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    "title": "Colgate University, Hamilton, NY, April 9, 1967",
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        "Gerald R. Ford Congressional Papers",
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        "Ethics",
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        "Vietnam War, 1961-1975"
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    "ocrText": "The original documents are located in Box D22, folder \"Colgate University, Hamilton, NY,\nApril 9, 1967\" of the Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the\nGerald R. Ford Presidential Library.\nCopyright Notice\nThe copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of\nphotocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. The Council donated to the United\nStates of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections.\nWorks prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public\ndomain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to\nremain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid\ncopyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.\nDigitized from Box D22 of The Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library\nAN ADDRESS BY HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER GERALD R. FORD, R-MICH., AT COLGATE UNIVERSITY\n8 P.M., SUNDAY, APRIL 9, 1967 --\nLadies and gentlemen: I come to you tonight as the leader of the opposition\nin one House of the Congress. My task, as I see it, is to sketch for you an\noutline of the Opposition Role. What should the role of the opposition be / and\nhow should we go about fulfilling it?\nMany Americans don't realize it, but the present two-party system in\nAmerican politics goes back 112 years. Tonight I am going to concern myself\nprimarily with the current situation because there is so much to be said\nabout the problems now facing this Nation.\nBluntly put and viewed in purely political terms, the mission of the\nminority party is to become the majority. That is / the Outs are constantly\nstriving to become the Ins. That's what Republicans are working for right now--\nto become the In-Group. Not because we samply want power the Democrato\nnow have There but is far nather more to because the role of we the behive opposition bun than philosphy a drive is better for for America of\npower, of course. We in the opposition must seek to serve the American people;\nour had capacity to\nwe must offer them a better course than that of the other party. We must offer\nis\nsuperior\nthem a New Direction in government and persuade the voters that this New Direction\nwill lead the Nation in the paths of peace and prosperity.\nIf I did not sincerely believe that the Republican Party had sounder solutions to\noffer the American people I would not be standing before you at this moment.\nThe role of the opposition in Congress is critical at this time. The\nNation is at a crossroads in economic affairs and the Vietnam War.\nThe record the Republican Party makes in the 90th Congress is extremely\nimportant in terms of the 1968 election. It will be the record that the next\nRepublican presidential candidate will run on.\nSome Americans believe the role of the opposition should be solely to oppose.\nIn my view, it goes far beyond that. Certainly we should oppose when we believe\nthat the majority party is mistaken in its programs and concepts. But we also\nCERALD FORD L BRARY\nmust propose. We must offer the people a choice, tell them how we would run\nthe Nation's affairs if given the opportunity.\nLet me put it this way- Where the administration is clearly wrong -No\nOn they hand admit problems\nConstructive atternative\n2/\nIt is only some 15 months before the two major political parties meet in\nconvention to name their presidential candidates. Already the issues of the\n1968 campaign are taking shape. It will be an historic campaign--a campaign\nwhich will shape the destiny of America far into the future.\nIn recent years, national elections in the United States have been decided\non the basis of two broad issues--peace and prosperity.\nI submit that in the 1968 election the issue of peace will involve far\nmore than the Vietnam War, other possible wars of liberation, the future of the\nNorth Atlantic Treaty Organization and a possible detente with the Communist\nbloc nations of Europe.\nThat issue will transcend the usual concerns of foreign conflict and alliances\nto enwrap itself in an overriding issue of national morality.\nThis morality issue has a number of offshoots or related issues.\nOne of these is the Ethics in Congress Issue, as exemplified by the Powell\nand Dodd cases. The one case involves alleged misuse of public funds; the other,\nalleged misuse of campaign funds. They are different cases, yet related.\nThe thrust of both the Powell and the Dodd cases is that they point up the\nneed for a Code of Official Conduct in Congress.\nLet me say at this point that the House of Representatives is well on\nits way toward establishing a Select Committee on Official Conduct--and it was\nprimarily Republican pressure that brought it about. We called for establishment\nof an ethics watchdog committee in our Republican State of the Union Message on\nJanuary 19, and the House Republican Policy Committee promptly endorsed it. This\nrelates to the Powell case.\nRepublicans have been pressing since last year for an Election Reform Law.\nAt this point, I am forced to say that our insistence on Election Law Reform\non the Democrate Unknowhip\nhas been vocal and persistent, unlike that of President Johnson. We are determined\nto clean up campaign fund-raising and destroy all the evils that spring from such\norganizations as the Thousand-Dollar President's Club.\nGERALO, FORD VIBRARY\n31\nIt is interesting to recall that President Johnson took Senator Dodd with\nhim when he flew to the Democratic convention in 1964--to mislead the press into\nthinking he had tapped Dodd and not Hubert Humphrey as his running mate.\nRepublicans are determined to close the Ethics Gap. We are also bent\non winning the war against crime.\nWhy are we today plagued with a crime wave that rises and swells until a\ncomplete breakdown of law and order is threatened?\nI believe it is because the so-called Great Society is a permissive society\nwhich encourages disrespect for law and order. We are reaping the whirlwind--\nthe fruit of years of permissiveness in the family, inadequate discipline in the\npublic schools, a shortage of dedicated teachers, evolution of the attitude that\nan American need only obey those laws he deems morally justified, and glorification\n9\nof violence and rebellion.\nWhile this may seem unrelated to the composition of the Congress and the\noccupant of the White House, it is definitely intertwined. It is part of the\nmoral fabric of the country, that intangible called atmosphere.\nIt enters into the difference in approach by the two parties to the overall\nissue of crime. I am not going to discuss the crime issue in detail here except\nto emphasize that the war against crime must be fought on many fronts and with\na multitude of weapons. We in the Congress must help local communities expand\nand improve their police forces and we must make the latest and best information\non crime detection tactics and techniques available to them. We must also\nstrengthen our probationary and rehabilitation systems to prevent as best as we\ncan the pattern of the criminal repeater.\nBeyond that let us discard the idea that it is subversive to criticize the\nSupreme Court. Let us examine court decisions on questioning of suspects and\npermissibility of voluntary confessions as courtroom evidence and draw a line\nwhich helps our law enforcement officials without interfering with the constitutional\nrights of individual citizens.\nFORD\nAnd let us outlaw all wiretapping and eavesdropping by unauthorized citizens\nLIBRARI\n4/\nbut make this tool available to law enforcers under court order as they make war\non organized crime. The constitutional right of privacy is a priceless right,\nbut so too is the right of an American citizen to be protected against professional\ncriminals. Law enforcement agencies must have more power if they are to deal\neffectively with organized crime.\nWe have talked of the two major parties in their approaches to the Ethics\nGap in Congress and the Morality Gap that divides the Nation. Let us speak\nnow of Vietnam.\nWhat is the role of the opposition on Vietnam? With few exceptions, Re-\npublicans support the President in his present course-his view that only\nunrelenting military pressure will cause the enemy to talk peace. Meantime,\nRepublicans are deeply disturbed about the split in the Democratic Party over\nthe bombing of North Vietnam, the proposals that there be a unilateral halt in\nthe bombing. I cannot see how any member of Congress who has seen photos of men\nand supplies moving from North to South Vietnam during the Tet New Year's truce\ncan possibly favor an unconditional unilateral halt in the bombing. I am convinced\nthat those New Year's reinforcements resulted in hundreds of American and South\ncassalthes\nVietnamese deaths.\nI do not contend that criticism of American policy in Vietnam should be\nsilenced. But, I do maintain that a political party divided against itself can-\nnot lead this nation effectively in war, or lead us to peace. Such dissension\nmakes it more difficult to obtain the peace that all Americans want. The\nPresident himself has said that criticism of the doves in his own party encourages\nHanoi to keep on fighting.\nAmid all this domestic turmoil, the Opposition Party has maintained a re-\nsponsible position. We have criticized the President but only to push for an\nearly end to the war with an honorable conclusion. We have chafed at gradualism,\nbut we have not sought military victory or unconditional surrender of the inly.\nchampsoned total\nThere is good reason to wonder whether the President would pursue a course\nof gradualism in the Vietnam War if he had it all to do over again. It is as\n5/\neasy to see as deBergerac's nose that the enemy has more time to build up strength\nand to plan courtermoves when his adversary turns up the screws only a fraction\nat a time. No major power has ever before fought a war with such self-imposed\nlimitations.\nI believe the way to a settlement in Vietnam is to maintain steady pressure\non Ho Chi Minh while a government with a popular support emerges in South\nVietnam. The solution in Vietnam must be essentially political. No rule imposed\nby the military can result in a stable government or a semblance of peace in\nVietnam.\nThe best hope for peace and stability in South Vietnam is the evolving popular\ngovernment. We can only \"win\" there through land reform and democracy-building.\nNecessary military action must be supported by effective political and economic\nmeasure aimed at the creation of a genuine non-Communist political base. We must\nidentify ourselves with the advocates of civilian rule in South Vietnam, as\nsymbolized by the new constitution.\nIn foreign and domestic policy, the role of the opposition in Congress is\nessentially that of watchdog. We owe it to the American people to keep tabs on\nthe other party and to blow the whistle on mistakes or malfeasance.\nThe best vehicle for political watchdog activity is present in the British\nsystem--an investigative committee run by the minority. Republicans have urged\nsuch a committee be established in the U.S. House of Representatives but we\nare not holding our breaths while it happens.\nHow many Americans think about the fact that the Federal government is\ndeeply in deficit and has been for six full fiscal years? How many know that\ninterest on the Federal debt now runs $14 billion a year, the second largest single\nitem in the Federal budget? How many Americans realize that the deficit in the\nfiscal 1968 budget probably will run to $15 billion or more and that if the\npresent economic downturn deepens into a recession the deficit will be even more\nmountainous?\nThe huge deficits we now are facing point up the choice the opposition\nGERALD FORD LIBRARY\n6/\nparty offers the voters as we approach 1968.\nat home\nRepublicans believe in progress at a pace the people can afford. We\nbelieve that if Federal spending runs wild, thisweakens the foundations of our\neconomy. The President is asking for higher taxes. We believe non-essential\nFederal spending should be cut.\nA basic difference between the two parties is that the Democratic Party\na that lig month\nprescribes a Federal pill for every ill. The Republican Party would shift more\na\nproblem-solving responsibility to state and local governments and to the private\nsector.\nThe Republican Party is concerned that the other party's philosophy of \"tax\nand tax, spend and spend\" destroys individual incentive by siphoning off too much\nof the people's income in higher taxes.\nWhile the Democratic Party advances proposals that rely primarily on Federal\nmoney, Federal power and Federal control, the Republican Party proposes Federal tax-\nsharing to aid the cities and states, tax credits as incentives for a massive nation-\nwide cleanup of our air and water, tax credits for tuition and other colleges expenses\nto\n/make this a nation of college students, tax credits to industry to launch a nationwide\non-the-job training program as an assault on hard-core unemployment.\nIncentives, not red tape and excessive Federal power. That's the way of the\nopposition party. We believe there should be large-scale business involvement\nin the solving of our social ills.\nAt the outset I spoke of a morality issue that will transcend all else in 1968.\nIn the final analysis, this translates itself into a question of confidence\nin the present Administration. Noted news commentator, Walter Lippmann, is among\nthose who point to a credibility gap in the country today. Lippmann says it is\n\"the result of a deliberate policy of artificial manipulation of official news.\"\nAs a consequence, Lippmann says the public simply refuses to accept at face value\nwhat the Federal government says and does.\nIs it any wonder that our young people today ask\nWho and what can we\nbelieve?\nGERALD FORD LIBRARY\n71\nThis--the Credibility Gap--poses an intolerable situation, whatever its cause.\nI believe it springs from this Administration's search for consensus, its abhorrence\nof dissent, its attempt to foist a kind of absolutism on the American people...a\nkind of benevolent despotism.\nAt a recent press conference, President Johnson spoke of the Republican\nopposition in the same breath with his adversaries overseas Naturally I really do not\nbelieve the Loyal Opposition is in that The formidable, catizing\nA\nI ask only that the American people give the Loyal Opposition a hearing--\nand then act on the evidence.\nAs Edmund Burke said: \"All that is necessary for the forces of evil to win\nin the world is for enough good men to do nothing.\"\nIf, as the figures indicate, a majority of the registered voters are Democrats,\nthen let them ponder the words of a Democratic President, Woodrow Wilson, who\ntold the American people: \"Liberty cannot exist where government takes care of\nthe people, but it can only thrive where the people take care of the government.\"\nThis I ask--that the voters of this Nation be attentive to their first and\nforemost tank-to see that government in America is the servant and not the master\nof the people.\n##########\nGERALO FORD LIBRARY\nAN ADDRESS BY HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER GERALD R. FORD, R-MICH., AT COLGATE UNIVERSITY\n8 P.M. SUNDAY, APRIL 9, 1967--\n5 copies\nLadies and gentlemen: I come to you tonight as the leader of the\nopposition in one House of the Congress. My task, as I see it, is to sketch for\nyou an outline of the NK Opposition Role. What should the role of the opposition\nbe and how should we govabout/it? fulfiling\npresent\nMany Americans don't realize it, but the two-party system in American politics\nTonight\nprimarily\ngoes back 112 years. I am going to concern myself swith the presents current\nsituation because there is so much to be said about the problems now facing this\nNation.\nBluntly put and viewed in purely political terms, the mission of the minority\nparty is to become the majority. That is, the Outs are constantly striving to become\nthe Ins. That's what Republicans are working for right now--to become the\nIn-group.\nThere is far more to the role of the opposition than a simple drive\nfor power, of course. We in the opposition must seek to serve the American people; we\nbetter\nmust offer them a course than that of the other party. We must offer them\na New Direction in government and persuade the voters that this New Direction will\nlead the Nation in the paths of peace and prosperity.\nIf I did not believe that the\nRepublican Party had sounder solutions to offer the American people I would not be\nstanding before you at this moment.\ninCongress\nThe role of the opposition is critical\nat\nthis\ntime.\nThe\nNation is at a crossroads in\neconomic affairs and the\nVietnam\nWar.\nThe record the Republican Party makes in the 90th Congress\nis\nextremely important in terms of the 1968 election. It will be the record that the next\nRepublican presidential candidate will run on.\nSome Americans believe the role of the opposition should solely to oppose. In my view,\nit goes far beyond that. Certainly we should oppose when we believe that the majority\nparty is mistaken in its programs and concepts. But we also must propose. We must\noffer the people a choice, tell them how we would run the Nation's affairs if given\nthe opportunity.\ninconvention\nIt is only some 15 months before the two major political parties meet to name\nFORD\ntheir presidential candidates. Already the issues of the 1968 campaign are taking\nGERALD\nshape. It will be an historic campaign--a campaign which will decide the of\nshapethe endesting\nAmerica far into the future.\n2/\nIn recent years, national elections in the United States have been decided\non the basis of two broad issues-peace and prosperity.\nI submit that in the 1968 election the issue of\npeace will involve far more than the Vie tnam War, other possible wars of liberation,\nthe future of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and a possible detente with the\nCommunist bloc nations of Europe.\nThat issue will transcend the usual\nconcerns of foreign conflict and alliances to enwrap itself in an overriding issue\nof national morality.\nThis morality issue has a number of offshoots or related issues.\nOne of these is the Ethics in Congress Issue, as exemplified by the Powell and\nalleged\nDodd cases. The one case # involves misuse of public funds; the other\nalleged misuse of campaign funds. They are different cases, and yet\nrelated.\nThe thrust of both the Powell and the Dodd cases is that they point up the\nneed for a Code of Officital Conduct in Congress.\nLet me say ** at this point that the House of Representatives is well on its\nprimarily\nway toward establishing a Select Committee on Official Conduct--and it was Reptublican\nit\nan\npressure that brought about. We called for establishment of\nethics watchdog\ncommittee in our Republican State of the Union Message on Jan. 19, and the House\nRepublican Policy Committee promptly endorsed it. This relates to the Powell case.\nn-watchdog\ncommittes\nthe\nHouse-on\nRepublicans have been pressing since last year for an Election Reform Law.\nA at this point I am forced to say that our insistence on Election Law Reform has been\nunlike\nvocal and persistent that of the President Johnson. We are determined\nto eximinate clean up campaign fund-raising and destroy all the evils\nthat\nspring from such organizations as the Exeximentax Thousand-Dollar President's Club.\nStisinteristing Emight recall\ntook\nwith him\nmenthion here that Presideint mislead Johnson usuixSen. Dodd when he flew\nto the Democratic convention in 1964--to leist the pre SS into thinking he had\ntapped Dodd and not Hubert Humphrey as his running mate.\nRepublicans are determined to close the Ethics Gap. We are also bent on\nwinning the war against crime.\nGERALD FORD LIBRART\nswells\nWhy are we today plagued with a crime wave that\nrise\nand\nuntil a complete - breakdown of law and order is threatened?\n3/\nI believe it is because the so-called Great Society is a permissive society\nwhich encourages disrespect for law and order. We are reaping the whirlwind--\nfruit\nthe\nof years of permissivene SS in the family,\ninadequate\ndiscipline inthetschools, anAmerican and a shortage of dedicated those teachers\nevolution of the attitude that needs only obey this laws este deems morally\nand\njustified, and time glorification of\nviolence rebellion\nWhile this may seem unrelated to the composition of the Congress and the\noccupant of the White House, it is definitely intertwined. It is part of the\nmoral fabric of the country, that intangible called atmosphere.\nIt enters into the difference in approach by the two parties to\nthe overall issue of crime. I am not going to discuss the crime issue in detail here\nexcept to emphasize that the war against crime must be fought on many fronts\nand with a multitude of weapons. We in the federal Congress Government must help local\ncommunities expand and improve their police forces and we must make the latest and\nbest information on crime detection tactics and techniques available to them.\nWe must also strengthen our I probationary and rehabilitation systems to prevent\nas best we can the pattern of the repeated criminal crimes. repeater.\nBeyond that let us discard the idea that it is subversive to\ncriticize the Supreme Court. Let us examine court - decisions on questioning of\nsuspects and permissibility (confe a helps our law\nvoluntary of ssions courtroom draw line evidence which\nenforcement officials without interfering with the constitutional\nrights of individual citizens.\nAnd let us outlaw all wiretapping and evesdropping by unauthorized\ncitiZens but make this tool available to law enforcers under court order\nto\nas they make war on organized crime. Them constitutional right of\nprivacy is a pricele professional SS right, but so too is the right of an American citizen to\nbe protected against criminals. Law enforcement agencies must have more power if they\nare to deal effectively with organized crime.\nWe have talked of the two major parties in their approaches to the Ethics\nGap in Congress and the Morality Gap that divides the Nation. Let us speak now of\nVietnam.\nFORD\nWhat is the role of\nGERALD\nLIBR\nthe opposition on Vietnam? With few exceptions,\nRepublicans support the President in his present course-his view that only\nunrelenting\nmilitary pressure will cause the enemy to talk peace. Meantime, Republicans are\ndeeply disturbed about the split in the Democratic Party over the bombing of North\nVietnam, the proposals that there be a unilateral halt in the bombing.\nI\ncannot see how any member of Congress who has seen photos of men and supplies moving\nVutnam\nfrom North unitate to South during the Tet New Year's truce can possibley favor an\nhalt in the bombing. I am convinced that those New Year's\nreinforcements resulted in hundreds of American and South Vietnamese deaths.\nI do not contend that criticism of American policy in Vietnam should be\nsilenced. But I do maintain that a political party divided against itself\ncannot lead this nation effectively in\nwar, or lead us to peace. Such\ndissension makes it more difficult to obtain the peace that all Americans want. The\nPresident himself has said that detend encourages Hanoi to keep on\nof the dones in ti own party\nfighting.\nhas maintained a responsible position.\nAmid all this domestic but turmoil, the Opposition Party\nWe\nhave\ncriticized the President only to pushi for an early end to the war with\nan honorable conclusion. We have chafed at gradualism but we have not sought\nmilitary victory or unconditional surrender. There is good reason to wonder\nwhether the President would pursue a course of gradualism in the V ietnam War if he had\nit all to do over again. It is as easy to see as deBergerac's nose that the\nbuild up strength\nenemy has more time to and to plan countermoves when his adversary\nturns up the screws only a\nfraction\nat\na\ntime.\nNo\nmajor\npower\nhas ever fought before a War with such self-imposed limitations.\nI believe the way to a settlement in Vietnam is to maintain steady pressure on\nHo Chi Minh while a government with popular support emerges in South Vietnam. The\nsolution in Vietnam must be essentially political. No\nrule\nimposed\nby the military can result in a stable government or a semblance of peace in Vietnam.\nfest.\nThe hope for peace and stability in South Vietnam is the evolving popular\ngovernment. We can only \"win\" there through land reform and democracy-building.\nNecessary military action must be supported by effective political and economic measures,\naimedat K the creation of a genuine non-Communist political base. We must identify ourselves with\nthe advocates of civirlian rule in South Vietnam, as sumbolized by the new compstitution.\nIn foreign and domestic policy, the role of the opposition Congre is essentially that\nin\nof watchdog. We owe it to the American people to keep tabs on the other\nparty\nand to blow the whistle on mistakes or malfeastance.\nIBRARY\n5/\nThe best vehicle for political watchdog activity is\npresent\nin\nthe\nBritish system--an investigative committee run by the minority. Republicans\nhave urged such a committee be establishedh in the U.S. House of Representatives but we\nare not holding our breaths while it happens.\nConsequently, we can only point to X majority party blunders or omissions\nas we\nuncover them with the meager investigative\nand research\nresources we possess.\nWe raise questions and hope that the American people will answer them with an\naffirmative vote for the Republican Party in 1968.\nWhy are American high school students lagging behind\nJapan and four other nations in their knowledge of mathematics? What\nare we doing to improve our schools besides pumping billions of defederal dollars into\nthem--in many cases, for projects of dubious or marginal value? Why are educators\nin large numbers protesting to Congre SS about federal red tape in\nconnection with dollar grants and about federal interference in operation of local schools?\nWhy should this become a muota society? Does anybody really believe that the\nUniversity of Michigan discriminates against Negroes as a matter of official\npolicy? Why then should the federal government tell the university that its\nfederal research contracts will be withdrawn unless the university hires more Negroes\nfor campus jobss and recruits more Negro faculty members and students? Is ours to\nbecome a coerced Society?\nHow serious pollution? How many Americans\nis the Johnson about air\nrealize that the city of Washington is the fourth dirtiest city in the Nation\nand that one third of the pollution emanates from Federal Government heating plants?\nIs it not a full and - complete partnership of government and busine SS that we\nneed to lick water and air pollution and not just government swinging a big stick at\nindustry?\nHow many Americans realize that the United States including in pulling its\nNATO installations out of France left behind almost # $1 billion worth of\nfacilities for which the French probably won't pay us a cent? Did you know that\nthese facilities include entire towns-with hospitals, schools, libraries, housing,\nswimming pools and bowling alleys, to be taken over by the French?\nFORD\nHow many Americans think about the fact that the Federal Government is deeply\nintereston\nin deficit and has been for six full fiscal years? How many know that the federal\nLIBRARY\ndebt now\nruns $14 billion a year, the second largest single item in the\n6/\nfederal budget? How many Americans realize that deficit in the the fiscal 1968 budget probably\nwill run to $15 billion or more and that if the present economic downturn deepens\ninto a recession the deficit will be even more mountainous?\nThe huge deficits we now are facing point up the choice the opposition party\noffers the voters as we approach 1968.\nRepublicans believe in progress at a pace the people can\nafford.\nWe\nbelieve that if federal spending runs wild, this weakens the foundations of our\nnon-essential\neconomy. The President is asking for higher taxes. We believe federal spending\nshould be cut.\na basic difference\nbetween the two parties is that the\nDemocratic\nParty\nprescribes\nproblem-solving\na federal pill for every ill. The Republican Party M. would shift more\nresponsibility to state and local governments and to the private sector.\nIf\nThe Republican Party\nis concerned that the other party's philosophy offtax and\ndestroys\ntax, spend and spend\"\nindividual incentive by siphoning\noff too much of the people's income in higher taxes.\nWhile the Democratic Party\nadvances proposals that rely primarily on\nfederal money, federal; power and federal control, the Republican Party\nproposes federal ttax-sharing to aid the cities and states, tax credits as incentives\nfor tuition and other college\nexpenses\nfor a massive nationwide cleanup of our air and water, tax credits to make this a\nnation of college students, tax credits to industry to launch a nationwide\non-the-job training program as an assault on hard-core unemployment.\nIf\nexcessive\nIncentives, not red tape and federal power. That's the way of the opposition party.\nWe IN believe there should be largescale business involvement in the solving of our\nsocial ills.\nmorality\nInsurance the outset I spoke of a NEW issue that tax will transcend all else\nin 1968.\na\nIn the final analysis, this translates itself into\nquestions\nconfidence in the present administration\nNoted\nbocute\nnews commentator Walter Lippmann is among t hose who\na\ncredibility gap in the country today... the result of a deliberate policy\nLippmann Says its\nof artificial manipulation of official news.\"\nas public Vippmann says, the publis simply refuses\nto accept at face value what the Federal Government says and does.\nIs it any wonder that our young people today ask.. Who and what can we believe?\n7/\nTHERE\nThis--the Credibility Gap---- an intolerable situation,\nwhatever its\ncause.\nI believe it springs from this Administration's search for\nconsensus, its abhorrence of dissent, its attempt to foist a kind of absolutism\non the American people...a kind of benevolent despotism.\nAt a recent press conference, President Johnson spoke of the Republican\nopposition in the same breath with his adversaries overseas. I really do not\nbelieve the Loyal Opposition is that formidable.\nI\nask only that the American people give the Loyal Opposition a\nhearing--and then act on the evidence.\nAs Edmund Burke said: \"All that is necessary for the forces of evil to win\nin the world is for enough good men to do nothing.\"\nIf, as the figures indicate, a majority of the registered voters are\nDemocrats, then let them ponder the words of a Democratic president. Woodrow Wilson\ntold the American people: \"Liberty cannot exist where government takes\ncare of the people, but it can only thrive where the people take care of the\ngovernment.\"\nthe voters ofthis Nation\nThis I ask-that the be attentive to their first and foremost\nto see\ntask that government in America\nthe servant and not the master of the people.\nFORD & LIBRARY GLRALD\nAN ADDRESS BY HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER GERALD R. FORD, R-MICH,, AT COLGATE UNIVERSITY\n8 P.M., SUNDAY, APRIL 9, 1967 --\nLadies and gentlemen: I come to you tonight as the leader of the opposition\nin one House of the Congress. My task, as I see it, is to sketch for you an\noutline of the Opposition Role. What should the role of the opposition be and\nhow should we go about fulfilling it?\nMany Americans don't realize it, but the present two-party system in\nAmerican politics goes back 112 years. Tonight I am going to concern myself\nprimarily with the current situation because there is so much to be said\nabout the problems now facing this Nation.\nBluntly put and viewed in purely political terms, the mission of the\nminority party is to became the majority. That is, the Outs are constantly\nstriving to become the Ins. That's what Republicans are working for right now--\nto become the In-Group.\nThere is far more to the role of the opposition than a simple drive for\npower, of course. We in the opposition must seek to serve the American people:\nwe must offer them a better course than that of the other party. We must offer\nthem a New Direction in government and persuade the voters that this New Direction\nwill lead the Nation in the paths of peace and prosperity.\nIf I did not believe that the Republican Party had sounder solutions to\noffer the American people I would not be standing before you at this moment.\nThe role of the opposition in Congress is critical at this time. The\nNation is at a crossreads in economic affairs and the Vietnam War.\nThe record the Republican Party makes in the 90th Congress is extremely\nimportant in terms of the 1968 election. It will be the record that the next\nRepublican presidential candidate will run on.\nSome Americans believe the rele of the opposition should be solely to oppose.\nIn my view, it goes far beyond that. Certainly we should oppose when we believe\nthat the majority party is mistaken in its programs and concepts. But we also\nmust propose. We must offer the people a choice, tell them how we would run\nthe Nation's affairs if given the opportunity.\nQERALD R.FORD LIBRARY\n21\nIt is only some 15 months before the two major political parties meet in\nconvention to name their presidential candidates. Already the issues of the\n1968 campaign are taking shape. It will be an historic campaign--a campaign\nwhich will shape the destiny of America far into the future.\nIn recent years, national elections in the United States have been decided\non the basis of two broad issues--peace and prosperity.\nI submit that in the 1968 election the issue of peace will involve far\nmore than the Vietnam War, other possible wars of liberation, the future of the\nNorth Atlantic Treaty Organisation and a possible detente with the Communist\nbloc nations of Europe.\nThat issue will transcend the usual concerns of foreign conflict and alliances\nto emwrap itself in an overriding issue of national morality.\nThis morality issue has a number of offshoots or related issues.\nOne of these is the Ethics in Congress Issue, as exemplified by the Powell\nand Dodd cases. The one case involves alleged misuse of public funds: the other,\nalleged misuse of campaign funds. They are different cases, yet related.\nThe thrust of both the Powell and the Dodd cases is that they point up the\nneed for a Code of Official Conduct in Congress.\nLet me say at this point that the House of Representatives is well on\nits way toward establishing a Select Committee on Official Conduct-and it was\nprimarily Republican pressure that brought it about. We called for establishment\nof an ethics watchdog committee in our Republican State of the Union Message on\nJanuary 19, and the House Republican Policy Committee promptly endorsed it. This\nrelates to the Powell case.\nRepublicans have been pressing since last year for an Election Reform Law.\nAt this point, I am foreed to say that our insistence on Election Law Reform\nhas been vocal and persistent, unlike that of President Johnson. We are determined\nto clean up campaign fund-raising and destroy all the evils that spring from such\norganizations as the Thousand-Dollar President's Club.\nFORD LIBRARY\n3/\nIt is interesting to recall that President Johnson took Senator Dodd with\nhim when he flew to the Democratic convention in 1964-to mislead the press into\nthinking he had tapped Dodd and not Hubert Humphrey as his running mate.\nRepublicans are determined to close the Ethics Gap. We are also bent\non winning the war against crime.\nWhy are we today plagued with a crime wave that rises and swells until a\ncomplete breakdown of law and order is threatened?\nI believe it is because the se-called Great Society is a permissive society\nwhich encourages disrespect for law and order. We are reaping the whirlwind--\nthe fruit of years of permissiveness in the family, inadequate discipline in the\npublic schools, a shortage of dedicated teachers, evolution of the attitude that\nan American need only obey those laws he deens morally justified, and glorification\nof violence and rebellion.\nWhile this may seem unrelated to the composition of the Congress and the\noccupant of the White House, it is definitely intertwined. It is part of the\nmoral fabric of the country, that intangible called atmosphere.\nIt enters into the difference in approach by the two parties to the overall\nissue of crime. I am not going to discuss the crime issue in detail here except\nto emphasize that the war against crime must be fought on many fronts and with\na multitude of weapons. We in the Congress must help local communities expand\nand improve their police forces and we must make the latest and best information\non crime detection tacties and techniques available to them. We must also\nstrengthen our probationary and rehabilitation systems to prevent as best as we\ncan the pattern of the criminal repeater.\nBeyond that let us discard the idea that it is subversive to criticize the\nSupreme Court. Let us examine court decisions on questioning of suspects and\npermissibility of voluntary confessions as courtroom evidence and draw a line\nwhich helps our law enforcement officials without interfering with the constitutional\nrights of individual citizens.\nFORD\nAnd let us outlaw all wiretapping and eavesdropping by unauthorised citizens BRART\nGERAL\n4/\nbut make this tool available to law enforcers under court order as they make war\non organized crime. The constitutional right of privacy is a priceless right,\nbut so too is the right of an American citizen to be protected against professional\ncriminals. Law enforcement agencies must have more power if they are to deal\neffectively with organized crime.\nWe have talked of the two major parties in their approaches to the Ethics\nGap in Congress and the Morality Gap that divides the Nation. Let us speak\nnow of Vietnam.\nWhat is the rele of the opposition on Vietnam? With few exceptions, Re-\npublicans support the President in his present course--his view that only\nunrelenting military pressure will cause the enemy to talk peace. Meantime,\nRepublicans are deeply disturbed about the split in the Democratic Party over\nthe bombing of North Vietnam, the proposals that there be a unilateral halt in\nthe bombing. I cannot see how any member of Congress who has seen photos of men\nand supplies moving from North to South Vietnam during the Tet New Year's truce\ncan possibly favor an unconditional unilateral halt in the bombing. I am convinced\nthat those New Year's reinforcements resulted in hundreds of American and South\nVietnamese deaths.\nI do not contend that criticism of American policy in Vietnam should be\nsilenced. But, I do maintain that a political party divided against itself can-\nnot lead this nation effectively in war, or lead us to peace. Such dissension\nmakes it more difficult to obtain the peace that all Americans want. The\nPresident himself has said that criticism of the doves in his own party encourages\nHanoi to keep on fighting.\nAmid all this domestic turmoil, the Opposition Party has maintained a re-\nsponsible position. We have criticised the President but only to push for an\nearly end to the war with an honorable conclusion. We have chafed at gradualism,\nbut we have not sought military victory or unconditional surrender.\nThere is good reason to wonder whether the President would pursue a course\nof gradualism in the Vietnam War if he had it all to do over again. It is as\nGERAL\nLIBRARI\n5/\neasy to see as deBergerac's nose that the enemy hasimore time to build up strength\nand to plan courtermoves when his adversary turns up the screws only a fraction\nat a time. No major power has ever before fought a war with such self-imposed\nlimitations.\nI believe the way to a settlement in Vietnam is to maintain steady pressure\non No Chi Minh while a government with a popular support emerges in South\nVietnam. The solution in Vietnam must be essentially political. No rule imposed\nby the military can result in a stable government or a semblance of peace in\nVietnam.\nThe best hope for peace and stability in South Vietnam is the evolving popular\ngovernment. We can only \"win\" there through land reform and democracy-building.\nNecessary military action must be supported by effective political and economic\nmeasure simed at the creation of a genuine non-Communist political base. We must\nidentify ourselves with the advocates of civilian rule in South Vietnam, as\nsymbolised by the new constitution.\nIn foreign and domestic policy, the role of the opposition in Congress is\nessentially that of watchdog. We owe it to the American people to keep tabs on\nthe other party and to blow the whistle on mistakes or malfeasance.\nThe best vehicle for political watchdog activity is present in the British\nsystem--an investigative committee run by the minority. Republicans have urged\nsuch a committee be established in the U.S. House of Representatives but we\nare not holding our breaths while it happens.\nHow many Americans think about the fact that the Federal government is\ndeeply in deficit and has been for six full fiscal years? How many know that\ninterest on the Federal debt now runs $14 billion a year, the second largest single\nitem in the Federal budget? How many Americans realize that the deficit in the\nfiscal 1968 budget probably will run to $15 billion or more and that if the\npresent economic downturn deepens into a recession the deficit will be even more\nmountainous?\nThe huge deficits we now are facing point up the choice the opposition\n61\nparty offers the voters as we approach 1968.\nRepublicans believe in progress at a pace the people can afford. We\nbelieve that if Federal spending runs wild, thisweakens the foundations of our\neconomy. The President is asking for higher taxes. We believe non-essential\nFederal spending should be cut.\nA basic difference between the two parties is that the Democratic Party\nprescribes a Federal pill for every ill. The Republican Party would shift more\nproblem-solving responsibility to state and local governments and to the private\nsector.\nThe Republican Party is concerned that the other party's philosophy of \"tax\nand tax, spend and spend\" destroys individual incentive by siphoning off too much\nof the people's income in higher taxes.\nWhile the Democratic Party advances proposals that rely primarily on Federal\nmoney, Federal power and Federal control, the Republican Party proposes Federal tax-\nsharing to aid the cities and states, tax credits as incentives for a massive nation-\nwide cleanup of our air and water, tax credits for tuition and other colleges expenses\nto\n/make this a nation of college students, tax credits to industry to launch a nationwide\non-the-job training program as an assault on hard-core unemployment.\nIncentives, not red tape and excessive Federal power. That's the way of the\nopposition party. We believe there should be large-seale business involvement\nin the solving of our social ills.\nAt the outset I spoke of a morality issue that will transcend all else in 1968.\nIn the final analysis, this translates itself into a question of confidence\nin the present Administration. Noted news commentator, Walter Lippmann, is among\nthose who point to a credibility gap in the country today. Lippmann says it is\n\"the result of a deliberate policy of artificial manipulation of official news.\"\nAs a consequence, Lippmonn says the public simply refuses to accept at face value\nwhat the Federal government says and does.\nIs it any wonder that our young people today ask Who and what can FORD\nwe\nbelieve?\nLIBRARY\n71\nThis-the Credibility Gap--poses an intolerable situation, whatever its cause.\nI believe it springs from this Administration's search for consensus, its abhorrence\nof dissent, its attempt to foist a kind of absolution on the American people...a\nkind of benevolent despotism.\nAt a recent press conference, President Johnson spoke of the Republican\nopposition in the same breath with his adversaries overseas. I really do not\nbelieve the Loyal Opposition is that formidable.\nI ask only that the American people give the Loyal Opposition a hearing--\nand then act on the evidence.\nAs Edmund Burke said: \"All that is necessary for the forces of evil to win\nin the world is for enough good men to do nothing.\"\nIf, as the figures indicate, a majority of the registered voters are Democrats,\nthen let them ponder the words of a Democratic President, Woodrow Wilson, who\ntold the Ameriwan people: \"Liberty cannot exist where government takes care of\nthe people, but it can only thrive where the people take care of the government.\"\nThis I ask-that the voters of this Nation be attentive to their first and\nforemost tank--to see that government in America is the servant and not the master\nof the people.\n##########\nCONGRESSMAN\nNEWS\nGERALD R. FORD\nHOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER\nRELEASE\nExcerpts from an Address by Rep. Gerald R. Ford, R-Mich., at Colgate University\nFor Release on Delivery at 8 p.m. Sunday, April 9, 1967, at Hamilton, N.Y.\nWhy are we today plagued with a crime wave that rises and swells until a\ncomplete breakdown of law and order is threatened?\nI believe it is because the so-called Great Society is a permissive society\nwhich encourages disrespect for the Rule of Law. We are reaping a whirlwind--the\nfruit of years of permissiveness in the family, inadequate discipline in the public\nschools and a shortage of dedicated teachers, evolution of the attitude that an\nAmerican need only obey those laws he deems morally justified, and glorification\nof violence and rebellion.\nWhile this may seem unrelated to the composition of the Congress and the\noccupant of the White House, it is definitely intertwined. It is part of the moral\nfabric of the country, that intangible called national atmosphere. It enters into\nthe difference in approach by the two parties to the overall issue of crime.\nI am not going to discuss the crime issue in detail here except to emphasize\nthat the war against crime must be fought on many fronts and with a variety of\nweapons.\nWe in the Congress must help local communities expand and improve their\npolice forces and we must make the latest and best information on crime detection\ntactics and techniques available to them. We must also greatly strengthen our\nprobationary and rehabilitation systems to prevent as best we can the pattern of\ncriminal repeaters.\nBeyond that let us discard the idea that it is subversive to criticize the\nSupreme Court. We must be deeply concerned with individual rights. But let us\nexamine court decisions on the questioning of suspects and the permissibility of\nvoluntary confessions as courtroom evidence and then draw a line which aids our\nlaw enforcement officials without interfering with the constitutional rights of\nindividual citizens.\nAnd let us outlaw all wiretapping and eavesdropping by unauthorized citizens\nbut make this tool available to law enforcers under court order as they make war\non organized crime.\n-2-\nThe constitutional right of privacy is a priceless right, but so too is the\nright of an American citizen to be protected against professional criminals.\nI do not contend that criticism of American policy in Vietnam should be\nsilenced. But I do maintain that a political party divided against itself cannot\nlead this Nation effectively in time of war, or lead us to peace. Such dissension\nmakes it more difficult to obtain the peace that all Americans want. The President\nhimself has said that criticism by the doves in his own party encourages Hanoi to\nkeep on fighting.\nAmid all this domestic turmoil, the Opposition Party has maintained a\nresponsible position. We have criticized the President only to push for an early\nend to the war, with an honorable conclusion. We have chafed at gradualism but we\nhave not sought military victory or unconditional surrender.\nThere is good reason to wonder whether the President would pursue a course of\ngradualism in the Vietnam War if he had it all to do over again. It is as easy to\nsee as the nose on DeBergerac's face that the enemy has more time to build up his\nstrength and to plan countermoves when his adversary turns up the screws only a\nfraction at a time. No major power has ever before fought a war with such self-\nimposed limitations.\nI believe the way to peace in Vietnam is to keep steady pressure on Ho Chi\nMinh while helping a government with popular support to emerge in South Vietnam.\nThe ultimate solution in South Vietnam must be essentially political. No rule im-\nposed by the military can result in a stable government or lasting peace in Vietnam.\nThe best hope for peace and stability in South Vietnam is the evolving\npopular government. We can only \"win\" there through land reform and democracy-\nbuilding. Necessary military action must be supported by effective political and\neconomic measures aimed at creation of a genuine non-Communist political base. We\nmust identify ourselves with the advocates of civilian rule in South Vietnam, as\nsymbolized by the new constitution.\n***\nI ask only that the American people give the Loyal Opposition a hearing\n--and then act on the evidence.\nIf, as the figures indicate, a majority of the registered voters are\nDemocrats, then let them ponder the words of a Democratic president. Woodrow\nWilson told the American people: \"Liberty cannot exist where government takes care\nof the people, but it can only thrive where the people take care of the government.\"\n####\nnot distributed\noutside calgate\nCONGRESSMAN\nNEWS\nGERALD R. FORD\nHOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER\nRELEASE\nExcerpts from an Address by Rep. Gerald R. Ford, R-Mich., at Colgate University\nFor Release on Delivery at 8 p.m. Sunday, April 9, 1967, at Hamilton, N.Y.\nWhy are we today plagued with a crime wave that rises and swells until a\ncomplete breakdown of law and order is threatened?\nI believe it is because the so-called Great Society is a permissive society\nwhich encourages disrespect for the Rule of Law. We are reaping a whirlwind--the\nfruit of years of permissiveness in the family, inadequate discipline in the public\nschools and a shortage of dedicated teachers, evolution of the attitude that an\nAmerican need only obey those laws he deems morally justified, and glorification\nof violence and rebellion.\nWhile this may seem unrelated to the composition of the Congress and the\noccupant of the White House, it is definitely intertwined. It is part of the moral\nfabric of the country, that intangible called national atmosphere. It enters into\nthe difference in approach by the two parties to the overall issue of crime.\nI am not going to discuss the crime issue in detail here except to emphasize\nthat the war against crime must be fought on many fronts and with a variety of\nweapons.\nWe in the Congress must help local communities expand and improve their\npolice forces and we must make the latest and best information on crime detection\ntactics and techniques available to them. We must also greatly strengthen our\nprobationary and rehabilitation systems to prevent as best we can the pattern of\ncriminal repeaters.\nBeyond that let us discard the idea that it is subversive to criticize the\nSupreme Court. We must be deeply concerned with individual rights. But let us\nexamine court decisions on the questioning of suspects and the permissibility of\nvoluntary confessions as courtroom evidence and then draw a line which aids our\nlaw enforcement officials without interfering with the constitutional rights of\nindividual citizens.\nAnd let us outlaw all wiretapping and eavesdropping by unauthorized citizens\nbut make this tool available to law enforcers under court order as they make war\non organized crime.\nGERALD FORD LIBRARY\n-2-\nThe constitutional right of privacy is a priceless right, but 80 too is the\nright of an American citizen to be protected against professional criminals.\nI do not contend that criticism of American policy in Vietnam should be\nsilenced. But I do maintain that a political party divided against itself cannot\nlead this Nation effectively in time of war, or lead us to peace. Such dissension\nmakes it more difficult to obtain the peace that all Americans want. The President\nhimself has said that criticism by the doves in his own party encourages Hamoi to\nkeep on fighting.\nAmid all this domestic turmoil, the Opposition Party has maintained a\nresponsible position. We have criticized the President only to push for an early\nend to the war, with an honorable conclusion. We have chafed at gradualism but we\nhave not sought military victory or unconditional surrender.\nThere is good reason to wonder whether the President would pursue a course of\ngradualism in the Vietnam War if he had it all to do over again. It is as easy to\nsee as the nose on DeBergerac's face that the enemy has more time to build up his\nstrength and to plan countermoves when his adversary turns up the screws only a\nfraction at a time. No major power has ever before fought a war with such self-\nimposed limitations.\nI believe the way to peace in Vietnam is to keep steady pressure on Ho Chi\nMinh while helping a government with popular support to emerge in South Vietnam.\nThe ultimate solution in South Vietnam must be essentially political. No rule im-\nposed by the military can result in a stable government or lasting peace in Vietnam.\nThe best hope for peace and stability in South Vietnam is the evolving\npopular government. We can only \"win\" there through land reform and democracy-\nbuilding. Necessary military action must be supported by effective political and\neconomic measures aimed at creation of a genuine non-Communist political base. We\nmust identify ourselves with the advocates of civilian rule in South Vietnam, as\nsymbolized by the new constitution.\n***\nI ask only that the American people give the Loyal Opposition a hearing\n--and then act on the evidence.\nIf, as the figures indicate, a majority of the registered voters are\nDemocrats, then let them ponder the words of a Democratic president. Woodrow\nWilson told the American people: \"Liberty cannot exist where government takes care\nof the people, but it can only thrive where the people take care of the government.\"\n#####\nantstrucil\nCONGRESSMAN\nNEWS\nGERALD R. FORD\nHOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER\nRELEASE\nExcerpts from an Address by Rep. Gerald R. Ford, R-Mich., at Colgate University\nFor Release on Delivery at 8 p.m. Sunday, April 9, 1967, at Hamilton, N.Y.\nWhy are we today plagued with a crime wave that rises and swells until a\ncomplete breakdown of law and order is threatened?\nI believe it is because the so-called Great Society is a permissive society\nwhich encourages disrespect for the Rule of Law. We are reaping a wharlwind--the\nin the public schools\nfruit of years of permissiveness in the family, inadequate discipline and a shortage\ndedicated\nobey those laws he deems morally justified, and glorification of violence, rebellions\nof teachers the schooley evolution of the attitude that an American and needm only\nWhile this may seem unrelated to the comprosition of the Congress and the\noccupant of the White House, it is definitely intertwined. It is part of the moral\nfabric of the country, that intangible called national atmosphere. It enters into\nthe difference in approach by the two parties to the overall issue of crime.\nI am not going to discuss the crime issue in detail here except to emphasize\nthat the war against crime must be fought on many fronts and with a variety of\nweapons.\nWe in the In Congre SS must help local communities expand and improve their police\nforces and we must make the latest and best information on crime detection xxux\ntactics and techniques YM available to them. We must also stre greatly strengthen our\nprobationary and rehabilitation systems to prevent as best we can the pattern of\ncriminal repeaters.\nBeyond that let us discard the idea that it is subversive to criticize the\nSupreme Court. We must be deeply concerned with individual rights. But let us\nexamine court decisions on the questioning of suspects and the permissibility of\nvoluntary confessions as courtroom evidence and then draw a line which aids our\nlaw enforcement officials without interfering thax with the constitutional rights of\nindividual citizens.\nAnd let us outlaw all wiretapping and vesdropping by unauthorised citizens but\nmake this tool available to law enforcers under court order as they\nmake war on organized crime.\nORD\nThe constitutional right of privacy is an priceless right, but so too is the right\nprofessional\nof an American citizen to be protected against/criminals.\n(MORE)\n-2-\nI do not contend that criticism of American policy in Vietnam should be\nsilenced. But I do maintain that a political party divided against itself cannot\nlead this Nation effectively in time of war, or lead us to peace. Such dissension\nmakes it more difficult to obtain the peace that all Americans want. The President\nhimself has said that criticism by the doves in his own party encourages Hanoi to\nkeep on fighting.\nAmid all this domestic turmoil, the Opposition Party has maintained a\nresponsible position. We have criticized the President only to push for an early\nend to he war, with an honorable conclusion. We have chafed at gradualism but we\nhave not sought military victory or MNEX unconditional surrender.\nThere is good reason to wonder whether the President would purse a course of\ngradualism in the Vietnam War if he had it all to do over again. It is as easy to\nsee as the nose on DeBergerac's face that the enemy has more time to build up his\nstrength and to plan countermoves when his adversary turns up the screws only a\nfraction at a time. No major power has ever before fought a war with such\nself-imposed limitations.\nI believe the way to peace ini Vietnam is to keep steady pressure on Ho Chi Minh\nwhile helping a government with popular support to emerge in South Vietnam. The\nultimate solution in South the Vietnam must be essentially political. No rule imposed\nby the military canresult in a stable government or lasting\npeace in Vietnam.\nThe best hope for peace and stability in South Vietnam is the e volving popular\ngovernment. We can only \"win\" there through land reform and democracy-building.\nNecessary military action must be supported by effective which political and\neconomic measures aimed at creation of a genuine non-Communist political base. We\nmust identify ourselves with the advocates of civilian rule in South E Vietnam, as\nsymbolized by the new constitution.\n* * *\nI ask only that the American people give the Loyal Opposition a hearing--and\nthen act on the evidence.\nIf, as the figures indicate, a majority of the registered voters are\nDemocrats, then let them ponder the words of a Democratic president. Woodrow Wilson\ntold the American people: \"Liberty cannot exist where government takes care of the\npeople, but it can only thrive where the people take care of the government.\"\n#####\nDistribution: 20 sent w/mr Ford ONLY\nCONGRESSMAN\nNEWS\nGERALD R. FORD\nHOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER\nRELEASE\nExcerpts from an Address by Rep. Gerald R. Ford, R-Mich., at Colgate University\nFor Release on Delivery at 8 p.m. Sunday, April 9, 1967, at Hamilton, N.Y.\nWhy are we today plagued with a crime wave that rises and swells until a\ncomplete breakdown of law and order is threatened?\nI believe it is because the so-called Great Society is a permissive society\nwhich encourages disrespect for the Rule of Law. We are reaping a whirlwind--the\nfruit of years of permissiveness in the family, inadequate discipline in the public\nschools and a shortage of dedicated teachers, evolution of the attitude that an\nAmerican need only obey those laws he deems morally justified, and glorification\nof violence and rebellion.\nWhile this may seem unrelated to the composition of the Congress and the\noccupant of the White House, it is definitely intertwined. It is part of the moral\nfabric of the country, that intangible called national atmosphere. It enters into\nthe difference in approach by the two parties to the overall issue of crime.\nI am not going to discuss the crime issue in detail here except to emphasize\nthat the war against crime must be fought on many fronts and with a variety of\nweapons.\nWe in the Congress must help local communities expand and improve their\npolice forces and we must make the latest and best information on crime detection\ntactics and techniques available to them. We must also greatly strengthen our\nprobationary and rehabilitation systems to prevent as best we can the pattern of\ncriminal repeaters.\nBeyond that let us discard the idea that it is subversive to criticize the\nSupreme Court. We must be deeply concerned with individual rights. But let us\nexamine court decisions on the questioning of suspects and the permissibility of\nvoluntary confessions as courtroom evidence and then draw a line which aids our\nlaw enforcement officials without interfering with the constitutional rights of\nindividual citizens.\nAnd let us outlaw all wiretapping and eavesdropping by unauthorized citizens\nbut make this tool available to law enforcers under court order as they make war\non organized crime.\nBERALD FORD LIBRARY\n-2-\nThe constitutional right of privacy is a priceless right, but so too is the\nright of an American citizen to be protected against professional criminals.\nI do not contend that criticism of American policy in Vietnam should be\nsilenced. But I do maintain that a political party divided against itself cannot\nlead this Nation effectively in time of war, or lead us to peace. Such dissension\nmakes it more difficult to obtain the peace that all Americans want. The President\nhimself has said that criticism by the doves in his own party encourages Hamoi to\nkeep on fighting.\nAmid all this domestic turmoil, the Opposition Party has maintained a\nresponsible position. We have criticized the President only to push for an early\nend to the war, with an honorable conclusion. We have chafed at gradualism but we\nhave not sought military victory or unconditional surrender.\nThere is good reason to wonder whether the President would pursue a course of\ngradualism in the Vietnam War if he had it all to do over again. It is as easy to\nsee as the nose on DeBergerac's face that the enemy has more time to build up his\nstrength and to plan countermoves when his adversary turns up the screws only a\nfraction at a time. No major power has ever before fought a war with such self-\nimposed limitations.\nI believe the way to peace in Vietnam is to keep steady pressure on Ho Chi\nMinh while helping a government with popular support to emerge in South Vietnam.\nThe ultimate solution in South Vietnam must be essentially political. No rule im-\nposed by the military can result in a stable government or lasting peace in Vietnam.\nThe best hope for peace and stability in South Vietnam is the evolving\npopular government. We can only \"win\" there through land reform and democracy-\nbuilding. Necessary military action must be supported by effective political and\neconomic measures aimed at creation of a genuine non-Communist political base. We\nmust identify ourselves with the advocates of civilian rule in South Vietnam, as\nsymbolized by the new constitution.\n***\nI ask only that the American people give the Loyal Opposition a hearing\n--and then act on the evidence.\nIf, as the figures indicate, a majority of the registered voters are\nDemocrats, then let them ponder the words of a Democratic president. Woodrow\nWilson told the American people: \"Liberty cannot exist where government takes care\nof the people, but it can only thrive where the people take care of the government.\"\n####"
}