CONFIDENTIAL. Information furnished herewith is deemed confidential and will not be published or disclosed except as specified in
Section 7(c) of the Export Administration Act of 1969 (50 USC App. 2406(c)).
1. Name and Address of U.S. Exporter submitting this report:
3. Name of Country/ies against which the request is directed:
Name:
4. Date request was received by me/us:
Address:
5. I/We received this request from:
City, State, and Zip Code:
Name:
Address:
2 Exporter's Reference No. (II any):
City and Country:
6. Specify type of request received. (If any Item in 6b is checked, complete Item 7)
o.
Questionnaire (Attach copy)
b.
Other type of request for information or action contained in:
Trade Opportunity
Certificate of Origin
Consular Invoice
Bid Specification
Certificate of Manufacture
Other (Specify)
Purchase Order
Letter of Credit
7. If Item 05 above is checked, give the specific information or action requested. (Use direct quotations from the request.)
in If the request relates to a specific transaction, describe the commodities or technical data involved. (The description of the commetity or
technical data may conform to the description on the order or to usual commercial terminology, and may Luc need not be in terms c: the
Commodity Control List or Schedule B.)
Quentity
Description
Volve
9. Additional Remarks:
10. Action: (Complesion of the information in this Item would be helpful to the U.S. Government but is not mandatory.)
&
c.
I/&c have not complied and will not comply with the request for information or action described above.
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b.
c.
1/2c have not decided whether I/we shall comply with the request for information or action described above and I/wawill QURALO inform
I/We have complied wish, or will comply with, the request for information or action described above.
the Office of Export Control of my/our decision.
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11. 1 certify that all statements and information contained in this report are true and correct to the best of my knowledge and belief
Sign hero
Type or
is lak
print
Date
(Signature of Person Completing Report)
(Name and litte of Person whose Signature Aggees on the Line to the Lett)
USCOMM-DC