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The original documents are located in Box D20, folder "American Heritage Foundation's
Northeastern Regional Vote Workshop, Philadelphia, PA, July 11, 1966" of the Ford
Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential
Library.
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Digitized from Box D20 of The Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential-Library
An Address by the Honorable Gerald R. Ford before
American Heritage Foundation's Northeastern
Regional Vote Workshop, Philadelphia, Bellevue-
Stratford Hotel, on Monday, July 11, 1966.
SALUTE TO OUR TWO-PARTY SYSTEM
When those who are deep in the political battle--like Mr. Bailey and me--are
invited to give non-partisan talks, we are forced to make some major readjustments
the
content of our remarks.
Balley and I have to make such readjustments not only because of the
nature of this audience but also because of the place selected for this conference.
We are eeting in the City of Brotherly Love. We shouldn't forget that this
evening.
Among other things, we have to write a new speech. That basic talk for
partisan gatherings which we give over and over again has to be scrapped. Even
the jokes have to go because partisan political humor just doesn't seem funny to
those
outside the ranks of party faithful.
Tonight we salute the two-party system, the political system that our nation
has had most from its beginnings. As the representative of what is temporarily
the minority party, I want to thank the American Heritage Foundation for the
valuable work which it has done for many years to give life and meaning to that
system. I congratulate the Foundation on the inauguration of these Regional Vote
Workshops, and I wish you success in your 1966 Nonpartisan Register and Vote
Daign.
The work that the Foundation is doing looks to nurturing in the hearts of
al zens the ideals of democratic government. Unless these ideals flourish
there, constitution, no law, certainly no political party or its leadership
an maintain the health of our political system.
In
96
the Democrats alleged a "missile gap." Republicans from General
Eisenhowe on down denied the charge. In 1966 the Republicans contend there is
a White House 'credibility gap." John Bailey will protest vehemently. But both
of us will likely agree there is a "commitment gap" on the part of too many
Americans. What we need is a commitment to broad, staunch, and constructive
support for the two-party system.
Several centuries ago, the Italian poet Dante put it this way: "The hottest
hell are reserved for those who, in 8 period of noral crisis, maintain
My plea is that all Americans discard political neutrality
FORD
attle to preserve the two-party system.
GERALD
LIBRARY
Best Possible Scan from Poor Quality Original
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AMERICAN HERITAGE WORKSHOP
What is called for, I sincerely believe, is a decision by more and more
Americans to renounce political neutrality during elections and to bring their
entire individual effort to bear on behalf of candidates who meet their rigid
specifications of honor and outlook.
As individuals, you have the responsibility and duty to become actively
engaged in partisan politics. I am not here as a recruiter for the Republican
Party although I will be glad to take applications at the door. What I am
saying is that you cannot, as individuals, expect to achieve concrete political
results if you are unwilling to join and work for the party of your choice. It
is only within a party that you can help to determine party policy, help select
candidates for party nomination and work for their eventual election. It is only
within a political party that you can till and fertilize the soil which will
produce the kind of legislators who will, for example, get some of our basic
problems, state and national, out of petty politics. Many like myself in the
political arena are disappointed that more of our highly motivated citizens are
not working as actively as they should be in a political party.
What the Foundation is siming at is the broadest type of citizen participation
in the political process. It is a goal that deserves the unstinting support of
both great American political parties.
The political party is the agency, and really the only agency, through
which citizens can fully and effectively participate in the political process.
Where there is freedom, there will be more than a single political party,
for free men will not all think alike.
It may seem strange that the founding fathers viewed the growth of parties
with alarm. They made no provision for them in the Constitution. George Washington
warned his countrymen against them in his Farewell Address. Our forefathers'
apprehension was not without reason. Political wars in the England of their time
were characterized by bitter party strife and divisive partisanship.
It was Thomas Jefferson who started our two-party system. You might say that
as vice-president he was the first minority leader on Capitol Hill.
Jefferson thereby added to the constitutional checks and balances another
safeguard in our experiment in democratic government. It has saved the nation
from the oppression which so often characterizes those countries where a single
political party dominates every aspect of political life and, unchecked, stifles
all dissent. And it has saved the nation from the anarchy and chaos which so
often characterizes those countries where every conceivable faction organizes
inself into an ndependent political party.
(More)
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AMERICAN HERITAGE WORKSHOP
Elihu Root called the two-party system a sign of political maturity. The
two-party system guarantees a wide appeal to the electorate and it increases the
chances for coherence and stability in government. It avoids the irresponsibility
of factionalism which, at best, operates to allow popular control in a one-party
state. More important than these theoretical considerations is the fact that the
two-party system, in the context of America, her institutions and traditions, has
met the test of history. It works. It is an important part of that complex set
of balances and mechanisms that have made the American experiment in democratic
government the world's greatest success story.
Under Jefferson's innovation, America has prospered, maintaining always her
commitment to both majority rule and freedom of dissent. Many countries, particu-
larly in Latin America, have copied our Constitution. And in many cases they have
met with repeated failure. One of the keys to understanding why is their inability
to develop a two-party system.
A goal of this Northeastern Regional Vote Workshop is to consider ways to
sharpen the cutting edges of our two-party system. The problem was never stated
better than it was some forty years ago by the prominent British writer,
Mr. J. A. Spender. The problem, he said, "is to convince our fellow countrymen
that to have political convictions, to join a party, to work for it, and to support
it out of their purses, so far as means allow, are among duties of all citizens,
and cannot be neglected without serious harm to the country." This is one of the
great unsolved problems of democracy. Until we solve it, our two-party system
and the very quality of our government will be defective.
The indices of citizen involvement in politics do not tell an encouraging
story in the United States. The percentage of citizens of voting age who have
voted in recent presidential elections has hovered about the level of 60 per cent.
In off-year Congressional elections, it has been running between 45 and 49 per cent.
In local elections a turnout of 30 to 40 per cent is common. These levels of
voter participation do not compare favorably with those of advanced nations with
a democratic form of government in other parts of the world.
With less than two-thirds of the potential electorate actually voting, how
many less ever actively work for a political party or for candidates for office?
And of those who work--performing the important role of informing their fellow
citizens--how many less ever make a financial contribution? The number gets smaller
and snaller, and diminishing with it is the effectiveness of our two-party system.
(More)
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AMERICAN HERITAGE WORKSHOP
Particularly acute is the need for an adequate financial foundation, one
consistent with democratic principles. Herbert Alexander, Staff Director of
President Kennedy's Commission on Campaign costs, has put the costs of 1964
campaigns at 200 million dollars. Such expenditures are not unjustifiably large
in campaigns directed toward a potential electorate of more than 100 million who
are asked to vote for at least 200,000 offices of some significance.
Only about 10 per cent of adult Americans ever contribute to election
campaigns. This figure is significantly higher than it was fifty or even twenty-
five years ago, but it is still far too low. It is not healthy for the costs of
democracy to be met by 80 few. The day when political parties can sit back and
dependon large contributors must end. Our election costs must be covered without
jeopardizing our public morals. Our goal should be securing ever more contributors
to our political parties on a regular year-round basis. The wider the base of
party funds, the less suspicion there can be of improper influence. There is a
job to be done. Recent data from the University of Michigan Survey Research
Center shows that less than half of those interviewed had ever heard of efforts
to raise money for campaign expenses. Eighty-five had never been asked to
contribute. Only one out of fifty had ever participated in a campaign fund-raising
drive. When asked if they would contribute if approached, P. fourth said yes,
while 58 per cent replied no.
Our failure here is deplorable--and even more so because we raise annually
throughout the country large sums for welfare and other community needs. Is the
well-being of our political system any less important? With hard work and
organization, and with the help of groups like the American Heritage Foundation,
our political parties can meet this test. My own party has made strides in this
direction. Since 1963 a substantial portion of the operating budget of the
Republican National Committee has been met by annual ten-dollar sustaining
memberships. In 1964, through the extensive use of direct mail and television
appeals, 72 per cent of the contributions for the Republican presidential campaign
came in sums less than 500 dollars. Only 30 per cent of the contributions to the
Democrats came in these smaller sums. But establishing the measuring rod at
500 dollars is still setting it awfully high. There is much more that both
parties can do and must do to interest the individual citizen of limited means
in investing in our political process. Until we do--until the costs of democracy
are apportioned democratically--our two-party system will not be doing the best
job it can.
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AMERICAN HERITAGE WORKSHOP
In the field of legislation there is also much that can be done. Efforts
here are generally aimed at restraining abuses in raising and spending campaign
funds.
I suggest that it is time to emphasize the need for adequate financing of
par PS and candidates through mass contributions of small amounts. The present
methods of tund-raising too often shut out of elective office men and women who
ack substantial personal funds or lack personal access to great wealth.
There are other steps that can be taken to lighten the burden of campaign
COS s--n tably modifying the restrictions of Section 315 of the Federal Communica-
'tons A t--the equal time provision--which operates to prevent television and
radio stations from providing free time to candidates for office.
Those who discuss the inadequate participation of citizens in the political
process generally center their fire on the citizen. He is denounced by critics
as apathetic, uninformed, and uninterested.
I feel that the indictment must be extended to cover politicians and perhaps
others in un society. If the citizen is uninterested, is this lack of interest
due to some degreee to the failure of politicians to offer something that will
arouse h:s interest? If he is uninformed, is it because much political oratory
is not really informative? Some will contend--perhaps it's an alibi--that they
just can't get the facts from any source.
There 5 need for drastic reform of campaign procedures that go back to the
hoise-an huggy era. Something in this direction is being done by the Republican
National mmittee On the suggestion of President Eisenhower, Chairman Bliss
has mission at work studying the quadrennial national convention with a
streamlining this venerable but soporific institution.
This is a start, but much more is needed if campaigns are better to serve
the surp se of spreading information and capturing public interest
In 1968 I hope that televised debates between presidential candidates, so
successful in attracting public interest in the 1960 campaign, will be conducted
again. I see little merit in the argument that any incumbent president should
not engage in debate with his opponent. I believe President Kennedy would have
debated his R publican challenger in 1964 had he lived to run for reelection--and
the voters would have been the beneficieries.
If, however, the candidates t.hemselves are unwilling to engage in debate, they
could designate 50
participate in join televised appearances on their behalf.
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AMERICAN HERITAGE WORKSHOP
Debate between the parties should be practiced far more widely than it is
at present. Although I attach special importance to debate in presidential
campaigns, there should be a running debate between party spokesmen at all
political levels at all times. There are ( always important issues. There are
always differences of opinion on some of them. The parties would be strengthened,
the public would be better informed, and policy decisions would be made more
wisely if we argued out things before the public.
To talk of the two-party system is to invite attention to the woes of the
minority party. I shall refrain from inflicting on you any long list of complaints,
but I do want to express one fear which, if justified, should be of concern to all
regardless of party.
It is not easy for the minority to make its voice heard. In this age of
mass communication, the Office of the President dominates the American political
scene. The eyes of the nation and the world are fixed upon it. And rightly so.
Its power is awesome, as is the responsibility which confronts the man who possesses
it. It is power to do enormous good. But the great power to do good is, at its
root, simply great power. Free men must be able to check it and challenge it,
lest it consume them.
If free men cannot check and challenge it, then we do have one-party rule.
If it is becoming increasingly difficult for them to do so, then we have begun a
journey down a dangerous road.
We seek in our political life the attainment of justice and the containment
of power. The two-party system plays a vital role in the struggle to achieve these
goals. By providing debate and discussion it helps us travel a much surer course
toward justice for all our citizens.
The minority must be able to get its views out to the people. I hope that
the minority State of the Union Message, first delivered this year, will become
a permanent institution--given time and prominence corresponding to that of the
President.
Although I speak tonight for the minority, the Republicans, I do not believe
that those in the minority can or should sit back and bide their time. There
are some, a very few fortunately, who argue that the minority should await a
national disaster at home or abroad and then move in, pick up the pieces and
build from the shambles. This I contend is neither the tradition nor the heritage
of the Republican Party in the 1960's. This was not the role of the Republican
Party under Lincoln or Eisenhower. It was not the role of the Democrats in their
(More)
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AMERICAN HERITAGE WORKSHOP
dark days in the minority in the 1920's. We must by the competence of our candidates,
by the record of legislators and administrators and by the philosophy that we
espouse earn the respect of our fellow citizens.
My suggestions only touch the surface. In the final analysis the future of
our two-party system depends on the courage and conviction of all Americans-of
whatever political stripe--and their commitment to the values of majority rule
and freedom of dissent.
These values are the heritage of all Americans. They are values that will
be preserved only through strengthening the two-party system.
###
Paul Butter
Inc. of Virgani Isle
2
Landslike margin 73/64
SPEECH BEFORE AMER. HERITAGE FOUNDATION'S NORTHEASTERN
REGIONAL VOTE WORKSHOP, PHILADELPHIA
JULY 11, 1966
SALUTE TO OUR TWO-PARTY SYSTEM
WHEN THOSE WHO ARE DEEP IN THE POLITICAL BATTLE--LIKE
MR. BAILEY AND ME--ARE INVITED TO GIVE NON-PARTISAN TALKS,
WE ARE FORCED TO MAKE SOME MAJOR READJUSTMENTS IN THE
CONTENT OF OUR REMARKS.
MR. BAILEY AND I HAVE TO MAKE SUCH READJUSTMENTS NOT
ONLY BECAUSE OF THE NATURE OF THIS AUDIENCE BUT ALSO BECAUSE
OF THE PLACE SELECTED FOR THIS CONFERENCE. WE ARE MEETING
IN THE CITY OF BROTHERLY LOVE. WE SHOULDN'T FORGET THAT
THIS EVENING.
GERALD 198817 FORD
AMONG OTHER THINGS, WE HAVE TO WRITE A NEW SPEECH.
-2-
THAT BASIC TALK FOR PARTISAN GATHERINGS WHICH WE GIVE OVER
AND OVER AGAIN HAS TO BE SCRAPPED. EVEN THE JOKES HAVE TO
GO BECAUSE PARTISAN POLITICAL HUMOR JUST DOESN'T SEEM
FUNNY TO THOSE OUTSIDE THE RANKS OF PARTY FAITHFUL.
TONIGHT WE SALUTE THE TWO-PARTY SYSTEM, THE POLITICAL
SYSTEM THAT OUR NATION HAS HAD ALMOST FROM ITS BEGINNINGS.
AS THE REPRESENTATIVE OF WHAT IS TEMPORARILY THE MINORITY
PARTY, I WANT TO THANK THE AMERICAN HERITAGE FOUNDATION
FOR THE VALUABLE WORK WHICH IT HAS DONE FOR MANY YEARS TO
GIVE LIFE AND MEANING TO THAT SYSTEM. I CONGRATULATE THE
FOUNDATION ON THE INAUGURATION OF THESE REGIONAL VOTE
WORKSHOPS, AND I WISH YOU SUCCESS IN YOUR 1966 NONPARTISAN
REGISTER AND VOTE CAMPAIGN.
THE WORK THAT THE FOUNDATION IS DOING LOOKS TO NURTURING
-3-
IN THE HEARTS OF ALL CITIZENS THE IDEALS OF DEMOCRATIC
GOVERNMENT. UNLESS THESE IDEALS FLOURISH THERE
NO
CONSTITUTION, NO LAW, CERTAINLY NO POLITICAL PARTY OR
ITS LEADERSHIP CAN MAINTAIN THE HEALTH OF OUR POLITICAL
SYSTEM.
IN 1960 THE DEMOCRATS ALLEGED A "MISSILE GAP."
REPUBLICANS FROM GENERAL EISENHOWER ON DOWN DENIED THE
CHARGE. IN 1966 THE REPUBLICANS CONTEND THERE IS A WHITE
HOUSE "CREDIBILITY GAP." JOHN BAILEY WILL PROTEST
VEHEMENTLY. BUT BOTH OF US WILL LIKELY AGREE THERE IS A
"COMMITMENT GAP" ON THE PART OF TOO MANY AMERICANS. WHAT
WE NEED IS A COMMITMENT TO BROAD, STAUNCH, AND CONSTRUCTIVE
SUPPORT FOR THE TWO-PARTY SYSTEM.
GERALD FORD VIBRARY
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SEVERAL CENTURIES AGO, THE ITALIAN POET DANTE PUT IT
THIS WAY: "THE HOTTEST PLACES IN HELL ARE RESERVED FOR
THOSE WHO, IN A PERIOD OF MORAL CRISIS, MAINTAIN THEIR
NEUTRALITY." MY PLEA IS THAT ALL AMERICANS DISCARD
POLITICAL NEUTRALITY AND ENLIST IN THE BATTLE TO PRESERVE
THE TWO-PARTY SYSTEM.
WHAT IS CALLED FOR, I SINCERELY BELIEVE, IS A DECISION
BY MORE AND MORE AMERICANS TO RENOUNCE POLITICAL NEUTRALITY
DURING ELECTIONS AND TO BRING THEIR ENTIRE INDIVIDUAL EFFORT
TO BEAR ON BEHALF OF CANDIDATES WHO MEET THEIR RIGID
SPECIFICATIONS OF HONOR AND OUTLOOK dwithin The framework The two system party
AS INDIVIDUALS, YOU HAVE THE RESPONSIBILITY AND DUTY
TO BECOME ACTIVELY ENGAGED IN PARTISAN POLITICS. I AM NOT
GERALD
HERE AS A RECRUITER FOR THE REPUBLICAN PARTY ALTHOUGH I WILL
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BE GLAD TO TAKE APPLICATIONS AT THE DOOR. WHAT I AM SAYING
IS THAT YOU CANNOT, AS INDIVIDUALS, EXPECT TO ACHIEVE
CONCRETE POLITICAL RESULTS IF YOU ARE UNWILLING TO JOIN
AND WORK FOR THE PARTY OF YOUR CHOICE. IT IS ONLY WITHIN
A PARTY THAT YOU CAN HELP TO DETERMINE PARTY POLICY, HELP
SELECT CANDIDATES FOR PARTY NOMINATION AND WORK FOR THEIR
EVENTUAL ELECTION. IT IS ONLY WITHIN A POLITICAL PARTY
THAT YOU CAN TILL AND FERTILIZE THE SOIL WHICH WILL PRODUCE
THE KIND OF LEGISLATORS WHO WILL, FOR EXAMPLE, GET SOME OF
OUR BASIC PROBLEMS, STATE AND NATIONAL, OUT OF PETTY POLITICS
MANY LIKE MYSELF IN THE POLITICAL ARENA ARE DISAPPOINTED
THAT MORE OF OUR HIGHLY MOTIVATED CITIZENS ARE NOT WORKING
AS ACTIVELY AS THEY SHOULD BE IN A POLITICAL PARTY.
WHAT THE FOUNDATION IS AIMING AT IS THE BROADEST TYPE
LIBRARY
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OF CITIZEN PARTICIPATION IN THE POLITICAL PROCESS. IT IS
A GOAL THAT DESERVES THE UNSTINTING SUPPORT OF BOTH GREAT
AMERICAN POLITICAL PARTIES.
THE POLITICAL PARTY IS THE AGENCY, AND REALLY THE ONLY
AGENCY, THROUGH WHICH CITIZENS CAN FULLY AND EFFECTIVELY
PARTICIPATE IN THE POLITICAL PROCESS.
WHERE THERE IS FREEDOM, THERE WILL BE MORE THAN A
SINGLE POLITICAL PARTY, FOR FREE MEN WILL NOT ALL THINK ALIKE.
IT MAY SEEM STRANGE THAT THE FOUNDING FATHERS VIEWED
THE GROWTH OF PARTIES WITH ALARM. THEY MADE NO PROVISION
FOR THEM IN THE CONSTITUTION. GEORGE WASHINGTON WARNED HIS
COUNTRYMEN AGAINST THEM IN HIS FAREWELL ADDRESS. OUR
FORD
GERALD
FOREFATHERS' APPREHENSION WAS NOT WITHOUT REASON. POLITICAL
181
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WARS IN THE ENGLAND OF THEIR TIME WERE CHARACTERIZED BY
BITTER PARTY STRIFE AND DIVISIVE PARTISANSHIP.
IT WAS THOMAS JEFFERSON WHO STARTED OUR TWO-PARTY
SYSTEM. YOU MIGHT SAY THAT AS VICE-PRESIDENT HE WAS THE
FIRST MINORITY LEADER ON CAPITOL HILL.
JEFFERSON THEREBY ADDED TO THE CONSTITUTIONAL CHECKS
AND BALANCES ANOTHER SAFEGUARD IN OUR EXPERIMENT IN
DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT. IT HAS SAVED THE NATION FROM THE
OPPRESSION WHICH SO OFTEN CHARACTERIZES THOSE COUNTRIES
WHERE A SINGLE POLITICAL PARTY DOMINATES EVERY ASPECT OF
POLITICAL LIFE AND, UNCHECKED, STIFLES ALL DISSENT. AND
IT HAS SAVED THE NATION FROM THE ANARCHY AND CHAOS WHICH
GERALD
SO OFTEN CHARACTERIZES THOSE COUNTRIES WHERE EVERY CONCE IVABLE
FACTION ORGANIZES ITSELF INTO AN INDEPENDENT POLITICAL PARTY.
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ELIHU ROOT CALLED THE TWO-PARTY SYSTEM A SIGN OF
POLITICAL MATURITY. THE TWO-PARTY SYSTEM GUARANTEES A
WIDE APPEAL TO THE ELECTORATE AND IT INCREASES THE CHANCES
FOR COHERENCE AND STABILITY IN GOVERNMENT. IT AVOIDS THE
IRRESPONSIBILITY OF FACTIONALISM WHICH, AT BEST, OPERATES
TO ALLOW POPULAR CONTROL IN A ONE-PARTY STATE. MORE
IMPORTANT THAN THESE THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS IS THE
FACT THAT THE TWO-PARTY SYSTEM, IN THE CONTEXT OF AMERICA,
HER INSTITUTIONS AND TRADITIONS, HAS MET THE TEST OF HISTORY.
IT WORKS. IT IS AN IMPORTANT PART OF THAT COMPLEX SET OF
BALANCES AND MECHANISMS THAT HAVE MADE THE AMERICAN
EXPERIMENT IN DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT THE WORLD'S GREATEST
SUCCESS STORY.
GERALD LIQUARY
UNDER JEFFERSON'S INNOVATION, AMERICA HAS PROSPERED,
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MAINTAINING ALWAYS HER COMMITMENT TO BOTH MAJORITY RULE
AND FREEDOM OF DISSENT. MANY COUNTRIES, PARTICULARLY IN
LATIN AMERICA, HAVE COPIED OUR CONSTITUTION. AND IN MANY
CASES THEY HAVE MET WITH REPEATED FAILURE. ONE OF THE KEYS
TO UNDERSTANDING WHY IS THEIR INABILITY TO DEVELOP A
TWO-PARTY SYSTEM.
A GOAL OF THIS NORTHEASTERN REGIONAL VOTE WORKSHOP IS
TO CONSIDER WAYS TO SHARPEN THE CUTTING EDGES OF OUR
TWO-PARTY SYSTEM. THE PROBLEM WAS NEVER STATED BETTER THAN
IT WAS SOME YEARS AGO BY THE PROMINENT BRITISH WRITER,
MR. J. A. SPENDER. THE PROBLEM, HE SAID, "IS TO CONVINCE
OUR FELLOW COUNTRYMEN THAT TO HAVE POLITICAL CONVICTIONS,
TO JOIN A PARTY, TO WORK FOR IT, AND TO SUPPORT IT OUT OF
THEIR PURSES, SO FAR AS MEANS ALLOW, ARE AMONG DUTIES OF
-10-
ALL CITIZENS, AND CANNOT BE NEGLECTED WITHOUT SERIOUS
HARM TO THE COUNTRY." THIS IS ONE OF THE GREAT UNSOLVED
PROBLEMS OF DEMOCRACY. UNTIL WE SOLVE IT, OUR TWO-PARTY
SYSTEM AND THE VERY QUALITY OF OUR GOVERNMENT WILL BE
DEFECTIVE.
THE INDICES OF CITIZEN INVOLVEMENT IN POLITICS DO NOT
TELL AN ENCOURAGING STORY IN THE UNITED STATES. THE
PERCENTAGE OF CITIZENS OF VOTING AGE WHO HAVE VOTED IN
RECENT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS HAS HOVERED ABOUT THE LEVEL
OF 60 PER CENT. IN OFF-YEAR CONGRESSIONAL ELECTIONS, IT
HAS BEEN RUNNING BETWEEN 45 AND 49 PER CENT. IN LOCAL
ELECTIONS A TURNOUT OF 30 TO 40 PER CENT IS COMMON. THESE
LEVELS OF VOTER PARTICIPATION DO NOT COMPARE FAVORABLY
WITH THOSE OF ADVANCED NATIONS WITH A DEMOCRATIC FORM OF
GOVERNMENT IN OTHER PARTS OF THE WORLD.
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WITH LESS THAN TWO-THIRDS OF THE POTENTIAL ELECTORATE
ACTUALLY VOTING, HOW MANY LESS EVER ACTIVELY WORK FOR A
POLITICAL PARTY OR FOR CANDIDATES FOR OFFICE? AND OF THOSE
WHO WORK--PERFORMING THE IMPORTANT ROLE OF INFORMING THEIR
FELLOW CITIZENS--HOW MANY LESS EVER MAKE A FINANCIAL
CONTRIBUTION? THE NUMBER GETS SMALLER AND SMALLER, AND
DIMINISHING WITH IT IS THE EFFECTIVENESS OF OUR TWO-PARTY
SYSTEM.
PARTICULARLY ACUTE IS THE NEED FOR AN ADEQUATE FINANCIAL
FOUNDATION, ONE CONSISTENT WITH DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES.
HERBERT ALEXANDER, STAFF DIRECTOR OF PRESIDENT KENNEDY'S
THE
COMMISSION ON CAMPAIGN COSTS, HAS PUT THE COSTS OF 1964
CAMPAIGNS AT 200 MILLION DOLLARS. SUCH EXPENDITURES ARE
NOT UNJUSTIFIABLY LARGE IN CAMPAIGNS DIRECTED TOWARD A
GERALD
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POTENTIAL ELECTORATE OF MORE THAN 100 MILLION WHO ARE
ASKED TO VOTE FOR AT LEAST 200,000 OFFICES OF SOME
SIGNIFICANCE.
ONLY ABOUT 10 PER CENT OF ADULT AMERICANS EVER CONTRIBUTE
TO ELECTION CAMPAIGNS. THIS FIGURE IS SIGNIFICANTLY HIGHER
THAN IT WAS FIFTY OR EVEN TWENTY-FIVE YEARS AGO, BUT IT IS
STILL FAR TOO LOW. IT IS NOT HEALTHY FOR THE COSTS OF
DEMOCRACY TO BE MET BY SO FEW. THE DAY WHEN POLITICAL
PARTIES CAN SIT BACK AND DEPEND ON LARGE CONTRIBUTORS MUST
END. OUR ELECTION COSTS MUST BE COVERED WITHOUT JEOPARDIZING
OUR PUBLIC MORALS. OUR GOAL SHOULD BE SECURING EVER MORE
CONTRIBUTORS TO OUR POLITICAL PARTIES ON A REGULAR YEAR-
ROUND BASIS. THE WIDER THE BASE OF PARTY FUNDS, THE LESS
SUSPICION THERE CAN BE OF IMPROPER INFLUENCE. THERE IS A
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JOB TO BE DONE. RECENT DATA FROM THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
SURVEY RESEARCH CENTER SHOWS THAT LESS THAN HALF OF THOSE
INTERVIEWED HAD EVER HEARD OF EFFORTS TO RAISE MONEY FOR
CAMPAIGN EXPENSES. EIGHTY-FIVE PER CENT HAD NEVER BEEN
ASKED TO CONTRIBUTE. ONLY ONE OUT OF FIFTY HAD EVER
PARTICIPATED IN A CAMPAIGN FUND-RAISING DRIVE. WHEN ASKED
IF THEY WOULD CONTRIBUTE IF APPROACHED, A FOURTH SAID YES,
WHILE 58 PER CENT REPLIED NO.
OUR FAILURE HERE IS DEPLORABLE--AND EVEN MORE SO BECAUSE
WE RAISE ANNUALLY THROUGHOUT THE COUNTRY LARGE SUMS FOR
WELFARE AND OTHER COMMUNITY NEEDS. IS THE WELL-BEING OF
OUR POLITICAL SYSTEM ANY LESS IMPORTANT? WITH HARD WORK
AND ORGANIZATION, AND WITH THE HELP OF GROUPS LIKE THE
AMERICAN HERITAGE FOUNDATION, OUR POLITICAL PARTIES CAN
GERALD LIBRARY
-14-
MEET THIS TEST. MY OWN PARTY HAS MADE STRIDES IN THIS
DIRECTION. SINCE 1963 A SUBSTANTIAL PORTION OF THE
OPERATING BUDGET OF THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE HAS
BEEN MET BY ANNUAL TEN-DOLLAR SUSTAINING MEMBERSHIPS.
IN 1964, THROUGH THE EXTENSIVE USE OF DIRECT MAIL AND
TELEVISION APPEALS, 72 PER CENT OF THE CONTRIBUTIONS FOR
THE REPUBLICAN PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN CAME IN SUMS LESS
THAN 500 DOLLARS. ONLY 30 PER CENT OF THE CONTRIBUTIONS
TO THE DEMOCRATS CAME IN THESE SMALLER SUMS. BUT ESTABLISHING
THE MEASURING ROD AT 500 DOLLARS IS STILL SETTING IT
AWFULLY HIGH. THERE IS MUCH MORE THAT BOTH PARTIES CAN AND
MUST DO TO INTEREST THE INDIVIDUAL CITIZEN OF LIMITED MEANS
IN INVESTING IN OUR POLITICAL PROCESS. UNTIL WE DO--UNTIL
THE COSTS OF DEMOCRACY ARE APPORTIONED DEMOCRATICALLY--OUR
TWO-PARTY SYSTEM WILL NOT BE DOING THE BEST JOB IT CAN.
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IN THE FIELD OF LEGISLATION THERE IS ALSO MUCH THAT
CAN BE DONE. EFFORTS HERE ARE GENERALLY AIMED AT RESTRAINING
ABUSES IN RAISING AND SPENDING CAMPAIGN FUNDS.
I SUGGEST THAT IT IS TIME TO EMPHASIZE THE NEED FOR
ADEQUATE FINANCING OF PARTIES AND CANDIDATES THROUGH MASS
CONTRIBUTIONS OF SMALL AMOUNTS. THE PRESENT METHODS OF
FUND RAISING TOO OFTEN SHUT OUT OF ELECTIVE OFFICE MEN
AND WOMEN WHO LACK SUBSTANTIAL PERSONAL FUNDS OR LACK
PERSONAL ACCESS TO GREAT WEALTH.
THERE ARE OTHER STEPS THAT CAN BE TAKEN TO LIGHTEN THE
BURDEN OF CAMPAIGN COSTS--NOTABLY MODIFYING THE RESTRICTIONS
OF SECTION 315 OF THE FEDERAL COMMUNICATIONS ACT--THE EQUAL
TIME PROVISION--WHICH OPERATES TO PREVENT TELEVISION AND
RADIO STATIONS FROM PROVIDING FREE TIME TO CANDIDATES FOR
OFFICE.
-16-
THOSE WHO DISCUSS THE INADEQUATE PARTICIPATION OF
CITIZENS IN THE POLITICAL PROCESS GENERALLY CENTER THEIR
FIRE ON THE CITIZEN. HE IS DENOUNCED BY CRITICS AS
APATHETIC, UNINFORMED, AND UNINTERESTED.
I FEEL THAT THE INDICTMENT MUST BE EXTENDED TO COVER
POLITICIANS AND PERHAPS OTHERS IN OUR SOCIETY. IF THE
CITIZEN IS UNINTERESTED, IS THIS LACK OF INTEREST DUE TO
SOME DEGREE TO THE FAILURE OF POLITICIANS TO OFFER
SOMETHING THAT WILL AROUSE HIS INTEREST? IF HE IS
UNINFORMED, IS IT BECAUSE MUCH POLITICAL ORATORY IS NOT
REALLY INFORMATIVE? SOME WILL CONTEND--PERHAPS AN ALIBI--
THAT THEY JUST CAN'T FIND THE FACTS FROM ANY SOURCE.
THERE IS NEED FOR DRASTIC REFORM OF CAMPAIGN PROCEDURES
THAT GO BACK TO THE HORSE-AND-BUGGY ERA. SOMETHING IN
-17-
THIS DIRECTION IS BEING DONE BY THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL
COMMITTEE. ON THE SUGGESTION OF PRESIDENT EISENHOWER,
CHAIRMAN BLISS HAS A COMMISSION AT WORK STUDYING THE
QUADRENNIAL NATIONAL CONVENTION WITH A VIEW TO STREAMLINING
THIS VENERABLE BUT SOPORIFIC INSTITUTION.
THIS IS A START, BUT MUCH MORE IS NEEDED IF CAMPAIGNS
ARE BETTER TO SERVE THE PURPOSE OF SPREADING INFORMATION
AND CAPTURING PUBLIC INTEREST.
IN 1968 I HOPE THAT TELEVISED DEBATES BETWEEN
PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES, SO SUCCESSFUL IN ATTRACTING PUBLIC
INTEREST IN THE 1960 CAMPAIGN, WILL BE CONDUCTED AGAIN.
FORD
I SEE LITTLE MERIT IN THE ARGUMENT THAT ANY INCUMBENT
GERALD
LIBRARY
PRESIDENT SHOULD NOT ENGAGE IN DEBATE WITH HIS OPPONENT.
-18-
PRESIDENT KENNEDY WOULD HAVE DEBATED HIS REPUBLICAN
CHALLENGER IN 1964 HAD HE LIVED TO RUN FOR REELECTION--
AND THE VOTERS WOULD HAVE BEEN THE BENEFICIARIES.
IF, HOWEVER, THE CANDIDATES THEMSELVES ARE UNWILLING
TO ENGAGE IN DEBATE, THEY COULD DESIGNATE SPOKESMEN TO
PARTICIPATE IN JOINT TELEVISED APPEARANCES ON THEIR BEHALF.
DEBATE BETWEEN THE PARTIES SHOULD BE PRACTICED FAR MORE
WIDELY THAN IT IS AT PRESENT. ALTHOUGH I ATTACH SPECIAL
IMPORTANCE TO DEBATE IN PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGNS, THERE SHOULD
BE A RUNNING DEBATE BETWEEN PARTY SPOKESMEN AT ALL POLITICAL
LEVELS AT ALL TIMES. THERE ARE ALWAYS IMPORTANT ISSUES.
THERE ARE ALWAYS DIFFERENCES OF OPINION ON SOME OF THEM.
THE PARTIES WOULD BE STRENGTHENED, THE PUBLIC WOULD BE
BETTER INFORMED, AND POLICY DECISIONS WOULD BE MADE MORE
-19-
WISELY IF WE ARGUED OUT THINGS BEFORE THE PUBLIC.
TO TALK OF THE TWO-PARTY SYSTEM IS TO INVITE ATTENTION
TO THE WOES OF THE MINORITY PARTY. I SHALL REFRAIN FROM
INFLICTING ON YOU ANY LONG LIST OF COMPLAINTS, BUT I DO
WANT TO EXPRESS ONE FEAR WHICH, IF JUSTIFIED, SHOULD BE
OF CONCERN TO ALL REGARDLESS OF PARTY.
IT IS NOT EASY FOR THE MINORITY TO MAKE ITS VOICE HEARD.
IN THIS AGE OF MASS COMMUNICATION, THE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT
DOMINATES THE AMERICAN POLITICAL SCENE. THE EYES OF THE
NATION AND THE WORLD ARE FIXED UPON IT. AND RIGHTLY SO.
ITS POWER IS AWESOME, AS IS THE RESPONSIBILITY WHICH
CONFRONTS THE MAN WHO POSSESSES IT. IT IS POWER TO DO
GERALD FORD LIBRARY
ENORMOUS GOOD. BUT THE GREAT POWER TO DO GOOD IS, AT ITS
ROOT, SIMPLY GREAT POWER. FREE MEN MUST BE ABLE TO CHECK
LT AND CHALLENGE IT, LEST IT CONSUME THEM.
-20-
IF FREE MEN CANNOT CHECK AND CHALLENGE IT, THEN WE DO
HAVE ONE-PARTY RULE. IF IT IS BECOMING INCREASINGLY
DIFFICULT FOR THEM TO DO so, THEN WE HAVE BEGUN A JOURNEY
DOWN A DANGEROUS ROAD.
WE SEEK IN OUR POLITICAL LIFE THE ATTAINMENT OF JUSTICE
AND THE CONTAINMENT OF POWER. THE TWO-PARTY SYSTEM PLAYS
A VITAL ROLE IN THE STRUGGLE TO ACHIEVE THESE GOALS. BY
PROVIDING DEBATE AND DISCUSSION IT HELPS US TRAVEL A MUCH
SURER COURSE TOWARD JUSTICE FOR ALL OUR CITIZENS.
THE MINORITY MUST BE ABLE TO GET ITS VIEWS OUT TO THE
PEOPLE. I HOPE THAT THE MINORITY STATE OF THE UNION
MESSAGE, FIRST DELIVERED THIS YEAR, WILL BECOME A PERMANENT
INSTITUTION--GIVEN TIME AND PROMINENCE CORRESPONDING TO
THAT OF THE PRESIDENT.
-21-
ALTHOUGH I SPEAK TONIGHT FOR THE MINORITY, THE
REPUBLICANS, I DO NOT BELIEVE THAT THOSE IN THE MINORITY
CAN OR SHOULD SIT BACK AND BIDE THEIR TIME. THERE ARE
SOME, A VERY FEW FORTUNATELY, WHO ARGUE THAT THE MINORITY
SHOULD AWAIT A NATIONAL DISASTER AT HOME OR ABROAD AND THEN
MOVE IN, PICK UP THE PIECES AND BUILD FROM THE SHAMBLES.
THIS I CONTEND IS NEITHER THE TRADITION NOR THE HERITAGE
OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY IN THE 1960'S. THIS WAS NOT THE
ROLE OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY UNDER LINCOLN OR EISENHOWER.
IT WAS NOT THE ROLE OF THE DEMOCRATS IN THEIR DARK DAYS IN
THE MINORITY IN THE 1920'S. WE MUST BY THE COMPETENCE OF
OUR CANDIDATES, BY THE RECORD OF LEGISLATORS AND
ADMINISTRATORS, AND BY THE PHILOSOPHY THAT WE ESPOUSE EARN
THE RESPECT OF OUR FELLOW CITIZENS.
-22-
MY SUGGESTIONS ONLY TOUCH THE SURFACE. IN THE FINAL
ANALYSIS THE FUTURE OF OUR TWO-PARTY SYSTEM DEPENDS ON
THE COURAGE AND CONVICTION OF ALL AMERICANS--OF WHATEVER
POLITICAL STRIPE--AND THEIR COMMITMENT TO THE VALUES OF
MAJORITY RULE AND FREEDOM OF DISSENT.
THESE VALUES ARE THE HERITAGE OF ALL AMERICANS. THEY
ARE VALUES THAT WILL BE PRESERVED ONLY THROUGH STRENGTHENING
THE TWO-PARTY SYSTEM.
----THANK YOU----
--END--
FORD is LIBRARY GERALD
NEWS
CONGRESSMAN
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
FOR RELEASE AT 6 P.M.
MONDAY, JULY 11, 1966
SPEECH EXCERPTS--AMERICAN HERITAGE FOUNDATION WORKSHOP, PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA.
There is a "commitment gap" on the part of too many Americans. What we need is a
commitment to broad, staunch, and constructive support for the two-party system.
What is called for, I believe, is a decision by more and more Americans to
renounce political neutrality during elections and to bring their entire individual
effort to bear on behalf of candidates who meet their rigid specifications of honor
and outlook.
Individual Americans have the responsibility and the duty to become actively
engaged in partisan politics. It is only within a party that they can help to
determine party policy, help select candidates for party nomination and work for
their eventual election. It is only within a political party that they can till and
fertilize the soil which will produce the kind of legislators who will, for example,
get some of our basic problems, state and national, out of petty politics.
The political party is the agency, and really the only agency, through which
citizens can fully and effectively participate in the political process.
The two-party system guarantees a wide appeal to the electorate, and it increases
the chances for coherence and stability in government. It is an important part of
that complex set of balances and mechanisms which have made the American experiment
in democratic government the world's greatest success story.
Until we solve the problem of getting Americans to join a political party, to
work for it and to support it with their contributions, our two-party system and the
very quality of our government will be defective.
It is time to emphasize the need for adequate financing of parties and candidates
through mass contributions of small amounts. The present methods of fund-raising
too often shut out of elective office men and women who lack substantial personal
funds or lack personal access to great wealth.
There are other steps that can be taken to lighten the burden of campaign costs--
notably modifying the restrictions of Section 315 of the Federal Communications Act,
the Equal Time provision, which operates to prevent television and radio stations
from providing free time to candidates for office.
There is need for drastic reform of campaign procedures that go back to the
horse-and-buggy era. Something in this direction is being done by the Republican
(MORE)
-2-
National Committee. On the suggestion of President Eisenhower, Chairman Ray C. Bliss
has a commission at work studying the quadrennial national convention with a view to
streamlining this venerable but soporific institution.
In 1968 I hope that televised debates between presidential candidates, as
successful in attracting public interest in the 1960 campaign, will be conducted
again. I see little merit in the argument that any incumbent president should not
engage in debate with his opponent. I believe President Kennedy would have debated
his Republican challenger in 1964 had he lived to run for reelection--and the voters
would have been the beneficiaries.
There should be a running debate between party spokesmen at all political levels
at all times. There are always important issues. There are always differences of
opinion on some of them. The parties would be strengthened, the public would be
better informed, and policy decisions would be made more wisely if we argued out things
before the public.
It is not easy for the minority to make its voice heard. In this age of mass
communication, the Office of the President dominates the American political scene.
Its power is awesome, as is the responsibility which confronts the man who possesses
it. It is power to do enormous good. But the great power to do good is, at its root,
simply great power. Free men must be able to check it and challenge it, lest it
consume them.
If free men cannot check and challenge it, then we have one-party rule.
We seek in our political life the attainment of justice and the containment of
power. The two-party system plays a vital role in the struggle to achieve these
goals. By providing debate and discussion it helps us travel a much surer course
toward justice for all our citizens.
The minority must get its views out to the people. I hope that the minority State
of the Union Message, first delivered this year, will become a permanent institution--
given time and prominence corresponding to that of the President.
I do not believe that those in the minority can or should sit back and bide their
time
await a national disaster at home or abroad and then move in to pick up the
pieces and build from the shambles. We must by the competence of our candidates, by
the record of our legislators and administrators and by the philosophy we espouse
earn the respect of our fellow citizens.
In the final analysis, the future of our two-party system depends on the courage
and conviction of all Americans-of whatever political stripe--and their commitment
to the values of majority rule and the freedom of dissent. These values are the
heritage of all Americans. They are values that can be preserved only by strengthening
the two-party system.
###
NEWS
CONGRESSMAN
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
FOR RELEASE AT 6 P.M.
MONDAY, JULY 11, 1966
SPEECH EXCERPTS--AMERICAN HERITAGE FOUNDATION WORKSHOP, PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA.
There is a "commitment gap" on the part of too many Americans. What we need is a
commitment to broad, staunch, and constructive support for the two-party system.
What is called for, I believe, is a decision by more and more Americans to
renounce political neutrality during elections and to bring their entire individual
effort to bear on behalf of candidates who meet their rigid specifications of honor
and outlook.
Individual Americans have the responsibility and the duty to become actively
engaged in partisan politics. It is only within a party that they can help to
determine party policy, help select candidates for party nomination and work for
their eventual election. It is only within a political party that they can till and
fertilize the soil which will produce the kind of legislators who will, for example,
get some of our basic problems, state and national, out of petty politics.
The political party is the agency, and really the only agency, through which
citizens can fully and effectively participate in the political process.
The two-party system guarantees a wide appeal to the electorate, and it increases
the chances for coherence and stability in government. It is an important part of
that complex set of balances and mechanisms which have made the American experiment
in democratic government the world's greatest success story.
Until we solve the problem of getting Americans to join a political party, to
work for it and to support it with their contributions, our two-party system and the
very quality of our government will be defective.
It is time to emphasize the need for adequate financing of parties and candidates
through mass contributions of small amounts. The present methods of fund-raising
too often shut out of elective office men and women who lack substantial personal
funds or lack personal access to great wealth.
There are other steps that can be taken to lighten the burden of campaign costs--
notably modifying the restrictions of Section 315 of the Federal Communications Act,
the Equal Time provision, which operates to prevent television and radio stations
from providing free time to candidates for office.
There is need for drastic reform of campaign procedures that go back to the
horse-and-buggy era. Something in this direction is being done by the Republican
(MORE)
-2-
National Committee. On the suggestion of President Eisenhower, Chairman Ray C. Bliss
has a commission at work studying the quadrennial national convention with a view to
streamlining this venerable but soporific institution.
In 1968 I hope that televised debates between presidential candidates, as
successful in attracting public interest in the 1960 campaign, will be conducted
again. I see little merit in the argument that any incumbent president should not
engage in debate with his opponent. I believe President Kennedy would have debated
his Republican challenger in 1964 had he lived to run for reelection--and the voters
would have been the beneficiaries.
There should be a running debate between party spokesmen at all political levels
at all times. There are always important issues. There are always differences of
opinion on some of them. The parties would be strengthened, the public would be
better informed, and policy decisions would be made more wisely if we argued out things
before the public.
It is not easy for the minority to make its voice heard. In this age of mass
communication, the Office of the President dominates the American political scene.
Its power is awesome, as is the responsibility which confronts the man who possesses
it. It is power to do enormous good. But the great power to do good is, at its root,
simply great power. Free men must be able to check it and challenge it, lest it
consume them.
If free men cannot check and challenge it, then we have one-party rule.
We seek in our political life the attainment of justice and the containment of
power. The two-party system plays a vital role in the struggle to achieve these
goals. By providing debate and discussion it helps us travel a much surer course
toward justice for all our citizens.
The minority must get its views out to the people. I hope that the minority State
of the Union Message, first delivered this year, will become a permanent institution--
given time and prominence corresponding to that of the President.
I do not believe that those in the minority can or should sit back and bide their
time
await a national disaster at home or abroad and then move in to pick up the
pieces and build from the shambles. We must by the competence of our candidates, by
the record of our legislators and administrators and by the philosophy we espouse
earn the respect of our fellow citizens.
In the final analysis, the future of our two-party system depends on the courage
and conviction of all Americans--of whatever political stripe--and their commitment
to the values of majority rule and the freedom of dissent. These values are the
heritage of all Americans. They are values that can be preserved only by strengthening
the two-party system.
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"ocrText": "The original documents are located in Box D20, folder \"American Heritage Foundation's\nNortheastern Regional Vote Workshop, Philadelphia, PA, July 11, 1966\" of the Ford\nCongressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential\nLibrary.\nCopyright Notice\nThe copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of\nphotocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. The Council donated to the United\nStates of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections.\nWorks prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public\ndomain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to\nremain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid\ncopyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.\nDigitized from Box D20 of The Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential-Library\nAn Address by the Honorable Gerald R. Ford before\nAmerican Heritage Foundation's Northeastern\nRegional Vote Workshop, Philadelphia, Bellevue-\nStratford Hotel, on Monday, July 11, 1966.\nSALUTE TO OUR TWO-PARTY SYSTEM\nWhen those who are deep in the political battle--like Mr. Bailey and me--are\ninvited to give non-partisan talks, we are forced to make some major readjustments\nthe\ncontent of our remarks.\nBalley and I have to make such readjustments not only because of the\nnature of this audience but also because of the place selected for this conference.\nWe are eeting in the City of Brotherly Love. We shouldn't forget that this\nevening.\nAmong other things, we have to write a new speech. That basic talk for\npartisan gatherings which we give over and over again has to be scrapped. Even\nthe jokes have to go because partisan political humor just doesn't seem funny to\nthose\noutside the ranks of party faithful.\nTonight we salute the two-party system, the political system that our nation\nhas had most from its beginnings. As the representative of what is temporarily\nthe minority party, I want to thank the American Heritage Foundation for the\nvaluable work which it has done for many years to give life and meaning to that\nsystem. I congratulate the Foundation on the inauguration of these Regional Vote\nWorkshops, and I wish you success in your 1966 Nonpartisan Register and Vote\nDaign.\nThe work that the Foundation is doing looks to nurturing in the hearts of\nal zens the ideals of democratic government. Unless these ideals flourish\nthere, constitution, no law, certainly no political party or its leadership\nan maintain the health of our political system.\nIn\n96\nthe Democrats alleged a \"missile gap.\" Republicans from General\nEisenhowe on down denied the charge. In 1966 the Republicans contend there is\na White House 'credibility gap.\" John Bailey will protest vehemently. But both\nof us will likely agree there is a \"commitment gap\" on the part of too many\nAmericans. What we need is a commitment to broad, staunch, and constructive\nsupport for the two-party system.\nSeveral centuries ago, the Italian poet Dante put it this way: \"The hottest\nhell are reserved for those who, in 8 period of noral crisis, maintain\nMy plea is that all Americans discard political neutrality\nFORD\nattle to preserve the two-party system.\nGERALD\nLIBRARY\nBest Possible Scan from Poor Quality Original\n-2-\nAMERICAN HERITAGE WORKSHOP\nWhat is called for, I sincerely believe, is a decision by more and more\nAmericans to renounce political neutrality during elections and to bring their\nentire individual effort to bear on behalf of candidates who meet their rigid\nspecifications of honor and outlook.\nAs individuals, you have the responsibility and duty to become actively\nengaged in partisan politics. I am not here as a recruiter for the Republican\nParty although I will be glad to take applications at the door. What I am\nsaying is that you cannot, as individuals, expect to achieve concrete political\nresults if you are unwilling to join and work for the party of your choice. It\nis only within a party that you can help to determine party policy, help select\ncandidates for party nomination and work for their eventual election. It is only\nwithin a political party that you can till and fertilize the soil which will\nproduce the kind of legislators who will, for example, get some of our basic\nproblems, state and national, out of petty politics. Many like myself in the\npolitical arena are disappointed that more of our highly motivated citizens are\nnot working as actively as they should be in a political party.\nWhat the Foundation is siming at is the broadest type of citizen participation\nin the political process. It is a goal that deserves the unstinting support of\nboth great American political parties.\nThe political party is the agency, and really the only agency, through\nwhich citizens can fully and effectively participate in the political process.\nWhere there is freedom, there will be more than a single political party,\nfor free men will not all think alike.\nIt may seem strange that the founding fathers viewed the growth of parties\nwith alarm. They made no provision for them in the Constitution. George Washington\nwarned his countrymen against them in his Farewell Address. Our forefathers'\napprehension was not without reason. Political wars in the England of their time\nwere characterized by bitter party strife and divisive partisanship.\nIt was Thomas Jefferson who started our two-party system. You might say that\nas vice-president he was the first minority leader on Capitol Hill.\nJefferson thereby added to the constitutional checks and balances another\nsafeguard in our experiment in democratic government. It has saved the nation\nfrom the oppression which so often characterizes those countries where a single\npolitical party dominates every aspect of political life and, unchecked, stifles\nall dissent. And it has saved the nation from the anarchy and chaos which so\noften characterizes those countries where every conceivable faction organizes\ninself into an ndependent political party.\n(More)\n-3-\nAMERICAN HERITAGE WORKSHOP\nElihu Root called the two-party system a sign of political maturity. The\ntwo-party system guarantees a wide appeal to the electorate and it increases the\nchances for coherence and stability in government. It avoids the irresponsibility\nof factionalism which, at best, operates to allow popular control in a one-party\nstate. More important than these theoretical considerations is the fact that the\ntwo-party system, in the context of America, her institutions and traditions, has\nmet the test of history. It works. It is an important part of that complex set\nof balances and mechanisms that have made the American experiment in democratic\ngovernment the world's greatest success story.\nUnder Jefferson's innovation, America has prospered, maintaining always her\ncommitment to both majority rule and freedom of dissent. Many countries, particu-\nlarly in Latin America, have copied our Constitution. And in many cases they have\nmet with repeated failure. One of the keys to understanding why is their inability\nto develop a two-party system.\nA goal of this Northeastern Regional Vote Workshop is to consider ways to\nsharpen the cutting edges of our two-party system. The problem was never stated\nbetter than it was some forty years ago by the prominent British writer,\nMr. J. A. Spender. The problem, he said, \"is to convince our fellow countrymen\nthat to have political convictions, to join a party, to work for it, and to support\nit out of their purses, so far as means allow, are among duties of all citizens,\nand cannot be neglected without serious harm to the country.\" This is one of the\ngreat unsolved problems of democracy. Until we solve it, our two-party system\nand the very quality of our government will be defective.\nThe indices of citizen involvement in politics do not tell an encouraging\nstory in the United States. The percentage of citizens of voting age who have\nvoted in recent presidential elections has hovered about the level of 60 per cent.\nIn off-year Congressional elections, it has been running between 45 and 49 per cent.\nIn local elections a turnout of 30 to 40 per cent is common. These levels of\nvoter participation do not compare favorably with those of advanced nations with\na democratic form of government in other parts of the world.\nWith less than two-thirds of the potential electorate actually voting, how\nmany less ever actively work for a political party or for candidates for office?\nAnd of those who work--performing the important role of informing their fellow\ncitizens--how many less ever make a financial contribution? The number gets smaller\nand snaller, and diminishing with it is the effectiveness of our two-party system.\n(More)\n-4-\nAMERICAN HERITAGE WORKSHOP\nParticularly acute is the need for an adequate financial foundation, one\nconsistent with democratic principles. Herbert Alexander, Staff Director of\nPresident Kennedy's Commission on Campaign costs, has put the costs of 1964\ncampaigns at 200 million dollars. Such expenditures are not unjustifiably large\nin campaigns directed toward a potential electorate of more than 100 million who\nare asked to vote for at least 200,000 offices of some significance.\nOnly about 10 per cent of adult Americans ever contribute to election\ncampaigns. This figure is significantly higher than it was fifty or even twenty-\nfive years ago, but it is still far too low. It is not healthy for the costs of\ndemocracy to be met by 80 few. The day when political parties can sit back and\ndependon large contributors must end. Our election costs must be covered without\njeopardizing our public morals. Our goal should be securing ever more contributors\nto our political parties on a regular year-round basis. The wider the base of\nparty funds, the less suspicion there can be of improper influence. There is a\njob to be done. Recent data from the University of Michigan Survey Research\nCenter shows that less than half of those interviewed had ever heard of efforts\nto raise money for campaign expenses. Eighty-five had never been asked to\ncontribute. Only one out of fifty had ever participated in a campaign fund-raising\ndrive. When asked if they would contribute if approached, P. fourth said yes,\nwhile 58 per cent replied no.\nOur failure here is deplorable--and even more so because we raise annually\nthroughout the country large sums for welfare and other community needs. Is the\nwell-being of our political system any less important? With hard work and\norganization, and with the help of groups like the American Heritage Foundation,\nour political parties can meet this test. My own party has made strides in this\ndirection. Since 1963 a substantial portion of the operating budget of the\nRepublican National Committee has been met by annual ten-dollar sustaining\nmemberships. In 1964, through the extensive use of direct mail and television\nappeals, 72 per cent of the contributions for the Republican presidential campaign\ncame in sums less than 500 dollars. Only 30 per cent of the contributions to the\nDemocrats came in these smaller sums. But establishing the measuring rod at\n500 dollars is still setting it awfully high. There is much more that both\nparties can do and must do to interest the individual citizen of limited means\nin investing in our political process. Until we do--until the costs of democracy\nare apportioned democratically--our two-party system will not be doing the best\njob it can.\n(More)\n-5-\nAMERICAN HERITAGE WORKSHOP\nIn the field of legislation there is also much that can be done. Efforts\nhere are generally aimed at restraining abuses in raising and spending campaign\nfunds.\nI suggest that it is time to emphasize the need for adequate financing of\npar PS and candidates through mass contributions of small amounts. The present\nmethods of tund-raising too often shut out of elective office men and women who\nack substantial personal funds or lack personal access to great wealth.\nThere are other steps that can be taken to lighten the burden of campaign\nCOS s--n tably modifying the restrictions of Section 315 of the Federal Communica-\n'tons A t--the equal time provision--which operates to prevent television and\nradio stations from providing free time to candidates for office.\nThose who discuss the inadequate participation of citizens in the political\nprocess generally center their fire on the citizen. He is denounced by critics\nas apathetic, uninformed, and uninterested.\nI feel that the indictment must be extended to cover politicians and perhaps\nothers in un society. If the citizen is uninterested, is this lack of interest\ndue to some degreee to the failure of politicians to offer something that will\narouse h:s interest? If he is uninformed, is it because much political oratory\nis not really informative? Some will contend--perhaps it's an alibi--that they\njust can't get the facts from any source.\nThere 5 need for drastic reform of campaign procedures that go back to the\nhoise-an huggy era. Something in this direction is being done by the Republican\nNational mmittee On the suggestion of President Eisenhower, Chairman Bliss\nhas mission at work studying the quadrennial national convention with a\nstreamlining this venerable but soporific institution.\nThis is a start, but much more is needed if campaigns are better to serve\nthe surp se of spreading information and capturing public interest\nIn 1968 I hope that televised debates between presidential candidates, so\nsuccessful in attracting public interest in the 1960 campaign, will be conducted\nagain. I see little merit in the argument that any incumbent president should\nnot engage in debate with his opponent. I believe President Kennedy would have\ndebated his R publican challenger in 1964 had he lived to run for reelection--and\nthe voters would have been the beneficieries.\nIf, however, the candidates t.hemselves are unwilling to engage in debate, they\ncould designate 50\nparticipate in join televised appearances on their behalf.\n(More)\n-6-\nAMERICAN HERITAGE WORKSHOP\nDebate between the parties should be practiced far more widely than it is\nat present. Although I attach special importance to debate in presidential\ncampaigns, there should be a running debate between party spokesmen at all\npolitical levels at all times. There are ( always important issues. There are\nalways differences of opinion on some of them. The parties would be strengthened,\nthe public would be better informed, and policy decisions would be made more\nwisely if we argued out things before the public.\nTo talk of the two-party system is to invite attention to the woes of the\nminority party. I shall refrain from inflicting on you any long list of complaints,\nbut I do want to express one fear which, if justified, should be of concern to all\nregardless of party.\nIt is not easy for the minority to make its voice heard. In this age of\nmass communication, the Office of the President dominates the American political\nscene. The eyes of the nation and the world are fixed upon it. And rightly so.\nIts power is awesome, as is the responsibility which confronts the man who possesses\nit. It is power to do enormous good. But the great power to do good is, at its\nroot, simply great power. Free men must be able to check it and challenge it,\nlest it consume them.\nIf free men cannot check and challenge it, then we do have one-party rule.\nIf it is becoming increasingly difficult for them to do so, then we have begun a\njourney down a dangerous road.\nWe seek in our political life the attainment of justice and the containment\nof power. The two-party system plays a vital role in the struggle to achieve these\ngoals. By providing debate and discussion it helps us travel a much surer course\ntoward justice for all our citizens.\nThe minority must be able to get its views out to the people. I hope that\nthe minority State of the Union Message, first delivered this year, will become\na permanent institution--given time and prominence corresponding to that of the\nPresident.\nAlthough I speak tonight for the minority, the Republicans, I do not believe\nthat those in the minority can or should sit back and bide their time. There\nare some, a very few fortunately, who argue that the minority should await a\nnational disaster at home or abroad and then move in, pick up the pieces and\nbuild from the shambles. This I contend is neither the tradition nor the heritage\nof the Republican Party in the 1960's. This was not the role of the Republican\nParty under Lincoln or Eisenhower. It was not the role of the Democrats in their\n(More)\n-7-\nAMERICAN HERITAGE WORKSHOP\ndark days in the minority in the 1920's. We must by the competence of our candidates,\nby the record of legislators and administrators and by the philosophy that we\nespouse earn the respect of our fellow citizens.\nMy suggestions only touch the surface. In the final analysis the future of\nour two-party system depends on the courage and conviction of all Americans-of\nwhatever political stripe--and their commitment to the values of majority rule\nand freedom of dissent.\nThese values are the heritage of all Americans. They are values that will\nbe preserved only through strengthening the two-party system.\n###\nPaul Butter\nInc. of Virgani Isle\n2\nLandslike margin 73/64\nSPEECH BEFORE AMER. HERITAGE FOUNDATION'S NORTHEASTERN\nREGIONAL VOTE WORKSHOP, PHILADELPHIA\nJULY 11, 1966\nSALUTE TO OUR TWO-PARTY SYSTEM\nWHEN THOSE WHO ARE DEEP IN THE POLITICAL BATTLE--LIKE\nMR. BAILEY AND ME--ARE INVITED TO GIVE NON-PARTISAN TALKS,\nWE ARE FORCED TO MAKE SOME MAJOR READJUSTMENTS IN THE\nCONTENT OF OUR REMARKS.\nMR. BAILEY AND I HAVE TO MAKE SUCH READJUSTMENTS NOT\nONLY BECAUSE OF THE NATURE OF THIS AUDIENCE BUT ALSO BECAUSE\nOF THE PLACE SELECTED FOR THIS CONFERENCE. WE ARE MEETING\nIN THE CITY OF BROTHERLY LOVE. WE SHOULDN'T FORGET THAT\nTHIS EVENING.\nGERALD 198817 FORD\nAMONG OTHER THINGS, WE HAVE TO WRITE A NEW SPEECH.\n-2-\nTHAT BASIC TALK FOR PARTISAN GATHERINGS WHICH WE GIVE OVER\nAND OVER AGAIN HAS TO BE SCRAPPED. EVEN THE JOKES HAVE TO\nGO BECAUSE PARTISAN POLITICAL HUMOR JUST DOESN'T SEEM\nFUNNY TO THOSE OUTSIDE THE RANKS OF PARTY FAITHFUL.\nTONIGHT WE SALUTE THE TWO-PARTY SYSTEM, THE POLITICAL\nSYSTEM THAT OUR NATION HAS HAD ALMOST FROM ITS BEGINNINGS.\nAS THE REPRESENTATIVE OF WHAT IS TEMPORARILY THE MINORITY\nPARTY, I WANT TO THANK THE AMERICAN HERITAGE FOUNDATION\nFOR THE VALUABLE WORK WHICH IT HAS DONE FOR MANY YEARS TO\nGIVE LIFE AND MEANING TO THAT SYSTEM. I CONGRATULATE THE\nFOUNDATION ON THE INAUGURATION OF THESE REGIONAL VOTE\nWORKSHOPS, AND I WISH YOU SUCCESS IN YOUR 1966 NONPARTISAN\nREGISTER AND VOTE CAMPAIGN.\nTHE WORK THAT THE FOUNDATION IS DOING LOOKS TO NURTURING\n-3-\nIN THE HEARTS OF ALL CITIZENS THE IDEALS OF DEMOCRATIC\nGOVERNMENT. UNLESS THESE IDEALS FLOURISH THERE\nNO\nCONSTITUTION, NO LAW, CERTAINLY NO POLITICAL PARTY OR\nITS LEADERSHIP CAN MAINTAIN THE HEALTH OF OUR POLITICAL\nSYSTEM.\nIN 1960 THE DEMOCRATS ALLEGED A \"MISSILE GAP.\"\nREPUBLICANS FROM GENERAL EISENHOWER ON DOWN DENIED THE\nCHARGE. IN 1966 THE REPUBLICANS CONTEND THERE IS A WHITE\nHOUSE \"CREDIBILITY GAP.\" JOHN BAILEY WILL PROTEST\nVEHEMENTLY. BUT BOTH OF US WILL LIKELY AGREE THERE IS A\n\"COMMITMENT GAP\" ON THE PART OF TOO MANY AMERICANS. WHAT\nWE NEED IS A COMMITMENT TO BROAD, STAUNCH, AND CONSTRUCTIVE\nSUPPORT FOR THE TWO-PARTY SYSTEM.\nGERALD FORD VIBRARY\n-4-\nSEVERAL CENTURIES AGO, THE ITALIAN POET DANTE PUT IT\nTHIS WAY: \"THE HOTTEST PLACES IN HELL ARE RESERVED FOR\nTHOSE WHO, IN A PERIOD OF MORAL CRISIS, MAINTAIN THEIR\nNEUTRALITY.\" MY PLEA IS THAT ALL AMERICANS DISCARD\nPOLITICAL NEUTRALITY AND ENLIST IN THE BATTLE TO PRESERVE\nTHE TWO-PARTY SYSTEM.\nWHAT IS CALLED FOR, I SINCERELY BELIEVE, IS A DECISION\nBY MORE AND MORE AMERICANS TO RENOUNCE POLITICAL NEUTRALITY\nDURING ELECTIONS AND TO BRING THEIR ENTIRE INDIVIDUAL EFFORT\nTO BEAR ON BEHALF OF CANDIDATES WHO MEET THEIR RIGID\nSPECIFICATIONS OF HONOR AND OUTLOOK dwithin The framework The two system party\nAS INDIVIDUALS, YOU HAVE THE RESPONSIBILITY AND DUTY\nTO BECOME ACTIVELY ENGAGED IN PARTISAN POLITICS. I AM NOT\nGERALD\nHERE AS A RECRUITER FOR THE REPUBLICAN PARTY ALTHOUGH I WILL\n-5-\nBE GLAD TO TAKE APPLICATIONS AT THE DOOR. WHAT I AM SAYING\nIS THAT YOU CANNOT, AS INDIVIDUALS, EXPECT TO ACHIEVE\nCONCRETE POLITICAL RESULTS IF YOU ARE UNWILLING TO JOIN\nAND WORK FOR THE PARTY OF YOUR CHOICE. IT IS ONLY WITHIN\nA PARTY THAT YOU CAN HELP TO DETERMINE PARTY POLICY, HELP\nSELECT CANDIDATES FOR PARTY NOMINATION AND WORK FOR THEIR\nEVENTUAL ELECTION. IT IS ONLY WITHIN A POLITICAL PARTY\nTHAT YOU CAN TILL AND FERTILIZE THE SOIL WHICH WILL PRODUCE\nTHE KIND OF LEGISLATORS WHO WILL, FOR EXAMPLE, GET SOME OF\nOUR BASIC PROBLEMS, STATE AND NATIONAL, OUT OF PETTY POLITICS\nMANY LIKE MYSELF IN THE POLITICAL ARENA ARE DISAPPOINTED\nTHAT MORE OF OUR HIGHLY MOTIVATED CITIZENS ARE NOT WORKING\nAS ACTIVELY AS THEY SHOULD BE IN A POLITICAL PARTY.\nWHAT THE FOUNDATION IS AIMING AT IS THE BROADEST TYPE\nLIBRARY\n-6-\nOF CITIZEN PARTICIPATION IN THE POLITICAL PROCESS. IT IS\nA GOAL THAT DESERVES THE UNSTINTING SUPPORT OF BOTH GREAT\nAMERICAN POLITICAL PARTIES.\nTHE POLITICAL PARTY IS THE AGENCY, AND REALLY THE ONLY\nAGENCY, THROUGH WHICH CITIZENS CAN FULLY AND EFFECTIVELY\nPARTICIPATE IN THE POLITICAL PROCESS.\nWHERE THERE IS FREEDOM, THERE WILL BE MORE THAN A\nSINGLE POLITICAL PARTY, FOR FREE MEN WILL NOT ALL THINK ALIKE.\nIT MAY SEEM STRANGE THAT THE FOUNDING FATHERS VIEWED\nTHE GROWTH OF PARTIES WITH ALARM. THEY MADE NO PROVISION\nFOR THEM IN THE CONSTITUTION. GEORGE WASHINGTON WARNED HIS\nCOUNTRYMEN AGAINST THEM IN HIS FAREWELL ADDRESS. OUR\nFORD\nGERALD\nFOREFATHERS' APPREHENSION WAS NOT WITHOUT REASON. POLITICAL\n181\n-7-\nWARS IN THE ENGLAND OF THEIR TIME WERE CHARACTERIZED BY\nBITTER PARTY STRIFE AND DIVISIVE PARTISANSHIP.\nIT WAS THOMAS JEFFERSON WHO STARTED OUR TWO-PARTY\nSYSTEM. YOU MIGHT SAY THAT AS VICE-PRESIDENT HE WAS THE\nFIRST MINORITY LEADER ON CAPITOL HILL.\nJEFFERSON THEREBY ADDED TO THE CONSTITUTIONAL CHECKS\nAND BALANCES ANOTHER SAFEGUARD IN OUR EXPERIMENT IN\nDEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT. IT HAS SAVED THE NATION FROM THE\nOPPRESSION WHICH SO OFTEN CHARACTERIZES THOSE COUNTRIES\nWHERE A SINGLE POLITICAL PARTY DOMINATES EVERY ASPECT OF\nPOLITICAL LIFE AND, UNCHECKED, STIFLES ALL DISSENT. AND\nIT HAS SAVED THE NATION FROM THE ANARCHY AND CHAOS WHICH\nGERALD\nSO OFTEN CHARACTERIZES THOSE COUNTRIES WHERE EVERY CONCE IVABLE\nFACTION ORGANIZES ITSELF INTO AN INDEPENDENT POLITICAL PARTY.\n-8-\nELIHU ROOT CALLED THE TWO-PARTY SYSTEM A SIGN OF\nPOLITICAL MATURITY. THE TWO-PARTY SYSTEM GUARANTEES A\nWIDE APPEAL TO THE ELECTORATE AND IT INCREASES THE CHANCES\nFOR COHERENCE AND STABILITY IN GOVERNMENT. IT AVOIDS THE\nIRRESPONSIBILITY OF FACTIONALISM WHICH, AT BEST, OPERATES\nTO ALLOW POPULAR CONTROL IN A ONE-PARTY STATE. MORE\nIMPORTANT THAN THESE THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS IS THE\nFACT THAT THE TWO-PARTY SYSTEM, IN THE CONTEXT OF AMERICA,\nHER INSTITUTIONS AND TRADITIONS, HAS MET THE TEST OF HISTORY.\nIT WORKS. IT IS AN IMPORTANT PART OF THAT COMPLEX SET OF\nBALANCES AND MECHANISMS THAT HAVE MADE THE AMERICAN\nEXPERIMENT IN DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT THE WORLD'S GREATEST\nSUCCESS STORY.\nGERALD LIQUARY\nUNDER JEFFERSON'S INNOVATION, AMERICA HAS PROSPERED,\n-9-\nMAINTAINING ALWAYS HER COMMITMENT TO BOTH MAJORITY RULE\nAND FREEDOM OF DISSENT. MANY COUNTRIES, PARTICULARLY IN\nLATIN AMERICA, HAVE COPIED OUR CONSTITUTION. AND IN MANY\nCASES THEY HAVE MET WITH REPEATED FAILURE. ONE OF THE KEYS\nTO UNDERSTANDING WHY IS THEIR INABILITY TO DEVELOP A\nTWO-PARTY SYSTEM.\nA GOAL OF THIS NORTHEASTERN REGIONAL VOTE WORKSHOP IS\nTO CONSIDER WAYS TO SHARPEN THE CUTTING EDGES OF OUR\nTWO-PARTY SYSTEM. THE PROBLEM WAS NEVER STATED BETTER THAN\nIT WAS SOME YEARS AGO BY THE PROMINENT BRITISH WRITER,\nMR. J. A. SPENDER. THE PROBLEM, HE SAID, \"IS TO CONVINCE\nOUR FELLOW COUNTRYMEN THAT TO HAVE POLITICAL CONVICTIONS,\nTO JOIN A PARTY, TO WORK FOR IT, AND TO SUPPORT IT OUT OF\nTHEIR PURSES, SO FAR AS MEANS ALLOW, ARE AMONG DUTIES OF\n-10-\nALL CITIZENS, AND CANNOT BE NEGLECTED WITHOUT SERIOUS\nHARM TO THE COUNTRY.\" THIS IS ONE OF THE GREAT UNSOLVED\nPROBLEMS OF DEMOCRACY. UNTIL WE SOLVE IT, OUR TWO-PARTY\nSYSTEM AND THE VERY QUALITY OF OUR GOVERNMENT WILL BE\nDEFECTIVE.\nTHE INDICES OF CITIZEN INVOLVEMENT IN POLITICS DO NOT\nTELL AN ENCOURAGING STORY IN THE UNITED STATES. THE\nPERCENTAGE OF CITIZENS OF VOTING AGE WHO HAVE VOTED IN\nRECENT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS HAS HOVERED ABOUT THE LEVEL\nOF 60 PER CENT. IN OFF-YEAR CONGRESSIONAL ELECTIONS, IT\nHAS BEEN RUNNING BETWEEN 45 AND 49 PER CENT. IN LOCAL\nELECTIONS A TURNOUT OF 30 TO 40 PER CENT IS COMMON. THESE\nLEVELS OF VOTER PARTICIPATION DO NOT COMPARE FAVORABLY\nWITH THOSE OF ADVANCED NATIONS WITH A DEMOCRATIC FORM OF\nGOVERNMENT IN OTHER PARTS OF THE WORLD.\n-11-\nWITH LESS THAN TWO-THIRDS OF THE POTENTIAL ELECTORATE\nACTUALLY VOTING, HOW MANY LESS EVER ACTIVELY WORK FOR A\nPOLITICAL PARTY OR FOR CANDIDATES FOR OFFICE? AND OF THOSE\nWHO WORK--PERFORMING THE IMPORTANT ROLE OF INFORMING THEIR\nFELLOW CITIZENS--HOW MANY LESS EVER MAKE A FINANCIAL\nCONTRIBUTION? THE NUMBER GETS SMALLER AND SMALLER, AND\nDIMINISHING WITH IT IS THE EFFECTIVENESS OF OUR TWO-PARTY\nSYSTEM.\nPARTICULARLY ACUTE IS THE NEED FOR AN ADEQUATE FINANCIAL\nFOUNDATION, ONE CONSISTENT WITH DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES.\nHERBERT ALEXANDER, STAFF DIRECTOR OF PRESIDENT KENNEDY'S\nTHE\nCOMMISSION ON CAMPAIGN COSTS, HAS PUT THE COSTS OF 1964\nCAMPAIGNS AT 200 MILLION DOLLARS. SUCH EXPENDITURES ARE\nNOT UNJUSTIFIABLY LARGE IN CAMPAIGNS DIRECTED TOWARD A\nGERALD\n-12-\nPOTENTIAL ELECTORATE OF MORE THAN 100 MILLION WHO ARE\nASKED TO VOTE FOR AT LEAST 200,000 OFFICES OF SOME\nSIGNIFICANCE.\nONLY ABOUT 10 PER CENT OF ADULT AMERICANS EVER CONTRIBUTE\nTO ELECTION CAMPAIGNS. THIS FIGURE IS SIGNIFICANTLY HIGHER\nTHAN IT WAS FIFTY OR EVEN TWENTY-FIVE YEARS AGO, BUT IT IS\nSTILL FAR TOO LOW. IT IS NOT HEALTHY FOR THE COSTS OF\nDEMOCRACY TO BE MET BY SO FEW. THE DAY WHEN POLITICAL\nPARTIES CAN SIT BACK AND DEPEND ON LARGE CONTRIBUTORS MUST\nEND. OUR ELECTION COSTS MUST BE COVERED WITHOUT JEOPARDIZING\nOUR PUBLIC MORALS. OUR GOAL SHOULD BE SECURING EVER MORE\nCONTRIBUTORS TO OUR POLITICAL PARTIES ON A REGULAR YEAR-\nROUND BASIS. THE WIDER THE BASE OF PARTY FUNDS, THE LESS\nSUSPICION THERE CAN BE OF IMPROPER INFLUENCE. THERE IS A\n-13-\nJOB TO BE DONE. RECENT DATA FROM THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN\nSURVEY RESEARCH CENTER SHOWS THAT LESS THAN HALF OF THOSE\nINTERVIEWED HAD EVER HEARD OF EFFORTS TO RAISE MONEY FOR\nCAMPAIGN EXPENSES. EIGHTY-FIVE PER CENT HAD NEVER BEEN\nASKED TO CONTRIBUTE. ONLY ONE OUT OF FIFTY HAD EVER\nPARTICIPATED IN A CAMPAIGN FUND-RAISING DRIVE. WHEN ASKED\nIF THEY WOULD CONTRIBUTE IF APPROACHED, A FOURTH SAID YES,\nWHILE 58 PER CENT REPLIED NO.\nOUR FAILURE HERE IS DEPLORABLE--AND EVEN MORE SO BECAUSE\nWE RAISE ANNUALLY THROUGHOUT THE COUNTRY LARGE SUMS FOR\nWELFARE AND OTHER COMMUNITY NEEDS. IS THE WELL-BEING OF\nOUR POLITICAL SYSTEM ANY LESS IMPORTANT? WITH HARD WORK\nAND ORGANIZATION, AND WITH THE HELP OF GROUPS LIKE THE\nAMERICAN HERITAGE FOUNDATION, OUR POLITICAL PARTIES CAN\nGERALD LIBRARY\n-14-\nMEET THIS TEST. MY OWN PARTY HAS MADE STRIDES IN THIS\nDIRECTION. SINCE 1963 A SUBSTANTIAL PORTION OF THE\nOPERATING BUDGET OF THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE HAS\nBEEN MET BY ANNUAL TEN-DOLLAR SUSTAINING MEMBERSHIPS.\nIN 1964, THROUGH THE EXTENSIVE USE OF DIRECT MAIL AND\nTELEVISION APPEALS, 72 PER CENT OF THE CONTRIBUTIONS FOR\nTHE REPUBLICAN PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN CAME IN SUMS LESS\nTHAN 500 DOLLARS. ONLY 30 PER CENT OF THE CONTRIBUTIONS\nTO THE DEMOCRATS CAME IN THESE SMALLER SUMS. BUT ESTABLISHING\nTHE MEASURING ROD AT 500 DOLLARS IS STILL SETTING IT\nAWFULLY HIGH. THERE IS MUCH MORE THAT BOTH PARTIES CAN AND\nMUST DO TO INTEREST THE INDIVIDUAL CITIZEN OF LIMITED MEANS\nIN INVESTING IN OUR POLITICAL PROCESS. UNTIL WE DO--UNTIL\nTHE COSTS OF DEMOCRACY ARE APPORTIONED DEMOCRATICALLY--OUR\nTWO-PARTY SYSTEM WILL NOT BE DOING THE BEST JOB IT CAN.\n-15-\nIN THE FIELD OF LEGISLATION THERE IS ALSO MUCH THAT\nCAN BE DONE. EFFORTS HERE ARE GENERALLY AIMED AT RESTRAINING\nABUSES IN RAISING AND SPENDING CAMPAIGN FUNDS.\nI SUGGEST THAT IT IS TIME TO EMPHASIZE THE NEED FOR\nADEQUATE FINANCING OF PARTIES AND CANDIDATES THROUGH MASS\nCONTRIBUTIONS OF SMALL AMOUNTS. THE PRESENT METHODS OF\nFUND RAISING TOO OFTEN SHUT OUT OF ELECTIVE OFFICE MEN\nAND WOMEN WHO LACK SUBSTANTIAL PERSONAL FUNDS OR LACK\nPERSONAL ACCESS TO GREAT WEALTH.\nTHERE ARE OTHER STEPS THAT CAN BE TAKEN TO LIGHTEN THE\nBURDEN OF CAMPAIGN COSTS--NOTABLY MODIFYING THE RESTRICTIONS\nOF SECTION 315 OF THE FEDERAL COMMUNICATIONS ACT--THE EQUAL\nTIME PROVISION--WHICH OPERATES TO PREVENT TELEVISION AND\nRADIO STATIONS FROM PROVIDING FREE TIME TO CANDIDATES FOR\nOFFICE.\n-16-\nTHOSE WHO DISCUSS THE INADEQUATE PARTICIPATION OF\nCITIZENS IN THE POLITICAL PROCESS GENERALLY CENTER THEIR\nFIRE ON THE CITIZEN. HE IS DENOUNCED BY CRITICS AS\nAPATHETIC, UNINFORMED, AND UNINTERESTED.\nI FEEL THAT THE INDICTMENT MUST BE EXTENDED TO COVER\nPOLITICIANS AND PERHAPS OTHERS IN OUR SOCIETY. IF THE\nCITIZEN IS UNINTERESTED, IS THIS LACK OF INTEREST DUE TO\nSOME DEGREE TO THE FAILURE OF POLITICIANS TO OFFER\nSOMETHING THAT WILL AROUSE HIS INTEREST? IF HE IS\nUNINFORMED, IS IT BECAUSE MUCH POLITICAL ORATORY IS NOT\nREALLY INFORMATIVE? SOME WILL CONTEND--PERHAPS AN ALIBI--\nTHAT THEY JUST CAN'T FIND THE FACTS FROM ANY SOURCE.\nTHERE IS NEED FOR DRASTIC REFORM OF CAMPAIGN PROCEDURES\nTHAT GO BACK TO THE HORSE-AND-BUGGY ERA. SOMETHING IN\n-17-\nTHIS DIRECTION IS BEING DONE BY THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL\nCOMMITTEE. ON THE SUGGESTION OF PRESIDENT EISENHOWER,\nCHAIRMAN BLISS HAS A COMMISSION AT WORK STUDYING THE\nQUADRENNIAL NATIONAL CONVENTION WITH A VIEW TO STREAMLINING\nTHIS VENERABLE BUT SOPORIFIC INSTITUTION.\nTHIS IS A START, BUT MUCH MORE IS NEEDED IF CAMPAIGNS\nARE BETTER TO SERVE THE PURPOSE OF SPREADING INFORMATION\nAND CAPTURING PUBLIC INTEREST.\nIN 1968 I HOPE THAT TELEVISED DEBATES BETWEEN\nPRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES, SO SUCCESSFUL IN ATTRACTING PUBLIC\nINTEREST IN THE 1960 CAMPAIGN, WILL BE CONDUCTED AGAIN.\nFORD\nI SEE LITTLE MERIT IN THE ARGUMENT THAT ANY INCUMBENT\nGERALD\nLIBRARY\nPRESIDENT SHOULD NOT ENGAGE IN DEBATE WITH HIS OPPONENT.\n-18-\nPRESIDENT KENNEDY WOULD HAVE DEBATED HIS REPUBLICAN\nCHALLENGER IN 1964 HAD HE LIVED TO RUN FOR REELECTION--\nAND THE VOTERS WOULD HAVE BEEN THE BENEFICIARIES.\nIF, HOWEVER, THE CANDIDATES THEMSELVES ARE UNWILLING\nTO ENGAGE IN DEBATE, THEY COULD DESIGNATE SPOKESMEN TO\nPARTICIPATE IN JOINT TELEVISED APPEARANCES ON THEIR BEHALF.\nDEBATE BETWEEN THE PARTIES SHOULD BE PRACTICED FAR MORE\nWIDELY THAN IT IS AT PRESENT. ALTHOUGH I ATTACH SPECIAL\nIMPORTANCE TO DEBATE IN PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGNS, THERE SHOULD\nBE A RUNNING DEBATE BETWEEN PARTY SPOKESMEN AT ALL POLITICAL\nLEVELS AT ALL TIMES. THERE ARE ALWAYS IMPORTANT ISSUES.\nTHERE ARE ALWAYS DIFFERENCES OF OPINION ON SOME OF THEM.\nTHE PARTIES WOULD BE STRENGTHENED, THE PUBLIC WOULD BE\nBETTER INFORMED, AND POLICY DECISIONS WOULD BE MADE MORE\n-19-\nWISELY IF WE ARGUED OUT THINGS BEFORE THE PUBLIC.\nTO TALK OF THE TWO-PARTY SYSTEM IS TO INVITE ATTENTION\nTO THE WOES OF THE MINORITY PARTY. I SHALL REFRAIN FROM\nINFLICTING ON YOU ANY LONG LIST OF COMPLAINTS, BUT I DO\nWANT TO EXPRESS ONE FEAR WHICH, IF JUSTIFIED, SHOULD BE\nOF CONCERN TO ALL REGARDLESS OF PARTY.\nIT IS NOT EASY FOR THE MINORITY TO MAKE ITS VOICE HEARD.\nIN THIS AGE OF MASS COMMUNICATION, THE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT\nDOMINATES THE AMERICAN POLITICAL SCENE. THE EYES OF THE\nNATION AND THE WORLD ARE FIXED UPON IT. AND RIGHTLY SO.\nITS POWER IS AWESOME, AS IS THE RESPONSIBILITY WHICH\nCONFRONTS THE MAN WHO POSSESSES IT. IT IS POWER TO DO\nGERALD FORD LIBRARY\nENORMOUS GOOD. BUT THE GREAT POWER TO DO GOOD IS, AT ITS\nROOT, SIMPLY GREAT POWER. FREE MEN MUST BE ABLE TO CHECK\nLT AND CHALLENGE IT, LEST IT CONSUME THEM.\n-20-\nIF FREE MEN CANNOT CHECK AND CHALLENGE IT, THEN WE DO\nHAVE ONE-PARTY RULE. IF IT IS BECOMING INCREASINGLY\nDIFFICULT FOR THEM TO DO so, THEN WE HAVE BEGUN A JOURNEY\nDOWN A DANGEROUS ROAD.\nWE SEEK IN OUR POLITICAL LIFE THE ATTAINMENT OF JUSTICE\nAND THE CONTAINMENT OF POWER. THE TWO-PARTY SYSTEM PLAYS\nA VITAL ROLE IN THE STRUGGLE TO ACHIEVE THESE GOALS. BY\nPROVIDING DEBATE AND DISCUSSION IT HELPS US TRAVEL A MUCH\nSURER COURSE TOWARD JUSTICE FOR ALL OUR CITIZENS.\nTHE MINORITY MUST BE ABLE TO GET ITS VIEWS OUT TO THE\nPEOPLE. I HOPE THAT THE MINORITY STATE OF THE UNION\nMESSAGE, FIRST DELIVERED THIS YEAR, WILL BECOME A PERMANENT\nINSTITUTION--GIVEN TIME AND PROMINENCE CORRESPONDING TO\nTHAT OF THE PRESIDENT.\n-21-\nALTHOUGH I SPEAK TONIGHT FOR THE MINORITY, THE\nREPUBLICANS, I DO NOT BELIEVE THAT THOSE IN THE MINORITY\nCAN OR SHOULD SIT BACK AND BIDE THEIR TIME. THERE ARE\nSOME, A VERY FEW FORTUNATELY, WHO ARGUE THAT THE MINORITY\nSHOULD AWAIT A NATIONAL DISASTER AT HOME OR ABROAD AND THEN\nMOVE IN, PICK UP THE PIECES AND BUILD FROM THE SHAMBLES.\nTHIS I CONTEND IS NEITHER THE TRADITION NOR THE HERITAGE\nOF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY IN THE 1960'S. THIS WAS NOT THE\nROLE OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY UNDER LINCOLN OR EISENHOWER.\nIT WAS NOT THE ROLE OF THE DEMOCRATS IN THEIR DARK DAYS IN\nTHE MINORITY IN THE 1920'S. WE MUST BY THE COMPETENCE OF\nOUR CANDIDATES, BY THE RECORD OF LEGISLATORS AND\nADMINISTRATORS, AND BY THE PHILOSOPHY THAT WE ESPOUSE EARN\nTHE RESPECT OF OUR FELLOW CITIZENS.\n-22-\nMY SUGGESTIONS ONLY TOUCH THE SURFACE. IN THE FINAL\nANALYSIS THE FUTURE OF OUR TWO-PARTY SYSTEM DEPENDS ON\nTHE COURAGE AND CONVICTION OF ALL AMERICANS--OF WHATEVER\nPOLITICAL STRIPE--AND THEIR COMMITMENT TO THE VALUES OF\nMAJORITY RULE AND FREEDOM OF DISSENT.\nTHESE VALUES ARE THE HERITAGE OF ALL AMERICANS. THEY\nARE VALUES THAT WILL BE PRESERVED ONLY THROUGH STRENGTHENING\nTHE TWO-PARTY SYSTEM.\n----THANK YOU----\n--END--\nFORD is LIBRARY GERALD\nNEWS\nCONGRESSMAN\nGERALD R. FORD\nHOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER\nRELEASE\nFOR RELEASE AT 6 P.M.\nMONDAY, JULY 11, 1966\nSPEECH EXCERPTS--AMERICAN HERITAGE FOUNDATION WORKSHOP, PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA.\nThere is a \"commitment gap\" on the part of too many Americans. What we need is a\ncommitment to broad, staunch, and constructive support for the two-party system.\nWhat is called for, I believe, is a decision by more and more Americans to\nrenounce political neutrality during elections and to bring their entire individual\neffort to bear on behalf of candidates who meet their rigid specifications of honor\nand outlook.\nIndividual Americans have the responsibility and the duty to become actively\nengaged in partisan politics. It is only within a party that they can help to\ndetermine party policy, help select candidates for party nomination and work for\ntheir eventual election. It is only within a political party that they can till and\nfertilize the soil which will produce the kind of legislators who will, for example,\nget some of our basic problems, state and national, out of petty politics.\nThe political party is the agency, and really the only agency, through which\ncitizens can fully and effectively participate in the political process.\nThe two-party system guarantees a wide appeal to the electorate, and it increases\nthe chances for coherence and stability in government. It is an important part of\nthat complex set of balances and mechanisms which have made the American experiment\nin democratic government the world's greatest success story.\nUntil we solve the problem of getting Americans to join a political party, to\nwork for it and to support it with their contributions, our two-party system and the\nvery quality of our government will be defective.\nIt is time to emphasize the need for adequate financing of parties and candidates\nthrough mass contributions of small amounts. The present methods of fund-raising\ntoo often shut out of elective office men and women who lack substantial personal\nfunds or lack personal access to great wealth.\nThere are other steps that can be taken to lighten the burden of campaign costs--\nnotably modifying the restrictions of Section 315 of the Federal Communications Act,\nthe Equal Time provision, which operates to prevent television and radio stations\nfrom providing free time to candidates for office.\nThere is need for drastic reform of campaign procedures that go back to the\nhorse-and-buggy era. Something in this direction is being done by the Republican\n(MORE)\n-2-\nNational Committee. On the suggestion of President Eisenhower, Chairman Ray C. Bliss\nhas a commission at work studying the quadrennial national convention with a view to\nstreamlining this venerable but soporific institution.\nIn 1968 I hope that televised debates between presidential candidates, as\nsuccessful in attracting public interest in the 1960 campaign, will be conducted\nagain. I see little merit in the argument that any incumbent president should not\nengage in debate with his opponent. I believe President Kennedy would have debated\nhis Republican challenger in 1964 had he lived to run for reelection--and the voters\nwould have been the beneficiaries.\nThere should be a running debate between party spokesmen at all political levels\nat all times. There are always important issues. There are always differences of\nopinion on some of them. The parties would be strengthened, the public would be\nbetter informed, and policy decisions would be made more wisely if we argued out things\nbefore the public.\nIt is not easy for the minority to make its voice heard. In this age of mass\ncommunication, the Office of the President dominates the American political scene.\nIts power is awesome, as is the responsibility which confronts the man who possesses\nit. It is power to do enormous good. But the great power to do good is, at its root,\nsimply great power. Free men must be able to check it and challenge it, lest it\nconsume them.\nIf free men cannot check and challenge it, then we have one-party rule.\nWe seek in our political life the attainment of justice and the containment of\npower. The two-party system plays a vital role in the struggle to achieve these\ngoals. By providing debate and discussion it helps us travel a much surer course\ntoward justice for all our citizens.\nThe minority must get its views out to the people. I hope that the minority State\nof the Union Message, first delivered this year, will become a permanent institution--\ngiven time and prominence corresponding to that of the President.\nI do not believe that those in the minority can or should sit back and bide their\ntime\nawait a national disaster at home or abroad and then move in to pick up the\npieces and build from the shambles. We must by the competence of our candidates, by\nthe record of our legislators and administrators and by the philosophy we espouse\nearn the respect of our fellow citizens.\nIn the final analysis, the future of our two-party system depends on the courage\nand conviction of all Americans-of whatever political stripe--and their commitment\nto the values of majority rule and the freedom of dissent. These values are the\nheritage of all Americans. They are values that can be preserved only by strengthening\nthe two-party system.\n###\nNEWS\nCONGRESSMAN\nGERALD R. FORD\nHOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER\nRELEASE\nFOR RELEASE AT 6 P.M.\nMONDAY, JULY 11, 1966\nSPEECH EXCERPTS--AMERICAN HERITAGE FOUNDATION WORKSHOP, PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA.\nThere is a \"commitment gap\" on the part of too many Americans. What we need is a\ncommitment to broad, staunch, and constructive support for the two-party system.\nWhat is called for, I believe, is a decision by more and more Americans to\nrenounce political neutrality during elections and to bring their entire individual\neffort to bear on behalf of candidates who meet their rigid specifications of honor\nand outlook.\nIndividual Americans have the responsibility and the duty to become actively\nengaged in partisan politics. It is only within a party that they can help to\ndetermine party policy, help select candidates for party nomination and work for\ntheir eventual election. It is only within a political party that they can till and\nfertilize the soil which will produce the kind of legislators who will, for example,\nget some of our basic problems, state and national, out of petty politics.\nThe political party is the agency, and really the only agency, through which\ncitizens can fully and effectively participate in the political process.\nThe two-party system guarantees a wide appeal to the electorate, and it increases\nthe chances for coherence and stability in government. It is an important part of\nthat complex set of balances and mechanisms which have made the American experiment\nin democratic government the world's greatest success story.\nUntil we solve the problem of getting Americans to join a political party, to\nwork for it and to support it with their contributions, our two-party system and the\nvery quality of our government will be defective.\nIt is time to emphasize the need for adequate financing of parties and candidates\nthrough mass contributions of small amounts. The present methods of fund-raising\ntoo often shut out of elective office men and women who lack substantial personal\nfunds or lack personal access to great wealth.\nThere are other steps that can be taken to lighten the burden of campaign costs--\nnotably modifying the restrictions of Section 315 of the Federal Communications Act,\nthe Equal Time provision, which operates to prevent television and radio stations\nfrom providing free time to candidates for office.\nThere is need for drastic reform of campaign procedures that go back to the\nhorse-and-buggy era. Something in this direction is being done by the Republican\n(MORE)\n-2-\nNational Committee. On the suggestion of President Eisenhower, Chairman Ray C. Bliss\nhas a commission at work studying the quadrennial national convention with a view to\nstreamlining this venerable but soporific institution.\nIn 1968 I hope that televised debates between presidential candidates, as\nsuccessful in attracting public interest in the 1960 campaign, will be conducted\nagain. I see little merit in the argument that any incumbent president should not\nengage in debate with his opponent. I believe President Kennedy would have debated\nhis Republican challenger in 1964 had he lived to run for reelection--and the voters\nwould have been the beneficiaries.\nThere should be a running debate between party spokesmen at all political levels\nat all times. There are always important issues. There are always differences of\nopinion on some of them. The parties would be strengthened, the public would be\nbetter informed, and policy decisions would be made more wisely if we argued out things\nbefore the public.\nIt is not easy for the minority to make its voice heard. In this age of mass\ncommunication, the Office of the President dominates the American political scene.\nIts power is awesome, as is the responsibility which confronts the man who possesses\nit. It is power to do enormous good. But the great power to do good is, at its root,\nsimply great power. Free men must be able to check it and challenge it, lest it\nconsume them.\nIf free men cannot check and challenge it, then we have one-party rule.\nWe seek in our political life the attainment of justice and the containment of\npower. The two-party system plays a vital role in the struggle to achieve these\ngoals. By providing debate and discussion it helps us travel a much surer course\ntoward justice for all our citizens.\nThe minority must get its views out to the people. I hope that the minority State\nof the Union Message, first delivered this year, will become a permanent institution--\ngiven time and prominence corresponding to that of the President.\nI do not believe that those in the minority can or should sit back and bide their\ntime\nawait a national disaster at home or abroad and then move in to pick up the\npieces and build from the shambles. We must by the competence of our candidates, by\nthe record of our legislators and administrators and by the philosophy we espouse\nearn the respect of our fellow citizens.\nIn the final analysis, the future of our two-party system depends on the courage\nand conviction of all Americans--of whatever political stripe--and their commitment\nto the values of majority rule and the freedom of dissent. These values are the\nheritage of all Americans. They are values that can be preserved only by strengthening\nthe two-party system.\n# # #"
}