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    "title": "National Federation of Republican Women, April 1, 1965",
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    "ocrText": "The original documents are located in Box D19, folder \"National Federation of Republican\nWomen, April 1, 1965\" of the Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File\nat the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.\nCopyright Notice\nThe copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of\nphotocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. The Council donated to the United\nStates of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections.\nWorks prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public\ndomain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to\nremain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid\ncopyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.\nDigitized from Box D17 of The Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library\nAddress by Rep. Gerald R. Ford\napril ,\nto the National Federation of Republican Women\n1965\nRepublicans in Congress who are faced with overwhelming opposition\nparty voting power and an awesome strength in the executive branch have at\nleast five major duties and responsibilities.\nFirst we must exert our influence in a positive manner to help guide\nour Nation toward freedom, security, peace and well-being within the framework\nof fiscal responsibility and the Constitution.\nSecondly, we should support the Administration when it is right, oppose\nit when it is wrong, at the same time presenting constructive alternative\nproposals for legislation.\nOur third duty is to expose any failures of the present Administration\nto keep promises made during the 1964 election campaigh.\nThe fourth responsibility is to work toward a strong two-party system,\nwhich would overcome the imbalance of power in the legislative, executive\nand judicial branches.\nFinally, we must work with dedication and zeal to maintain and to\nstrengthen unity in the Republican ranks.\n-more\nFORD is LIBRARY GENALD\nGOP women\n-2-\nHow do we accomplish these goals? What has been done so far?\nWhat are the guidelines for action in the future?\nWork is well under way to exert our influence in a positive menner\nin Congress. It star ted with the establishment of a planning and research group\nof republicans headed by Rep. Charles E. Goodell of New York.\nCurrently seven task forces are researching in depth, seeking\nfacts, figures and a wide range of data in six areas: agriculture, economic\nopportunity, voting rights, Congressional reform and Minority staffing,\neducation and NATO-Western Europe problems.\nOn a broader\nThe Republican Coordinating Committee has\nembarked on a three-goal mission to:\n1. Broaden the advisory base on national party policy.\n2. Set up task forces to study and make recommendat ions\nfor dealing with the problems confronting the people\nof our Nation.\n3. Stimulate communication among members of the party and\nothers in developing accommon approach to the nation's\nproblems.\n-more-\nFORD is LIBRARY GERALD\nGOP Women\n-3-\nThe Coordinating Committee consists of eleveN members of the\nJoint Senate-House Republican Leadership, the five living Republican\nnominees for President, and five representatives of the Republican\nGovernors Association.\nOur second responsibility as members of Congress is a three-pronged\none, as I see it.\nYou know that Republicen joint leadership supported the\nAdministration in stepping up strikes against Communist supply lines\nand bases in Viet Nam.. We have publicly stated that we favor measured,\nmeaningful military steps in that troubled area of Southeast Asia.\nWe cannot accept the statement that the duty of the\nparty out of power is to merely oppose. This outlook is too narrow and\ntoo negative.\nIt is difficult to oppose with any real meaning when we are\noutnumbered 2 to 1 in Congress. We will, however, point out mistakes\nmade by the Administration,\nForexample, we believe there are some mistakes and perhaps honest\nGERALD LIBURA R. FORD\nones\nin the proposed bill on voting rights, which followed in the\nmobe\nGOP woman\n4-\nwake of the President's message to a joint session of Congress.\nThe Administration bill would violate the Constitution by blocking\ncertain\nthe rights of States to decide the qualifications of voters in both Federal\nand state elections.\nThe first article of the Constitution gives states the authority to\ndecide the qualifications of voters.\nUnder a somewhat complex formula in the Adminsitration's proposed bill,\nFederal authorities would have the right to abolish voter qualifications and\nto supervise voter registration.\nIn actual practice, the formula wouldapply only to Alabama, Louisiana,\nGeorgia,\nMississippi,\nSouth Carolina and Virginia.\nAnother provision would require a persons registered by federal authories\nballot\nto cast \"at lesst once during three consecutive years while listed,\" which\namounts citizen to either vate or lose his fr\nAlso under the law the President asked Congress to slam bang\nthroughxy\nthrough, illiterate citizens in the six southern states I mentioned XXXXXX\na\nmoment ago would have more rightsz voting rights than a similar person would have\nin New York.\nFORD is LIBRARY\nmore\nGOP women\n-5-\nComplicated formulas and percentages spawned at the federal\nlevel and contained in the Administration's proposed voting rights law\nare unfair to some states and violate the Constitution.\nMeanwhile, Republicans are working on constructive alternatives\nto the President's voting rights bill. It is a tough, demanding and\ncomplicated job. The Administration's bill also is undergoing extensive\ninvestigation by the Judiciary committee.\nAt this point, I can say that Republicans in the House will\nsupport legislation to achieve maximum registration and voting by the target\ndate of 1966.\nThere may be bi-partisan support of a voting rights bill, which\nwould be the result of both Republican and Democratic thinking. One thing\nis certain: Republicans in the House refuse to be stampeded into rubberpstamping\nthe Administration's version of a bill.\nThe widely-publicized \"medicare\" scheme of the Administration is another\nexample of\nprompting not only opposition by Republicans, but an\nalternative measure.\nmore\nGOP women\n-6-\nThe weaknesses in the Administration's medicare plan are\nobvious. They include insufficient coverage and skyrocketing payroll\ntaxes for every worker.\nThe Administration's plan is based on an increase in the\nsocial security payroll tax on all employees, employers, and self-employed\npersons, which would place a greater burden on those less able to pay.\nIt is a complaisory, regressive, tax plan.\nThe Republican alternative proposal offers more liberal coverage\nand gives people a choice of participating. It is entirely voluntary.\nYou will read and hear of other Republican proposals in the\nweeks and months ahead. They will come from research, analysis and\nsome of the finest minds in the country representing many facets of\nour economic, social, financial and other areas.\nBerlier, I\nlisted among our duties that of\nexposing failures of the Administration to keep campaign promises.\nYou willrecall that the President virtually pledged to provide\nAmerica with historical bounty\ngolden prosperity\n-more\nGOP women\n-7-\nwith two chickens in every pot and three cars in every garage. He insisted\nthat we would have more of everything without paying more taxes.\nIt was with bright and brassy fanfare that the President\nunveiled his proposed 1966 budget, trumpeting to the nation that it is less\nthan 100 billion.\nThe truth is the budget totals more than $126 illion, when the\ncash budget and new obligational authority to spend government money\nare\nlumped together.\nIt follows that the national debt has increased by $10 million\nin just two years to an all-time high of $318 billion.\nThe President promised to help ease the burden in pockets of\npoverty. His Appalachia bill ignored many parts of the Nation faced with\neconomic distress. Omitted from the bill, which sailed through Congress\nwith a strong wind blowing from the White House, were suchareas as the\nupper Great Lakes Region, the Ozark Mountain country.\nA\nepublican proposed bill would have helped depressed areas\nFORD & LIBRARY OFRACE\nall over the Nation.\nmore\nGOP women\n-8-\nOur\nfourth responsibility is to work toward a strong\ntwo-party system, which is bedrock assurance that our Democracy will survive,\nprosper, grow and help others in the world to accept their role in the society\nof free nations.\nHand-in-hand with a strong two-party system is a balance in the\nthree branches of government.\nI see disturbing signs of slow erosion in the power of the legislative\nbranch, a build-up of towering strength in the executive arm, and a change\nfrom the intended direction in the Federal Judiciary.\nWhen the balance of power in Congress is steeply tilted by an\nover-whelming majority in one political party, the system of checks and balances\nis endangered. This becomes even more serious when the executive branch is\ndominated by the same party.\nIt can be said that the Federal Judiciary's function is to interpret\nthe Constitution and the laws.\nThere is evidence that the Judicial Branch is arbitrarily flailing\nand pushing its way with courtly dignity to new positions of authority, disregarding\nthe wise judicial restraint made by the late Justice Frankfurter and others.\nERALD\nLIBRARY\n-more-\nGOP women\n-9-\nWhen the Supreme Court ordered states to reapportion on the\n\"one-man, one-vote\" concept, Justice Frankfurter in a dissenting opinion\nwas critical of an a ssumption by the Court of \"destructively novel judicial\npower.\"\nJustice Frankfurter said \"in this situation, as in others of like\nnature, appeal for relief does not belong here. Appeal must be made to an\ninformed, civically militant electorate. In a democratic society like outs,\nrelief must come through an aroused public conscience that sears the conscience\nof the people's representatives.\"\nThe National Federation of Republican Women can do much to nurture\nan aroused public conscience involving more issues than the change\nfrom\nintended direction in the Federal Judiciary.\nI urge you to spread the word of a need to strengthen the two-party\nsystem, to be aware of a growing imbalance of power in the three branches\nof government. You have the organization to help do the job for the good of\nall America.\nWe have a lot of homework in maintaining and strengthening\nin the Republican ranks.\nuniteford BERALD\n-more-\nGOP women\n-10-\nThere has been a lot of talk about a split in our ranks.\nI will answer this by saying reunification is already under W av. The\ndivision is less sharp in our party than among Democrats.\nI question whether the differences in philosophies among Republicans\ndefined\nare so\nnow that the Party can be described as having\nthree, four or any number of strong factions.\nIf I were to describe the majority of Republicans, I would\nsay that most believe in the high middle road of moderation.\nFormer President Eisenhower is to be applauded for his statement\nthat Republicans become again just Republicans. Therein lies our hope.\nBy organizing our strength, rallying our forces, creating\nnew ideas, showing that Republicans care about the people, and earning the\nrespect of America, we can expect victories in 1966 and a resurgence of\nstrength.\nThese are jobs for each of us to tackle. The time to start\nis right now.\n#\n#\n#\nFORD d LIBRARY GERALD\nAnalysis of Responsibilities of\nThe Republican Party\nDavid S. Broder *\nWhat should Republicans be thinking about? The simplest answer is a\nnegative one -- not Lyndon Johnson. The normal instinct in any partisan is\nto whack the opposition -- and that has- value, to be sure. Republicans in\nCongress and the country have a responsibility to scrutinize, debate,\ncriticize, amend or oppose every Johnson initiative and program; the\nfunctioning of democracy demands no less from an opposition party. But that\npath is not the path to future victory. To the extent that Republicans focus\ntheir thought primarily or exclusively on Lyndon Johnson and his programs, they\nneglect their greater opportunity. The pace of history -- of social change --\nwill outrun any President. If the Republicans slow their pace to match that of\na Lyndon Johnson hobbled by the day-to-day burdens of office, they will forfeit\ntheir greatest political advantage. Already, the issues and personalities of\nthe last election are slipping into irrelevancy. Nor is this surprising. The\npersonalities and issues that elected Dwight Eisenhower as President in 1952\ndid not dominate the choice of his successor in 1960. No more will Johnson or\nJohnson's issues determine the choice of his successor.\nNew needs will have arisen -- new names come to the fore -- and the\ncountry will be waiting for the party best prepared to answer the questions on\nits mind then. To succeed, therefore, Republicans must set about now to think\nconstructively about those problems the Johnson Administration is least likely\nto settle satisfactorily or remove from the area of debate. What are they ?\nLet me mention five that seem to me to be candidates for serious attention.\nEach of them is rooted in a fundamental trend that appears to me to be irreversible.\n1. The first is the problem of a biracial society, established on the\nfatal basis of master and slave, and now moving rapidly and inevitably toward a\ncondition of substantial -- not just legal -- equality. This is a problem\nbeyond just civil rights. This is a problem of overcoming, or at least\nameliorating, in a generation the accumulated injustices of a dozen generations.\nThe most difficult aspects of this problem -- in education, and housing and\nemployment -- have barely been touched. Ten days ago, the distinguished\nRepublican Attorney General of Massachusetts, Edward Brooke, said here that he\nhoped to see some Republican proposals on balanced schools, on open housing, on\nthe roots of urban crime, and on other aspects of our revolution in race relations.\nI say amen.\nPresented by Mr. Broder, Political Analyst\nand Columnist, in address to the League of Republican\nWomen of D.C. at the Mayflower Hotel, March 1, 1965.\nPage 1 --\n2. Second, there is the much discussed population boom -- the increase\nin numbers and in the concentration of population in urban areas. Now, you\nmay be alarmed or complacent about the so-called population explosion. I\npersonally am not concerned about our capacity to cope with our increasing\nnumbers; that is the position a father of four boys has to take on this issue.\nBut I think it is plain even now that when people are packed in as densely as\nthey are in our area, the limits on their freedom are going to be greater than\nthey were in my youth or yours. I live in Arlington County, and I spend a good\ndeal of my leisure time arguing with government officials who want to build\nbridges or highways or interchanges over my house. The bridge-builders and\nhighway-builders are not going to cease and desist; nor are the school-improvers,\nthe planners and the dozens of other government menwho are intruding on my life;\nmost of them are engaged in meeting legitimate needs. But if our notion of\nfreedom is going to maintain any significance under this increasing web of\ngovernment regulation, I have got to feel that I am not just a pawn in the\nbureaucrats' hands. This is essentially a problem in Federalism, in the\ndistribution of responsibility and power among the levels of government, to keep\nas many decisions at the closest possible level to the citizens. It is a\nterribly complex problem. Many of our existing units of government are outmoded;\nothers badly need to be refurbished if they are to be made useful. But it is\nthe sort of problem Republicans traditionally have interested themselves in.-\nRepublicans of all stripes have a commitment to make Federalism work, to find\nsignificant roles for state and county and local government. Now, in their\nleisure, they have an opportunity to undertake the major rethinking of the New\nFederalism that is badly needed.\n3 and 4. Next, I would mention a pair of problems related to a less well-\nknown trend in our population. America's postwar population boom had two\nprincipal causes. One was the baby boom. The other was the elongation of life\nor decrease in the death rate, attributable to medical advances. These two\nfactors not only pushed up the population curve; they changed its shape. In the\npast decade, for the first time since we became a nation, there were more Americans\nunder 21 and over 65 than there were between 21 and 65. In technical jargon, this\nis called the dependency ratio. What this means is that there are more unproductive\npersons -- youngsters and oldsters -- than working-age people.\nThat fact -- and not some diabolical design -- is why NO hear endlessly in\nCongress about the problems of youth, chiefly education, and of old age, chiefly\nmedical care. These problems are going to endure. They will not be wished away.\nThey are, quite literally, built into our population curve. Today, their solutions\nare not in sight. Despite the sloganeering on all sides of the aid-to-education\nand medicare debates, the problems involved are extremely difficult. We face a\nmajor national policy decision in the area of broadened aid to private and\nparochial schools. We face an equally significiant decision on the best way to\nfinance and administer social services -- including medical services -- for the\nelderly. These problems demand constructive solutions. I know of no one who\nbelieves the current proposals before Congress in these two areas are more than\na first effort.\nGERALD\nPage 2 --\n5. Fifth and finally, I would mention the changing nature of our\nworld relations. Obviously, they are far beyond the scope of any discussion\nwe could launch today. But if men far more expert and informed than I am do\nnot wholly misread the signs, what we face is a world we can no longer dominate\nin every detail by our might, but one from which we cannot withdraw, either.\nIf this is so, Americans confront the task of deciding what sort of a world we\ncan abide -- how far our real interests extend, what we can do to secure them,\nand how much leeway we can grant those others who are claiming insistently that\nthey, too, will have a voice in the future of the planet.\nI do not say, as some do, that America's position in the world is worse\ntoday than ever before; I do not believe that is ture. But I do say that I\nhave never known a time when America was involved in as many situations --\nfrom the United Nations to the Congo to Viet Nam and on around the globe --\nwhere the true interests of our ccuntry were as badly explained and as badly\nunderstood as they are today. We need a great debate on foreign policy. There\nhas been none, really, since the late Senator Taft argued the issue when NATO\nwas created 16 years ago. Republicans should take the lead in provoking a new\none.\nHere, then, are five things Republicans would be well-advised to think\nabout: A path through the final, difficult stages of our transition to a\ngenuinely equal, biracial society; a redefinition of federalism and a\nrevitalization of state and local government; long-term programs -- not\ntemporary expedients -- for the education of our youth and the care of our\nelderly; and a reexamination of American foreign policy in the light of the\ndramatic changes that have occured since Republicans last held national\nresponsibility.\nFor better or worse, the Republicans are now the party at leisure. They\nhave the opportunity to examine these problems dispassionately. It would be\nwell for the country if the Republicans seized the opportunity. And, unless I\nmiss my guess, there is a reward, beyond Lyndon Johnson's power to deny, waiting\nthe party that does come up with answers to these questions.\nFORD & LIBRARY GERALD\nPage 3 --\nSpeech outline for: National Federation of Republican Women, March 29, 1965\nTheme: \"We Must Earn Our Way.\"\nDescribe position of the GOP today: Outnumbered 2 to 1 in Congress\nNot just loyal opposition.\nconstructive alternatives.\nWhat must be done:\nA. Organize our strength: Ray Bliss brings strong leadership to\nNational Committee discuss GOP Coordinating Committee and\nits goals: 1. To broaden the a dvisory base on national party policy.\n2. Set up task forces to study problems.\n3. Stimulate communication among members of party.\nB. Rally our forces.\ndiscuss need for women to continue good work\nand to get others to join\nwork hard during off-election year\ntell the Republican story everywhere.\nC. Come forth with new ideas needproposal S that are salable in\npolitical market place\ndiscuss the GOP task forces.\nD. Need for two-party system. talk of over-balance of power\nE. Show that Republicans care about people Discuss GOP health\ncare plan education proposal alternative Appalachia bill.\nF. Must earn respect and trust of America...\nbuild up a record of\ndoing something, not just fighting Dem Administration\nmore\nSpeech outline for GOP Women\n-2-\nfight growing centralization of power in Wahington... make\npeople aware that \"government big enough to give us everything we\nwant is big enough to take from us every thing we have.\" !!\nconvince voters that Republican Party \"is the political vehicle\nby which they can exhibit their independence.\"\nConclusion:\nRepeat\nWe must organize our strength\nWe must rally our forces\nWe must come forth with new ideas\nWe must restore the strong two-party system\nWe must show that Republicans care about people\nWe must earn the respect and trust of America\n\"The political climate in the past has turned rapidly. If we\nfollow the guidelines I have discussed today, we can expect\nvictories in 1966 and a resurgence of strength.\"\n# # #\nnudy raise I\nIn my remarks during the Republican State of the Union appraisal,\nreferred to a deeply heald conviction that education is the answer to\nmany of our social and economic problems. This, of course, is a national\nconviction as old as our Republic and shared by a substantial majority\nof citizens of both major political parties.\nAs a Nation we have led the world in progress toward universal\neducational opportunities. Our progress has continued and accelerated\nin recent years, even without taking into account the activities ** of\n1958\nthe Federal Government. In 1989 our Gross National Product was $445 billion\nof which we spent 3.6 percent on education. By 1962 the GNP had increased\nto $555 billion, and we were spending well over 5 percent on education.\nUsing stable 1961-62 dollars as a measure, in the decade between the\nFall of 1953 and the Fall of 1963, our national investment in all levels\nof education, school and college, public and private, more than doubled\nto a total of nearly $33 billion.\nIn 1964, this Nation spent almost $40 billion on education, representing\n6.3 percent of our gress National Product. Such an investment, viewed from\na mere decade before, was a wild dream. It has been a miracle wrought by\nthe free will of the American people, e xpressed in every State and community.\nAnd there is not a single index of education, whether it is school housing,\npupil-teacher ratios, curriculum innovations, teacher and faculty salaries,\neducational attainment of the population, and so forth, that fails to\nreflect this massive financial commitment.\nDuring these years much attention has been focussed upon contributions\nof the Federal Government. This is extraordinary in a sense, because in\nthe course of all this vast growth, and with proliferating Federal programs,\nthe Federal share of educational expenditures has never risen above\nfive percent. Clearly, and without in any way diminishing the importance\nof Federal programs, the miracle I have described was not wrought in\nWashington.\nFORD & LIBRARY OFFALD\n2\nThe Federal Government has in fact played an important role in\neducational development throughout our history, beginning with the\nNorthwest Ordinances of 1789 (?)\nDuring the administration of Abraham Lincoln the first of the historic\nLand Grant College Acts became law and the establishment of our system\nof State universities was commenced. This was expanded in 1890. In 1917\nwe commended a national effort to encourage vocational education in the\npublic schools, and this was enlarged in 1946. Then came the G.I. Bill\nand a surge of college enrollments that is still growing.\nThese were all historic actions, but in a sense the most comprehensive\nFederal interest in education at all levels the was expressed by President\nEisenhower in his 1958 recommendations which were the basis for the National\nDefense Education Act. The Eisenhower measure struck at critical deficiencies\nand key areas at almost every level of education. While often described\nas an effort to improve the teaching of science and mathematics, it was far\nmore comprhensive. It includes funds for upgrading counselling and guidance\nwork in the schools, for large-scale **** testing programs, for increasing\nthe number of fully-prepared college faculty, for vastly improving our\nstudies of so-called \"rare\" languages (meaning they were rarely\nthe U.S\ntaughty although spoken by by hundreds of millions of people in critical\nareas of the world), and for similar purposes.\nIt was in 1958 also that we accelerated all of the educational programs\nof the National Science Foundation, with particular emphasis upon those\ndesigned to improve the skills of elementary and high school teachers.\nIn 1959 President Eisenhower also recommended and urged the approval of\na bill to provide Federal funds for the construction of college classrooms.\nUnfortunately, this was not acted upon until 1963, but it is now of crucial\nimportance in meeting the explosion in college enrollments. It was also in\n1963, with strong bi-partisan support, that the National Vocational Education\nActs were modernized and expanded in funding authorizations. Together with\nthe th Manpower Training and Development Act of 1962 -- another completely\nbi-partisan measure -- this formed a very strong Federal effort to help\nprepare people for available jobs in the ec onomy of the 1960's.\nGERALD\nThrough 1963, marking the First Session of the 88th Congress, the\nFederal interest in education had been expressed through carefully\nconceived legislation involving a bi-partisan effort. Even then however,\nit was becoming evident that the Federal role in education was somewhat\nill defined and bogged down in overlapping responsibilities and duplication\nof effort.\nin June of 1963\nIn a report issued/by Congresswoman Edith Green, Democrat of Oregon,\nand Chairman of a special subcommittee of the Education and Labor Committee,\nit was pointed out that 42 seperate Federal agencies were involved in\nadministering education programs. The number today is probably 45.\nThere are multiple duplications of effort in such fields as teacher\neducation, educational research, undergraduate assistance, graduate\neducation, education of handicapped and disadvantaged students, programs\nfor school dropouts, and manpower training, to cite but a few key areas.\nRecent legislation has added vastly to the confusion, with the\nmultiplicity of poverty programs introducing an almost chaotic note.\nCarefully drawn Federal programs, which recognize State and local\nresponsibilities and work within them, and which strike directly at\ncrucial problems, can make a constructive contribution to all that we\nare doing in our schools and colleges. But confused and hastily drawn\nFederal acts that strike out in all directions at once can seriously\nundermine the work of educational institutions, and can complicate\nor defeat constructive efforts to solve educational problems.\nI think that the task of making sense out of recent legislation in\nthis field is one of the major tasks confronting the Congress.\nSchool Assistance\nThe Elementary and Secondary/Act of 1965 , quite candidly, is\na mish-mash of programs and purposes. It has serious defects which\nwere recognized on all sides at the time of enactment, but which the\nAdministration stubbornly insisted upon including. Let me be specific\non this point.\nTitle I of that bill authorizes grants to local school districts\nschool\nto be used in/ programs designed for students handicapped by poverty.\nBut these funds do not go just to school districts that are inadequately\nFORD\nfinanced. They go to school districts in the wealthiest counties in America,\nLIBRARY\nwhere the schools and their programs, 10110 including those for culturally\ndeprived children, are generally the best that money can buy. If the Federal\nfunds were unlimited, this might be defended, but the practical result is\nthat the effort is spread thinly, and probably so thin as to have little\ngenuine impact on the problem. What cannot be defended is that the\nformula for distributing the funds is so arranged that the ten wealthiest\ncounties in the Nation -- having about 32,000 impoverished children --\nreceive twice as much money as the ten poorest counties having an\nequal number of impoverished children. Moreover, the wealthy counties are\nlarge ones where poor children represent a very small part of the school\npopulation. The poor counties are small ones in which the poor children\noften represent a majority of the children in school.\nThis could have been corrected by a simple amendment sponsored by\nCongresswoman Green and supported from our side of the aisle, but the\namendment was opposed by the Administration and was defeated.\nThe remaining five titles of the bill are totally unrelated\nto the needs of economically and culturally deprived children. They\nextend the Federal arm deep into school program and curriculum planning,\ninto the provision of textbooks, and into supplemental educational\nservices at the local level. In the process, they virtually ignore State\nresponsibilities in education.\nThe poverty program is in many areas chaotic, and this may be a\ncharitable judgment. In the educational field it is very badly planned.\nMuch of that attempted is desireable, such as \"Operation Head Start\"\nfor pre-school youngsters who have no preparation normally received in the\nhome environment. Yet this type of effort should be carried out in a\nsystematic fashion by the U.S. Office of Education, working through the\nregular State and local school systems. It should be coordinated with\nthe regular school program and subject to local determination and control.\nThe Congress urgently needs to remedy this kind of confusion.\npoverty\nSimilarly, such/programs as the neighborhood youth corps and the\njob corps need to be meshed with our national efforts in vocational\neducation and manpower retraining. Unless there is close coordination,\nwith a maximum use of our limited training job-training personnel, we\nare going to produce thousands of youth in these programs who are not\nGERALD R.FORD LIBRARY\nS.\nequipped for available jobs, thus plunging them farther into a climate of\ndefeat and despair. This would be a personal tragedy in every instance\nand a social tragedy of major proportions.\nThe Congress can correct shortcomings, abuses, and confusion in\nFederal programs if it will exercise its independent judgment in such\nmatters. It has an inescapable responsibility to do so.\nWhat is more, the Congress can propose imaginative and effective\nprograms to mobilize all our resources to overcome educational problems.\nOne such proposal, made by Republicans in both Houses, is the Human\nInvestments Act. It would give tax credits to private business and\nindustry to offset the costs of private training programs for the unskilled\nand unemployed. Right now, according to Mr. Sargent Shriver, the most\neffective job corps camps we have are those operated by private industry\non a contract basis. This effort could be increased a thousand-fold\nwith a very small Federal cost and with no direct Federal involvement.\nEven Congressman Adam Clayto n Powell, who ram-rodded the existing\npoverty program through the Congress jast as the President required,\nhas recognized its inadequacy. In a speech in Harlem of January 21, 1966,\nhe charged that all these programs were uncoordinated and declared, \"All\nwe need are jobs ...we are going to change the legislative image of the\nWar on Poverty this years to place the emphasis on job creation and\non-the- job training. Many of these cultural and social frills are going\nto be cut out.\"\nIt remains to be seen whether such promises are kept.\nGERALD\nNatronal Coration of Regablis\nApril 2, 1965\nYoung gop-Baton gop- april 2\nRepublicans in the House who are faced with overwhelming opposition\nparty voting power and an awesome strength in the executive branch have\nat least five major duties and responsibilities.\nFirst: we must exert our influence in a positive manner to help guide\nour Nation toward freedom, security, peace and well-being within\nFORDO : LIBRARY 070839\nthe framework of fiscal responsibility and the Constitution.\nNatl GOP Women\n-2-\nSecondly, we should support the Administration when it is right,\noppose it when it is wrong, at the S ame time presenting\nconstructive alternative proposals for legislation.\nThirdly--- our duty is to expose any failures of the present\nAdministration to keep promises made during the 1964\nelection campaign.\nCERALD REGIST\nmore\nNatl GOP Women\n-3-\nFourth responsibility work to establish a strong two-party\nsystem to overcome the imbalance of\nDower in the legislative, executive,\nand judicial branches.\nFifth---we must work with dedication and zeal to maintain and to\nstrengthen unity in the Republican ranks.\nFORD & LIBRARY 071839 +\nNat'l GOP Women\n-5-\nEXPAND ON--- supporting Administration, opposing it, and constructive\nalternatives.\nViet Nam\nVoting rights\nMedicare\nEXPAND ON--- exposing failures of Administration:\n1966 budget is $216 billion, not less than $100 billion\nEXPAND ON--- Two-party system. over-balance of power now.\nFORD & LIBRAR OFRALD y\nNat 1 GOP Women\n-6-\nConc lude:\nHigh middle road of moderation\nEarn respect to win victories in 1966\n#\nGERALD LIGHARY R. FORD\nAddress by Rep. derald R. Ford\nto the National Federation of Republican Women\nMarch 29, 1965\nRepublicens in Congress who are faced with overwhelming opposition\nparty voting power and an awesome strength in the executive branch have at\nleast five major duties and responsibilities.\nFirst--- we must exert our influence in a positive manner to help guide\nour Nation toward freedom, security, peace and well-being within the framework\nof fiscal responsibility.\nSecondly, we should support the Administration when it is right, oppose\nit when it is wrong, at the same time presenting constructive alternative\nproposals for legislation.\nOur third duty is to expose any failures of the present Administration\nto keep promises made during the 1964 election campaigh.\nThe fourth responsibility is to work toward a strong two-party system,\nwhich would overcome the imbalance of power in the legislative, executive\nand judicial branches.\nFinally, we must work with dedication and seal to maintain and to\nstrengthen unity in the Republican ranks.\n-more\nFORD & LIBRARY GERALD\nGOP women\n&\nHow do we accomplish these goals? What has been done so far?\nWhat are the guidelines for action in the future?\nWork is well under way to exert our influence in a positive menner\nin Congress. It started with the establishment of a planning and research group\nof Republicans headed by Rep. Charles E. Goodell of New York.\nCurrently seven task forces are researching in depth, seeking\nfacts, figures and a wide range of data in six areas: agifuulture, economic\nopportunity, voting rights, Congressional reform and Minority staffing,\neducation and NATO-Western Europe problems.\nOn a beadder base, The Republican Coordinating Committee has\nembarked on a three-goal mission tos\n1. Broaden the advisory base on national party policy.\n2. Set up task forces to study and make recommendations\nfor dealing with the problems confromaing the people\nof our Nation.\n3. Stimulate communication among members of the party and\nothers in developing accommon approach to the nation's\nproblems.\n-more-\nGERALD\nGOP Women\n-3-\nThe Coordinating Committee consists of elevel members of the\nJoint Senate-House Republican Leadership, the five living Republican\nnominess for President, and five representatives of the Republican\nGovernors Association.\nOur second responsibility as members of Congress is a three-pronged\none, as I see it.\nYou know that Republican joint leadership supported the\nAdministration in stepping up strikes against Communist supply lines\nand bases in Viet Name. We have publicly stated that we favor measured,\nmeaningful military steps in that troubled area of Southeast Asia.\nYou see, we cannot accept the statement that the duty of the\nparty out of power is to merely oppose. This outlook is too narrow and\ntoo negative.\nIt is difficult to oppose--with any real meaning-when we are\noutnumbered 2 to 1 in Congress. We will, however, point out mistskes\nmade by the Administration when it is wrong in our opinion.\nForexample, we believe there are some mistakes---and perhaps honest\nones--\nin the proposed bill on voting rights, wheih followed in the\nGOP women\n-\nwake of the President's message to a joint session of Congress.\nThe Administration bill would violate the Constitution by blocking\ncertain\nthe rights offstates to decide the qualifications of voters in both Federal\nand state elections.\nThe first article of the Constitution gives states the authority to\ndecide the qualifications of voters.\nUnder a somethat complex formula in the Adminsitration's proposed bill,\nFederal authorities would have the right to abolish voter qualifications and\nto supervise voter registration.\nIn actual practice, the formula wouldapply only to Alabama, Louisiana,\nGeorgia,\nMississippi,\nSouth Carolina and Virginia.\nAnother provision would require a persons registered by federal authories\na ballot\nto\ncast \"at least once during three consecutive years while listed,\" which\namounts to ordering a citizen to either vote or lose his franchise.\nAlso under the law the President asked Comgress to slam bang throughry\nthrough, illiterate citizens in the six southern states I mentioned XXXXXX\na\nmoment ago would have more rights voting rights than a similar person would have\nin New York.\nFORD & LIBRARY CERALD\nGOP women\n5-\nComplicated formulas and percentages spawned at the federal\nlevel and contained in the Administration's proposed voting rights law\nare unfair to some states and violate the Constitution.\nMeamwhile, Republicans are working on constructive alternatives\nto the President's voting rights bill. It is a tough, demanding and\ncomplicated job. The Administration's bill also is undergoing extensive\ninvestigation by the Judiciary committee.\nAt this point, I can say that Republicans in the House will\nsupport legislation to achieve maximum registration and voting by the target\ndate of 1966.\nThere may be bi-partism support of a voting rights bill, which\nwould be the result of both Republican and Democratic thinking. One thing\nis certains Republicans in the House refuse to be stampeded into rubberpetamping\nthe Administration's version of a bill.\nThe widely-publicised \"medicare\" scheme of the Administration is another\nexample of requiring prompting not only opposition by Republicans, but an\nalternative measure.\nmore\nGOP women\n-6-\nThe weaknesses in the Administration's medicare plan are\nobvious. They include insufficient coverage and skyrocketing psyroll\ntaxes for every worker.\nThe Administration's plan is based on an increase in the\nsocial security payroll tax on all employees, employers, and self-employed\npersons, which would place a greater burden on those less able to pay.\nIt is a complusory, regressive, tax plan.\nThe Republican alternative proposal offers more liberal coverage\nand gives people a choice of participating. It is entirely voluntary.\nYou will read and hear of other Republican proposals in the\nweeks and months shead. They will come from research, analysis and\nsome of the finest minds in the country representing many facets of\nour economic, social, financial and other areas.\nEarlier, I listed smong our duties that of\nexpesing failures of the Administration to keep campaign promises.\nYou willrecall that the President virtually pledged to provide\nAmerica with historical bounty----- golden prosperity\nGER ABVS 817 FORD\n-more\nGOP women\n-7-\nwith two chickens in every pot and three cars in every garage. He insisted\nthat we would have more of everything without paying more taxes.\nIt was with bright and brassy fanfare that the President\nunveiled his proposed 1966 budget, trumpeting to the nation that it is less\nthan $100 billion.\nThe truth is the budget totals more than $126 million, when the\ncash budget and new obligational authority to spend government money\nare\nlumped together.\nIt follows that the national debt has increased by $10 million\nin just two years to an all-time high of $318 billion.\nThe President promised to help ease the burden in pockets of\npoverty. His Appalachia bill ignored many parts of the Nation faced with\neconomic distress. Omitted from the bill, whichmass sailed through Congress\nwith a strong wind blowing from the White House, were suchares as the\nupper Great Lakes Region, the Ozark Mountain country.\nA \"epublican proposed bill would have helped depressed areas\nCOP women\n-8-\nOur fourth responsibility is to work toward a strong\ntwo-party system, which is bedrock assurance that our Democracy will survive,\nprosper, grow and help others in the world to accept their role in the society\noffree nations.\nHand-in-hand with a strong two-party system is a balance in the\nthree branches of government.\nI see disturbing signs of slow erosion in the power of the legislative\nbranch, a build-up of towering strength in the executive arm, and a change\nfrom the intended direction in the Federal Indiciary.\nWhen the balance of power in Congress is steeply tilted by an\nover-whelming majority in one political party, the system of checks and balances\nis endangered. This becomes ever more serious when the executive branch is\ndominated by the same party.\nIt can be said that the Federal Judiciary's function is to interpret\nthe Constitution and the laws.\nThere is evidence that the Judicial Branch is arbitrarily flailing\nand pushing its way with courtly dignity to new positions of authority, disregardin\nGERAL\nthe wise indicial restraint made bv the late Justice Frankfurter and others.\nGOP women\n-9-\nWhen the Supreme Court ordered states to respportion on the\n\"one-man, one-vote\" concept, Justice Frankfurter in a dissenting opinion\nwas critical of anassumption by the Court of \"destructively novel judicial\npower.\"\nJustice Frankfurter said \"in this situation, as in others of like\nnature, appeal for relief does not belong here. Appeal must be made to an\ninformed, civically militant electorate. In a democratic society like outs,\nrelief must come through an aroused public conscience that sears the conscience\nof the people's representatives.\"\nThe National Federation of Republican Women can do much to nurture\nan aroused public conscience involving more issues than the change from\nintended direction in the Federal Judiciary.\nI urge you to spread the word of a need to strengthen the two-party\nsystem, to be sware of a growing imbalance of power in the three branches\nof government. You have the organisation to help do the job for the good of\nall America.\nWe have a lot of homework in maintaining and strengthening unity\nin the Republican ranks.\nGOP women\n-10-\nThere has been a lot of talk about a split in our ranks.\nI will answer this by saying reunification is already underway. The\ndivision is less sharp in our party than among Democrate.\nI question whether the dif erences in philosophies among Republicans\ndefined\nare so withholds definied now that the Party can be described as having\nthree, four or any number of strong factions.\nIf I were to describe the majority of Republicans, I would\nsay that most believe in the high result middle road of moderation.\nFormer President Eisenhower 1s to be applauded for his statement\nthat Republicans become again just Republicans. Therein lies our hope.\nBy organising our strength, rallying our forces, creating\nnew ideas, showing that Republicans care about the people, and earning the\nrespect of America, we can expect victories in 1966 and a resurgence of\nstrength.\nThese are jobs for each of us to tackle. The time to start\nis right now.\n#\n#\nGERALD R\nTEXT\nNAT'L FED. OF 60P\nWOMEN\nMAR. 29, 1965\nHOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, U.S.\nOFFICE OF THE MINORITY LEADER\nHerald R. Ford\nPUBLIC DOCUMENT\nM.C.\nOFFICIAL BUSINESS\nSame speech\nCards for\nNational JoP Women's Federation\nYoung gop\napril\napril 2 2\nSpeech cards\nPrepared text to be checked by 9RF\nbefore use\nGERALD"
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