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H. James Field, Jr. Files (Ford Administration)
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Minorities
Presidential campaign, 1976
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The original documents are located in Box 1, folder "Calhoun, John C." of the H.
James Field, Jr. Files, 1976 at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
Copyright Notice
The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of
photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Gerald R. Ford donated to the United
States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections.
Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public
domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to
remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid
copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
Digitized from Box 1 of the H. James Field, Jr. Files, 1976 at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library
October 4, 1976
MEMORANDUM FOR:
BoB KEYES
FROM:
JIM FIELD
You might want to review the attached information at your
convenience.
FORD d LIBRARY GERALD
October 5, 1976
MEMORANDUM FOR:
JOHN CALHOUN
FROM:
JIM FIELD
You might want to review the attached information at your
convenience.
West Virginia
MORGANTOWN, WEST VIRGINIA 26506
University
College of Law
September 16, 1976
Mr. Stuart Spencer
Political Director
The President Ford Committee
1828 L. St.
Washington, D.C. 20036
Dear Mr. Spencer:
At our White House meeting during the President's entertainment of the
New York State Republican Delegation to the national convention, you asked
that I jot down a few of my thoughts with reference to the President's chances
with the minority voter. Since then, I have met with minority staffers
and discussed various aspects of the current political scenario. The enclosed
document is a synopsis of the general tenor of those meetings. It is also
heavily laden with my personal views on policy and procedural matters;
accordingly, as a document representative of collective thought, it is limited
to that extent.
The paper is to be presented as a part of a unified minority proposal.
However, I felt it best that you begin to consider the matters discussed
therein as soon as possible. It would be counterproductive to the entire
effort if it became generally known that you have had prior access to the
paper. Please treat it with the requisite confidentiality and see to its
security.
If you have any questions relative to anything contained therein, or if
I may be of assistance to you in any way, please feel free to contact me at
your convenience.
Sincerely yours,
Douglas L. Thomas
Associate Professor
College of Law
West Virginia University
DLT/tlc
cc John Baker
Enclosure
LIBRARY
FORD
&
GERALD
THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
(A Proposal for Adoption of a Minority Voting Bloc Strategy)
INTRODUCTION
This paper* is designed to provide an orderly inquiry into the potential
impact on the current national election of a dislocation of a substantial
percentage of the minority voting bloc. It also analyzes the short and long
term proclivity of that voting entity for redirection from Democratic to
Republican support. Initially, the underlying motivations for this effort
are set out. Then an attempt is made to outline the assumptions which form
the core of the matters to be surveyed. Thereafter, the strategies through
which those assumptions are translatable into the desired actions are
delineated. Finally, a viable methodology for the implementation of those
strategies is discussed.
PURPOSE
The intent of the persons behind the views expressed in this synopsis
are several and resolute:
(a) The retention of President Ford in office in order that the
stabilization processes he has set in motion will be continued.
In a full term Ford incumbency we are confident that appropriate
initiatives would be forthcoming. In short, we have confidence
in the man, his innate instinct for decency and his presidential
fabric; and, we are prepared to use our acumen, energy and
influence to help give him four years to prove us right.
*The authors are minority group members interested in the reelection of
President Ford. Jointly and severally, their services are available
to the President, and are proffered herewith.
LIBRARY
FORD
-2-
(b) The initiation of a process by which the Democratic stangle-
hold on the minority voting bloc could be effectively broken.
The aim is not to shatter the minority voting bloc (herein-
after, the "MVB") in perpetuity, though it is intended that
it be severely split in this election. The goal is to posi-
tion it as a viable voting entity within the parameters of
a two-party system. We have a strong hope and determination
that this effort will signal the transformation of the MVB
into an aggressive, astute and influential political force
within that framework.
1
OPERATING THEOREMS
THE MVB AS A SWING FACTOR. The view is widely held by political
historians, statisticians and other expert commentators that the Democratic
Party cannot win a national election without dominating the MVB. Estimates
of the essential percentage vary between 80% and 90%. The upper limits
are approached most often in the industrial states of the Northeast and
Middle Atlantic regions. More recently, as the complexion of the electorate
and the motivating issues have altered, the higher percentage has also been
called for in "swing" states having a significant MVB.
The Democratic Party had until the last several years, very carefully
groomed and acculturated members of the MVB for their role in Democratic
victories. The indoctrination had been so complete that the Republican
1
It is important that all parties stand apprised of the position of
this paper's proponents. Namely that this MVB strategy is designed
to be an integral component of the overall strategy of the effort to
elect President Ford to a full-term incumbency. It is conceived as
a supplement and complement to that master plan; and, as with other
segments thereof, conflicts in procedure are to be identified and
reconciled at the planning stage.
LIBRARY
-3-
Party (hereinafter, the "Party") was urged to accept a direct and public state-
ment of this absolute and impliedly unchallengeable dictationship of the MVB. 2
But it is this very circumstance that properly exploited could result in a
victory for President Ford this fall. The sole and critical threshhold ques-
tion is whether the President Ford Committee (hereinafter, the "PFC") is
prepared to make the necessary political adjustment and resource allocation
needed to dislodge the number of MVB votes essential to a Democratic victory.
SUPPORT FOR THE CARTER CANDIDACY LACKS STABILIZING ROOTS IN THE MVB. As
has been said of so much of Mr. Carter's broad-based support, the enthusiasm
throughout the MVB is paper thin. Unlike many of those statements, however,
the sheerness of the MVB support is underlain by tensions traceable to
substantive points of departure. Principally, they are Mr. Carter's status
as a southerner, his racist gubernatorial campaign and his suggestive ethnic
purity faux pas during the primary campaign. The precariousness of his support
is particularly glaring when viewed in conjunction with his position on
unemployment. Although accepted as better than nothing, public-works-jobs are
met with reticent hostility by minorities. The demeaning nature of the make-
work jobs created under these programs are known in many segments of the
minority community as "working welfare." Mr. Carter is the leading spokesman
for public-works-jobs as a quick solution of the current rampant minority
unemployment problem. Hence, the fragility of that brace of Mr. Carter's MVB
support.
Additionally, in the upper socio-economic reaches of the MVB there is
a propensity to bolt from any candidate or cause which poses a serious threat
2 Moynihan, Patrick D.: Benign Neglect
LIBRARY
FORD
&
GERALD
-4-
to their tortuously achieved job security and economic well-being. Their
nervousness is the same as that identified and targeted by the PFC in middle-
class White America. Mr. Carter is teetering dangerously close to the edge
of philosophical association with factors who advocate policies inimical
to those interests. If the PFC is successful in cementing that associational
reference, it would be possible to push Mr. Carter's tenuous relationship
with that segment of the MVB to the breaking point.
THE REPUBLICAN ALTERNATIVE. Substantial numbers of minority voters are
looking for a viable alternative to their Democratic Party alignment. There
is a desire to escape the constraints of a singular and liberal-sounding lock
step approach to the resolution of problems. The same evolutionary cycle
that has seen the New-Dealers of the '30's become the Liberals of the '50's,
the Moderates of the '60's and the Conservatives of the '70's, permeates
the membership of the MVB. The problem for them is, however, anomalous. It
lies in their forced inability to identify a viable alternative in which to
exercise their changing ideological and political philosophies. The Party,
in its current functional embodiment as the PFC, with the proper strategy
could enter the November balloting with an expanded and eager constituency.
It needs only takes a half step to the left and one step forward.
The half step to the left is effectively no philosophical movement at
all. It is a definitive statement of what the party does NOT stand for,
especially a disavowal of its supposed desire to subjugate and subvert the
interests of minorities and the poor. Similarly, the step forward calls
for a positive definition of the goals and aspirations of the Party. A
LIBRARY
FORD
GERALD
-5-
simplified and comprehensive message geared to the average voter, explaining
the various credos of the party would suffice. The average voter must be
SHOWN how fiscally responsible government reduces to hard permanent jobs
and stable, substantial purchasing power. The message, once developed,
could be tailored to the audience whether it be majority or minority, blue
collar or white collar.
THE MERCHANTABILITY OF PRESIDENT FORD. By virtue of an unusual
convergence of circumstances, President Ford emerges vis-a-vis the MVB
as a relatively saleable commodity. But more importantly, President Ford
does not pose the type of threat to minority interests that would impel the
MVB to the polls. There is absolutely no similarity between this and the
national contests and resulting debacles of 1964 and 1972. It would even appear
that the President's busing stance has been discounted to a great extent by
a majority of the electorate at large as an unavoidable dictate of the moment.
Among the MVB, the busing problem has been further dimmed by the President's
African initiatives.
A substantial effort would be directed at exposure of Mr. Carter's
personal inconsistencies and the policy perils that attend his candidacy. If we
succeed in fostering MVB disenchantment with Mr. Carter, there is no present
exigency which would serve as an effective Democratic rallying point. A
primary goal of this strategy is to ensure that one is not created. Any segment
of the MVB once neutralized must be programmed to sit out the election.
DESIRABILITY AND FEASIBILITY OF A MINORITY STRATEGEM. There is absolutely
-6-
nothing to suggest that a sophisticated and effective MVB strategy would
in any way conflict with, or detract from, the overall PFC strategy for
the full campaign. The initial failure to include a strong MVB strategy
was myopic. However, the fault lies equally with those of us who failed
to make known our thick-skinned approach to political necessity. In an
election, ideology is secondary to tactics and is properly a subject of
post victory implementation. In any event, we would do well to treat what
is past as done, and make a concerted effort to take a more enlightened,
realistic and candid approach in our dealings. In this vein, it is urged
that an effective program be designed to split the vote of the MVB. That
split would deny the Democrats the White House and could be accomplished
within the parameters of the overall campaign scenario drafted by the PFC
last month at Vail.
There are essentially three primary spheres in which the electorate
positions itself. The first is the White middle class, blue and white
collar grouping. The second, a congeries of liberal-progressives, middle
and upper-lower class minorities and activist women. The remaining sphere
is a moderate, compromise-oriented hybrid of the other two. For convenience,
reference will be made to them as Conservative, Minority-Liberal and
Moderate, respectively.
It is possible to cultivate the various desires and fears common to each
of these spheres without alienating or offending the sensitivities of any
one of them vis-a-vis the others. For example, it is perfectly logical to
corner the White backlash vote by coveting the accepted "work ethic" subter-
fuge. While, at the same time, pressing the message among the MVB that
LIBRARY
FORD
-7-
President Ford seeks to develop an economy where they are an integral and
essential part of the primary work force. And, that he rejects a give-away
system wherein minorities are relegated to the role of recipients of the morsels
its Democratic benefactors choose to dole out. In other words, Conservatives
can be sold on the belief that it is the "willing working class" against
an undefined "THEM"; and the Minority-Liberals convinced that minorities
are properly a part of that working class.
On the matter of desirability, the inquiry is simply whether enough MVB
votes can be neutralized or taken away from the Democrats without any signi-
ficant or countervailing attrition in the voting strength already targeted
by the PFC. What has been set out hereinbefore, particularly in the
immediately preceding paragraph, suggests that the answer is an unequivocal
yes. There are several working examples which underscore the desirability
as well as the feasibility of garnering a substantial percentage of the MVB.
The gubernatorial race strategies of several Republican incumbents and a
challenger in the key states of Ohio (Governor Rhodes), Michigan (Governor
Milliken), Indiana (Governor Bowen) and Illinois (Thompson) place heavy
emphasis on a respectable split of the MVB in those elections. Their strate-
gies have several common precepts which are transmutable to our present
purposes.
Prerequisite to a Presidential victory, the Republican Party must
accomplish three things. First, it must spark enthusiam among its natural
supporters, those who will go out and work for the Party against all dis-
couragements -- on the national level, this is commonly thought to be the
LIBRARY
FORD
-8-
conservative wing of the Party. Next, it must retain its hold on the
more loosely affiliated voters for the Party, those who are not politi-
cally active but tend to lean more to the Republican cause than to the
Democratic cause --- conservative-minded Democrats, work-ethic independents
and businessmen. Finally, the Party must draw away from the Democrats
as many of its loosely affiliated voters as possible --- primarily the
Catholic and Jewish voter in the present national election. Of course,
the true independents must be wooed in sufficient numbers to consolidate
the victory.
However, in the state contests mentioned above, it is the recogni-
tion that the MVB can be thrown into the Democrat's "loosely affiliated"
category that is so tantalizing. These several Republican gubernatorial
hopefuls are seemingly convinced that a substantial percentage of the
MVB can either be prompted to cross party lines or to remain neutral.
We think they are accurate; and further, suggest that those races are
only a macrocosm of the general situation. It is our proposition that
the MVB is already loosely affiliated on the national level and must
be dealt with accordingly.
LIBRARY
FORD
078839
-9-
REALIZATION STRATEGEM
SPLITTING THE VOTE OF THE MVB. Most of the closely watched projections
point to a steadily tightening Presidential contest from now until the
balloting in November. 3 If those estimates are accurate, during the final
forty-five days of the campaign the eventual margin of victory for the pre-
vailing candidate should close to a single figure on the downside of five
percentage points (5%). It is our premise that the opposition party is
relying heavily on the traditional Democratic bloc-voting of the minority
sector for this prevailing margin.
Unchallenged, these estimates will no doubt translate into votes and
the Democrat's expected victory. However, a dilution of the minority
Democratic vote to a respectable margin below eighty percentage points
(80%) would be enough to consolidate a successful Republican Presidential
drive. The estimate moves up or down depending on the size of the projected
gains of the President in the Catholic and blue-collar sectors. The aim
of the MVB strategy is the creation of an atmosphere and incentive for a
substantial defection of minorities from the Democratic camp to either the
President's support or to political inactivity. Stated differently, the
goal is either to increase the President's share of the MVB to between
fifteen (15%) and eighteen percent (18%), or to reduce the Democratic total
to below seventy-seven percent (77%). A combined Democratic attrition
and Republican gain would, of course, be the best of both worlds.
3 The assumption implicit in the various voter preference surveys is accepted
here; viz., that the popular vote will roughly parallel the electoral vote.
FORD R.FORD VIBRARY
-10-
Make-Up of the MVB:
Before proceeding further, perhaps as a threshhold matter we should
analyze the composition of the MVB and state why constant reference is
made to matters for which, facially, it would seem they should have no
concern. The bulk of the MVB is drawn from the traditional middle to
lower-middle and upper-lower class socio-economic groupings. They are the
minorities who regularly exercise the vote and they are our target group.
However, within the guidelines of any chosen MVB strategy, it is impera-
tive that this group be given a saleable commodity. Saleable in the sense
that it is sensitive to their need as successful minority group members
to see to it that there is something for less fortunate minorities in the
programs and people they support. There must be some ostensible and
readily identifiable benefit for those persons. This is not to suggest
that the primary thrust of a MVB strategy does not have to be promotive
and protective of the successful minorities' vested interests. That would
be fallacious as well as fatal to our purpose. It does mean that the
strategy must be careful not to offend their sensitivities.
It is not an unusual phenomenon among newly succeeding minorities
to feel a sense of guilt at having left behind the environs and ills of
the typically debilitated minority habitat. This is especially true of
the vast majority of those minorities who see a direct causal nexus
between their success and the provocative activities of their "abandoned,"
ghettorized benefactors. It is terribly difficult to reconcile their new
life style and attendant concerns with the professed commitments to
community and people of the not so distant past. Understandably, then, the
FORD LIBRARY
-11-
minority person we are targeting has a compelling need to assuage his
conscience, or more colloquially, "to pay his dues." Active support of
programs purportedly directed to the alleviation of some of the on-going
problems of the average minority group member is a painless and popularly
accepted method of paying those dues. It is those circumstances that pro-
vide the foundation of our concern. Namely, that no strategy be adopted,
and no statement made, which would do violence to this rather fragile
intra-group compromise.
In a nutshell, a MVB program must be one wherein the rhetoric promises
maintenance of the traditional implements and privileges of the middle-
class; without, at the same time, appearing to advocate policies which are
openly hostile to the hopes and aspirations of those less fortunate minori-
ties for whom the typical MVB member feels a sense of duty.
Democratic Infirmities:
Operatively, we would seek to exploit two basic infirmities of the
Democratic Party vis-a-vis minorities. Firstly, the utter failure of
essentially every public-works-jobs program to improve the socio-economic
plight of minorities. And, the continuing persistence of the Democratic
Party in the deceitful promotion of such blunderbuss programs as a panacea
for the panoply of problems confronting minorities. Secondly, from the
viewpoint of the MVB, the Democratic candidate is, at best, an inherently
suspect commodity. At his worst, he is anathema to all in which they believe
and have fought to achieve.
There are many arguments against the use of public-works-jobs programs,
FORD
LIBRARY
&
GLARD
-12-
but none so appropriate to our purpose as the statistics on the number of
minorities actually put to work under them. These figures are surprisingly
small, averaging well below twenty percent (20%) in many instances. They
drop to as low as three percent (3%) of the supplemental work force on those
public-works projects where the primary work force is highly unionized.
An even more damaging revelation would be proof that public-works projects
intentionally program unemployment through their failure to build-in a
continuing need for the supplemental workers. It is a revolving door approach
wherein the minority beneficiary of today's Democratic give-a-way scheme is
the intended victim of tomorrow's Democratic take-a-way. These are the
programmatic stopgap measures that the Ford administration has successfully
resisted. They are basically a product of the Democrat's historic paternalis-
tic attitude towards minorities; which have, as a whole, produced more pain
and suffering than benefit. Under these programs minorities have been the
last to be hired in good times and the first fired in bad times. In sum,
the Democratic Party has bankrupted itself through its failure to provide
hard jobs for minorities. But standing alone this means little, that
bankruptcy must be made a glaring reality to the eyes of the MVB.
It is suggested that, without the explicit use of ethnic labels, a
message be framed emphasizing that the people these programs are intended
to benefit are conceptualized by the Democrats as a secondary or tertiary
work force. The process would entail a restatement of the factoring that
goes into such Democratic programs; viz., that operationally those programs
intend the employment of minorities only after persons who have been thrown
LIBRARY
FORD
07/8/19
-13-
out of the organized labor pool (the primary work force) are returned to
their positions, and provided with a full complement of desired overtime
(the secondary work force). Then, and only then, is it within the con-
templation of the Democratic scheme that new entrants to the labor pool
(the tertiary work force) are to be in a position to share in the spoils
of such public projects. In closing out the characterization of the
job-works proposal as a "vote-getting boondoggle," a strong and funda-
mental point should be made of the basic distinction between the soft
job approach of the Democrats and the hard job approach of the Republi-
cans -- the simple difference between temporary make-work employment and
permanent (regenerative) productive employment.
THE CARTER CANDIDACY. Mr. Carter has several very basic liabilities
that he faces in his quest to retain the allegiance of the MVB: (a) his
status as a southerner (and a "plantation" owner to boot); (b) his racist
gubernatorial campaign; (c) his exploitation of religion for personal gain;
and (d) his public statement on "ethnic purity." To date, Mr. Carter has
successfully negotiated each of these hurdles. However, his success is
directly traceable to the ineptness of the pre-nomination opposition in
identifying and effectively utilizing those infirmities against him.
Minorities have historically viewed the South as a fomenting ground
for forces whose precepts are anathema to their basic rights and interests.
It was the seat of slavery and post-bellum oppression. Its leadership was
assigned the task of continuing the supremacy of the White populace as
LIBRARY
FORD
is
GERALD
-14-
the ruling class. And, it was from the South that the typical urban
ghetto dweller was forced to rip his roots and emigrate to an alien
and, ironically, equally hostile environment. One would suppose that
Mr. Carter would suffer the insurmountable liabilities of his southern
heritage since he eptomizes each and every aspect of the enumerated
negatives. He is the southern gentleman of the great white house, a
plantation owner, and (prior to his governorship) a true dixiecrat leader
and racist campaigner. Sterotypically, he is doubtlessly one of the con-
tributing sources of the minorities' forced trek to the misery of the
northern urban ghetto.
Mr. Carter has, however, skillfully avoided the general resentment
of the MVB toward the South by an adept appeal to their natural fondness
of "home." He has successfully sublimated the vicissitudes of the
minorities' plight in the South, and appealed to their indomitable
affinity and affection for its sun and soil. Because his points have been
so deftly subtle, and poignantly delivered, no effective counterpoint has
heretofore emerged. An equally subtle and skillful reinforcement of his
stated liabilities must be accomplished by the Republican Party if the
objectives set out in this paper are to be realized.
Mr. Carter has also successfully enshrouded himself in the image of
the southern gentleman cut to the quick by the deprivations reeked on
minorities in the Southland. By picturing himself as a stealthful philan-
thropist, he has reframed every step of his racist rise to power as a
calculated ploy to position himself so that he could effectively implement
FORD LIBRARY 076839
-15-
his true blue desire of racial egalitariarism. This is a hard pill for
the MVB to swallow but so far Mr. Carter has it half way down their
political gullet. However, given a strong and convincing answer to his
concededly fair incumbency as Governor of Georgia, the MVB could be
prompted to regurgitate this sop whole, and while it is still undigested.
The task is to discover a convincing ulterior motive for his about-
face. The answer is discoverable and no doubt potent. It must be found
and delivered soon. All of the remaining pieces of the enigma are sur-
faced and ripe for utilization: 4 (1) Mr. Carter, based on his past
political history, is a proven racist. [He is temporarily sublimating
his true propensities for purposes of political expediency]; (2) the
sublimation is a thin veneer through which his true colors are bound to
bleed. [His advocacy of the maintenance of the ethnic purity of selected
enclaves of our society]; and (3) Mr. Carter is an admitted manipulator on
whose sincerity the MVB cannot afford to gamble. [He sold himself to the
voters as a Wallace-Maddox Dixiecrat, but seeing greater advantage (Perhaps
the White House? This is the point where some such hard reason for the
Carter change must be produced), he betrayed their trust. What dictate of
reason says he will not betray the trust of the MVB?]
Finally, Mr. Carter's manipulation of religion is a potential political
bombshell as it relates to the MVB. However, it is an advantage that
improperly managed could have disasterous consequences for its cannoneer.
Most minorities subscribe to the philosophy of the socio-economic mainstream
of Americana that the proper structure of life is "sweat of the brow six
4The bracketed statements which follow the accusatory matter would be the
beginning the justifications for those accusations.
LIBRARY
FORD
-16-
days a week, worship on Sunday morning and rest, relaxation and a scotch-
and-soda on Sunday evening." Non-conforming persons, especially those
who wear their religion on their lapels, are inherently suspect. In the
instance of the MVB, it is an uneasiness that is readily transmutable
into warm association or vehement opposition. As in the case of his cre-
dible gubernatorial incumbency, an advantage to the Republican effort is
only realizable if an ulterior motive for Mr. Carter's miraculous rebirth
can be identified and presented to the MVB.
Again, the caveat in this area goes to the very sensitive nature of
the underlying subject matter. In essence, this requires that all steps
be taken to avoid offending the very large and powerful church contingent
of the MVB. The potential conflict can be circumvented by a prospective
reconcilation of the Republican purpose and that group's interests. By
drawing a readily ascertainable ("bright") line between their noble and
productive activities, and the ignoble sort of exploitative religious activi-
ties with which Mr. Carter is sought to be associated, this is made possible
There are primarily two types of minority worship centers. One is
the traditional steepled brick-church variety that has acted as a
stabilizing, faith-inspiring force in the minority community. Church
organizations such as the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and
the AME Zion Church Alliances make up this grouping. They are the
protagonists to whom are attributed the credit for the civil rights
initiatives of the current epoch. The other is the disdained storefront
variety whose main aim is the pecuniary gain of its leadership. They are
colloquially thought of as "mail-order worship warehouses" whose sole
FORD LIBRARY
-17-
philosophical base is found in the bottom of a collection dish. This
element of the religious scene is patronized principally by nonvoting
minorities, and is looked upon with hostility by those persons properly
includible in the MVB. Accordingly, negative connotations may be used
with varying degrees of caution in seeking to tie it to the Carterized
brand of religious exploitation. For example, a ready analogy can be
drawn between the stance of those church groups during the civil rights
era, and the current Carter message to minorities.
On its side of the equation is the worship warehouse's attempt to
keep its followers out of the civil rights struggle and, hence, preserve
the peace (and its venerable pocketbook) for the singular benefit of the
church; rather than to risk the wrath of outside forces by active pursuit of
goals beneficial to its congregation. And, on the other side, is the Carter
message:
I, in my rebirth, am a man of the Lord (you know I
would never lie to you). Give me your poor and your
unemployed and I will cure their ills (for a price,
of course). He that cometh to me with votes I will
in no way cast out (but I do ask that you be quiet
and docile for a year or so; thereafter I will make
you happy and secure).
It should be noted that the "rebirth" business has a long history of
ridicule in the minority community. This is mainly due to the fact that
the proprietors of the worship warehouses have professed that they are
surrogates of the Lord and "he has given [them] the power of rebirth."
Finally, Mr. Carter's statement on maintanence of the ethnic purity
of neighborhoods at once uncovers an advantage and creates a dilemma. It
FORD
LIBRARY
is
-18-
is an outward manifestation of what we wish to frame as Carter's true
character. But it also forces the question of whether to launch a frontal
assault on the potrayal of Mr. Carter as decent and unbiased; or, to reserve
use of the revelation to impeachment of that portrayal whenever the
opportunity arises (or can be convincingly fostered). It is suggested that
the latter is the better of the two alternatives. Firstly, it is consistent
with our purpose to get a substantial percentage of the MVB to vote AGAINST
Mr. Carter, not necessarily to get them to vote FOR the President. An
affirmative attack on Mr. Carter via the ethnic purity utterance would also
draw attention to the President's own statements on maintenance of the
ethnic character of neighborhoods with the net result that the attack would
either earn the President the enmity of a large segment of the target group,
or create an unexpected groundswell of sympathy for an "unfairly maligned"
Carter. Secondly, the last thing that the President's bid needs at this
juncture is to do anything to provide another excuse for a nationwide blitz
by Andy Young and the King family in defense of Mr. Carter. We seek to
undermine Mr. Carter's credibility with the MVB, and provocation of such a
reaction would only serve to reinforce it.
However we choose to go about unravelling the Carter knit, it is
essential that the attack not be overt or overdone. A simple and com-
pelling presentation is preferable to a epithet slinging confrontation.
People like Mr. Carter, its just that they don't trust him. That should
make us wary.
LIBRARY
FORD
076839
-19-
RECLAMATION OF THE MVB. Several decades have elapsed since the
Republican Party's passive acquiescence in the Democrats' co-option of the
Party's traditional Lincolnian principles. Throughout that interval signi-
ficant numbers of minority voters have had to either adopt a political party
with whose philosophy and policies they often felt antipathetic, or be without
a political base. Properly managed, that antipathy can readily become an
integral part of the effort to make a significant inroad on the MVB. A close
look at the origins of the MVB alienation from the Republican Party provides
the core of the answer to its reclamation.
The Democrats have succeeded in convincing the body politic that to be
Republican is to be conservative, and to be conservative is to be reaction-
ary; and, conservatism, naturally enough, is to be equated with every avail-
able negative -- anti-labor, anti-poor, anti-women, anti-minority, anti-
Israel, etc. Circumstance has lent its aid to the Democrats in their rather
astute ex parte characterization of the Party.
The Party has repeatedly taken office in times of fiscal crisis; i.e.,
following a period in which the Democrats have spent the country into a
monetary panic. The Republican's role has then been reduced to reordering
the finances of the nation and restoring the eroded confidence of the public.
Those readjustment periods have, not surprisingly, been times of tight tax-
ing and spending policies. They have been periods of expediency and, hence,
limited opportunity for Republican initiatives directed to the resolution of
extant social problems. The net result has been the attribution to the Party
of the various additional and compounded social welfare problems which have
LIBRARY
FORD
GERALD
-20-
arisen as a side effect of the many misfiring Democratic programs. Stated
differently, the consequence of such dictated conduct of the Presidency has
been the fortification of the view of the Party as a necessary evil. A
counterweight to the "well-intentioned," and hence excusable, excesses of
the Democratic Party.
What is important for our purposes is that a significant number of minority
voters have been rendered captives of the Democratic Party by this image.
We estimate that approximately twenty percent (20%) of the MVB currently fall
within this category; and given the proper incentives can be returned to the
Republican camp. Among such enticements are the following:
1. Exposure of the actual effect of "Great Society" type programs.
2. Development of a Carterite Imagery wherein the several ethnic
liabilities previously mentioned are to be institutionalized
as a serviceable embodiment of minority-directed Democratic
philosophy. [Assignment of racial overtones to Democratic
policies and programs].
3. Pretermittence and eventual interdiction of the Democratic
Party's co-option of the Lincolnesque principles of the
Party. [Force them into a permanent "New-Deal" posture].
4. Development and presentation of a "hard-jobs" alternative
to the Democrat's "soft-jobs" approach to resolution of the
unemployment problem. [A defusing of the "bread and water
is better than air" response].
5. Concretization of the current "Southern Africa Policy" of
the President into a discernible and saleable commodity. [Re-
inforcement of the message that President Ford's decency is
insurance that he will do right by minorities].5
In the emotion charged atmosphere of political intercourse with special
interests groups, the need for cautious treading is legion. In the arena of
5 Care must be taken to deliver this message without alarming or alienating
Ford supporters who are, at best, ambivalent about the African Initiative.
FORD
LIBRARY
GERATE
-21-
minority politics that tender treading is more akin to tip-toeing on egg
shells. There are limitless pitfalls and entrapments that await the unwary.
If this effort is to be successful, there must be a continuing awareness of
the need to be fully informed.
IMPLEMENTATION STRATEGEM
TRUTH SQUAD. The task of this group would be to convey to the MVB the
substance of the detail contained in the Realization Strategem Section of
this paper. This would be accomplished though limited access conferences,
local and regional radio and television talk shows, newspaper interviews,
public debates, general-purpose public appearances, and other appropriate
media. The implementation phase of the overall MVB strategy has been designed
such that the bulk of the matters contained herein would be most effectively
conveyed by a small well-informed, and well-coached, core group of minority
persons. Each person selected to present the statistical and philosophical
information should be analytical, politically astute, emotionally controlled
and, or course, articulate.
This group would also act as the absorption point for criticism leveled
at the Republican bid for a share of the MVB vote. For instance, there will
no doubt be a charge of election year politics regardless of form of the
Republican intiative in the minority area. It is expected that the persons
making up the so-called Truth Squad would act as national advance men.
preparatory to a direct and enthusiastic response by the President or a
-22-
high-ranking official of the PFC. The group would also be responsible for
collaborational guidance in the formulation of that reply. The response would
ideally be to the following effect:
"
"The President welcomes the opportunity to have minorities
exercise their political muscle for their betterment. They are
seeking aid in the same way every other interest group does ---
through our system of democracy.
In our system, special appeals for support are made to identi-
fiable interests groups by their representatives. Those interest
groups demand a price for their support. The law says that this
is a perfectly legitimate way to conduct the business of our
country. The Congress has even licensed people to represent those
groups in their efforts to deliver a plain message: 'Mr. Congressman,
you see to my interests and needs, and in November I will reward
you with my vote.
For their vote the Irish expect the President to aid Ireland,
the Jewish People expect him to aid Israel, the farmer expects him
to help the farmer, Catholics expect support for their position on
abortion, businessmen expect him to promise to resist destructive
quick sell solutions to economic problems. The message is clear:
NO HELP, NO VOTE.
Then I ask you, what is it that says minorities can't ask for
help with those things that matter to them in exchange for their
votes? Are you suggesting that they are different from everyone
else?"
Politics is a reality of American life. Those among us who support
President Ford can deliver the message among the MVB that his administration
will not lie about it. We can continuously put an estoppel question to any
who would attack the PFC initiative: "Is it permissible for the Democrats
to make endless promises they have proven they can't keep, but improper for
President Ford to agree to act with the power he has available to him?"
N.B. Mr. Carter's primary campaign and acceptance speech is wrought
with promises of vote for me and I will help you, "AND YOU CAN COUNT
ON IT!" [Dates, times and places of Mr. Carter's offer of aid in
exchange for votes are readily ascertainable. These offers to deal
have been made to Jews, organized labor, Blacks, women, Catholics,
and Chicanos.]
LIBRARY
FORD
i
07VU39
-23-
RESOURCE CENTER. Perhaps the greatest obstacle to the successful splitting
of the MVB is the pervasive unfamiliarity of the Party heirarchy with the do's
and don'ts of courtship of the minority voter. The minority task force mentioned
above could solve this problem, if properly utilized. It could review policy
proposals to help in the rephrasing of statements to, or concerning, minorities.
For example, the negative impact of Secretary Kissinger's recent address to
the National Urban League, designed to elicit support for President Ford's
Southern Africa initiatives but which instead resulted in the "no qualified
minorities" debacle, could have been avoided. A brief consultation with a
group of this sort would have alerted and sensitized him to the potential pit-
falls of the question and answer segment of his presentation. The Secretary,
properly prepared, could have drawn upon his considerable diplomatic skill to
avoid the unfortunate response. The statement would have been to the effect
that "some difficulty is being encountered in locating qualified minorities WHO
ARE INTERESTED IN SERVING in the State Department. The League's help in locat-
ing those persons would be greatly appreciated." Effectively the same response,
but no adverse fall out.
The most immediate function that such a resource pool could serve is pre-
paration of the President for the questions of the Minority-Liberal representa-
tives of the press in the upcoming debate on domestic issues. Minority input
is even more critical to successful negotiation of the "qualifying statement"
segment of the debate. Ideally, the resource group would formulate the
questions and put them to the President in a thoroughgoing "dress rehearsal" for
the actual debate. It would also be responsible for ferreting out disarmingly
comprehensive yet concise responses designed to force Mr. Carter into a strained
FORD LIBRARY
-24-
and ineffectual commentary.
A major objective of these sessions would be to alert the President to
the need to avoid being pushed into any statement or position that could not be
defended or explained away before the MVB. Obviously, if the President comes
away from the Domestic Issues debate with the advantage; or, for that matter,
as Mr. Carter's domestic equal, he would have delivered a mortal blow to the
Democratic effort. Mr. Carter's strength is his accepted superiority to the
President in the approach to resolution of domestic problems. If that handle
is lost, he may very well turn to the desperation tactics that began to surface
in the final days of his waning primary campaign. At that juncture, the Pre-
sident's cup of alternatives would runneth over.
07V839
October 15, 1976
MEMORANDUM FOR:
JOHN CALHOUN
FROM:
JIM FIELD
The attached telegram, which is addressed to the President,
should be answered by you. I think it is a little unfair. With
just over two weeks to go, I think we should be positive about
our people.
FORD LIBRARY
R.
R
MIDULETOWN, VA, 22645
western union
Mailgram
UNITED
SERVICE
U.S.MAIL
2-012017E287 10/13/76 ICS IPMBNGZ CSP WSHB
2163918888 MGM TDBN CLEVELAND OH 552 10-13 0941A EST
RICHARD B CHENEY, ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT
WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON DC 20500
2.FORD
LIBRARY
DEAR MR PRESIDENT:
I TAKE THIS OPPORTUNITY TO BRING TO YOUR ATTENTION MATTERS THAT SHOULD
BE OF CONCERN TO EVERY REPUBLICAN THAT IS INTERESTED IN THE SUCCESS OF
YOUR ELECTION ON NOVEMBER 2 1976,
TO SAY THAT I AM DISCOURAGED IS PUTTING IT MILDLY I BELIEVE THAT THE
PEOPLE WHO ARE HANDLING THE MECHANICS OF YOUR CAMPAIGN IN so FAR AS THE
BLACK AMERICAN VOTERS ARE CONCERNED EITHER 1, DO NOT KNOW WHAT THEY ARE
DOING 2. HAVE NOT TAKEN THE ADVICE THAT HAS BEEN GIVEN TO THEM OR 3.
THE REPUBLICANS IN CHARGE HAVE WRITTEN OFF THE BLACK VOTE IN THIS
CAMPAIGN. I AM TAKING THE LIBERTY TO SEND YOU THIS MAILGRAM OUT OF
DESPERATION IN ORDER TO TRY TO SALVAGE SOME OF WHAT WE COULD HAVE HAD
IN THIS CAMPAIGN AT LEAST 50 PERCENT OF THE BLACK SUPPORT.
s, EARLY IN THE PRIMARY CAMPAIGN IT WAS SUGGESTED TO MR. RICHARD 8,
CHENEY, ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT THROUGH MR JOHN CALHOUN, ANOTHER
ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT THAT THE BLACK NEWS MEDIA COULD BE AT THE
DISPOSAL OF THE GERALD FORD CANDIDACY. WE SUGGESTED THAT THE HONORABLE
WILLIAM 0. WALKER EDITOR AND PUBLISHER OF THE CLEVELAND CALL AND POST
ONE OF THE LARGEST NEGRO WEEKLYS IN THE COUNTRY SHOULD BE ASKED TO HAVE
THE ORGANIZATION TO INFLUENCE BLACK SUPPORT FOR GERALD FORD EVEN WHEN
HE "AS STRUGGLING WITH RONALD REAGAN.
"ILLIAM 0. WALKER IS PRESIDENT AMERICAS OF NNAP WHICH REPRESENTS OVER
500 "EEKLY PUBLICATIONS AND ONE DAILY PUBLICATION NAMELY THE ATLANTA
DAILY WORLD. THIS RECOMMENDATION HOWEVER, SEEMS TO HAVE BEEN IGNORED.
B. EVEN AT THIS LATE HOUR WHEN THE ELECTION IS BUT 3 WEEKS AWAY I STILL
RECOMMEND THAT WILLIAM 0, WALKER BE PRESSED INTO SERVICE. BLACK PEOPLE
THROUGHOUT THE UNITED STATES REMEMBER WILLIAM 0. WALKER AS BEING THE
FIRST BLACK MAN TO SERVE IN THE CABINET OF A GOVERNOR. THE HONORABLE
"ILLIAM 0. "ALKER SERVED UNDER THE HONORABLE JAMES A RHODES, GOVERNOR
OF THE STATE OF OHIO IN HIS FIRST TWO TERMS. WALKER IS A BLACK
REPUBLICAN WHO IS AN ASTUTE POLITICIAN AND UNIQUE IN THAT HE POSSESSES
THE INSTRUMENTS NECESSARY TO REACH THE MASSES OF BLACK VOTERS.
C. I AM CRITICAL OF THOSE PERSONS WHO HAVE BEEN CHOSEN TO ORGANIZE AND
IMPLEMENT THE FACTION OF THE FORD CAMPAIGN DIRECTED AT SECURING THE
CLACK VOTE, DEPUTY CHAIRMAN ELLY PETERSON, ROBERT KEYES WHO IS ON LOAN
?
MI
LA
western union
Mailgram®
UNITED
U.S.MAIL
SERVICE *
LOCKHEED CORPORATION, MARTIN BINKINS AND MR JAMES CUMMINGS JR. WHO
"15 "EE" APPOINTED CHAIRMAN OF THE NATIONAL BLACK REPUBLICAN COUNCIL
PC TOP ADVISOR TO PRESIDENT FORD ON BLACK AFFAIRS WHILE I DO NOT
QUESTION THE COMPETENCE OF THESE PERSONS THEY ARE UNKNOWN AND
CERTAINLY CANNOT MAKE THE KIND OF CONTRIBUTION TO YOU THAT NEEDED TO BE
MADE AT THIS TIME.
: FEEL INLY I AM QUALIFIED TO MAKE THE RECOMMENDATIONS I HAVE MADE AND
113 THE CHITICISMS I HAVE MADE. I HAVE BEEN A REPUBLICAN ALL OF MY
.... AND HAVE MADE MY CONTRIBUTION TO THE REPUBLICAN PARTY NOT ASKING
THE PARTY COULD DO FOR ME I HAVE BEEN CONSISTENT IN TRYING TO DO
ADMINING TO HELP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY SUCCEED BUT WE CANNOT SUCCEED BY
PUTTING THE WRONG PEOPLE IN KEY POSITIONS. A CRITICAL BUT STAUNCH
SUPPORTER,
"ILLIAM H SEAWRIGHT
00101 EST
MGMCOMP MGM
STATE
LIBERT
1976830
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
October 18, 1976
TO:
JIM FIELDS
FROM:
JOHN CALHOUN G.S.
FOR YOUR INFORMATION.
FORD LIBRARY
is
075239
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
October 18, 1976
RECOMMENDED TELEPHONE CALL
TO:
Dr. Joseph H. Jackson, President of the
National Baptist Convention, USA., Inc.,
the world's largest Black organization.
The President addressed their annual
convention in St. Louis on September 12, 1975.
DATE:
October 19, 1976
RECOMMENDED BY: John Calhoun
PURPOSE:
To invite him to support the President
and to take the message to Black Americans
that he wants their support.
BACKGROUND:
The National Baptist Convention, USA., Inc.,
is the world's largest Black organization with
a membership of 6.3 million. Dr. Jackson
attended the State Dinner for the President of
Liberia.
TOPICS OF
DISCUSSION:
1.
Express thanks for Dr. and Mrs. Jackson
attending the State Dinner in honor of
President and Mrs. Tolbert.
2.
Express thanks for Dr. Jackson's support
FORD
LIBRARY
of a strong National Defense at his National
Convention.
3.
Invite him to support the Ford-Dole ticket.
DATE OF SUBMISSION:
October 18, 1976
Action
4
ATLANTA DAILY WORLD Friday September 10, 1976
Atlanta
World
Published Every Tuesday. Thursday, Friday, Sunday
BAPT. LEADER DEPLORES RED GROWTH
Dr. Jackson Lashes Congress
And Supports Strong Defense
(Special to the Atlanta Daily
Joseph H. Jackson, presi-
celebrating the Bicentennial,
World)
dent.
Dr. Jackson saidhe was firm
DALLAS - The Bicenten-
The ninety-sixth annual
and positive that we should
nial, world - wide military
convention is being held at
take part in this celebra-
preparedness, the Negro
the Dallas Convention Cen-
tion.
role in today's society, a
ter with approximately 20,
"We were, and are, a part
political philosophy, free
000 of the 6.3 million mem-
of the nation's history. Our
enterprise and prayer in
bership in attendance. The
achievements as a people
schools were among topics
group is the largest organi-
are found within the records
presented here Thursday at
zation of Negroes in the Uni-
of the last two hundred years
the National Baptist Con
ted States.
of American history. We
vention, U.S.A., Inc. by Dr.
In the matter of Negroes
have made our distinct con-
tribution to this nation from
the cotton fields of the south
to the industrial centers of
the north. We have played
our part.
"Our brains and brawn
have helped to build the ta-
bernacle called America. We
have gone forth in the wars
and struggles to make as well
as to preserve this great
republic. To be committed
to a refusal to participate
is a denial of the nation's
worth and would be a volun-
tary with-drawal from all the
things for which the nation
stands, for which we have
struggled a n d fought so
long."
The concern with the grow
ing strength of the enemies
of America and the growing
disrespect Americans have
for themselves and for the
institutions was dealt with in
some length throughout Dr.
Jackson's address.
COMMUNIST LANDS
Dr. Jackson referred to
twenty-four countries that
have fallen under the domin-
ation and control of commu-
nist power and influence.
"The fact of this expan-
sion of the influence of Mar-
xist ideology over so many
countries and so many areas
of the world indicates that the
influence of the leaders of the
free world is in some res-
pect on the wane."
Dr. Jackson has recently
toured United States Air
Force bases in England, Ger
many and Spain (June 1976)
under the auspices of the of-
fice of the Chief of Chap-
CONTINUED ON PAGE 4
Dr. Jackson Lashes Congress
CONTINUED FROM PAGE1
lains. This experience re-
trolled from the White House
emphasized his feelings that
and men in government must
members of Congress as
not become the economic
well as all leaders of this
dictators of this nation.
nation should give concern
"America has not produc-
to the growing military might
ed politicians skilled inhand
of the Soviet Union.
ling money and they should
"An exhaustive study by
not control the wealth of
the Library of Congress
America through the tax
points out that since 1965
dollar."
the quantitative military bal-
ance has shifted substantial-
FREE ENTERPRISE
ly in favor of the Soviet Un-
ion.
Urging his delegates to take
"In strategic nuclear wea-
advantage of the free en-
pons America's numerical
terprise system he said that
superiority in 1965 has dis-
free enterprise must en-
solved. Ten years ago the
courage the freedom of the
United States had 630 more
local community to produce
ICBMs than the Soviet Union;
and to invest.
today we have 549 fewer than
"My belief is it is much
the Soviets. Since 1965 Rus-
better to allow the respec-
sia has increased her num-
tive states. to carry the res-
erical superiority over the
ponsibility of both earning,
United States in 0 0 P
collecting and spending some
strength from 860,000
to
of the revenue within their
1,700,000 men; the strength
communities. We have learn
in tanks has moved forward
ed the hard way there is not
from 20,000 to 30,000.
enough wisdom in Washing-
ton to lift this nation to the
LOSS STRENGTH
highest possible democratic
standard nor to give every
"In 1965 the United States
citizen the blessings and
had 2,500 more fighter bom
fruits of freedom.
bers than the Soviet Union.
"The state capitols of
Today the Soviet Union has
America must also become
2,900 more such planes than
units and headquarters for
the United States. In 1965 the
the distribution of the jewels
United States had sixteen
of justice and for the dis-
more muclear-powered bal-
semination of the fruits of
listic submarines than did
freedom. It was not intended
the Soviets. Today the United
by the founding fathers of
States has thirteen fewer
this nation that Washington
than the oviets.
would become the seat of a
Dr. Jackson described
centralized government.
many members of Congress
as being indifferent to the
TELLS NEGROES
present crisis. He said all
our political leaders should
In a three point suggestion
become united on foreign
policy and on the security
to his race, Dr. Jackson
of the nation.
said we should remain com-
"There has been a reduc-
mitted to the struggle for
tion in the number and the
first class citizenship.
strength of America's his-
Secondly, we should har-
toric allies. There is no lon-
ness the rights we have won,
ger the superior navy from
in the past and understand
Great Britain with unques-
the values and virtues of our
tioned mastery of the Seven
free enterprise system. This
Seas. France is week from
calls for a combination of
within, Germany is divided
labor of sacrifices, of
into two countries and two.
thrifty and wise investments.
cultures, and many of the
We should begin with small.
smaller nations that once
savings clubs and co-ops
pooked upon America with
and learn well the rules as
awe and great expectations
well as the creative laws of
have turned their backs on
free enterprise along with
us. We must decide within
the ethical principles invol-
the first decade of the third,
ved therein,
century what our destiny will
Thirdly, we should not be
be.
satisfied. with winning the
rights to acquire the oppor-
STAGGER BUDGET
tunities to spend and con-
sume but we should volun-
As a result of his person-
tarily shoulder the respon-
al experiences in Europe"
sibilities of adding to the
Dr. Jackson expressed the
store of values.
urgency of the United States
preparedness and the im-
SCHOOL PRAYER
portance of a strong defense
budget.
In dealing with prayer
He emphasized that poli-
the schools Dr. Jackson be-
tical leaders should not be
lieves that students and
economic advisors and en-
teachers should be taught to
gineers of the cultural pat-
pray as a voluntary process.
terns of our society. "One
"So frequently in the six-
should specialize in business
ties and the early seventies
and another in government,"
many of our churches lost
he said.
their way. They learned how
"Now the federal govern-
to protest and forgot how to
ment though some of its
pray."
bureaucrats has become the
Four major programs out
big boss that dictates the
lined by Dr. Jackson illus-
terms on which money for
trate his sincerity and long
education, social benefits
time advocacy of moving
and relief may be secured.
from protest to production.
"Our system of taxation
They include the Convention
must be re-studied and re-
Retirement Program, land
adjusted so that the wealth
purchases in the United
of America must not be con-
States and West Africa by