Ask the Scholar
Document scope · 1 page
Scholar
Ask about this object, its catalog metadata, its source description, or the page inventory.
For page-specific OCR and visual context, open one of the page chats.
Scholar Source Context
Document identity
localId
12130878
label
Ford Press Releases - Congress, 1971-1973
core
doc
dtoType
document
citationUrl
pageCount
1
Source metadata
id
12130878
sourceUrl
contentType
document
title
Ford Press Releases - Congress, 1971-1973
citationUrl
collections
Gerald R. Ford Congressional Papers
Press Releases Subject Files
subjects
U.S. House of Representatives. 3/4/1789-
U.S. Congress. 1789-
House Republican Policy Committee (U.S.)
Legislation
iiifBase
thumbnailUrl
largeImageUrl
imageCount
1
hasImages
yes
source
import
hasTranscription
no
Source extras
naId
12130878
coverageEndDate
logicalDate
1973-09-30
month
9
year
1973
coverageStartDate
logicalDate
1971-01-01
month
1
year
1971
levelOfDescription
fileUnit
recordType
description
ocrSource
nara-archive
Single page context
seq
1
pageIndex
0
type
document
url
mediaId
d80d37bcd409e07a
ocrText
The original documents are located in Box D6, folder "Ford Press Releases - Congress,
1971-1973" of the Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the
Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
Copyright Notice
The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of
photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. The Council donated to the United
States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections.
Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public
domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to
remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid
copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
Digitized from Box D6 of The Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
January 14, 1971
The Republican Leadership of the House of Representatives is holding
an introductory conference for new Republican House Members of the 92nd Con-
gress this weekend at the Key Bridge Marriott Motor Hotel.
The 25 Congressmen-elect and their vives (as well as those sworn in
after the start of the 91st Congress) will confer informally with key Adminis-
tration officials and members of the Minority Leadership on organization,
procedures, legislative prospects and policy goals facing the new Congress
when it convenes January 21.
"We have found it invaluable in the past to get together with our new
Members to help them off to a good start and to help us understand their view-
points and concerns," House Republican Leader Gerald R. Ford said. "As the
minority in the next Congress with a responsibility for advancing President
Nixon's reform program we must have maximum teamwork and mutual understanding
and we are starting early to Build it."
Other leaders participating in the panels Friday afternoon and Saturday
will be Republican Whip Leslic C. Arends (R-I11.), Conference Chairman John
B. Anderson (R-I11.), Policy Committee Chairman John J. Rhodes (R-Ariz.),
Rep. H. Allen Smith (R-Calif.) Ranking Republican Member of the Rules Committee,
and Senator-clect Robert A. Taft, Jr. (R-Ohio), chairman of the House Republi-
can Research Committee in the 91st Congress.
The Members-elect will also hear Executive Director John T. Calkins
and key members of the Republican Congressional Campaign Committee staff on
the importance of getting re-elected in 1972.
Wives of the House leaders will meet separately on Saturday with the
wives of the new Republican Members for a panel discussion of the duties of
a Congressional wife and the details of Washington living. Miss Nancy Hanks,
Chairman of the National Endowment for the Arts, will be guest speaker at the
ladies' luncheon.
Director George P. Shultz of the Office of Management and Budget and
Presidential Counsel for Congressional Relations Clark MacGregor will lead
off the White House contingent participating in the conference. Briefings
on President Nixon's foreign and domestic policies will be given by Dr. Henry
Kissinger, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs and Mr.
John Ehrlichman, Assistant to the President for Domestic Affairs.
All of the working sessions will be limited to participants but a
press briefing will be given by Rep. Ford at the close of Saturday afternoon's
conference (approximately 5:30 p.m.) in the Federal Room, which will be avail-
able as a press room from 3 p.m. on. Media coverage will be welcome at the
6:00 p.m. reception and 7:30 p.m. dinner which will conclude the Saturday pro-
gram. The dinner speaker will be the new Chairman of the Republican National
Committee who will be elected Friday.
(Members of the press who plan to cover the dinner please advise
Mr. Paul Theis, Director of Public Relations, Republican Congressional Com-
mittee, LIncoln 4-3010, as soon as possible.)
*****
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--Friday Evening, Jan. 22, 1971--
This Statement Embargoed Until Delivery of the State of the Union Message
President Nixon's State of the Union Message is a document which looks
forward, not backward.
With this message torthe Congress, the President has unveiled a visionary
course for the Nation which offers us the driving dream the American people yearn
for. Nowhere in the message is there a word of criticism or a dwelling on mistakes
past. He has extended the hand of partnership to the Congress.
In setting forth his six great goals for the 92nd Congress and the Nation,
the President envisages vast reforms in both the programs and structure of the
Federal Government--fundamental, problem-solving reforms, not patchwork.
I hope the 92nd Congress will work with the President to achieve all six of
his great goals-welfare reform, full prosperity in peacetime, the restoration of
our environment, the best possible health care for all Americans, strengthening of
our state andilocal governments through revenue sharing, and comple te reform of the
Federal Government through a restructuring of cabinet departments.
I applaud the President's pledge to lick cancer through a sharply increased
outlay of research funds, and I strongly favor his proposal to make $5 billion in
shared revenue available to the states and cities. I might add I hope the 92nd wil
be a "Health Congress."
With his revenue sharing proposal, the President has made it clear he wants
wants
to bring government to the people and to bring the people to the government. He
to make young people a part of participatory democracy and to make democracy a part
of their lives.
I believe the American people will endorse the bold course laid out by the
President. I hope their representatives in Congress will do likewise.
######
ultim
U. S. HOUSE
OF REPRESENTATIVES
REPUBLICAN POLICY COMMITTEE
REP. JOHN J. RHODES, (R.-ARIZ.) CHAIRMAN
1616 LONGWORTH HOUSE OFFICE BUILDING
TELEPHONE 225-6168
10
92nd Congress
July 19, 1971
First Session
Statement Number 5
HOUSE REPUBLICAN POLICY COMMITTEE STATEMENT
ON THE LACK OF HOUSE ACTION ON MAJOR ADMINISTRATION PROPOSALS
During the first six months of this year, President Nixon forwarded to the
Congress forty-seven legislative proposals to deal with critical domestic problems.
The great bulk of the proposals, with accompanying draft legislation, was received
by the House of Representatives prior to the end of March. Prompt action on major
legislative programs, which included dealing with national emergency strikes,
revenue sharing, executive reorganization and environmental improvement, was
urgently requested.
To date, in the House, hearings on twenty-eight of these proposals are yet
to begin; in the case of twenty-two, hearings are yet to be scheduled; action has
been completed on only five.
Despite recognition by the American people of the need for comprehensive
and fundamental reform and for the redirection of national priorities, despite the
pleas of President Nixon for meaningful Congressional action, despite the urging
of Republican Members, the Democrat majority and its leadership in the Congress
seem determined to thwart consideration of major portions of the Administration's
legislative programs. In the important sphere of domestic concerns, Democrats in
the Congress have produced a dismal record of inactivity. While time marches, the
Congress crawls.
(over)
-2-
The House Republican Policy Committee demands that immediate
attention of the Congress be given to the forward-looking and progressive
domestic legislative proposals of President Richard Nixon.
92nd Congress
Status of 47 Domestic
Administration Requests*
June 30, 1971
Agriculture
Banking & Currency
District of Columbia
Education & Labor
Government Operations
Interior and
Insular Affairs
Interstate and
Foreign Commerce
Judiciary
Merchant Marine
and Fisheries
Post Office and
Civil Service
Public Works
Ways and Means
Totals
Presidential Messages
1
4
2
5
9
4
01114547
Draft Legislation Not Received
1
1
2
Draft Legislation Not Introduced
1
1
No Hearings Scheduled
4
2
6
2
4
1
1
2
22
Hearings Scheduled
1
1
4
6
Hearings Underway
1
1
Hearings Completed
1
3
1
1
2
1
1
10
Action Completed
1
2
2
5
* Reference: Minority Leader's Report, June 30, 1971.
Full Distribution
office Copy
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
STATEMENT BY REP. GERALD R. FORD
FOR RELEASE ON ADJOURNMENT OF THE CONGRESS
The record of the 92nd Congress during its first session was spotty and
uneven-a few pieces of major legislation enacted but generally a lack-luster
performance.
Congress deserves high marks for passing the Revenue Act of 1971, the
extension of wage and price controls, the 18-year-old vote amendment, health
manpower legislation, campaign spending reform legislation, and a draft extension
with provisions pointing toward the establishment of an all-volunteer army.
But the failures of the 92nd Congress are also notable--failure to put
general and special Revenue Sharing into effect; failure to reform the obsolete
welfare system; failure to enact new measures for dealing with national emergency
labor-management disputes in transportation; failure to reorganize Federal
cabinet departments; and failure to abolish the Electoral College system and
provide for a better method of electing the President.
The first session of the 92nd Congress was marred by presidential
politicking in the Senate, and the second session promises to be worse.
The Senate also acted irresponsibly in rejecting the foreign aid
authorization and playing politics with President Nixon's efforts to wind down
the Vietnam War.
The Senate mischievously delayed enactment of urgent tax cuts and kept
the American economy groping in doubt by attempting a partisan grab for taxpayers'
dollars to finance the Democratic Party's 1972 presidential campaign.
The House, while not always embracing the President's proposals, usually
dealt responsibly with them. The House, for instance, passed an historic welfare
reform bill only to have it held up in the Senate.
Viewed in terms of enacting the President's proposals, the 92nd Congress
has a poor record on major items. The Democrats have failed to complete action
on more than three-fourths of the 56 major measures President Nixon has tagged
as "must" legislation.
The answer is for the voters to reelect President Nixon next year and give
him Republican majorities in both the House and the Senate.
# # #
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
STATEMENT BY REP. GERALD R. FORD
FOR RELEASE ON ADJOURNMENT OF THE CONGRESS
The record of the 92nd Congress during its first session was spotty and
uneven--a few pieces of major legislation enacted but generally a lack-luster
performance.
Congress deserves high marks for passing the Revenue Act of 1971, the
extension of wage and price controls, the 18-year-old vote amendment, health
manpower legislation, campaign spending reform legislation, and a draft extension
with provisions pointing toward the establishment of an all-volunteer army.
But the failures of the 92nd Congress are also notable--failure -- to put
general and special Revenue Sharing into effect; failure to reform the obsolete
welfare system; failure to enact new measures for dealing with national emergency
labor-management disputes in transportation; failure to reorganize Federal
cabinet departments; and failure to abolish the Electoral College system and
provide for a better method of electing the President.
The first session of the 92nd Congress was marred by presidential
politicking in the Senate, and the second session promises to be worse.
The Senate also acted irresponsibly in rejecting the foreign aid
authorization and playing politics with President Nixon's efforts to wind down
the Vietnam War.
The Senate mischievously delayed enactment of urgent tax cuts and kept
the American economy groping in doubt by attempting a partisan grab for taxpayers'
dollars to finance the Democratic Party's 1972 presidential campaign.
The House, while not always embracing the President's proposals, usually
dealt responsibly with them. The House, for instance, passed an historic welfare
reform bill only to have it held up in the Senate.
Viewed in terms of enacting the President's proposals, the 92nd Congress
has a poor record on major items. The Democrats have failed to complete action
on more than three-fourths of the 56 major measures President Nixon has tagged
as "must" legislation.
The answer is for the voters to reelect President Nixon next year and give
him Republican majorities in both the House and the Senate.
# # #
Full Distribution
@ ffice Copy
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--FOR RELEASE AT 6 P.M.
Tuesday, January 18, 1972
Comments on Senator Kennedy's speech before the Washington Press Club.
It was not to be expected that Mr. Kennedy's perception of the state of the
Nation would be thoughtful, thorough, or sensible. It was certainly to be expected
that the junior Senator would conceal somewhat his apparent contempt for the
sensibilities of the American people. He did not.
I was particularly astonished at his contention that the Nixon Administration
does not trust the American people. The record clearly reflects the enormous
efforts President Nixon has made to lessen the stranglehold of the Federal Government
over the American people.
The constant acquisition of Federal power, the constant assertion that the
government knew what was best for the people. far better than they themselves knew,
the constant contention that the Federal Government could solve the problems of
the people better than they themselves could solve them--this was the arrogance
that marked the previous two administrations, that created disillusionment with
government and distrust of government. And it is this, as the junior Senator from
Massachusetts well knows, that President Nixon is working so hard to reverse.
Welfare reform shows no distrust of people, but faith in their capacity to
work their way out of poverty.
Revenue sharing shows no distrust of the people, but a profound confidence
in their ability to use their own resources to order their own priorities, and to
solve their own problems.
The decentralization of pcwer implicit in the President's programs for
government reform is predicated on trust in the American people.
All this is in stark contrast with the arrogant assumptions of the early
Sixties, which sought to treat Americans as the subject, rather than the object of
government.
I suggest to the junior Senator from Massachusetts that the American people
are not so ignorant of recent history as he supposes, not so willing to be
patronized as he hopes, and not so sheeplike as the self-generated Kennedy myth
requires them to be. Of all issues which the junior Senator from Massachusetts
might raise among the American people, the question of trust seems least likely to
serve his interests.
# # #
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
-FOR RELEASE AT 6 P.M.--
Tuesday, January 18, 1972
Comments on Senator Kennedy's speech before the Washington Press Club.
It was not to be expected that Mr. Kennedy's perception of the state of the
Nation would be thoughtful, thorough, or sensible. It was certainly to be expected
that the junior Senator would conceal somewhat his apparent contempt for the
sensibilities of the American people. He did not.
I was particularly astonished at his contention that the Nixon Administration
does not trust the American people. The record clearly reflects the enormous
efforts President Nixon has made to lessen the stranglehold of the Federal Government
over the American people.
The constant acquisition of Federal power, the constant assertion that the
government knew what was best for the people.. far better than they themselves knew,
the constant contention that the Federal Government could solve the problems of
the people better than they themselves could solve them--this was the arrogance
that marked the previous two administrations, that created disillusionment with
government and distrust of government. And it is this, as the junior Senator from
Massachusetts well knows, that President Nixon is working so hard to reverse.
Welfare reform shows no distrust of people, but faith in their capacity to
work their way out of poverty.
Revenue sharing shows no distrust of the people, but a profound confidence
in their ability to use their own resources to order their own priorities, and to
solve their own problems.
The decentralization of power implicit in the President's programs for
government reform is predicated on trust in the American people.
All this is in stark contrast with the arrogant assumptions of the early
Sixties, which sought to treat Americans as the subject, rather than the object of
government.
I suggest to the junior Senator from Massachusetts that the American people
are not so ignorant of recent history as he supposes, not so willing to be
patronized as he hopes, and not so sheeplike as the self-generated Kennedy myth
requires them to be. Of all issues which the junior Senator from Massachusetts
might raise among the American people, the question of trust seems least likely to
serve his interests.
# # #
Distribution
Office Copy
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--FOR RELEASE AT 12:30 P.M.--
Thursday, January 20, 1972
President Nixon's State of the Union Message was perhaps the most
challenging such speech ever made to a joint session of the Congress--an appeal
that the Congress link arms with him to build a better America despite the political
pressures of a Presidential election year.
The President cast tradition aside. Instead of throwing at the Congress a
list of new proposals a yard long and impossible of enactment, he laid before them
the realistic request that our national lawmakers knuckle down to business in this
most political of years and adopt a reasonable number of measures sorely needed to
advance the best interests of the American people.
The President has made a statesmanly, apolitical speech. He has not sought
to embarrass the opposition party in any way. In a speech eloquent in its simplicity
he has only asked that the Democratic-controlled Congress act responsibly this year
to meet the needs of the Nation and to move forward on a legislative agenda which
is already well established--welfare reform, revenue sharing, health care, environ-
mental improvement, consumer protection, revitalization of rural America, aid for
our cities, mass transit assistance, pension protection, equal opportunity for
minorities, and better methods of handling national emergency disputes in trans-
portation. In all, the President cited more than 90 Administration proposals which
are still pending.
The President also pointed to a new program--a major initiative proposing
a Federal partnership in technological research and development. This fulfills a
crying need at this time in the Nation's history.
I strongly endorse this move.
I applaud the various Presidential initiatives to promote full employment in
peacetime.
There is little question that the progress America makes in 1972 will depend
on a spirit of partnership in the Congress, a willingness to join with the President
in actions taken for the good of the people.
This is the thrust of the Nixon State of the Union Message. This is the
legislative result for which all reasonable men must hope.
###
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--FOR RELEASE AT 12:30 P.M.--
Thursday, January 20, 1972
President Nixon's State of the Union Message was perhaps the most
challenging such speech ever made to a joint session of the Congress--an appeal
that the Congress link arms with him to build a better America despite the political
pressures of a Presidential election year.
The President cast tradition aside. Instead of throwing at the Congress a
list of new proposals a yard long and impossible of enactment, he laid before them
the realistic request that our national lawmakers knuckle down to business in this
most political of years and adopt a reasonable number of measures sorely needed to
advance the best interests of the American people.
The President has made a statesmanly, apolitical speech. He has not sought
to embarrass the opposition party in any way. In a speech eloquent in its simplicity
he has only asked that the Democratic-controlled Congress act responsibly this year
to meet the needs of the Nation and to move forward on a legislative agenda which
is already well established--welfare reform, revenue sharing, health care, environ-
mental improvement, consumer protection, revitalization of rural America, aid for
our cities, mass transit assistance, pension protection, equal opportunity for
minorities, and better methods of handling national emergency disputes in trans-
portation. In all, the President cited more than 90 Administration proposals which
are still pending.
The President also pointed to a new program--a major initiative proposing
a Federal partnership in technological research and development. This fulfills a
crying need at this time in the Nation's history.
I strongly endorse this move.
I applaud the various Presidential initiatives to promote full employment in
peacetime.
There is little question that the progress America makes in 1972 will depend
on a spirit of partnership in the Congress, a willingness to join with the President
in actions taken for the good of the people.
This is the thrust of the Nixon State of the Union Message. This is the
legislative result for which all reasonable men must hope.
# # #
Full Distribution
a Office Copy
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
January 21, 1972
Comments on the Democratic Party's State of the Union rebuttal.
It is inexcusable that the spokesmen for the Democratic Party should stand
before the American public and accuse the Nixon administration of failing in its
responsibility to bring equal opportunity to all Americans. The record clearly
shows that no President has put together a civil rights record to match the one
President Nixon has achieved.
In 1969, when President Nixon took office, the schools in the South were
only 6 per cent desegregated--after eight years of Democratic rule, years in which
we frequently heard the rhetoric of equal opportunity but saw little of the
results--years in which there was much bloodshed, but little progress. The Nixon
Administration has dropped the rhetoric and produced results. Today, 90 per cent
of the schools in the South are desegregated and we are well on our way, at last,
to fulfilling the mandate of the Supreme Court's landmark 1954 decision.
The area of government employment is another excellent example of the
progress made by the Nixon Administration. The Nixon Administration has achieved
unprecedented results in increasing minority representation in high-paying
government jobs. The increase in minority employment at the GS 5-8 level has been
15.7 per cent; at the GS 9-11 level 7.3 per cent. At the GS 12-13 level, it has
been 21.4 per cent, at the 14 and 15 levels, 33.6 per cent, and at the GS 16-18
levels 55.7 per cent. Much work remains to be done, but this is a far better
record than that set by the Kennedy-Johnson Administrations.
There has been progress in other areas, too. The Philadelphia Plan, the
newly-strengthened Office of Federal Contract Compliance, the minority enterprise
program, expanded assistance to black colleges, the Cabinet Committee on
Opportunities for Spanish-Speaking Peoples, and a new, tough fair housing policy
are only some of the examples. The Democratic Party may claim to be the equal
opportunity party in this country. The record, however, clearly shows that after
eight years in office, the Kennedy-Johnson Administrations left much for President
Nixon to accomplish--and he is accomplishing it.
###
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
January 21, 1972
Comments on the Democratic Party's State of the Union rebuttal.
It is inexcusable that the spokesmen for the Democratic Party should stand
before the American public and accuse the Nixon administration of failing in its
responsibility to bring equal opportunity to all Americans. The record clearly
shows that no President has put together a civil rights record to match the one
President Nixon has achieved.
In 1969, when President Nixon took office, the schools in the South were
only 6 per cent desegregated--after eight years of Democratic rule, years in which
we frequently heard the rhetoric of equal opportunity but saw little of the
results--years in which there was much bloodshed, but little progress. The Nixon
Administration has dropped the rhetoric and produced results. Today, 90 per cent
of the schools in the South are desegregated and we are well on our way, at last,
to fulfilling the mandate of the Supreme Court's landmark 1954 decision.
The area of government employment is another excellent example of the
progress made by the Nixon Administration. The Nixon Administration has achieved
unprecedented results in increasing minority representation in high-paying
government jobs. The increase in minority employment at the GS 5-8 level has been
15.7 per cent; at the GS 9-11 level 7.3 per cent. At the GS 12-13 level, it has
been 21.4 per cent, at the 14 and 15 levels, 33.6 per cent, and at the GS 16-18
levels 55.7 per cent. Much work remains to be done, but this is a far better
record than that set by the Kennedy-Johnson Administrations.
There has been progress in other areas, too. The Philadelphia Plan, the
newly-strengthened Office of Federal Contract Compliance, the minority enterprise
program, expanded assistance to black colleges, the Cabinet Committee on
Opportunities for Spanish-Speaking Peoples, and a new, tough fair housing policy
are only some of the examples. The Democratic Party may claim to be the equal
opportunity party in this country. The record, however, clearly shows that after
eight years in office, the Kennedy-Johnson Administrations left much for President
Nixon to accomplish--and he is accomplishing it.
###
Full Distribution
Oolder Copy
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
October 3, 1972
Statement by Rep. Gerald R. Ford
Ralph Nader's charge that the Nixon Administration is "corrupt" is
absolutely false, completely unfounded. There is no evidence to substantiate
such a charge.
I am amazed that Nader would make a partisan attack against the
Administration. It undermines the credibility of his entire investigation of
the Congress. It makes him an echo of Sen. McGovern and betrays his own political
leanings. Even the words are the same. I would hope that Ralph Nader would
retract his allegations, because he has severely damaged his credibility.
I have long felt that Congress could and should upgrade itself, particularly
by professionalizing its committee staffs. But the Nader charges that Congress
has abdicated its responsibilities and is a tool of the special interests are
utterly ridiculous. I know many fine members of Congress--both Democrat and
Republican--and they are neither the tools of big business or of big labor.
As for calling a special session of Congress as a reform session, this is
completely unnecessary. Whatever reforms might be needed can be carried out in
the course of regular business.
###
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE-
October 3, 1972
Statement by Rep. Gerald R. Ford
Ralph Nader's charge that the Nixon Administration is "corrupt" is
absolutely false, completely unfounded. There is no evidence to substantiate
such a charge.
I am amazed that Nader would make a partisan attack against the
Administration. It undermines the credibility of his entire investigation of
the Congress. It makes him an echo of Sen. McGovern and betrays his own political
leanings. Even the words are the same. I would hope that Ralph Nader would
retract his allegations, because he has severely damaged his credibility.
I have long felt that Congress could and should upgrade itself, particularly
by professionalizing its committee staffs. But the Nader charges that Congress
has abdicated its responsibilities and is a tool of the special interests are
utterly ridiculous. I know many fine members of Congress--both Democrat and
Republican--and they are neither the tools of big business or of big labor.
As for calling a special session of Congress as a reform session, this is
completely unnecessary. Whatever reforms might be needed can be carried out in
the course of regular business.
###
Full distribution
0 Quie Copy
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
Tuesday, October 17, 1972
FOR RELEASE ON THE ADJOURNMENT OF CONGRESS
The 92nd Congress could have been a great Congress. It was not.
The 92nd Congress should have been a reform Congress. It was not.
The reason the 92nd Congress failed to become a reform Congress and to
achieve greatness is that it was the most political Congress of modern times.
There is no question that the 92nd Congress has a number of noteworthy
achievements to its credit. But at the same time, this Congress passed into
history with its record blotched by failure after failure.
President Nixon was a reform president. The Congress, unfortunately,
refused to follow his lead in domestic affairs. Roughly half of his major
legislative initiatives died on the shelf.
Congress endorsed the President's general revenue sharing plan but refused
to act on his various special revenue sharing programs.
Congress acceded to the President's plan for reorganizing the volunteer
Federal agencies but refused to enact his sweeping provisions for a general
overhaul of the Executive Branch's administrative machinery.
Congress approved the most ambitious, most expensive and most stringent
Water Quality Act in history but refused to act on a large number of Presidential
environmental proposals such as power plant siting.
The President proposed a comprehensive health insurance plan which
promised better health care for all Americans, but the Congress failed to follow
through.
The President proposed sound legislation to provide vesting for pensions
but the Congress failed to come to grips with this problem.
The President proposed a sweeping reform of this Nation's scandalous
welfare system but Congress failed to deal with the welfare mess.
Why is the record of the 92nd Congress so riddled with failures, in con-
trast with the very real achievements on the other side of the ledger? Because
this Congress was determined not to bestow credit on a President from the
opposition party. This Democratic-controlled Congress was working for the defeat
of President Nixon. A Congress, so dedicated, can only emerge with a partisan
political record in the domestic area and therefore has failed the American
people.
What President Nixon needs is a Republican Congress--and I am hoping the
voters will recognize this on Nov. 7.
###
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
Tuesday, October 17, 1972
FOR RELEASE ON THE ADJOURNMENT OF CONGRESS
The 92nd Congress could have been a great Congress. It was not.
The 92nd Congress should have been a reform Congress. It was not.
The reason the 92nd Congress failed to become a reform Congress and to
achieve greatness is that it was the most political Congress of modern times.
There is no question that the 92nd Congress has a number of noteworthy
achievements to its credit. But at the same time, this Congress passed into
history with its record blotched by failure after failure.
President Nixon was a reform president. The Congress, unfortunately,
refused to follow his lead in domestic affairs. Roughly half of his major
legislative initiatives died on the shelf.
Congress endorsed the President's general revenue sharing plan but refused
to act on his various special revenue sharing programs.
Congress acceded to the President's plan for reorganizing the volunteer
Federal agencies but refused to enact his sweeping provisions for a general
overhaul of the Executive Branch's administrative machinery.
Congress approved the most ambitious, most expensive and most stringent
Water Quality Act in history but refused to act on a large number of Presidential
environmental proposals such as power plant siting.
The President proposed a comprehensive health insurance plan which
promised better health care for all Americans, but the Congress failed to follow
through.
The President proposed sound legislation to provide vesting for pensions
but the Congress failed to come to grips with this problem.
The President proposed a sweeping reform of this Nation's scandalous
welfare system but Congress failed to deal with the welfare mess.
Why is the record of the 92nd Congress so riddled with failures, in con-
trast with the very real achievements on the other side of the ledger? Because
this Congress was determined not to bestow credit on a President from the
opposition party. This Democratic-controlled Congress was working for the defeat
of President Nixon. A Congress, so dedicated, can only emerge with a partisan
political record in the domestic area and therefore has failed the American
people.
What President Nixon needs is a Republican Congress--and I am hoping the
voters will recognize this on Nov. 7.
###
NEWS
CONGRESSMAN
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--FOR RELEASE SUNDAY, OCT. 22, 1972--
Statement by Ren. Gorald R. Ford
The first half of the Nader profile on me achieves good balance but the latter half
of the report is unfair and smacks of an attempt at a hatchet job.
The report quotes my 1970 and 1972 Democratic opponent, Mrs. Jean McKee, as saying
that I "take people here (in the district) for granted." They quote this as though it
were a statement of fact. It's a lot of rubbish. I have never taken the people in my
district for granted and I never will.
The report comments that I bring "only $83 per person in Department of Defonse funds
to the district as against the U.S. average of $285." That is manifestly unfair. A low
figure for defense dollars brought into a district would be true for any district like
Michigan's Fifth which does not have a military installation or a high concentration of
defense-oriented industry.
Quoting of Detroit Free Press reporter Saul Friedman's comments on my congressional
questionnaire questions about Vietnam is unfair. Friedman is admittedly anti-Administration
on Vietnam and this is reflected in his comments on my questionnaire. Also, the Nader
researchers omit the fact that I solicited the help of political scieme profe ssors in-
my district on the drafting of my questionnaire questions.
The profile labeled my votes on the SST and the Lockheed loan guarantee as votes
that were pro-business. The vote for the SST was a vote to keep the U.S. presminent in
the field of commercial aviation and to save jobs. The Lockheed vote was also a vote to
save jobs. The Nader researchers apparently were unaware that the AFL-CIO supported both
the Lockheed loan guarantee and continued funding of the SST.
On women's rights, the Nader researchers quote the "Woman Activist" newsletter as
saying I had a near-perfect anti-feminist record for 1971 but note that I voted for the
Equal Rights Amendment. What they don't say is that in 1970 I persuaded more than a
dozen House Republicans to sign a discharge petition which took the Equal Rights Amendment
away from the House Judiciary Committee and signed the petition myself. It is
for anyone to accuse me of being anti-feminist.
Finally, the Nader researchers quote copiously from lobbyist Robert Winter-Berger
concerning his relations with me. This is absolutely ridiculous because Winter-Berger
is hardly a credible source and the Nader researchers themselves cast
doubt on his
credibility.
GERALD FORD LIBRAR)
#######
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
November 8, 1972
Statement by Rep. Gerald R. Ford
Republicans will build toward a majority in the U. S. House of Representatives.
beginning with the gains we made on Nov. 7.
While the net pickup of seats by the GOP was not all I had hoped for, the
fact remains that we have narrowed the gap.
My guess is that the House Republican leadership will be able to put together
a winning combination for the President on most key votes in the House. We may well
have a working majority while not a numerical one.
###
ENER
Mr. Speaker, Colleagues of the 93rd Congress:
It is a great honor to stand before you as a sort of surrogate for the
Speaker.
Of course, I am a little bit disappointed about losing this contest for
the Speakership, but after five defeats you learn to grit your teeth and smile.
First of all, I want to wish you all a Happy New Year -- before somebody
gets up and tells us differently.
I also want to express my thanks to those who voted for me over on this
side of the aisle. Couldn't we have the same kind of minority solidarity for
the next two years?
Finally, I'd like to congratulate our distinguished Speaker and to assure
him that I'll support him -- one thousand percent!
As I look out over this historic chamber I see many old friends and
familiar faces -- but also many new ones. Fifteen percent of you have just
cast your first vote as Members of the House of Representatives of the United
States Congress.
It is to that group of welcome new colleagues that I particularly say
a few words at this time.
-2-
When I first came to Congress 24 years ago, I was under the handicap
of having defeated in the Republican primary a very senior member in the
Michigan delegation who naturally had many good friends in the House. I
happened to sit down beside one of them the very first day, introduced myself
and chattered away full of excitement and friendly spirit.
The senior member didn't say much, but finally he turned to me and
asked:
"Young man, do you know the definition of a Congressman? A Congressman
is the shortest distance between two years."
You will find, I hope, that we are a much friendlier bunch nowadays.
For one thing, a bloc of 68 votes -- 15 percent of the House -- could be
decisive if all you new Members would stick together. But, of course, you
won't. You will vote according to your best judgment and the best interests
of the country and of your constituents, which is how it should be.
But may I urge you to counsel with your colleagues in one important
respect, and that is the consideration we all owe to the institution of the
House itself. The longer you work here the better you will understand what
I mean.
-3--
I'm sure that if my dear friend Hale Boggs were here he would say the
same thing more eloquently. And Nick Begich, though he had served only one
term, would have agreed. So I say this in a completely nonpartisan spirit.
This is truly the People's House, as Thomas Jefferson called it. It
comes as close to being a continuous sampling of public opinion as any part
of our government. Its powers are very great. Its traditions are very strong
and deeply rooted in the lessons of history. You have been entrusted by the
people who elected you -- by those who voted for you and also by those who
voted against you or didn't vote at all -- to represent them in shaping laws
and making decisions that profoundly affect their lives and the future of their
children. This is a solemn responsibility and a high privilege.
The institutions of government are all under fire today, and among them
the House of Representatives. This is not unique to our times; Congress has
always been the target of humorists like Mark Twain and Will Rogers and
Presidents from George Washington forward have not been above blaming most
of the country's troubles on the legislative branch.
But I think it is fair to say that never before have we been under
closer scrutiny by the public than today, with all the advances in communications
-4-
and instant analysis and with the liberalization of our own rules and
procedures. So I urge you all, and particularly the new members, to bear
in mind that you represent the House itself, in all that you do. I for one
pray that we shall represent the House in this 93rd Congress with honor and
with pride.
One Member, above all, represents the House as an institution more than
the rest of us. The Speaker has been called the second most powerful official
of our government and the Speakership is an office of great dignity and power
demanding great diligence and ability. Only 49 Americans have occupied this
Speaker's chair.
We have just elected one of my oldest and dearest friends to this high
responsibility for the second time. He has shown himself to be a Speaker
of scrupulous honesty and fairness, a stanch champion of the rights and
privileges of all Members and of the great traditions of this body. I am
deeply honored to present to my colleagues of the 93rd Congress a fine friend,
a dedicated American and a distinguished son of Oklahoma, the Speaker of the
House of Representatives, the Honorable Carl Albert.
# # #
a Office Copy
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
FORD-ARENDS-ANDERSON-CLEVELAND-GARDNER-NADER PRESS CONFERENCE
There will be a joint press conference at 10 a.m. Monday, Feb. 5, in
the Armed Services Committee Hearing Room, Room 2118, Rayburn House Office
Building. Participants will be House Republican Leader Gerald R. Ford,
House Minority Whip Leslie Arends, House GOP Conference Chairman John B.
Anderson, Rep. James Cleveland, R-N.H., former member of the Joint Committee
on Reorganization of Congress, Common Cause Chairman John Gardner, and
attorney Ralph Nader.
Subject: Minority staffing of committees.
###
Full Distribution
Odffice
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
February 2, 1973
Statement by House Republican Leader Gerald R. Ford
The President's decision to send Congress a series of State of the Union
messages instead of a one-time shopping list makes sense because the President is,
after all, intent not on spending money but on saving it.
The President's attempt to reduce the Federal Government's role in the
daily lives of Americans and to shift some responsibilities for problem-solving
back to the states and local units of government should be welcomed by all our
citizens. It is time to stop the growth of our gargantuan Federal bureaucracy and
to work for local solutions to our problems.
The Federal bureaucracy must be brought under control and reduced. This the
President is trying to do, and he has my support.
I agree with the President that the basic State of the Union is sound and
that we are on the threshold of a new generation of peace. I join him in pledging
every effort to maintain an America that is militarily strong enough to help keep
peace in the world.
As for the President's moves to curb excessive Federal spending, I subscribe
to that objective. Members of Congress should be ever mindful that there is no
such thing as Federal Government money, only taxpayers' money--and that needs
saying again and again.
###
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE-
February 2, 1973
Statement by House Republican Leader Gerald R. Ford
The President's decision to send Congress a series of State of the Union
messages instead of a one-time shopping list makes sense because the President is,
after all, intent not on spending money but on saving it.
The President's attempt to reduce the Federal Government's role in the
daily lives of Americans and to shift some responsibilities for problem-solving
back to the states and local units of government should be welcomed by all our
citizens. It is time to stop the growth of our gargantuan Federal bureaucracy and
to work for local solutions to our problems.
The Federal bureaucracy must be brought under control and reduced. This the
President is trying to do, and he has my support.
I agree with the President that the basic State of the Union is sound and
that we are on the threshold of a new generation of peace. I join him in pledging
every effort to maintain an America that is militarily strong enough to help keep
peace in the world.
As for the President's moves to curb excessive Federal spending, I subscribe
to that objective. Members of Congress should be ever mindful that there is no
such thing as Federal Government money, only taxpayers' money--and that needs
saying again and again.
###
Full Distribution
Office Copy
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
--FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
February 5, 1973
Statement by House Republican Leader Gerald R. Ford
We have called this joint press conference to light a fire under our
Democratic friends in the House on the subject of minority staffing and to announce
support for increased minority staffing by Common Cause Chairman John Gardner and
Ralph Nader.
Mr. Gardner comes to us with combat experience in a similar battle on the
Senate side. Mr. Nader comes fresh into this fray but is no less dedicated to
seeing that justice is done. We also have here today Congressman Les Arends, the
House minority whip, Congressman John Anderson, the House GOP Conference chairman,
and Congressman Jim Cleveland, former member of the Joint Committee for
Reorganization of the Congress. Mr. Anderson and Mr. Cleveland are cosponsors of
a minority staffing resolution, H. Res. 167, currently being considered.
Identical resolutions have been introduced by Congressmen Barber Conable of
New York and William J. Keating of Ohio, H. Res. 23; Harold R. Collier of Illinois,
H. Res. 46; and Jack Edwards of Alabama, H. Res. 101.
All of these resolutions would amend the Rules of the House of Representatives
by striking out clause 32 (c) of rule XI and inserting in lieu thereof the following
new paragraph: "The minority party on any such standing committee is entitled, upon
request of a majority of such minority, to up to one-third of the funds provided
for the appointment of committee staff pursuant to each such primary or additional
expenditure resolution. 11
Clause 32 (c) of rule XI now reads that the minority "shall receive fair
consideration" in the matter of minority staffing.
As anyone can readily recognize, the phrase, "fair consideration," is subject
to as many interpretations as there are committee chairmen and committee majorities.
This is no guarantee of equity and fairness.
I would like to turn now to my good friend Les Arends to give you the back-
ground of the move to increase minority staffing and to refresh your memories on
how a one-third minority staffing provision became part of the Reorganization Act
of 1970 but was knocked out of the House Rules in January 1971 by the Democrats
voting under a binding rule adopted in caucus.
###
SUPPLEMENTAL COMMENTS BY HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER GERALD R. FORD
Arguments for one-third minority staffing:
Overturning the one-third provision was a breach of faith. An agree-
ment had been made with the Democrats, but was not kept.
Overturning the one-third provision was an exercise of raw political
power, an example of a unit-rule, secret, binding party vote which prevents
Democratic members from changing their minds because of Floor arguments or
because of conscience.
The protection of the rights of the minority is a basic tenet of
governmental philosophy in the United States.
Although the minority is to receive "fair consideration" in staffing,
this is in fact differently interpreted in each committee and often the
spirit of the law is not observed.
If the minority is to serve as a loyal opposition, it needs staffing
in order to be effective.
The minority cannot grapple effectively with the complex issues and
problems generated by a post-industrial society without adequate staffing.
If the minority is to develop meaningful alternatives and responses
to these problems, it needs staff assistance.
Professionalism is not inconsistent with partisanship -- it is
important for the minority to have minority staff with points of view
different from those of the majority staff. Republicans and Democrats
have different viewpoints, and minority members need to be able to work
with staff members who share their outlook.
Having a sizable minority staff does not mean that the minority and
majority cannot work effectively together. The Education and Labor
Committee is an example of cooperation.
Some chairmen won't make staff available to other members -- either
majority or minority. The amendment is an opportunity for all members of
committees to get adequate staffing. The allotment of staff has been
abused on some committees.
The GOP has controlled Congress in only 4 of the last 40 years -- the
staffs that have grown over that period are not bipartisan.
The adversary system calls for the best possible presentation by both
sides to achieve the goal of justice and good legislation.
Minority views have frequently influenced the outcome of legislation.
Adequate staffing is necessary to insure that those views are developed and
offer worthwhile alternatives.
Congress needs adequate staffing in order not to lose its initiative
in policymaking and bill drafting to the executive.
Many staff members are not quartered in the committee rooms, but are
in the Chairman's or other majority members' offices where they are not
accessible to minority members.
The executive branch has grown and developed into a vast bureaucracy
of professionalism. Its strength has been proportional to the caliber of
people it has attracted. The minority in Congress needs staff to balance
and respond to this.
From 1969 to 1972, approximately one-third of the Record votes have
been divided along partisan lines. Since so many important issues are
decided on the basis of partisanship, it is only fair that the minority be
assisted by an adequate staff so it can deal realistically with the world
in which it exists.
# # #
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--
February 5, 1973
Statement by House Republican Leader Gerald R. Ford
We have called this joint press conference to light a fire under our
Democratic friends in the House on the subject of minority staffing and to announce
support for increased minority staffing by Common Cause Chairman John Gardner and
Ralph Nader.
Mr. Gardner comes to us with combat experience in a similar battle on the
Senate side. Mr. Nader comes fresh into this fray but is no less dedicated to
seeing that justice is done. We also have here today Congressman Les Arends, the
House minority whip, Congressman John Anderson, the House GOP Conference chairman,
and Congressman Jim Cleveland, former member of the Joint Committee for
Reorganization of the Congress. Mr. Anderson and Mr. Cleveland are cosponsors of
a minority staffing resolution, H. Res. 167, currently being considered.
Identical resolutions have been introduced by Congressmen Barber Conable of
New York and William J. Keating of Ohio, H. Res. 23; Harold R. Collier of Illinois,
H. Res. 46; and Jack Edwards of Alabama, H. Res. 101.
All of these resolutions would amend the Rules of the House of Representatives
by striking out clause 32 (c) of rule XI and inserting in lieu thereof the following
new paragraph: "The minority party on any such standing committee is entitled, upon
request of a majority of such minority, to up to one-third of the funds provided
for the appointment of committee staff pursuant to each such primary or additional
expenditure resolution.'
Clause 32 (c) of rule XI now reads that the minority "shall receive fair
consideration" in the matter of minority staffing.
As anyone can readily recognize, the phrase, "fair consideration," is subject
to as many interpretations as there are committee chairmen and committee majorities.
This is no guarantee of equity and fairness.
I would like to turn now to my good friend Les Arends to give you the back-
ground of the move to increase minority staffing and to refresh your memories on
how a one-third minority staffing provision became part of the Reorganization Act
of 1970 but was knocked out of the House Rules in January 1971 by the Democrats
voting under a binding rule adopted in caucus.
# # #
SUPPLEMENTAL COMMENTS BY HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER GERALD R. FORD
Arguments for one-third minority staffing:
Overturning the one-third provision was a breach of faith. An agree-
ment had been made with the Democrats, but was not kept.
Overturning the one-third provision was an exercise of raw political
power, an example of a unit-rule, secret, binding party vote which prevents
Democratic members from changing their minds because of Floor arguments or
because of conscience.
The protection of the rights of the minority is a basic tenet of
governmental philosophy in the United States.
Although the minority is to receive "fair consideration" in staffing,
this is in fact differently interpreted in each committee and often the
spirit of the law is not observed.
If the minority is to serve as a loyal opposition, it needs staffing
in order to be effective.
The minority cannot grapple effectively with the complex issues and
problems generated by a post-industrial society without adequate staffing.
If the minority is to develop meaningful alternatives and responses
to these problems, it needs staff assistance.
Professionalism is not inconsistent with partisanship -- it is
important for the minority to have minority staff with points of view
different from those of the majority staff. Republicans and Democrats
have different viewpoints, and minority members need to be able to work
with staff members who share their outlook.
Having a sizable minority staff does not mean that the minority and
majority cannot work effectively together. The Education and Labor
Committee is an example of cooperation.
Some chairmen won't make staff available to other members -- either
majority or minority. The amendment is an opportunity for all members of
committees to get adequate staffing. The allotment of staff has been
abused on some committees.
The GOP has controlled Congress in only 4 of the last 40 years -- the
staffs that have grown over that period are not bipartisan.
The adversary system calls for the best possible presentation by both
sides to achieve the goal of justice and good legislation.
Minority views have frequently influenced the outcome of legislation.
Adequate staffing is necessary to insure that those views are developed and
offer worthwhile alternatives.
Congress needs adequate staffing in order not to lose its initiative
in policymaking and bill drafting to the executive.
Many staff members are not quartered in the committee rooms, but are
in the Chairman's or other majority members' offices where they are not
accessible to minority members.
The executive branch has grown and developed into a vast bureaucracy
of professionalism. Its strength has been proportional to the caliber of
people it has attracted. The minority in Congress needs staff to balance
and respond to this.
From 1969 to 1972, approximately one-third of the Record votes have
been divided along partisan lines. Since so many important issues are
decided on the basis of partisanship, it is only fair that the minority be
assisted by an adequate staff so it can deal realistically with the world
in which it exists.
# # #
tull Distribution
0 OFFICE COPY
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
FOR RELEASE AT 12 NOON--
Monday, September 10, 1973
The dominant note in President Nixon's second State of the
Union Message is that of conciliation, the extending of a hand of
cooperation, a willingness to work with Congress for the good of the
Nation in an absence of partisanship.
I, for one, would be willing to stay on the legislative job
until New Year's Eve if necessary in order to accomplish the goals
which Mr. Nixon has outlined in his new State of the Union Message.
It should not be necessary for Congress to remain in session that
long if the Congress will act in "the spirit of responsible
cooperation" cited by the President in his message.
Of all the challenges outlined by the President, none is
more compelling than the need to fight inflation. As the President
has so urgently stressed, Congress can help most in this fight by
balancing the fiscal 1974 budget. I personally pledge my every
effort toward the achievement of that objective.
###
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
FOR RELEASE AT 12 NOON--
Monday, September 10, 1973
The dominant note in President Nixon's second State of the
Union Message is that of conciliation, the extending of a hand of
cooperation, a willingness to work with Congress for the good of the
Nation in an absence of partisanship.
I, for one, would be willing to stay on the legislative job
until New Year's Eve if necessary in order to accomplish the goals
which Mr. Nixon has outlined in his new State of the Union Message.
It should not be necessary for Congress to remain in session that
long if the Congress will act in "the spirit of responsible
cooperation" cited by the President in his message.
Of all the challenges outlined by the President, none is
more compelling than the need to fight inflation. As the President
has so urgently stressed, Congress can help most in this fight by
balancing the fiscal 1974 budget. I personally pledge my every
effort toward the achievement of that objective.
###