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Chamber of Commerce of the United States, Defense/Mutual Security Luncheon, Washington, DC, May 2, 1960
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Chamber of Commerce of the United States, Defense/Mutual Security Luncheon, Washington, DC, May 2, 1960
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The original documents are located in Box D15, folder "Chamber of Commerce of the
United States, Defense/Mutual Security Luncheon, Washington, DC, May 2, 1960" of the
Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford
Presidential Library.
Copyright Notice
The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of
photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. The Council donated to the United
States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections.
Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public
domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to
remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid
copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
Digitized from Box D15 of The Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library
10
DEFENSE AND
MUTUAL SECURITY
LUNCHEON
"Our Posture as
a World Power"
REMARKS
The Honorable
Gerald R. Ford, Jr.
United States Congressman
from Michigan
CHAMBER OF COMMERCE
OF THE UNITED STATES
WASHINGTON 6, D.C.
forty eighth
ANNUAL
MEETING
MAY 1-2-3-4 . 1960
DEVELOPING AMERICA'S
STRENGTH THROUGH
VOLUNTARY ACTION
FORD is LIBRARY OERALD
#10
REMARKS
By: The Honorable Gerald R. Ford, Jr.
United States Congressman from
Michigan
It is a distinct privilege and honor to appear on this program with
Senator Jackson and to discuss one of the most vital problems of the day
our program for National Security and its funding.
As everyone knows in 1953 after the cessation of hostilities in
Korea the U. S. embarked on a new national defense policy. On occasions
since the inauguration of that policy some individuals, both military
and civilian, have challenged the adequacy or soundness or the policy.
Despite such criticism, in my opinion, the new concept is sound, the
funding in general has been adequate, and its execution or management has
been effective. It cannot be denied that in the last 7 years the policy
prevented or deterred an all-out OH general war. It has successfully met
the limited war threats in Lebanon and Formosa, or the Taiwan Straits.
How does this policy of defense programming compare with past pro-
grams? History shows that previous U. S. peacetime military policies
were underfunded and without adequate manpower. This was true prior to
World War II. We repeated the mistake before Korea. When war broke out
in each of these instances military appropriations zoomed upward and
active-duty manpower requirements increased substantially.
This "feast and famine" policy did not deter war, limited or
general. This pre-World War II and pre-Korea "peak and valley" military
policy proved to be costly in dollars and manpower. The new Eisenhower
concept if adequately funded by the Congress and properly executed by the
Pentagon, should give the U. S. an invulnerable defense posture.
Despite some Congressional critics the House and Senate in the last
seven years have basically endorsed President Eisenhower's military policies
except that in the last five fiscal years the Congress has reduced the
budget requests of the President by approximately $3.5 billion. Even in
1959 the military Appropriation bill for fiscal year 1960 was cut below
the budget by $19 million. If there has been any underfunding of the
Army, Navy, and Air Force in recent years the fault rests with Congress,
not the White House.
It may be argued that Congress has taken the lead in redirecting
certain vital defense programs. This is true to some extent but such
changes by the House and Senate are based on subsequent testimony given
to the Congress after the President's budget has been submitted in
January each year. That is the case in 1960 for the fiscal year 1961.
In December 1959 at the time the Executive Department finalized its de-
cisions on the military budget and programs certain scientific tests had
been concluded. Based on those tests at that time specific programs and
dollars were recommended. In the intervening five or six months new
technological and scientific breakthroughs have taken place. With this
new evidence Congress can and should act accordingly. The President and
the Secretary of Defense have made significant program readjustments
themselves. In this era flexibility is important. Both the President
and the Congress by their recent action have recognized this point by
decisions relating to military programs for the current fiscal year and
for 1961.
(more)
- 2 -
Ford, Jr. #10
In conclusion the best evidence of Congressional support for the
President's military policy is the action on April 29th by the House
Committee on Appropriations. This Committee on the recommendation of
its Defense Subcommittee, composed of 9 Democrats and 7 Republicans,
increased the Eisenhower Administration's military budget in dollars by
only 7/1000 of one percent. After four months of intensive hearings on
all aspects of Army, Navy, and Air Force programs the $39.3 billion
budget was increased by only $2.8 million. Some specific programs were
revised upward and downward but the basic soundness of the overall pro-
gram has been approved in 1960 as it has been in prior years.
***
Remarks of Rep. Gerald R. Ford, Jr.
CHAMBER OF COMMERCE OF THE UNITED STATES
DEFENSE MUTUAL SECURITY LUNCHEON
Washington, D. C.
May 2, 1960
Mr. Chairman, Senator Jackson, ladies, and gentlemen:
It is a distinct privilege and honor to appear on this program with
Senator Jackson and to discuss one of the most vital problems of the day --
our program for National Security and its funding.
As everyone knows in 1953 after the cessation of hostilities in Korea
the U. S. embarked on a new national defense policy. On occasions since
the inauguration of that policy some individuals, both military and civilian,
have challenged the adequacy or soundness of the policy. Despite such
criticism, in my opinion, the new concept is sound, the funding in general
has been adaquate, and its execution or management has been effective.
It can not be denied that in the last 7 years the policy prevented or
deterred an all-out or general war. It has successfully met the limited war
threats in Lebanon and Formosa, or the Taiwan Straits.
How does this policy of defense programming compare with past programs?
History shows that previous U. S. peacetime military policies were under-
funded and without adequate manpower. This was true prior to World War II.
We repeated the mistake before Korea. When was broke out in each of these
instances military appropriations zoomed upward and active-duty manpower
requirements increased substantially.
This "feast and famine" policy did not deter war, limited or general.
This pre-World War II and pre-Korea "peak and valley" military policy proved
GERALD FORD LIBRARY
-2-
to be costly in dollars and manpower. The new Eisenhower concept if adequately
funded by the Congress and properly executed by the Pentagon, should give the
U. S. an invulnerable defense posture.
Despite some Congressional critics the House and Senate in the last
seven years have basically endorsed President Eisenhower's military policies
except that in the last five fiscal years the Congress has reduced the budget
requests of the President by approximately $3.5 billion. Even in 1959 the
military Appropriation bill for fiscal year 1960 was cut below the budget by
$19 million. If there has been any underfunding of the Army, Navy, and Air
Force in recent years the fault rests with Congress, not the White House.
It may be argued that Congress has taken the lead in redirecting certain
vital defense programs. This is true to some extent but such charges by the
House and Senate are based on subsequent testimony given to the Congress
after the President's budget has been submitted in January each year. That
is the case in 1960 for the fiscal year 1961. In December 1959 at the time
the Executive Department finalized its decisions on the military budget and
programs certain scientific tests had been concluded. Based on those tests
at that time specific programs and dollars were recommended. In the inter-
vening five or six months new technological and scientific breakthroughs have
taken place. With this new evidence Congress can and should act accordingly.
The President and the Secretary of Defense have made significant program
readjustments themselves. In this area flexibility is important. Both the
President and the Congress by their recent action have recognized this point
by decisions relating to military programs for the current fiscal year and
for 1961.
FORD LIBRARY
-3-
In conclusion the best evidence of Congressional support for the
President's military policy is the action on April 29th bg the House Committee
on Appropriations. This Committee on the recomendation of its Defense
Subcommittee, composed of 9 Democrats and 7 Republicans, increased the
Eisenhower Administration's military budget in dollars by only 7/1000 of
one percent. After four months of intensive hearings on all aspects of
Army, Navy, and Air Force programs the $39.3 billion budget was increased
by only $2.8 million. Some specific programs were revised upward and downward
but the basic soundness of the overall program has been approved in 1960 as
it has been in prior years
BERALD FORD VERARY