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Business - Government Relations Council, Hershey, PA, October 16, 1967
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Business - Government Relations Council, Hershey, PA, October 16, 1967
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Gerald R. Ford Congressional Papers
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U.S. Congress. 1789-
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The original documents are located in Box D22, folder "Business - Government Relations
Council, Hershey, PA, October 16, 1967" of the Ford Congressional Papers: Press
Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
Copyright Notice
The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of
photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. The Council donated to the United
States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections.
Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public
domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to
remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid
copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
REMARKS OF GERALD R. FORD TO THE BUSINESS-GOVERNMENT RELATIONS
COUNCIL, HERSHEY, PA., OCTOBER 16, 1967
THE LAST TIME I WAS HOME IN GRAND RAPIDS, I RAN INTO A
VERY INTERESTING LADY WHO COLLECTS STAMPS.
ILE
SHE CLAIMS
THAT YOU CAN LEARN A LOT FROM THEM. SHE SHOWED ME, FOR
INSTANCE, A NEW U.S. STAMP RECENTLY ISSUED HONORING DAVY
CROCKETT. SHE SAID IT WAS VERY SIGNIFICANT THAT LBJ APPROVED
THIS STAMP JUST AT THIS POINT, BECAUSE DAVY CROCKETT IS
REALLY LBJ'S SECRET HERO NSTEAD OF LINCOLN OR FDR. AND SHE
MENTIONED HOW THE PRESIDENT USED ONE OF DAVY'S FAMOUS PHRASES
HEN HE VISITED THE TROOPS IN VIETNAM JUST BEFORE THE LAST
ELECTION, YOU REMEMBER, HE TOLD THEM TO" BRING HOME THAT
COONSKIN AND NAIL IT TO THE WALL."
WELL, THIS LADY WHO INTERPRETS STAMPS HAS MADE QUITE
A STUDY OF DAVY CROCKETT'S CAREER, AND SHE REMINDED ME THAT
LIBRARY
Digitized from Box D22 of The Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library
-2-
DAVY WAS ELECTED TO CONGRESS AND CAME DOWN TO WASHINGTON FOR
THREE TERMS IN THE HOUSE, THAT IS, SIX YEARS. AND THAT THE
FOLKS BACK HOME GOT INCREASINGLY FED UP WITH HIM AND FINALLY
DEFEATED whyoped HIM IN 1834.
MY STAMP LADY SAID SHE DIDN'T THINK SHE OUGHT TO SAY
IT RIGHT OUT TO ME, BUT THAT IF I WOULD CHECK UP ON DAVY
CROCKETT'S LAST WORDS AS HE LEFT WASHINGTON, I WOULD HAVE AN
IMPORTANT TIP ABOUT PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S PLANS FOR 1968.
SO I LOOKED UP DAVY CROCKETT'S FAREWELL SPEECH AS AN
ELECTED OFFICIAL AND YOU KNOW WHAT HE SAID?
"I AM GOING TO TEXAS, AND YOU-ALL CAN GO TO HELL!"
BILL WHYTE LET ME LOOK AT THE REMARKS HE AND LARRY
WOOD MADE AT YOUR FIRST ORGANIZATIONAL MEETING, OUTLINING THE
PURPOSES OF THE COUNCIL. AS AN ORGANIZATION, YOU ARE ABOUT
BRARY
-3-
AS OLD AS THE 90TH CONGRESS. BOTH GROUPS SHOULD ASK --
WHAT'S OUR SCORECARD OR BATTING AVERAGE SO FAR. SPEAKING FOR
THE MINORITY, I WAS GRATIFIED TO FIND UPON TOTING UP THE
TALLY CARD DURING THE LABOR DAY RECESS THAT THE REINFORCED
REPUBLICANS HAVE MADE VISIBLE PROGRESS ON 16 OF THE 30
SPECIFIC, CONSTRUCTIVE DOMESTIC PROPOSALS EV AND I MADE IN
OUR "STATE OF THE UNION" APPRAISAL LAST JANUARY.
NOW, I HEAR RUMORS THAT THE PRESIDENT WANTS THIS
CONGRESS TO PACK UP AND GO HOME IN A HURRY. FRANKLY, I CAN'T
BLAME HIM BECAUSE THIS CONGRESS HAS A BIT OF OLD-FASHIONED
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE IN ITS BONES. BUT/WE HAVE SOME
UNFINISHED BUSINESS WE OUGHT TO ATTEND TO FIRST. I COULD GO
ON ABOUT THIS SUBJECT, BUT I WOULD RATHER -- IF I MAY -- LEAVE
THE EYEBALL-TO-EYEBALL LEGISLATIVE BATTLEGROUND AND TALK
FORD
INSTEAD TO THE POINT, BILL MADE, IN HIS JANUARY PAPER -- THE
LIBRARY
-4-
NEED TO IMPROVE THE DIALOGUE BETWEEN GOVERNMENT AND THE
BUSINESS COMMUNITY. I WAS PARTICULARLY IMPRESSED BY THE
OBSERVATION THAT, HISTORICALLY, THIS DIALOGUE FOCUSES TOO
EXCLUSIVELY ON SHORT-RUN PROBLEMS -- ON WHAT THE ADMINISTRATION
WILL DO ABOUT INTEREST RATES, IF ANYTHING; WAGE-PRICE
GUIDELINES, IF ANY; TAX ESSUES, INCREASES OR SUSPENSIONS, OR
THE BALANCE OF PAYMENTS -- AND TOO LITTLE ON LONG-RUN ISSUES.
FOR EXAMPLE, ON THE RELATIVE RESPONSIBILITIES OF GOVERNMENT
AND OF PRIVATE ENTERPRISE FOR THE CREATION OF JOBS, FOR THE
PRODUCTIVITY OF WORKERS, FOR THE ASSUMPTION OF RISK, AND
FOR THE PERFORMANCE OF TASKS THAT WERE ONCE THE BUSINESS OF
BUSINESS.
RIGHT AT THE START OF THIS EXCELLENT CAPSULE OF THE
PROBLEM IS AN INVOLUNTARY REFLEX THAT REVEALS SOMETHING ABOUT
BUSINESS-GOVERNMENT RELATIONS. ISN'T THERE TOO MUCH CONCERN
-5-
WITH "WHAT THE ADMINISTRATION IS DOING ABOUT THIS AND THAT.
THIS IS/A SORT OF FREUDIAN SLIP THAT SHOWS EVEN THE MOST
THOUGHTFUL STUDENTS OF THE PROBLEM TEND TO EQUATE THE
GOVERNMENT WITH THE ADMINISTRATION. YET WE IN THE CONGRESS
CAN MODESTLY CLAIM TO BE PART OF THE GOVERNMENT. WASHINGTON
REPRESENTATIVES CERTAINLY ARE WELL AWARE OF THIS EVEN IF
SOME OF THE FOLKS IN THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH WISH IT WEREN T SO.
WHEN I ACCEPTED YOUR INVITATION TO SAY A FEW WORDS AT
THIS GATHERING I REALIZED THE painful RISK I WAS RUNNING. EVERYBODY
WHO MAKES PUBLIC SPEECHES WORRIES ABOUT THE ONE GUY IN THE
AUDIENCE WHO KNOWS MORE ABOUT HIS SUBJECT THAN HE DOES. TO
STAND BEFORE A WHOLE ROOMFULL OF EXPERTS ON BUSINESS-GOVERNMENT
RELATIONS AND TALK ABOUT THAT TOPIC, YOU EITHER HAVE TO BE
VERY FOOLHARDY OR VERY FRIENDLY.
BEING BOTH, I WANT TO FURL MY PARTISAN COLORS HERE AND
NOW AND DISCUSS AN IDEA I HAVE BEEN WORKING ON FOR SEVERAL
-6-
MONTHS ALONG LINES THAT SEEM TO PARALLEL YOUR OWN OBJECTIVES.
IT MAY SURPRISE YOU WHEN I SAY MY IDEA MAY BE OF GREAT HELP
TO THE DEMOCRATS DURING THE YEARS AHEAD. I AM HAPPY -- EVEN
EAGER -- TO LEAVE THEM THIS LEGACY OF THE MINORITY.
LET ME SPEAK CANDIDLY ABOUT SOME OF THE PECULIAR
PROBLEMS OF THE MINORITY PARTY. LET'S EXAMINE THIS AS
PRACTICING POLITICAL SCIENTISTS -- FOR I THINK YOUR PROFESSION
AND MINE CAN PROPERLY CLAIM TO BE PART SCIENCE, PART INTUITION,
AND EVEN PART GOLF.
MY CREDENTIALS TO DISCUSS THE MINORITY ROLE ARE MUCH
TOO GOOD TO SUIT ME -- I HAVE BEEN A MEMBER OF THE MINORITY
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES FOR 17 OF MY 19 YEARS IN
CONGRESS. I HAD ONE HAPPY INTERLUDE AS A MAJORITY MEMBER
DURING A REPUBLICAN ADMINISTRATION AND AM LOOKING FORWARD TO
ANOTHER. BUT BEFORE LAUNCHING A FORMAL CAMPAIGN FOR A G.O.P.
LIBRA
-7-
MAJORITY IN THE 91ST CONGRESS 1'D LIKE TO UNBURDEN MYSELF
ON THE MINORITY'S ROLE, WHETHER IT IS DEMOCRATIC OR
REPUBLICAN, AND HOW IT MIGHT FUNCTION MORE EFFECTIVELY.
ALL CAN AGREE AT THE OUTSET THAT A VIGOROUS TWO-PARTY
SYSTEM IS FUNDAMENTAL TO FREEDOM AND PROGRESS. IN AMERICA,
HOWEVER, THE TWO-PARTY SYSTEM OPERATES NATIONALLY ONLY EVERY
FOUR YEARS. BETWEEN TIMES, / IT FUNCTIONS ON THE FEDERAL LEVEL
PRIMARILY IN THE CONGRESS.
WHILE IT IS STILL CONSIDERED "NORMAL" FOR THE PRESIDENT
AND THE MAJORITY IN CONGRESS TO BE OF THE SAME PARTY, THE
EXCEPTIONS IN RECENT YEARS HAVE BEEN MORE FREQUENT. SINCE
PRESIDENT FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT, WE HAVE HAD DIVIDED
GOVERNMENT FOR EIGHT OUT OF 23 YEARS, WITH ONE PARTY IN THE
This dursnon 8 responsibility
WHITE HOUSE AND THE OTHER COMMANDING CONGRESS. # HAS NOT
PROVED PARTICULARLY PARALYZING OR DISASTROUS. IN FACT, SOME
-8-
OBSERVERS VIEW IT AS A COMPENSATING FACTOR AGAINST THE
RECENT CONCENTRATION OF EXECUTIVE AUTHORITY.
SO THE SECOND PRECEPT, WHICH I HOPE WILL HAVE
UNANIMOUS CONSENT WITHIN THIS GROUP, IS THAT A VIGOROUS
LEGISLATIVE BRANCH IS ESSENTIAL AND THAT A ROUGH BALANCE
BETWEEN IT AND THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH MAKES FOR BETTER GOVERNMENT.
AS A COROLLARY TO THIS, THE DIVISION BETWEEN MINORITY AND
MAJORITY IN THE CONGRESS SHOULD NOT BE SO LOPSIDED AS TO
STIFLE DEBATE AND TRANSFORM THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS INTO A
STEAMROLLER OR RUBBER STAMP. COMPETITION IS AS HEALTHY IN
POLITICS AS IT IS IN BUSINESS.
NOW, LET'S GET DOWN TO CASES. ONE OF THE MOST COMMON
CRITICISMS OF CONGRESS, AND ESPECIALLY OF THE MINORITY PARTY
IN CONGRESS, IS THAT IT IS ESSENTIALLY NEGATIVE -- THAT ALL
IT DOES IS OPPOSE -- THAT IT SHOULD BE MORE CONSTRUCTIVE --
LIBRARY
of
-9-
THAT IT CANNOT LOOK VERY FAR DOWN THE ROAD.
I HAVE HAD AMPLE OPPORTUNITY THESE PAST TWO-AND-A-HALF
YEARS TO LEARN HOW HARD IT IS, WITH ALL THE LEVERS OF
LEGISLATIVE MACHINERY IN THE HANDS OF THE MAJORITY, ACTUALLY
TO GET POSITIVE AND CONSTRUCTIVE ALTERNATIVES OFF THE GROUND --
THOUGH SURPRISINGLY WE SOMETIMES DO IT. BUT IT IS EASY TO
CYNICS
SEE HOW PRAGMATISTS ON THE WASHINGTON SCENE CONCLUDE
GYNICALLY THAT THE PRIMARY DUTY OF THE OPPOSITION IS TO OPPOSE.
WHILE WE HAVE OUR HAIR DOWN I HAVE TO SAY THAT
WASHINGTON REPRESENTATIVES QUITE OFTEN FALL IN STEP WITH
THIS CONCEPT OF THE MINORITY'S PRIME PURPOSE. WHEN YOU WANT
SOMETHING STOPPED, YOU COME TO US; WHEN YOU WANT TO INITIATE
OR INNOVATE, YOU GO "DOWNTOWN."
POWER ATTRACTS POWER, I KNOW, AND THE NUMBER OF PEOPLE
WHO VISIT WITH ME IN THIS 90TH CONGRESS HAS INCREASED ROUGHLY
-10-
IN PROPORTION TO OUR NET GAIN OF 47 SEATS IN THE HOUSE LAST
NOVEMBER. BUT WE NOW ARE TALKING AS POLITICAL SCIENTISTS,
AND WHAT I AM CONCERNED ABOUT IS THE NEED FOR A CHANGE IN
THE TRADITIONAL CONCEPT OF OUR TWO-PARTY SYSTEM. INSTEAD OF
A CONCEPT OF "INS" AND "OUTS", IN THE "60'S" WE ARE MOVING TO
ONE OF CONTINUOUS GOVERNMENT, WITH AN INTERCHANGABLE MAJORITY
AND MINORITY, BOTH CONCERNED WITH PROBLEM-SOLVING AND BOTH
RESPONDING REALISTICALLY TO PEOPLE' S NEEDS.
IF THIS SOUNDS OVERLY IDEALISTIC TO SUCH A SOPHISTICATED
GROUP, LET ME SAY I AM CONVINCED THAT, UNLESS WE PROGRESS
TOWARD SUCH AN IDEAL, NEITHER OUR TWO-PARTY SYSTEM/NOR OUR
CHECK-AND-BALANCE SYSTEM IS LIKELY TO SURVIVE. AMERICAN
BUSINESS -- CERTAINLY THE SOLID, SUCCESSFUL BUSINESSES
REPRESENTED HERE -- LEARNED SOME TIME AGO THAT IT IS NOT
FORD
ENOUGH TO TURN A FAST PROFIT, THAT BUSINESS HAS TO MEET GERA THE
LIBRARY
-11-
GENUINE NEEDS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE, INDIVIDUALLY AND AS A
NATION. BUSINESS TODAY MUST KNOW REAL NEEDS AND PROJECT
THEM ACCURATELY INTO THE FUTURE. THIS INVOLVES VAST EXPENDI -
TURES OF MONEY AND TALENT FOR CONTINUING SUCCESS.
THE KNOWLEDGE EXPLOSION, THE INFORMATION REVOLUTION,
THE COMMUNICATION BREAKTHROUGHS THAT HAVE TAKEN PLACE IN OUR
LIFETIMES ARE WORKING A SIMILAR CHANGE IN POLITICAL COMPETITION.
PERHAPS MORE SLOWLY, POLITICAL PARTIES AND CANDIDATES SEEKING
PUBLIC SUPPORT ARE COMING TO REPHRASE ABRAHAM LINCOLN AND
CONCLUDE THAT YOU CAN'T FOOL VERY MANY OF THE PEOPLE VERY
MUCH OF THE TIME. TRY IT, AND you HAVE A CREDIBILITY GAP YOU
CAN NEVER CLOSE.
THE POLITICAL PARTY THAT SUCCEEDS IN THE FUTURE IS
GOING TO BE THE ONE WHICH BEST FORESEES, AND BEST MEETS, THE
LIBRARI
GENUINE NEEDS OF OUR PEOPLE, INDIVIDUALLY AND COLLECTIVELY.
-12-
LIKE BUSINESS, WE WILL BE JUDGED ON PERFORMANCE RATHER THAN
PROMISES. ALSO LIKE BUSINESS, WE CANNOT SUCCEED BY MIS-
LEADING, OVERSELLING AND BANKRUPTING OUR CUSTOMERS AND THEN
GOING BROKE OURSELVES. I WANT MY PARTY TO BE A PROBLEM-
SOLVING PARTY. THE OTHER PARTY SHOULD BE ALSO. IN THE
political
COMPETITIVE ARENA THE ONE THAT COMES UP WITH THE BEST SOLUTIONS
SHOULD WIN.
WHEN A NATIONAL ADMINISTRATION FOCUSES ON A PROBLEM,
THE PRESIDENT OR ONE OF IHS CABINET OFFICERS USUALLY APPOINTS
A BLUE RIBBON COMMISSION TO ANALYZE ALL ASPECTS OF THE
PROBLEM AND RECOMMEND ACTION, OR ALTERNATIVE SOLUTIONS. THE
PRESIDENT CAN DRAW UPON THE VERY ABLEST PEOPLE IN THE COUNTRY
-- IN BUSINESS, IN THE UNIVERSITIES, IN LABOR OR ANY OTHER
FIELD -- AND THROUGH THESE TOP PEOPLE THE WHITE HOUSE HAS
ACCESS TO ALL THE RESEARCH AND RESOURCES OF THE VITAL PRIVATE
-13-
SECTOR OF AMERICAN SOCIETY. WHEN HE DOES SO, CITIZENS
HASTEN TO ACCEPT THE PRESIDENT'S CALL AS A PATRIOTIC DUTY
AND A HIGH HONOR, WITHOUT FEAR OF COMMUNITY MISUNDERSTANDING
OR PARTISAN RECRIMINATION.
FOR INSTANCE, JUST A MONTH AGO LIFE MAGAZINE HAD AN
EDITORIAL
ESSAY BY HUGH SIDNEY ON THE PRESIDENCY -- THE PARTY THAT
THE WRITER
THINKS IT OWNS THE PLACE."
OBSERVED OF PRESIDENT
JOHNSON'S METHOD:
2
quate
"HE BELIEVES THAT IT IS HIS RIGHT TO CONDUCT THE
CREATIVE PROCESSES OF GOVERNMENT BEHIND CLOSED DOORS AND TELL
THE PUBLIC ONLY AS MUCH AS HE SEES FIT. HE Johnson IS NOW PREPARING
1
HIS PROGRAM FOR 1968, WHICH WILL BE VITAL TO HIM POLITICALLY
BUT ALSO WILL BE VITAL TO THE NATION. HE HAS SENT HIS MEN
TO GATHER IDEAS FROM MORE THAN 100 OF THE BEST MINDS IN
FORD
LIBRAR
AMERICA AND ALL THE SUGGESTIONS HAVE BEEN COLLECTED IN A
-14-
MASSIVE BOOK FROM WHICH JOHNSON WILL CHOOSE THE THINGS HE
WANTS. NEITHER THE NAMES OF THE CONTRIBUTORS NOR THEIR
SUGGESTIONS WILL BE MADE PUBLIC
(END OF QUOTE)
I HAVE NO OBJECTION TO THIS -- IT'S NECESSARY AND
COMMENDABLE. BUT THE MINORITY PARTY -- THE PARTY WHICH
DOESN'T CONTROL THE WHITE HOUSE AT ANY GIVEN TIME -- RECOGNIZES
AND
THE SAME NATIONAL INTERNATIONAL PROBLEMS AND BROAD AREAS
OF PUBLIC CONCERN. THERE'S NO GREAT DIFFERENCE BETWEEN
REPUBLICANS AND DEMOCRATS WHEN IT COMES TO PINPOINTING
PROBLEMS -- THEY ARE OBVIOUS TO EVERYBODY. WHERE WE DIFFER,
AND SHOULD DIFFER, IS WHAT PRIORITY WE GIVE THEM AND WHAT WE
PROPOSE TO DO ABOUT THEM.
THE POINT TO CLARIFY TONIGHT IS THIS: THE MINORITY
PARTY NEEDS, PERHAPS EVEN MORE THAN THE MAJORITY PARTY, THE
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TALENT, COUNSEL AND RESOURCES OF THE PRIVATE SECTOR OF
-15-
AMERICA -- BECAUSE THE PRIVATE SECTOR IS WHERE THE GREATEST
AMOUNT OF TALENT AND RESOURCES ARE GATHERED. BUT, UNFOR-
TUNATELY, THE MINORITY HAS NOT HAD EQUAL ACCESS OR ATTENTION
IN THE PAST. SINCE THE OPERATIVE ELEMENT IN THE MINORITY
PARTY, SO FAR AS FEDERAL GOVERNMENT IS CONCERNED, IS ITS
CONGRESSIONAL LEADERSHIP, I CONFESS THIS IS PARTLY INHERENT IN
THE SYSTEM AND PARTLY OUR OWN FAULT.
IN THEORY, BOTH THE MAJORITY AND THE MINORITY PERFORM
ESSENTIAL FUNCTIONS IN A FREE GOVERNMENT. EACH IS EQUALLY
ENTITLED TO, AND EQUALLY IN NEED OF, ADEQUATE INFORMATION AND
ASSISTANCE FROM OTHER ELEMENTS OF OUR COMPLEX SOCIETY, AMONG
THEM, OF COURSE, THE BUSINESS COMMUNITY. VIEWED FROM ANOTHER
ANGLE, AGAIN IN THEORY, IT IS CLEARLY TO THE ADVANTAGE OF THE
BUSINESS COMMUNITY TO MAINTAIN CLOSE, HIGH-LEVEL CONTACT WITH
BOTH THE MINORITY AND THE MAJORITY AND SPECIFICALLY WITH
-16-
CONGRESS -- WITH THE CONTINUOUS PART OF OUR TRIPARTITE
GOVERNMENT AS WELL AS THE PART WHICH UNDERGOES COMPLETE AND
SUDDEN CHANGEOVER WHEN THE PRESIDENCY CHANGES HANDS.
THIS IS SUMMED UP IN THE RATHER CYNICAL OBSERVATION
THAT "BUSINESS PLAYS BOTH SIDES OF THE STREET" IN ITS
RELATIONS WITH GOVERNMENT. MY POINT -- IT SHOULD DO EXACTLY
THAT, ONLY MORE SO. IT SHOULD DO IT CONTINUOUSLY INSTEAD
OF SPORADICALLY. IT MUST 00 SO EVEN-HANDEDLY IF POLITICAL
play both sides
COMPETITION BETWEEN THE TWO PARTIES IS TO BE EFFECTIVE.
REPUBLICANS HAVE HEARD SO LONG THAT THEY WERE THE PARTY
OF BIG BUSINESS THAT ONLY RECENTLY HAVE WE BEGUN TO REALIZE
WE ARE GETTING ALL THE ONUS AND NOT ENOUGH OF THE BENEFITS
OF THIS ALLEGED AFFINITY. WE ARE DETERMINED TO FIND A
REMEDY.
IT HAS BEEN SAID THAT MONEY IS THE LIFEBLOOD OF
FORD & LIBRARY GERALD
-17-
OF POLITICS. NOW, I AM NOT GOING TO is KNOCK greater than THAT IDEA. even THE
NEED FOR POLITICAL CONTRIBUTIONS MAS SCARED, BUT THE REASONS
HAVE CHANGED. ON THE OLD FRONTIER, A GOOD SHARE OF DAVY
CROCKETT'S CAMPAIGN KITTY WENT TO BUY BARRELS OF WHISKEY. ON
THE NEW FRONTIER AND BEYOND, IT PAYS FOR RESEARCH AND PEOPLE
SKILLED IN USLNG LT,FOR FOR THE DEVELOPMENT AND COMMUNICATION
OF INFORMATION AND IDEAS ON A MASSIVE SCALE. THE INTOXICATION
OF PROSPECTIVE VOTERS HAS BECOME A MOST SOPHISTICATED AND
EXPENSIVE AFFAIR.
WE IN THE CONGRESSIONAL LEADERSHIP OF THE TEMPORARY
MINORITY ARE WELL AWARE OF OUR LONG-RANGE INFORMATION AND
COMMUNICATION GAP. WE UNDERSTAND THAT COOPERATION AND
CONSULTATION BETWEEN TOP LEADERSHIP OF BUSINESS AND THE
EXECUTIVE BRANOH OF GOVERNMENT IS NATURALLY EASIER BECAUSE
FORD
BOTH THE ADMINISTRATION AND BUSINESS CORPORATIONS ARE PYRAMIDAL
-18-
ORGANIZATIONS. DIRECT LINES OF AUTHORITY FLOW DOWNWARD FROM
ONE MAN AT THE TOP.
AND
DECISIONS AND ACTION FOLLOW IN A
RELATIVELY UNCOMPLICATED SEQUENCE IN BOTH SET-UPS.
I NEEDN'T WASTE WORDS TELLING YOU THAT CONGRESS JUST
DOESN'T WORK THAT WAY! THERE ARE 535 SOVEREIGN DECISION-
MAKERS -- THOUGH SOMETIMES THEY DO ALMOST ANYTHING TO AVOID
THAT ULTIMATE STEP. NOT ONE OF US IS REALLY DEPENDENT UPON
ANY OTHER MEMBER, NOT dear UPON THE PRESIDENT NOR UPON ANYONE
EXCEPT HIMSELF AND HIS, FOLKS BACK HOME. NO TWO OF US HAVE
IDENTICAL IDEAS OR IDENTICAL INTERESTS -- DESPITE OUR
DIVISION ALONG PARTY LINES. THAT IS, OF COURSE, PART OF THE
GENIUS OF OUR POLITICAL SYSTEM. BUT IT MAKES IT DIFFICULT,
I NEEDN'T TELL YOU, TO DEAL WITH "THE CONGRESS."
YET THE KNOWLEDGE EXPLOSION, THE INFORMATION REVOLUTION
AND THE COMMUNICATIONS BREAKTHROUGHS THAT SINCE WORLD WAR II
-19-
HAVE TRANSFORMED OUR SOCIETY, AND OUR POLITICS, CAN LEAD US
TO GREAT PERIL. FOR KNOWLEDGE IS POWER. TO VEST A
MONOPOLY OFF THIS FORM OF POWER IN ONE BRANCH OF OUR GOVERNMENT,
OR ONE OF OUR TWO PARTIES, ISAS DANGEROUS AS THE CONCENTRATION
OF FINANCIAL POWER, MILITARY POWER OR ANY OTHER POWER.
THE REPUBLICAN LEADERSHIP OF CONGRESS; SENATOR DIRKSEN,
RAY BLISS AND MYSELF, HAVE HELD EIGHT MEETINGS OVER THE LAST
FOUR MONTHS WRESTLING WITH THIS PROBLEM. WE HAVE JUST
LAUNCHED A PILOT PROGRAM IN THE AREA OF ECONOMIC POLICY
THROUGH WHICH WE HOPE, IN THE MONTHS AHEAD, TO DRAW UPON THE
RESOURCES AND TALENTS OF THE BUSINESS, THE ACADEMIC AND THE
FINANCIAL COMMUNITIES TO FIND SOUND SOLUTIONS TO THE GRAVE
FISCAL PROBLEMS OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.
ONE OF YOUR MEMBERS, BRYCE HARLOW, HAS PERFORMED HIS
USUAL HEROIC SERVICE IN GETTING THIS PROGRAM GOING. IF ERAD
IT
IBRARY
-20-
GOES AS WELL AS NOW APPEARS, WE WILL MOVE INTO OTHER AREAS
OF NATIONAL CONCERN TO DEVELOP A CONTINUING EXCHANGE OF
IDEAS, INFORMATION AND INTERPRETATIONS TO INVIGORATE OUR ROLE
AS A RESPONSIBLE AND RESPONSIVE MINORITY.
WE TRUST THIS SAME
SET UP WOULD BE AVAILABLE TO OUR FRIENDS ON THE OTHER SIDE
OF THE AISLE WHEN THEY ARE THE MINORITY AFTER NOV., 1968.
I AM NOT TALKING ABOUT FUND-RAISING NOW, NOR ABOUT
PARTISAN CAMPAIGN AMMUNITION, WITH WHICH WE MANAGE TO KEEP
REASONABLE WELL-SUPPLIED. WE ARE SEEKING THE KIND OF BEDROCK
FACTS AND FORECASTS, HARD-HEADED APPRAISALS OF FUTURE NEEDS
OF THE NATION, THAT WE MUST ALL HAVE IF THIS AMERICAN POLITICAL
SYSTEM IS TO SUCCEED. I AM DELIGHTED YOU HAVE FORMED THIS
UNIQUE COUNCIL, BECAUSE IT SEEMS TO ME WE ARE ENGAGED IN THE
SAME EFFORT, WHICH INDEED WAS THE GOAL OF THE FRAMERS OF RALD OUR
LIBRAR
CONSTITUTION: HOW TO MAKE INDIVIDUAL SELF-INTEREST SERVE THE
-21-
COMMON GOOD. WE HAVE DONE PRETTY WELL SO FAR, BUT WE
MUST MOVE WITH THE TIMES.
ONE LAST WORD TO MY DEMOCRATIC FRIENDS -- EVERYTHING
P VE SAID I THINK I CAN LIVE WITH WHEN, AS # PROF OUNDLY HOPE
OUR ROLES ARE REVERSED AND WE BECOME THE MAJORITY AND THEY
THE MINORITY. THE LOT OF A MINORITY LEADER IS NOT AN EASY
ONE, BUT IT IS ENDURABLE BECAUSE IT IS NOT SUPPOSED TO LAST
FOREVER. I FOR ONE HOPE WE CAN KEEP BOTH PARTIES IN BUSINESS --
AND BUSINESS INTERESTED IN BOTH PARTIES, SO THAT RUGGED COMPE-
TITION IS THE RULE IN BOTH BUSINESS AND GOVERNMENT.
THANK YOU.
-END-
FORD is LIBRARY 07V839
I HOPE I HAVEN'T DISAPPOINTED YOU BY BEING SO
NONPARTISAN TONIGHT. ACTUALLY, I SAVED THAT FOR THE LAST.
I' D LIKE TO ADDRESS ONE FINAL WORD TO THE NEXT PRESIDENT OF
THE UNITED STATES.
GOOD NIGHT, GEORGE. GOOD NIGHT, DICK. GOOD NIGHT,
ROCKY. GOOD NIGHT, RONNIE. GOOD NIGHT, CHUCK. AND GOOD NIGHT
HAROLD STASSEN, WHEREVER YOU ARE.
end
FORD is LIBRARY 07V839
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101-50
REMARKS BY GERALD R. FORD (R-MICH.), HOUSE MINORITY LEADER
TO THE BUSINESS-GOVERNMENT RELATIONS COUNCIL
HERSHEY, PENNSYLVANIA
OCTOBER 16, 1967
Bill Whyte let me look at the remarks he and Larry Wood made at your
first organizational meeting, outlining the purposes of the council. As an
organization, you are about as old as the 90th Congress. Both groups should
ask--what's our scorecard or batting average so far. Speaking for the Minority,
I was gratified to find upon toting up the tally card during the Labor Day
recess that the reinforced Republicans have made visible progress on 16 of the
30 specific, constructive domestic proposals Ev and I made in our "State of the
Union" appraisal last January.
Now, I hear rumors that the President wants this Congress to pack up and
go home in a hurry. Frankly, I can't blame him because this Congress has a
bit of old-fashioned American independence in its bones. But we have some
unfinished business we ought to attend to first. I could go on about this
subject, but I would rather--if I may--leave the eyeball-to-eyeball legislative
battleground and talk instead to the point Bill made in his January paper--the
need to improve the dialogue between government and the business community. I
was particularly impressed by the observation that, historically, this dialogue
focuses too exclusively on short-run problems-on what the Administration will
do about interest rates, Nf anything; wage-price guidelines, if any: tax
increases or suspensions, or the balance of payments--and too little on long-run
issues. For example, on the relative responsibilities of government and of
private enterprise for the creation of jobs, for the productivity of workers, for
the assumption of risk, and for the performance of tasks that were once the
business of business.
Right at the start of this excellent capsule of the problem is an
involuntary reflex that reveals something about business-government relations.
Isn't there too much concern with "what the Administration is doing." This is
a sort of Freudian slip that shows even the most thoughtful students of the
problem tend to equate the government with the Administration. Yet we in the
Congress can modestly claim to be part of the government. Washington
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GERALD FORD LIBRARI
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Representatives certainly are well aware of this, even if some of the folks
in the Executive Branch wish it weren't SO.
When I accepted your invitation to say a few words at this gathering I
realized the painful risk I was running. Everybody who makes public speaches
worries about the one guy in the audience who knows more about his subject than
he does. To stand before a whole roomful of experts on business-government
relations and talk about that topic, you either have to be very foolhardy or
very friendly.
Being both, I want to furl my partisan colors here and now and discuss an
idea I have been working on for several months along lines that seem to
parallel your own objectives. It may surprise you when I say my idea may be of
great help to the Democrats during the years ahead. I am happy--even eager--to
leave them this legacy of the Minority.
Let me speak candidly about some of the peculiar problems of the Minority
Party. Let's examine this as practicing political scientists--for I think your
profession and mine can properly claim to be part science, part intuition, and
even part golf.
My credentials to discuss the Minority role are much too good to suit me--
I have been a member of the Minority in the House of Representatives for 17 of
my 19 years in Congress. I had one happy interlude as a Majority Member during
a Republican Administration and am looking forward to another. But before
launching a formal campaign for a G.O.P. majority in the 91st Congress I'd like
to unburden myself on the Minority's role, whether it is Democratic or Republican,
and how it might function more effectively.
All can agree at the outset that a vigorous two-party system is fundamental
to freedom and progress. In America, however, the two-party system operates
nationally only every four years. Between times, it functions on the federal
level primarily in the Congress.
While it is still considered "normal" for the President and the Majority
in Congress to be of the same party, the exceptions in recent years have been
more frequent. Since President Franklin D. Roosevelt, we have had divided
government for eight out of 23 years, with one party in the White House and
the other commanding Congress. This division of responsibility has not proved
paralyzing or disastrous. In fact, some observers view it as a compensating
factor against the recent concentration of Executive authority.
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So the second precept, which I hope will have unanimous consent within
this group, is that a vigorous Legislative Branch is essential and that a
rough balance between it and the Executive Branch makes for better government.
As a corollary to this, the division between Minority and Majority in the
Congress should not be so lopsided as to stifle debate and transform the
legislative process into a steamroller or rubber stamp. Competition is as
healthy in politics as it is in business.
Now, let's get down to cases. One of the most common criticisms of
Congress, and especially of the Minority Party in Congress, is that it is
essentially negative--that all it does is oppose--that it should be more
constructive--that it cannot look very far down the road.
I have had ample opportunity these past two-and-a-half years to learn how
hard it is, with all the levers of legislative machinery in the hands of the
Majority, actually to get positive and constructive alternatives off the ground--
though surprisingly we sometimes do it. But it is easy to see how cynics on
the Washington scene conclude that the primary duty of the opposition is to
oppose.
While we have our hair down I have to say that Washington Representatives
quite often fall in step with this concept of the Minority's prime purpose.
When you want something stopped, you come to us; when you want to initiate or
innovate, you go "downtown."
Power attracts power, I know, and the number of people who visit with me
in this 90th Congress has increased roughly in proportion to our net gain of
47 seats in the House last November. But we now are talking as political
scientists, and what I am concerned about is the need for a change in the
traditional concept of our two-party system. Instead of a concept of "ins" and
"outs," in the "60's" we are moving to one of continuous government, with an
interchangable Majority and Minority, both concerned with problem-solving and
both responding realistically to people's needs.
If this sounds overly idealistic to such a sophisticated group, let me
say I am convinced that, unless we progress toward such an ideal, neither our
two-party system nor our check-and-balance system is likely to survive.
American business--certainly the solid, successful businesses represented here--
learned some time ago that it is not enough to turn a fast profit, that business
has to meet the genuine needs of the American people, individually and as a
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nation. Business today must know real needs and project them accurately into
the future. This involves vast expenditures of money and talent for continuing
success.
The knowledge explosion, the information revolution, the communication
breakthroughs that have taken place in our lifetimes are working a similar
change in political competition. Perhaps more slowly, political parties and
candidates seeking public support are coming to rephrase Abraham Lincoln and
conclude that you can't fool very many of the people very much of the time.
Try it, and you have a credibility gap you can never close.
The political party that succeeds in the future is going to be the one
which best foresees, and best meets, the genuine needs of our people, individually
and collectively. Like business, we will be judged on performance rather than
promises. Also like business, we cannot succeed by misleading, overselling
and bankrupting our customers and then going broke ourselves. I want my Party
to be a problem-solving party. The other Party should be also. In the
competitive political arena the one that comes up with the best solutions
should win.
When a national administration focuses on a problem, the President usually
appoints a blue ribbon commission to analyze all aspects of the problem and
recommend action, or alternative solutions. The President can draw upon the
very ablest people in the country--in business, in the universities, in labor
or any other field--and through these top people the White House has access to
all the research and resources of the vital private sector of American society.
When he does so, citizens hasten to accept the President's call as a patriotic
duty and a high honor, without fear of community misunderstanding or partisan
recrimination.
For instance, just a month ago Life Magazine had an editorial by Hugh
Sidey on "The Presidency--The Party That Thinks It Owns The Place." The writer
observed of President Johnson's method:
"He believes that it is his right to conduct the creative processes of
government behind closed doors and tell the public only as much as he sees fit.
He is now preparing his program for 1968, which will be vital to him politically
but also will be vital to the nation. He has sent his men to gather ideas from
more than 100 of the best minds in America and all the suggestions have been
collected in a massive book from which Johnson will choose the things he wants.
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Neither the names of the contributors nor their suggestions will be made
public
"
I have no objection to this--it's necessary and commendable. But the
Minority Party--the Party which doesn't control the White House at any given
time--recognizes the same national and international problems and broad areas
of public concern. There's no great difference between Republicans and Democrats
when it comes to pinpointing problems--they are obvious to everybody. Where we
differ, and should differ, is what priority we give them and what we propose
to do about them.
The point to clarify tonight is this: The Minority Party needs, perhaps
even more than the Majority Party, the talent, counsel and resources of the
private sector of America--because the private sector is where the greatest
amount of talent and resources are gathered. But, unfortunately, the Minority
has not had equal access or attention in the past. Since the operative element
in the Minority Party, so far as federal government is concerned, is its
congressional leadership, I confess this is partly inherent in the system and
partly our own fault.
In theory, both the Majority and the Minority perform essential functions
in a free government. Each is equally entitled to, and equally in need of,
adequate information and assistance from other elements of our complex society,
among them, of course, the business community. Viewed from another angle,
again in theory, it is clearly to the advantage of the business community to
maintain close, high-level contact with both the Minority and the Majority and
specifically with Congress--with the continuous part of our tripartite govern-
ment as well as the part which undergoes sudden changeover when the Presidency
changes hands.
This is summed up in the rather cynical observation that "business plays
both sides of the street" in its relations with government. My point--it should
do exactly that, only more SO. It should do it continuously instead of
sporadically. It must play both sides even-handedly if political competition
between the two parties is to be effective.
Republicans have heard so long that they were the party of big business
that only recently have we begun to realize we are getting all the onus, if any,
and not enough of the benefits of this alleged affinity. We are determined to
find a remedy.
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It has been said that money is the lifeblood of politics. Now, I am not
going to knock that idea. The need for political contributions is greater than
ever, but the reasons have changed. On the old frontier, a good share of Davy
Crockett's campaign kitty went to buy barrels of whiskey. On the new frontier
and beyond, it pays for research and people skilled in the development and
communication of information and ideas on a massive scale. The intoxication
of prospective voters has become a most sophisticated and expensive affair.
We in the congressional leadership of the temporary Minority are well
aware of our long-range information and communication gap. We understand that
cooperation and consultation between top leadership of business and the Executive
Branch of government is naturally easier because both the Administration and a
business corporation are pyramidal organizations. Direct lines of authority
flow downward from one man at the top. Decisions and action follow in a
relatively uncomplicated sequence in both set-ups.
I needn't waste words telling you that Congress just doesn't work that way!
There are 535 sovereign decision-makers--though sometimes they do almost anything
to avoid that ultimate step. Not one of us is really dependent upon any other
member, not upon the President nor upon anyone except himself and his dear
folks back home. No two of us have identical ideas or identical interests-
despite our division along party lines. That is, of course, part of the
genius of our political system. But it makes it difficult, I needn't tell you,
to deal with "The Congress."
Yet the knowledge explosion, the information revolution and the communi-
cations breakthroughs that since World War II have transformed our society, and
our politics, can lead us to great peril. For knowledge is power. To vest a
monopoly of this form of power in one branch of our government, or one of our
two parties, is as dangerous as the concentration of financial power, military
power or any other power.
The Republican Leadership of Congress; Senator Dirksen, Ray Bliss and
myself, have held eight meetings over the last four months wrestling with this
problem. We have just launched a pilot program in the area of economic policy
through which we hope, in the months ahead, to draw upon the resources and talents
of the business, the academic and the financial communities to find sound
solutions to the grave fiscal problems of the federal government.
One of your members, Bryce Harlow, has performed his usual heroic service
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in getting this program going. If it goes as well as now appears, we will move
into other areas of national concern to develop a continuing exchange of ideas,
information and interpretations to invigorate our role as a responsible and
responsive Minority.
I am not talking about fund-raising now, nor about partisan campaign
ammunition, with which we manage to keep reasonably well-supplied. We are
seeking the kind of bedrock facts and forecasts, hard-headed appraisals of
future needs of the nation, that we must all have if this American political
system is to succeed. I am delighted you have formed this unique council,
because it seems to me we are engaged in the same effort, which indeed was
the goal of the framers of our Constitution: How to make individual self-
interest serve the common good. We have done pretty well so far, but we must
move with the times.
One last word to my Democratic friends--everything I've said I think I
can live with when our roles are reversed and we become the Majority and they
the Minority. The lot of a Minority Leader is not an easy one, but it is
endurable because it is not supposed to last forever. I for one hope we can
keep both parties in business--and business interested in both parties, so that
rugged competition is the rule in both business and government.
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