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    "title": "Republican Governors' Association, Williamsburg, VA, April 19, 1971",
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        "U.S. House of Representatives. 3/4/1789-",
        "Vietnam War, 1961-1975"
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    "ocrText": "The original documents are located in Box D31, folder \"Republican Governors'\nAssociation, Williamsburg, VA, April 19, 1971\" of the Ford Congressional Papers: Press\nSecretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.\nCopyright Notice\nThe copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of\nphotocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. The Council donated to the United\nStates of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections.\nWorks prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public\ndomain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to\nremain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid\ncopyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.\nBab Hartmam's\nmaffice Copy\nCONGRESSMAN\nNEWS\nGERALD R. FORD\nHOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER\nRELEASE\n--FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--\nApril 19, 1971\nRemarks of House Republican Leader Gerald R. Ford (Mich.)\nto the Republican Governors' Association, Williamsburg, Va.\nMy report on the 92nd Congress must be brief. After three months there is\nlittle legislative progress to report. Not counting unfinished business from last\nyear, the President since January has sent 46 specific requests to the new Con-\ngress. They include some of the most fundamental Federal reforms in a generation.\nOnly one -- raising the debt limit and social security increases -- has become\nlaw. One other measure -- military pay boosts and the draft extension aimed at an\nall-volunteer force -- has passed the House of Representatives. The Senate --\nwell, the Senate is quite capable of speaking for itself.\nThe climate in the House is much different this year. Historically the\nHouse operates very much in the shadow of its Speaker. Barely mentioned in the\nConstitution, the Speakership has evolved into a very powerful and essentially\npartisan office. Every Speaker has his own style, and obviously that of Carl\nAlbert differs from John McCormack's. Equally obvious is the differences in past\nand present Majority Leaders. At this stage I would prefer to leave any cate-\ngorical conclusions to the Washington columnists and to Mr. Albert's and Mr. Boggs'\nown Democratic colleagues. But if you invite me back next year I may be more en-\nlightened and more entertaining on this topic.\nWe also adopted some new House rules last year. Liberal critics of Congress\nbelittled them as window-dressing, but they have already worked significant\nchanges. More public committee procedures and the new method of recording teller\nvotes have had the initial effect of reducing absentecism, encouraging the tendency\nto play to the galleries, and increasing the difficulty of imposing party disci-\npline. The crucial vote on the SST, for example, split Democrats and Republicans\nalmost down the middle. Only 4 more Republicans stayed with the President and\nwith me than were recorded against us. But on the other side, Democrats voted\ndown their own House leadership by 132 to 114. We can expect more narrow margins\nin this session.\nEven without any changes in procedure or personalities, the 92nd Congress\nwould have been more politically-oriented than the 91st. We are headed into\nFORD & LIBRARY GERALD\nDigitized from Box D31 of the Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library\n-2-\nanother Presidential campaign season. The list of would-be Presidents grows\nlonger in the Senate and we even have a few hopefuls in the House -- not all of\nthem Democrats either.\nSo I think we are in for some rough weather. Generally, I predict the new\nDemocratic Majority in the House will be a little more effective in its politicking,\na little less resolute in standing up to Senate demagoguery, a little more re-\nsponsive to its far-out liberal faction, a little less responsible in foreign and\ndefense matters.\nThe Democrats in Congress already are coming up with a wide array of pro-\nposals to rewrite and raise the ante on major Administration programs, such as\nrevenue sharing, health care and welfare reform.\nDemocrats undermining Nixon's goals on the domestic battlefield may be fair\npolitical game. But I'm proud to say that neither Senator Dirksen nor I ever\nundercut a Democratic President in his grave Constitutional role as the nation's\nforeign policy spokesman and Commander-in-Chief of its brave defenders.\nOn this I want to get something off my chest without pointing at anybody.\nI simply cannot comprehend how any American -- especially anyone with a claim to\npublic leadership -- can stand up in this trying hour of our history to carp and\ncriticize, snipe and sabotage, quarrel and quibble with a President who day by day\nand week by week and month by month is skillfully and successfully extricating us\nfrom the var in Vietnam.\nIn a little more than two years Richard Nixon has handled the immense and\nseemingly insoluble problem of Southeast Asia precisely as he promised in 1968\nand has brought results beyond our wildest hopes. He has cut the American combat\ncommitment in half already and will reduce it by two-thirds before this year ends.\nMore importantly, American casualties that were once 500 a week are down to below\n50. And President Nixon is going to end our involvement in Vietnam altogether\njust as fast as he can safety and honorably do SO. He deserves our applause and\nall-out support.\nNow what do his critics want? For what possible political advantage, for\nwhat momentary glow of publicity, can any Republican or Democrat insist that\nPresident Nixon handcuff himself in the final crucial months of this delicate and\nunprecedented realignment of America's power for peace?\nWhat do the President's Vietnam critics hope to accomplish? To play\nnumbers games with the calendar that could cost American lives and demean America's\ncredibility before the world? Do they really want to embarrass the President of\nthe United States, to force him to fail, to make him out a liar? I cannot be-\nlieve it.\n-3-\nI have travelled the length and breadth of this country in the past few\nweeks and I am convinced the vast majority of Americans support President Nixon in\nhis steady, measured march toward peace, not only in Southeast Asia but around the\nworld. I am confident that Richard Nixon will be remembered -- and re-elected in\n1972 -- for ending the American combat role in Victnam not only with honor but\nwith extraordinary skill and courage.\nOne final suggestion from a fellow Republican. When I met with the Members\nof the Republican Governors' Association in Colorado shortly after our spectacular\ncomeback in the 1966 elections, I said jokingly that perhaps our Republican Party\ncould survive anything except success. Nov, after the 1970 elections, that joke\nisn't very funny.\nWe continued our gains in Congress and in the State capitals in 1968 and\nwe elected our President and recaptured the executive branch of the Federal govern-\nment. Then what did we do? We rode down Pennsylvania Avenue in the Inaugural\nParade and proceeded to dismantle the very vehicle that carried us there.\nOne of the first enterprises with which I was associated after being chosen\nto lead the Republicans in the House in 1965 was the creation of the National\nRepublican Coordinating Committee. On it were represented the former Republican\ncandidates for President, the Republican Congressional leaders of House and Senate,\nrepresentatives of the Republican Governors (there were only 17 then) and State\nlegislators and the Republican National Committee. We met four times a year and\nve hammered out responsible and forward-looking Republican programs and policies.\nFurthermore, in the give and take of these regular get-togethers, seasoned Repub-\nlican officials in close contact with the voters somehow attained a degree of\nharmony and unity which our Republican Party has never equalled before or since.\nI don't know whose fault it was that the National Republican Coordinating\nCommittee was allowed simply to wither away just when it proved its worth in 1968.\nWe still had miles to go in winning back the Congress. We could have also concen-\ntrated on holding and increasing State offices so essential to redistricting after\nthe 1970 Census. But we didn't.\nTrue, the Republican Governors continue to meet and so do the Senate and\nHouse Republican Leadership, and we meet from time to time with the President and\nthe National Chairman and with one another, but these bilateral visits are not\nenough. Republican program and policy leadership now, of course, is the primary\nprerogative of a Republican President. But regular consultation and cross-\nfertilization of ideas among experienced and elected Republican leaders, both to\npromote and to produce party unity, is today sorely missed. I suggest we should\n-4-\nrevive the Coordinating Committee now and ready it for the needs of 1972 and\nbeyond.\nWe meet here to talk about what President Nixon calls the New American\nRevolution, surrounded by reminders of the Original American Revolution. General\nWashington, in the dark winter of 1776, wrote privately to his brother that \"if\nevery nerve is not strained to recruit the new army with all possible expedience,\nI think the game is pretty near up.\"\nGentlemen, we are the field generals and the recruiters of the new army of\nvoters that must be raised in 1972. The Republican Party across the country, in\nyour States and in each Congressional district -- not merely at the Supreme com-\nmander's headquarters in Washington -- must be the hard professional core of that\nnew all-volunteer army. If we do not rally and recruit it with all possible speed,\nthe game will indeed be up for the New American Revolution.\nLet's prove that the Republican Party can survive even success.\n# # * # #\nCONGRESSMAN\nNEWS\nGERALD R. FORD\nHOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER\nRELEASE\n--FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE--\nApril 19, 1971\nRemarks of House Republican Leader Gerald R. Ford (Mich.)\nto the Republican Governors' Association, Villiamsburg, Va.\nMy report on the 92nd Congress must be bricf. After three months there is\nlittle legislative progress to report. Not counting unfinished business from last\nyear, the President since January has sent 46 specific requests to the new Con-\ngress. They include some of the most fundamental Federal reforms in a generation.\nOnly one -- raising the debt limit and social security increases -- has become\nlaw. One other measure -- military pay boosts and the draft extension aimed at an\nall-volunteer force -- has passed the House of Representatives. The Senate --\nwell, the Senate is quite capable of speaking for itself.\nThe climate in the House is much different this year. Historically the\nHouse operates very much in the shadow of its Speaker. Barely mentioned in the\nConstitution, the Speakership has evolved into a very powerful and essentially\npartisan office. Every Speaker has his own style, and obviously that of Carl\nAlbert differs from John McCormack's. Equally obvious is the differences in past\nand present Majority Leaders. At this stage I would prefer to leave any cate-\ngorical conclusions to the Washington columnists and to Mr. Albert's and Mr. Boggs'\nown Democratic colleagues. But if you invite me back next year I may be more en-\nlightened and more entertaining on this topic.\nWe also adopted some new House rules last year. Liberal critics of Congress\nbelittled them as window-dressing, but they have already worked significant\nchanges. More public committee procedures and the new method of recording teller\nvotes have had the initial effect of reducing absentecism, encouraging the tendency\nto play to the galleries, and increasing the difficulty of imposing party disci-\npline. The crucial vote on the SST, for example, split Democrats and Republicans\nalmost down the middle. Only 4 more Republicans stayed with the President and\nwith me than were recorded against us. But on the other side, Democrats voted\ndown their own House leadership by 132 to 114. We can expect more narrow margins\nin this session.\nEven without any changes in procedure or personalities, the 92nd Congress\nwould have been more politically-oriented than the 91st. We are headed into\nFORD GERALD LIBRARY GERALD\n-2-\nanother Presidential campaign season. The list of would-be Presidents grows\nlonger in the Senate and we even have a few hopefuls in the House -- not all of\nthem Democrats either.\nSo I think we are in for some rough weather. Generally, I predict the new\nDemocratic Majority in the House will be a little more effective in its politicking,\na little less resolute in standing up to Senate demagoguery, a little more re-\nsponsive to its far-out liberal faction, a little less responsible in foreign and\ndefense matters.\nThe Democrats in Congress already are coming up with a wide array of pro-\nposals to rewrite and raise the ante on major Administration programs, such as\nrevenue sharing, health care and welfare reform.\nDemocrats undermining Nixon's goals on the domestic battlefield may be fair\npolitical game. But I'm proud to say that neither Senator Dirksen nor I ever\nundercut a Democratic President in his grave Constitutional role as the nation's\nforeign policy spokesman and Commander-in-Chief of its brave defenders.\nOn this I want to get something off my chest without pointing at anybody.\nI simply cannot comprehend how any American -- especially anyone with a claim to\npublic leadership -- can stand up in this trying hour of our history to carp and\ncriticize, snipe and sabotage, quarrel and quibble with a President who day by day\nand week by week and month by month is skillfully and successfully extricating us\nfrom the var in Vietnam.\nIn a little more than two years Richard Nixon has handled the immense and\nseemingly insoluble problem of Southeast Asia precisely as he promised in 1968\nand has brought results beyond our wildest hopes. He has cut the American combat\ncommitment in half already and will reduce it by two-thirds before this year ends.\nMore importantly, American casualties that were once 500 a week are down to below\n50. And President Nixon is going to end our involvement in Vietnam altogether\njust as fast as he can safety and honorably do so. He deserves our applause and\nall-out support.\nNow what do his critics want? For what possible political advantage, for\nwhat momentary glow of publicity, can any Republican or Democrat insist that\nPresident Nixon handcuff himself in the final crucial months of this delicate and\nunprecedented realignment of America's power for peace?\nWhat do the President's Vietnam critics hope to accomplish? To play\nnumbers games with the calendar that could cost American lives and demean America's\ncredibility before the world? Do they really want to embarrass the President of\nthe United States, to force him to fail, to make him out a liar? I cannot be-\nlieve it.\n-3-\nI have travelled the length and breadth of this country in the past few\nweeks and I am convinced the vast majority of Americans support President Nixon in\nhis steady, measured march toward peace, not only in Southeast Asia but around the\nworld. I am confident that Richard Nixon will be remembered -- and re-elected in\n1972 -- for ending the American combat role in Vietnam not only with honor but\nwith extraordinary skill and courage.\nOne final suggestion from a fellow Republican. When I met with the Members\nof the Republican Governors' Association in Colorado shortly after our spectacular\ncomeback in the 1966 elections, I said jokingly that perhaps our Republican Party\ncould survive anything except success. Nov, after the 1970 elections, that joke\nisn't very funny.\nWe continued our gains in Congress and in the State capitals in 1960 and\nwe elected our President and recaptured the executive branch of the Federal govern-\nment. Then what did we do? We rode down Pennsylvania Avenue in the Inaugural\nParade and proceeded to dismantle the very vehicle that carried us there.\nOne of the first enterprises with which I was associated after being chosen\nto lead the Republicans in the House in 1965 was the creation of the National\nRepublican Coordinating Committee. On it were represented the former Republican\ncandidates for President, the Republican Congressional leaders of House and Senate,\nrepresentatives of the Republican Governors (there were only 17 then) and State\nlegislators and the Republican National Committee. Ve met four times a year and\nve hammered out responsible and forward-looking Republican programs and policies.\nFurthermore, in the give and take of these regular get-togethers, seasoned Repub-\nlican officials in close contact with the voters somehow attained a degree of\nharmony and unity which our Republican Party has never equalled before or since.\nI don't know whose fault it was that the National Republican Coordinating\nCommittee was allowed simply to wither away just when it proved its worth in 1968.\nWe still had miles to go in winning back the Congress. We could have also concen-\ntrated on holding and increasing State offices so essential to redistricting after\nthe 1970 Census. But we didn't.\nTrue, the Republican Governors continue to meet and so do the Senate and\nHouse Republican Leadership, and we meet from time to time with the President and\nthe National Chairman and with one another, but these bilateral visits are not\nenough. Republican program and policy leadership now, of course, is the primary\nprerogative of a Republican President. But regular consultation and cross-\nfertilization of ideas among experienced and elected Republican leaders, both to\npromote and to produce party unity, is today sorely missed. I suggest we should\n-4-\nrevive the Coordinating Committee now and ready it for the needs of 1972 and\nbeyond.\nWe meet here to talk about what President Nixon calls the New American\nRevolution, surrounded by reminders of the Original American Revolution. General\nWashington, in the dark winter of 1776, wrote privately to his brother that \"if\nevery nerve is not strained to recruit the new army with all possible expedience,\nI think the game is pretty near up.\"\nGentlemen, we are the field generals and the recruiters of the new army of\nvoters that must be raised in 1972. The Republican Party across the country, in\nyour States and in each Congressional district -- not mercly at the Supreme com-\nmander's headquarters in Washington -- must be the hard professional core of that\nnew all-volunteer army. If we do not rally and recruit it with all possible speed,\nthe game will indeed be up for the New American Revolution.\nLet's prove that the Republican Party can survive even success.\n# # # # #"
}