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A Christian in Politics, October 26, 1955
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A Christian in Politics, October 26, 1955
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Gerald R. Ford Congressional Papers
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The original documents are located in Box D14, folder "A Christian in Politics, October 26,
1955" of the Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R.
Ford Presidential Library.
Copyright Notice
The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of
photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. The Council donated to the United
States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections.
Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public
domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to
remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid
copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
Digitized from Box D14 of The Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library
SERVED
a Christian in Politics -10/26/55
Introduction - Letters Great, great man
appropriate that we should mut of discuss M
NATIONAL PAY OF PRAYER.
Based on Congressional Resolution famil 17, 1952
might be interested in several developments N acts
by Congress:
a) Pledge of allegance - "under Fod"
b) Paper mmey - "In In/ We Trust."
c) Prayer Y Institution Room
Etton Trubblish Dir
d) Pres. Eventower appointed of Religrous Policy
in 91.8.1A
Disturling Facts 1
a) Michigan Survey 1 3 out-210 Parents
active in POLITICS.
said they And want their children
GERALD TYVUSIT R. FORD
b). Jack of participation in VOTING
c) Hgr olds - Voter Registration
Liquor Cards
GUARED
c) Voting done on "Spear" Imment of what
gives us The most "material" gain.
605
ner
d) to many have sacnpsed so much to
provide america + Then so
little participation in what makes
us different 4 better
e) Alternative is Communism to our
1) FAILURE -
agrentture
Consumer Hmb
2) anti - chroting
Fleeing from
aethesister
Drs not recognize The
indushal as an
immital Soul
E/nder Communism the
STATE Lan do no
Teachings of Calin :
wrong
Function of Government -to craducate EVIL
God is
FORD & LIBRARY GERALD
Public Officials & Cityen who
The Perpose
the duty to Then Int pr
Benefit of System
1) Right to sheet GOOD PEOPLE
2/. Right to kmore Those who
have- Vislated Trust
Pmal eneraptent
FORD & LIBRARY GERALD
Prelude to
Independence
Religious Liberty: Man's
Link to Man
(in)
AN ADDRESS BY
GRAYSON L. KIRK
FORD & LIBRARY
Preface
The Prelude to Independence
T
HE six-week period from May I5 through July 4, 1776, was
momentous in the history of America. Known as the Prelude to
Independence, the decisions made during that brief time had far-reaching
implications on the political, religious and social thinking not only of
America but also of the world.
It started on May 15, 1776, in Williamsburg, when the Virginia Con-
vention of Delegates, meeting in the colonial Capitol, passed a unanimous
resolution instructing the Virginia delegates in the Continental Congress
at Philadelphia to "declare the United Colonies free and independent
states, absolved from all allegiance to, or dependence upon, the crown or
parliament of Great Britain."
This significant action touched off a series of fast-moving events in
Virginia. The proposal for final separation made it necessary for Virgin-
ians, who had declared themselves free of the tyranny of the British ruler,
to reaffirm, as a basis for future government, their rights as individuals
which they had cherished under British rule and which had been built up
since the Magna Carta.
On June 12, therefore, the Virginia Convention passed the Virginia
Declaration of Rights. This Declaration later became the basis for the first
ten amendments to the United States Constitution, the so-called Federal
Bill of Rights.
The May 15 Resolution and the June I2 Declaration led to a logical
further step, and on June 29, the Convention of Delegates adopted the
Virginia State Constitution, based on the concepts in the Virginia Decla-
ration of Rights. This first Virginia constitution became the model for
state constitutions in the United States.
Later that same day, the Delegates took the final step to self-govern-
ment. Patrick Henry was elected first governor of the Commonwealth of
Virginia, and the "Palace" in Williamsburg, formerly occupied by Royal
Governors, was designated his official residence.
i LIBPARY 070830
ii
THE CONCEPT OF RELIGIOUS FREEDOM
THE CONCEPT OF RELIGIOUS FREEDOM
iii
By the time the Virginia legislators met in Williamsburg in the spring
It was no longer a matter of the State having the power to allow or
of 1776, the struggle for religious freedom in America was already a cen-
disallow a man's religious views and practices. With simple clarity the
tury and a half old. But in nine of the thirteen colonies there still were
Declaration of Rights pronounced it a fundamental freedom of the indi-
established Churches deriving support and special privileges from the
vidual-not something he was "allowed," but something to which he was
State. In three other colonies the acceptance of state theological doctrines
entitled. Sixteen years later when it became in substance the first provision
was a necessary qualification for office holders. Even where there was tol-
of the first clause of the First Amendment to the Constitution of the
erance of dissent, there were discriminatory provisos written into law.
United States, complete freedom of religion was written into a national
Only in the tiny colony of Rhode Island was there complete freedom and
constitution for the first time in the long history of mankind.
complete separation.
And outside this narrow strip of American colonies stretching along
the Atlantic seaboard, all the major nations of Christendom had estab-
lished Churches.
Yet, throughout all the years since the original settlement, there was
deep in the consciousness of Americans a conviction that somehow human
freedom was indivisible, that political and religious freedom went hand
in hand-both part of the God-given heritage of all men.
In the minds of many of the legislators meeting in Williamsburg in
1776, no problem was of greater importance than this idea that every man
should be free to hold his own religious beliefs and that the Church and
State should be separate.
Perhaps the most original of all the great political concepts that
America has given the world, the principle of religious freedom came to
fruition in Williamsburg with the adoption of the Virginia Declaration
of Rights by the 1776 Convention of Delegates. In this memorable docu-
ment, George Mason wrote an eloquent and influential assertion of those
basic liberties without which no man has real freedom. Prominent among
them was the gentle Mason's statement that "all men should enjoy the
fullest toleration in the exercise of religion according to the dictates of
conscience." This was not enough for the alert and liberty-loving mind of
James Madison, who at twenty-five was holding his first public office. The
idea of mere tolerance was repugnant to him because it implied that, if the
State had the power to "tolerate" one's religious views, it might also have
the power not to tolerate them. With the injection of Madison's positive
vigor into its language the religious freedom clause states: "all men are
equally entitled to the free exercise of religion."
This clause, concluding the Virginia Declaration of Rights-many
assertions of which were to find their way shortly into the Declaration of
Independence and eventually into the Federal Bill of Rights-enlarged
the whole concept of freedom of religion.
Foreword
E
ACH year, in order to remind men of our basic concepts of liberty and
individual rights, Colonial Williamsburg commemorates the Prelude
to Independence Period. The American Concept of Religious Freedom
was the theme of the commemoration this year.
The principle address in ceremonies conducted at the colonial Capitol
on May I5 was delivered by Dr. Grayson L. Kirk, the distinguished
President of Columbia University. Religious Liberty-Man's Link to Man
was the subject of Dr. Kirk's address.
Because of the timeliness of Dr. Kirk's significant message, Colonial
Williamsburg is honored to publish and distribute his text in full. The
address was broadcast in the United States on May 15. It also was broad-
cast to other peoples by the Voice of America and Radio Free Europe.
Religious Liberty: Man's Link
to Man
T this time in history, when liberty is denied to many
millions of the world's peoples, it is urgently necessary
I
CANNOT turn to the substance of my task today without first ex-
pressing to you and to your associates how greatly I am honored by
that we reaffirm our belief in the individual's inalienable right
your invitation to participate in this annual ceremony.
to worship according to his conscience. I hope your com-
The men here in Williamsburg who played so great a part in building
memorative ceremony will confirm all of you in this belief,
not only the political but the moral structure of our nation were in every
sense challenging men. Today they challenge us still. On this May after-
which our founding fathers proclaimed, and for which they
noon which has become a significant event of the Williamsburg year and
fought, nearly two centuries ago.
which to America is a far more important anniversary than most of our
-From a message to the Trustees
countrymen realize, those men challenge us again. Ours is the responsi-
of Colonial Williamsburg by
bility and the duty to continue the profound adventure which had its be-
PRESIDENT DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER,
ginnings here. Once more they ask that we who are assembled here at-
May 15, 1955.
tempt, however haltingly, to point the way ahead as they did in their
day.
These ceremonies perform a national service of more than modest pro-
portions. In the busy pre-occupations of modern life, beset by all the com-
plexities and the harrassments of our world, we tend overly much to take
for granted, or sometimes to undervalue, those principles upon which our
society is founded. We forget that a sense of the heritage of the past gives
us the perspective which we need today. Even more, it gives us the criteria
with which to judge affairs and issues before our nation.
The setting of Williamsburg is ideal for such a renewal of faith. To
all Americans, Williamsburg is more than a city in which generosity and
imagination have combined to recreate the stately beauty of a bygone cen-
tury. This is one of the great shrines, not only of American, but of human
liberty. It is to the shrine, rather than to the city, that we bring our tribute
and our gratitude today.
A hundred and seventy-nine years have passed since the men of Vir-
ginia met here and set forth their views concerning the natural and proper
order of society. The immediate effect of their work was made manifest in
Philadelphia a few weeks later when all the colonies joined in that historic
2
THE PRELUDE TO INDEPENDENCE
THE PRELUDE TO INDEPENDENCE
3
declaration which elaborated the Williamsburg document. The lasting
Less than a month later, the Virginia Convention did adopt a Bill of
effects of their courage are still with us today and indeed with the peoples
Rights. Before the end of June, a state constitution had been agreed upon.
of the world wherever the freedoms of mankind have found constitutional
Within the span of six weeks there had been prodigious work, soundly
expression. It is not too much to say that millions of men who have never
conceived and eloquently expressed. These achievements were to serve as
heard of Williamsburg now live safer, happier, and better lives because of
a guide to later constitution-making at both federal and state levels. The
what was said and done here.
debt of America to the men of Williamsburg is immense, and we acknowl-
edge it with profound gratitude.
DECLARATION OF RIGHTS
This Virginia Bill of Rights specified many a freedom of man against
The men who met here had more than courage and determination.
the State for which men in earlier centuries had fought and died. In this
They had vision. And men must have both if they are to build for the
document one can recall the English Barons at Runnymede and John
future. Courage without vision may be blind. Vision without courage may
Milton struggling through the mists of blindness to cry out again against
be impotent in the face of opposition. The two, in combination, are likely
the iniquities of a licensed press. Here are the Roundheads battling against
to be irresistible.
the Stuarts, and here are the common men of many a land fighting to
Let us remember that these leaders were men of substance. Their cul-
gain the protection of law against the caprice of privilege.
tural ties with Georgian England were close. They were no less vulnerable
than many of their fellow colonists to England's commercial and fiscal
FREEDOM OF RELIGION
policies. One might have thought that they would have had much to lose
But the Williamsburg Bill was more than a repository of past victories
and little to gain from revolutionary adventure. But because they had
in the struggle for human freedom. It was more than a determination of
vision and principle they did not seek to buy economic protection at the
men to secure for themselves these guarantees of justice and equity which
price of political servitude.
they had been unable to get from the British Crown. At Williamsburg,
These men did not believe that there was any virtue in the chaos of
and later in the Virginia Statute of 1786, there was proclaimed a new
anarchy. They believed wholeheartedly in the principle that liberty derives
right of prime importance, the right of religious freedom.
from orderly and just government. They insisted that such a government
If this seems banal to us today, let us remember that of all the thirteen
should rest upon the consent of the governed, and they held with equal
colonies only Rhode Island had enjoyed full religious freedom. Nine
conviction and passion that the individual citizen enjoys by natural in-
colonies had established Churches. Three others had provisions restricting
heritance certain fundamental rights which no government, however
the holding of public office to persons of stated theological beliefs. Through-
constituted, can legitimately invade. Thus it was that the final Resolu-
out the western world the principle of the established Church, accom-
tion of May 15, 1776, ordered that "a committee be appointed to prepare
panied by varying degrees of tolerance for dissenters, still reigned supreme.
a DECLARATION OF RIGHTS, and such a plan of government as will be
The memories of religious persecution were still fresh in the minds of
most likely to maintain peace and order in this colony, and secure sub-
men, for many a Christian of many a creed had lately slaughtered his fel-
stantial and equal liberty to the people." Here was coupled a project for
low Christians of another creed-and all in the name of the Prince of
a plan of government and a bill of rights, each to complement the other.
Peace.
Here in this single sentence was set down the essence of the American
But the American colonies had not been really hospitable to the notion
philosophy of law, order, and freedom-all three inter-related, all equal,
of enforced religious conformity. Hither had come persecuted sects from
all fundamental, and all underpinned by a sublime ethical precept. Here in
many a foreign country, and here, somewhere, they had all found asylum
one document were the canons of political liberty and an unmistakable
and freedom to worship according to their beliefs. There was always the
assertion of religious freedom. With such a heritage, Americans of every
frontier where dissenters could go, and the frontier by definition was be-
generation are bound to think badly of governments which recognize no
yond the reach of centralized ecclesiastical and political authority. Even in
limitations upon the scope or nature of their authority over their citizens.
the older communities of the seaboard the enlightenment of the eighteenth
4
THE PRELUDE TO INDEPENDENCE
THE PRELUDE TO INDEPENDENCE
5
century had shattered the bonds of dogma and freed the minds of those
phone would be at hand. A few scant years ago that part of the world
men who were to become the founding fathers.
which is not rimmed by the Atlantic was, to us, remote, exotic, and beyond
Perhaps, too, there was something in the innermost nature of the
the perimeter of our national concerns. Today our people are profoundly
emerging American character which was hostile to attempts to fix by
agitated over the future disposition of Quemoy and Matsu, of Kashmir
decree the forms through which men could express their convictions about
and Vietnam. On this shrunken globe, the Far East is now much nearer
their relationship with the universe. Many years later Charles Dickens
than the Near East was to our fathers.
wrote in his American Notes, "I cannot hold with other writers
The import of these staggering changes in the lives of men is clear. As
that the prevalence of various forms of dissent in America is in any way
never before in human history, the peoples of all lands now are con-
attributable to the non-existence there of an established church; indeed, I
demned to share a common fate or a common future.
think the temper of the people, if it admitted to such an Institution being
The dangers of a common fate are borne to our ears by the reverbera-
founded amongst them, would lead them to desert it, as a matter of course,
tions from Nevada and Siberia. By unlocking the innermost secrets of the
merely because it was established."
structure of the material universe, men now have the power to destroy
One feature of this Virginia declaration had special significance. It was
whole civilizations, to lay waste the fairest portions of the earth, and to
not content merely to proclaim religious tolerance, for this could have been
blast the lives of children yet unborn. Since these powers can be used
compatible with the continued existence of an established Church. True
either to destroy or to build, our responsibility is perhaps greater than that
religious freedom, these Virginians held, was more than tolerance; it was
of any generation since time began.
emancipation from all coercion; it fixed the neutrality of the State and it
If we seek to build, and not to destroy, we will not find the blueprint
proclaimed that the right to worship should be free from all civil penalties
of a peaceful and prosperous earth merely by trying to develop interna-
and disabilities. This was true religious freedom.
tional institutions of greater and greater power. All institutions with effec-
It is wholly appropriate that on this Sunday of remembrance, we recall
tive authority reflect the maximum willingness of the majority of their
with pride this bold stand that hereafter, and in this land, each man
citizens to be bound by them. No institution, freely adopted, can operate
should be free to seek communion with the Creator of the Universe after
except on the basis of such a clearly defined area of agreement. It is my
his own fashion and without let or hindrance by temporal authority. It
judgment that the present charter of the United Nations substantially re-
was revolutionary doctrine. It was, and is, American doctrine. No founda-
flects such a staked-off area of agreement and contains as much authority
tion stone of our society is more significant.
as the member peoples are at present prepared to give to it. That is why it
is naive to believe that any panacea will be found at the present time
PROBLEMS OF OUR TIME
through tinkering with the charter. The United Nations in its present
But it is not enough that we assemble to pay tribute to what was done
form is enormously useful to all mankind. But it is idle to believe that our
here eighteen decades ago. We must deal with the problems of our own
sadly divided world is now prepared drastically to remodel and extend
time as our forefathers dealt with theirs, and we shall deserve the gratitude
the authority of the UN. Even if by some chance such were the case, I
of our children only if we endeavor to be as courageous and as wise as our
would be apprehensive of the results because the answers to the problems
fathers were. In our time and in our way we must try to be the founding
of our time are not to be found through structural changes in world
fathers of the America of the future. Since we cannot with safety shirk
organization. The answers can only be found in the minds and hearts
our responsibilities, we can only hope, in all humility, that we can be in
of men.
some measure equal to the task before us.
THE HAND OF HISTORY
When Colonel Thomas Nelson carried the Virginia Resolutions of 1776
to Philadelphia, it took him twelve days to make the journey. Today, a
If this is true, then we must ask ourselves: What hope is there that the
courier could go, not to Philadelphia but to London, not in twelve days
men of our time, sensing the implications and responsibilities of a dimin-
but in twelve hours. And if he wished to convey the news faster, the tele-
ished globe, will undertake to cast off their ancient hatreds and fears and
6
THE PRELUDE TO INDEPENDENCE
THE PRELUDE TO INDEPENDENCE
7
determine to live as brothers? The time for decision could be short, and
the hand of history lies heavily upon us, but men made the history of the
ETHICAL UNITY BOND
past, and men, for good or ill, will make the history of the future.
If we are to search, as I think we must, for a more positive bond of
I have indicated that the answer to the dilemma of our time is not to
unity, we will find it in those ethical precepts which are an integral part of
be found in organizational or legal developments because these mechan-
all great religious faiths. Each in its own way has distilled from its beliefs
isms can only be effective when men have a sufficient sense of community
many a basic truth in the proper relationship of all men toward each other.
to want to live under a system of law and a common administrative struc-
The greatest of these is the principle which we know as the Golden Rule,
ture. Our question, therefore, is: How do men of diverse races and tongues
which is set forth as a summary of right conduct in virtually all the great
develop such a sense of community that they can live together confidently
systems of religion and philosophy.
in peace and friendly competition?
Thus, for example, one may read in the Mahabharata, "Do naught
It would be sheer arrogance if I were to pretend that I had an answer
to others which, if done to thee, would cause thee pain: This is the
to a problem of such staggering proportions. But I am sure that we will
sum of duty." The Buddhists say in the Sacred Books, "Is there a deed,
make progress in our search only if we begin to think more about the
Rahula, thou dost wish to do? Then bethink thee thus, 'Is this deed
underlying unities which men have in common and less about those
conducive to my own harm, or to other's harm, or to that of both? Then
divisive forces and policies which flame daily in the headlines of our
such a deed must thou surely not do." The followers of Confucius, in
newspapers.
like manner, say, "What you do not want done to yourself, do not do
The first of these unities is spiritual. Obviously, it is not apparent, at
unto others." Familiar to us are the similar precepts of Judaism; and Jesus
least at the outset, in the realm of theological speculation. Over many
Christ taught them to his followers in simple, unforgettable words. We
centuries the races of men have developed numerous and vastly different
can find them, or their ethical counterparts, in many another creed.
systems of belief concerning the nature of the universe and the forms
Here, we are all on common ground. Here in the simple words of the
through which man's relationships with his Creator should be expressed.
Golden Rule is set forth the principle basic to a sense of the ethical unity
These differences have given rise to bloody conflict in past ages, as have
of mankind. There are times when a return to first principles is not mere
the lesser differences within the ranks of Christendom. But it is to be
naivete but the beginning of wisdom. Perhaps, in a world of cloven atoms,
doubted if we shall see the like again. The days of religious wars are over
such a time has now been reached. No longer can we safely allow the gap
and finished. Men of different faiths now have a degree of tolerance to-
between the ethical convictions of mankind and their political conduct to
ward each other which in other days would not have been believed pos-
be of such suicidal proportions. Let us now begin to consider how much
sible and might not have been approved if thought possible. Throughout
we are alike in our hopes and our aspirations and our basic ethical beliefs.
a large part of the civilized world the state is either divorced from au-
Let us undertake to build a world in which, for the first time in history,
thority over religious matters or, if not, it has developed a policy of toler-
men, despite all their differences, will manifest openly an underlying sense
ance toward dissenters which generally stops short of actual persecution.
of brotherhood. It is such a sense which has made possible the mainte-
Parenthetically, we should note that the cause of civilization is badly
nance of peace within the state. Without it there can be no hope for perma-
served when a State uses its despotic power to discourage all forms of re-
nent peace among the nations.
ligious worship. To attempt to prevent men from freely expressing one of
the deepest forces in their nature is not only short-sighted, it is a violation
THE SPIRITUAL BASIS OF A COMMUNITY
of the true responsibilities of statesmanship.
These two principles-widest religious tolerance and a strengthened
But toleration among religious faiths, while a great achievement, is not
sense of our common ethical foundations of belief-need not deter any
enough. The men of Virginia realized that tolerance, being essentially
man from following his own faith or from peacefully urging his own con-
negative, is not a sufficient basis for the development of any sense of spirit-
victions upon others. But, taken together, these two, when practiced, will
ual unity.
bring to the world that understanding, that desire to live and let live,
FORD LIGRABY
8
THE PRELUDE TO INDEPENDENCE
which is the spiritual basis of any community. The world is now too small
for violence, but it is not too large for sympathy and understanding and
mutual respect among all its peoples.
Such a new spirit will never flourish except through mutuality and
reciprocity. It is not enough for the so-called "advanced" peoples to be
tolerant through condescension. Those who were the recipients of it in the
past no longer desire such largesse. Peoples hitherto politically dependent
or industrially retarded today allow their pride in new achievements to
cause them to be fiercely and openly intolerant of industrially mature civi-
lizations. They, too, must learn, and soon, as must we all, that in this
shrinking world men have a common fate. To escape it, each must merit
the tolerance and understanding of the other. We must know, and never
forget, that if we allow the foul horsemen of Fear and Hatred and Bigotry
to ride across the world, they could leave behind them little more than a
cloud of atomic dust.
But it is not fear alone which should bring us together. Let us remem-
ber the positive assets which we can realize through tolerance and under-
standing. Let us think of the world's immense technical capacity to better
the material lot of peoples the world over, once the cloud of war is lifted.
Let us remember that we have, in the United Nations, a political instru-
ment which can build upon a sound beginning to undertake such tasks as
peaceful nations, fortified by an awareness of community, may wish to
assign to it. Let us remember what civilization, despite war, has accomp-
lished, and let us see what civilization without war can do.
And so we come back from the round world to Williamsburg. The
basic hypothesis of the experiment proclaimed here was that men do have
enough good-will, enough intelligence, enough energy, enough tolerance
and fortitude so that they may go about their daily work with hope and
faith, and not in fear and despair. Let us take heart from the example of
those men who met here in our nation's beginnings. As they extended
outward from this city to all the American colonies, their brilliant expres-
sions of commonly shared convictions, tolerant of one another's differ-
ences, let us emphasize before the world today the common moral law of
men of good-will everywhere, ignoring our differences and strengthening
our unity. The spirit that will guide us through our present perplexities is
not the spirit of militancy but the spirit that, in all eras, has led men sooner
or later to the love of God through the love of their fellow men.