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Michael Raoul-Duval Papers
Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter Debates Files
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The original documents are located in Box 25, folder "Auspitz, Lee" of the Michael
Raoul-Duval Papers at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
Copyright Notice
The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of
photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Michael Raoul-Duval donated to the
United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives
collections. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed
to remain with them. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties
are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations
are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is
subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
Lee Auspite
Paper
CROSS-CUTTING LEADERSHIP THEMES IN THE DEBATES
Introduction
FORD & LIBRARY GERALD
In televised debates the winner is not the one who scores
on debating points, but the one who communicates a
coherent overall impression of presidential leadership.
In 1960, for example, Nixon won the debate hands down
on substance -- and in fact radio listeners were swayed
in his favor. But on television, his words were not
reinforced by his overall bearing, which lacked the
confidence and maturity conveyed in his verbal message.
By contrast, Kennedy communicated a self-assured style
and reinforced it with a theme that ran through all of
his substantive responses (let's get America moving
again, a new frontier, vigor, courage, etc.). For him
every statement in the debates was seen as an opportunity
to drive home his message, and in the end, even Nixon was
trapped into accepting the terms of the election as who
could provide more vigorous, out-frontpresidential
leadership.
Carter has been taking a similar track. He is trying
physically to convey the image of a more spiritual
JFK and he reinforces this with talk of love, com-
passion, moral renewal, integrity and the like. He
has also instinctively (and now, I believe, with con-
siderable calculation) placed himself physically in
situations where he appears to be independent of estab-
lished interests. Hence he is always a bit removed
from the group he is talking to, and indeed, he often
makes a point of slightly defying them, which communi-
cates a stance of not being beholden to anyone but the
voter. As I suggested in my earlier memo, this is
tailored for the soft-core Wallace vote, or the so-
called "Nixon Democrats" who like a touch of defiance
in their politicians, irrespective of what big interest
is being defied. Verbally, all this is reinforced with
the theme of Leadership. Carter has attacked Ford
incessantly as weak, indecisive, mired in vetoes
rather than inspired in vision, overly partisan, having
lost the mutual respect essential to dealing with
Congress and the openness necessary to dealing with the
American people. The thrust of all this is that Ford
has been a good-natured caretaker, but now it is time
for a real President in the JFK-FDR mold. And of course,
weak leadership shows up as Ford's negative in all the
polls, of which Carter is an avid reader.
ii
For Ford to use the debates to his advantage he must
use them to set forth an alternative to Carter's.
theme of the presidential leadership. In fact, his
whole election may hinge on presenting himself as
embodying an alternative style of leadership.
This conclusion can now be substantiated with the
Teeter materials, which have (if my preliminary tele-
phone conversations with him are an adequate indica-
tion) also achieved something of a conceptual break
through in enabling us to pinpoint the way to maxi
FORD & LIBRARY GERALD
mize what we all feel instinctively to be Ford's
strength.
Ford's strategic problem is that Carter is closer to
the center of gravity of the American public on two
scales which appear crucial this year. Economically,
he is perceived as more "liberal" in the sense of
favoring the common man over big business. On social
issues, he is perceived as more "conservative" in the
sense of subscribing to traditionalist rather than
modernist values. To make inroads into Carter's lead
Ford must be perceived as a bit closer to the interests
of the common man on economic questions and a bit more
traditionalist on social values. The problem is that
there are no readily available salient issues that can
accomplish this for him quickly (1976 is not really a
big issue year).
On the traditionalist scale Carter's fundamentalist
religion makes him hard to outflank, since this is
perceived as the deepest possible indication of traditional
values. But it may be possible to set the context of
the leadership issue so that the advantages of fundamental
religion becomes irrelevant. Ford's reliance on team-
work, give-and-take, and a consultative style must be
seen as the traditional American style, while crisis
acted out in the mind of an inner-directed, single-
minded President are perceived as modernist and threatening.
On the economy, a shift in the perception of Ford's
existing politics can be accomplished by stressing their
human rather than their institutional meaning. None of
this involves any misrepresentation. On the contrary,
it simply means choosing cross-cutting themes that enable
the voter to see the Ford presidency in more politically
mature terms.
iii
There is, to begin with a threshold question of assuring
that Ford is perceived as presenting an alternative rather
than an inferior leadership style. The simple point is
to convince people that Ford is intelligent. They already
believe that he has positive virtues of decency, honesty,
and goodness. But they are not sure, on everybody's polls,
whether he is smart enough to be more than a caretaker
President. They are not, for example, even aware that he
is a lawyer who ranked well in his Yale school class (a
scholastic achievement at least as impressive as Carter's
performance at Annapolis).
The first debate is an opportunity to settle this threshold
question by preparing sharp, pithy language for the Presi-
dent (after the manner of his GOP acceptance speech) rather
than the rambling bureaucratese that he must read in the
normal course of his duties. And of course, it is also
important that he have a mastery of his own program and
of salient facts. (NOTE: if he wears reading glasses for
fine print, there is no disgrace and may be some advantage
in using them for a passage or two from a government
document).
But if we stop here we have still failed to put significant
pressure on Carter. On the other hand, if the President
attacks Carter directly in the first debate he loses some
of his presidential standing and may even seem desperate.
The solution is to make each response a pointed attack not
on Carter or his inconsistencies, but on his notion of
presidential leadership. Every substantive question should
be treated as an opportunity to present a leadership theme
to show that Ford has acted on an intelligent view of the
presidency and to suggest an obvious implied criticism
of Carter.
In this, the President's passing remarks may be more
important than his substantive defense of his policies.
Indeed, each substantive area should be viewed as an
occasion to exemplify a general theme of presidential
BERALD FORD LIBRARY
leadership.
Bear in mind that Carter is perceived as not fully
experienced in Presidential leadership, so that Ford's
observations on it will carry more authority. Bear in mind
also that Carter's single-mindness coupled with his
religiosity causes considerable unease over his style of
leadership. We know from poll data that this anxiety is
particularly marked among those with backgrounds in
liturgical religions (Jews, Catholics, high church
Protestants) and among liberal secularists. Note that all
iv
these groups are used to having things acted out in a
public ritual way, either through religious ceremony
or through politicsl procedures. When they say that
they distrust Carter, when even his supporters complain
about giving him a blank check, when they accept compari-
sons of him to Nixon, and worry about him as a compulsive
submarine captain, they are saying, in effect, that they
want major decisions settled in the open by give-and-take
rather than in the mind of a single man. All this makes
them, irrespective of whether they agree with Ford on
particular issues, a natural target for his themes of
an alternative style of leadership. What are these
themes? How should they be expressed? How can they
be incorporated into the President's briefing strategy?
1
I. Leadership Themes
Here are six interrelated themes about leadership that
articulate some of the unspoken virtures of the Ford
presidency and personality, with some sample phrases and
illustrations drawn from domestic and economic policy.
Each substantive issue presents opportunity to bring home
one or more of these themes, and the President's concluding
remarks provide a good opportunity to draw them all together
into an explicit statement of a philosophy of leadership
in the economic and domestic sphere.
1. Stability, steadiness, predictability, reliability,
political honesty.
sample lines:
GERALD FORD LIBRARY
"For a president, words are commitments. He must be
willing to stand by them." (note how much better this
is than accusing Carter of flip-flops).
"our overall goal in the economy was to bring the
country back to an even keel."
"Prosperity depends on each family feeling enough
stability so that it is willing to save, and plan, and
hope for a better future. The same stability leads
business to expand and to produce new jobs."
"A steady economy requires a stable, predictable
currency. This is why we have worked so hard to reduce
inflation. If you don't know how much a dollar will be
worth next year, you can't plan ahead."
"Businesses like families will make new plans, and
produce new jobs only when they feel that the overall
economic situation is predictable and reliable."
"I have tried to create a climate of reliability and
steadiness. Often this has meant disciplining the
government not to overstimulate the situation, either
with rash action, with overspending, or with overblown
rhetoric."
"My economic doctors have been right: when the patient
is healing himself, you don't give him strong medicine."
as
$
IURO
GERALD
LIBRARY
"The President is not a man on a white horse. He is
the steady hand on the tiller."
(Polling note: for the past 9 months running Americans
have said that they perceived a stable economic and
political situation. This is the longest such streak
in more than a decade.)
Sample programs: economic management, budgetary politics,
government employment.
2. Consultation, give-and-take, compromise, mutual adjustment.
Sample lines:
"A President just can't tell people off. He must contin-
ually consult with his supporters and opponents alike."
"Many of my vetoes have been ways of communicating with
Congress and telling them that we wanted a better bill.
In many cases they got the message."
"The President is the leader in our government, but he
is not always out front. He sometimes leads best by
letting others carry the ball. He is responsible not
for looking good himself but for making America look
good after all the dust has settled."
"A president should be able to go into a meeting with
any group in the country and make them understand that
he has a steady course for America, but that they, as
citizens of America can help him chart that course." "
"In a democracy, there is no such thing as a viable
policy imposed from on high. It requires a lot of give-
and-take and mutual compromise. Our. form of government
is slower but surer. "
"The ship of state is not a submarine that is isolated
under water for months at a time. It is more like a
space ship in continuous contact with ground control.
The control is the voting public and our system of checks
and balances."
"A President has to learn to live with a large number of
unsatisfactory situations. It often takes many months
even years for agreement to emerge on a major program.
But this is the way it has to be in a democracy."
3
FORD
GERALD
LIBRARY
"A President is always helped by an electorial mandate
in his give-and-take with the Congress. It has nothing
to do with party. After an election it is always
possible to make real achievements in partnership with
the Congress. Before an election, things are always
less serious, regardless of which party is in power."
"Chief executives who can't consult can't perform.
In Illinois, Governor Dan Walker tried to stand aloof
from all politics and pressure groups. This year he wasn't
even nominated by his party. The same thing seems to be
happening with Governor Dukakis in Massachusetts. Governor
Carter was limited by statute to one term in Georgia so
the problem never arose there. As Harry Truman said,
if you can't take the heat don't go into the kitchen."
"The Founding Fathers set up our form of government so
that the moods and psychology of the President would not
be important. They wanted a President not a king. They
wanted major decisions acted out in the open and modified
by give-and-take not settled as a mental crisis in the
mind of a single, all-powerful leader."
"The Romans began their decline when they started wor-
shipping their Emperor as a god."
Sample programs: any which have required consultation
and give-and-take. (and are still perhaps not satisfactory
e.g. energy, busing, SST.)
3. Ability to make hard decisions.
Sample lines:
"Sometimes a president must make unpopular decisions by
instinct. The test is whether they hold up under analysis
later on. The pardon of former President Nixon might have
been handled two other ways. I might have done nothing,
or I might have waited until court proceedings went
they full course before making my decision, as Mrr Carter
has said he would have done. Congressman Andrew Young
of Georgia, however, had the same gut instinct I had at
the time. He saw that any delay would have led to a long
drawn out court battle like the Patty Hearst or Angela
Davis trials, with $100 a plate fund-raising dinners for
legal funds. As a lawyer I know that such actions can
be drawn out for years, with appeals, technical objections
9
and changes of venue. Without the pardon, instead
FORD LIBRARY & GERALD
of debating the issues facing the country, Mr. Carter
and I would now be debating the latest constitutional
issue involved in the pending litigation on the case
of a former President. And that, as I have said many
times, is why I know my decision put Watergate behind
us."
Or before a rebuttal time, describe a concrete decision (
(e.g. the Railroad Retirement Fund veto, or the consid-
erations leading to the decision to seek a payroll tax
increase for Social Security) and then turn to Mr.
Carter and ask how he would have handled the decision.
"Sometimes a Presidential decision is unpopular not
because it is wrong but because political opponents
seize on only an aspect of it for criticism."
"One is often accused of lacking compassion when one
improves services for the poor. This is because improving
services for the poor often means making sure that the
money goes to those who are really in need. Some poli-
ticians fail to see the distinction between compassion
and corruption in medical and welfare services."
"The hardest and most essential discipline for all of
us, is to learn to be able to say no."
Sample programs: the list is endless, but Mr. Ford
would do well to seek out an opportunity to state the
reasons why is pardon was the right decision.
4. The non-interventionist theme -- deregulation, decentral-
ization, state and local revenue sharing, control of
bureaucracy, encouragement of small business and private
enterprise.
A background note: This is the most distinctive of
Ford's themes and also the toughest to handle rhetorically.
without being overly negative and sounding too much like
a country club lawyer who turns off blue collar support,
or alternatively, without sounding weak and passive.
Here are some rhetorical rules of thumb:
1. Every issue on the structure of government should be
put in human not institutional terms. Or, if we put things
institutionally, we must immediately state what this means
to the individual family. The perspective of the
individual family is the test of all policies in an
election.
2. Note the term "individual family" not "individual".
Rich protestant Republicans talk about individualism;
to blue collar workers it has a harsh ring. "Individual
family" appeals to both constituencies.
3. Similarly, use the term "community" instead of "state
and local government." State and local government sounds
mechanical and corrupt. "Communities" are warm and
human, and they con't sound quite as racially exclusive
as "neighborhoods."
4. Deregulation needs to be portrayed as a consumer
issue, saving money for the individual family. So does
limitation on the size of bureaucracy. Telling how
much the individual family pays in interest each year
on the Federal debt is much better than hollering about
large deficits, since they are so large that nobody can
get their concrete meaning.
5. Non-interventionism needs to be described as a
positive, innovative policy rather than a negative
attack on government. It needs to be seen as opening up
opportunities rather than punishing inefficient bureau-
crats. There are few families in America who have not
had a member on a government or medical roll or social
security roll in some way or another.
Sample lines:
"Prosperity does not trickle down from Washington. It
comes from the energies of the American people. We in
Washington can assure that these energies are not stifled
by too much interference."
"Regulation is costing the American consumer
% of the
price of an airlines ticket,
% of the price of a
railroad ticket,
etc.
"The interest payments on the national debt cost the
average American family $
a year. "
"If we were an undeveloped country with only a few
qualified people, it might make sense to concentrate
them all in the capital. But when we have as talented
and energetic country as America, it is a great waste
to direct things from Washington. When we move slowly in
Washington we encourage opportunities to open up elsewhere
in the country."
6
"We have increased by 24% the portion of the federal
budget returned to our state and local communities.
We have reduced paperwork by 12%. We have increased
Small Business loans by 33%. We have reduced the
number of jobs on the federal payroll to the 1973
level -- how many state governors can make that claim?
The effect of all this is to put our faith in the
creativity of America rather than in the directives
of Washington."
"America has the most educated, resourceful and widely
dispersed talent of any major country. It is an enormous
waste of human resources to concentrate initiative in
Washington when the whole fabric of American society is
bursting with intelligence and creativity."
"When Washington moves cautiously, it encourages America
to renew itself all the faster. "
"We don't want a society that is apoplectic in the head
and anemic in the extremities. " (The phrase is from
Lammenais, the French Catholic philosopher.) "That
is why we want to dispense power throughout
American society."
7
Sample Programs:
Revenue Sharing, the Funding Simplification Act,
Deregulatory Proposals, Basic Educational Opportunity
Grants, etc.
IV. Briefing Strategy
Having a few cross-cutting themes makes preparation for
the debates much easier. It gives the President a con
FORD LIBRARY
cept to attach to every topic. We might, for example,
make up a chart with the leadership themes, Steadiness,
Give-and Take, Hard Decisions, Opening Up the System.
Under each of these, we can group different topics and
policies with a reminder of salient details that bring
home the theme and to Carter quotes that show him at a
disadvantage on this same theme. Many programs can be
used under more than one heading. But in general, the
economy is a good area for illustrating stability and
steadiness in leadership; the pardon for hard decisions;
the structure of government issues for opening up the
system; and anything that is unsatisfactory or still
being wrangled out with the Congress for give and take.
There are only a dozen or so topics that will be covered
in debate and rebuttal and each theme has its different
emphases, so that this approach will communicate a clear
leadership message without palling or insulting the viewer's
intelligence. (Note that each of these themes has a
pointed edge for Carter: Steadiness calls attention to the
uncertainties raised by his meteroic rise. Give-and take
to the anxiieties about his perfectionism and his inner
light styles of deliberation. Hard decisions his continual
shaving of verbal statements. And Opening up the system
puts the policies of limited government and traditional
Republican philosophy in terms most attractive to the
individual family, and thus makes Carter's criticisms of
Ford's weakness seem obtuse: Ford has not been weak, he
has been cannily acting on an intelligent strategy of
limited government.
III A Wrap-Up Statement
The President gets a three minute wrap-up in the debates
which can be used profitably to state his leadership theme
directly in terms that will occasion secondary commentary.
He can, in effect, pose the question for the election as
a choice between two styles of leadership. The phrasing
needs to be worked out carefully, but here is a rough hour's
worth of scribbling on the kind of thing that might be used:
8
During the campaign Governor carter stated his philosophy of presidential
leadership in terms that he has since repeated: "There's only one person in
this country," he said, "that can speak with a clear voice to the American
people or set a standard of ethics or morality and excellence and greatness---
That person," Governor Carter said, "is the President."
I have a different view of the Presidency. There isn't one person in the
country who can do these things. We can all do them. We can all speak
to each other forthrightly. We can all set standards of integrity and
accomplishment in our everyday lives.
What the President can do is to make sure that we are all acting in a way that
moves us forward and that brings us together.
Two years ago this was not the case. We in America were not at peace with
ourselves. We did not feel that our institutions were reliable. We did not
feel that the economy was steady. We felt unpredictable change all around us,
change that made it hard for us to plan ahead, to save and invest, to hope for a
better world for our children.
There were two main causes for this unease. At home, we had the aftermath
of Watergate. Abroad we had the aftermath of the Middle East war and an oil
price increase that dramatically increased inflation and created economic
uncertainty all over the world. These two causes I dealt with quickly and
directly with all the power of my office. I put Watergate behind us and acted
to remove the threat of all-engulfing war from the Middle East.
9
GERALD
LIBRARY
Two years later American families are again starting to plan and to save.
Businesses are beginning to invest in new plants and in new jobs. We all begin
to feel more confident in the future. We turn again to moral and religious
concerns, to education, recreation and the arts. The country is moving back
on an even keel. This condition of confidence is not something that a President
creates. It is generated at the level of the individual American family. But
he can remove obstacles to a renewal of confidence. And once these
obstacles are removed he can have the wisdom to leave well enough alone.
A President, then, must look to the future not in terms of how he will appear
but as a whole will prosper. In some cases, the wealth of America requires
him to take by himself. More often, he will have to consult, coordinate, and find
others to carry the ball. Sometimes he will use his powers to concede action, at
others he will delay action until a really healthy national consensus emerges.
In all this the President must remember that he serves in a limited government.
He has a moral role, but the real moral energies of America have always been
outside politics. He has an economic role, but the real economic energies of
America do not trickle down from Washington. He has a political role, but he
only destroys the integrity of his office if he tries to exercise it outside the
checks and balances of the Constitution.
A President can never ask the people to put unlimited trust in himself for this
is contrary to the spirit of criticism and give-and-take in our system. His
motto, instead, must be to trust in America, to trust in the creativity and good
judgement of the American people and to take those measures in Washington
that will enable America to have confidence in itself. When Washington moves
10
slowly America. renews itself all the faster. A President cannot hope in his
person to embody all that is best in America - - for he is only a human being.
Yet he can aspire, with the help of his fellow citizens, to create conditions
in which what is best for the country will be achieved. A limited
presidency goes hand in hand with peaceful, creative and energetic vision of
America.
September 6, 1976
MEMORANDUM FOR:
JIM BAKER
FROM:
MIKE DUVAL Whe
FORD & LIBRARY GERALD
I'd like to have Lee Auspitz come to Washington on
Thursday and Friday (at a minimum) to help us prepare
the debate briefing materials.
Lee is very familiar with Pat Caddell's polling techniques
and he also has indepth experience in political matters.
For example, he was the consultant in a recent poll con-
cerning the number of Americans likely to vote. (Stu
knows him.)
I'd like your permission to bring Lee down at the standard
consultant rate. I anticipate using him a total of four
to seven days between now and the first debate.
Approve
Disapprove
FORD LIBRARY & GERALD
LLee
TO: Gergen and Jones
GERALO FORD LIBRARY
FROM: Auspitz
SUBJECT: Some points about Carter
I thought it might be helpful to remind you in writingof
some of the points we discussed informally at our first lunch
after the Pennsylvania primary:
1. The Caddell polling innovations
Caddell has three techniques which are not yet in the repertoire
of other firms. You may recall that our conversational shorthand
for them was a) the Mrydal principle, b) double profile targetting,
and c) latent behavioral structures. Caddell has sharpened them
for almost exclusive use by 'fresh faces' running against
experienced and respected incumbents. The techniques were
first field-tested with considerable success in 1972 in the
Maine (Hathaway-Smith), Delaware (Biden-Boggs), and Iowa (Clark-
Miller) Senatorial races. They have shown considerable effectiveness
since in all regions of the country and were especially helpful to
Carter in Florida and Pennsylvania;' Carter has decided to invest
a considerable portion of his campaign budget in Caddell's polling
and strategic planning.
The techniques can, however, be outflanked. The easiest means,
as Jerry Brown and Frank Church demonstrated, is to come on as a
fresher face than Caddell's candidate. But for an incumbent, even an
underdog incumbent, this is not possible. One can, however,
devise a campaign carefully tailored to out-Caddell Carter, while
at the same time using the more traditional advantages of incumbency.
2. The role of the convention and vice-presidency
There are no intrinsically right and wrong decisions here.
Ford can win or lose with any running mate or any convention
drama. The key here is that whatever he does, he must look
decisive. He must impose his will on the convention. The year
of trimming to hold down Reagan has left the voters with an
impression of indecisiveness that Ford has only 73 days to change.
The convention, the vice-presidential selection and the acceptance
speech must be ACT I in a unified pageant of Ford the Leader.
Bear these rules in mind:
-- Ford can't win by standing on his record alone, since the whole
Caddell technique is to have even a good record wordk against the incumb
-- Ford can't win by coalition politics alone, since the coalition
basics favor the Democrats
-- Ford can't win by a personal or ideological attack on Carter, since
this is precisely what the electorate is sick and tired of.
--Ford can't win on ticket-splitter analysis, since Caddell's
techniques are a generation ahead of these.
On the other hand, Ford can win by designing, in advance of
the convention, a forceful, unified, come-from-behind
campaign that makes his record, his coalition, and Carter's
weaknesses part of a larger theme.
Do let me know if you want to feed into your planning a
more formal and detailed analysis of the Caddell strategies.
I shall be at home (6]7) 628-6228 for the first half of
August and at Ed Banfield's farm (802) 476-3525, the second half.
for
Ampurt 2,1976
FORD LIBRARY & GERALD
October 4, 1976
MEMORANDUM FOR:
ROY HUGHES
FROM:
MIKE DUVAL mike/nja
SUBJECT:
LEE AUSPITZ
Lee Auspitz spent an equivalent of four days consulting
with us concerning the debates.
Accordingly, he should be reimbursed in the amount of
$600.00 (at $150.00 per day consulting fee) in addition
to his out-of-pocket expenses which are included in the
attached voucher.
Please send a check directly to Lee at:
17 Chapel Street
Somerville, Massachusetts 02144
Thank you.
FORD LIBRARY & GERALD
TO: THE PRESIDENT FORD COMMITTEE, WASHINGTON D.C.
Bill for Services and Expenses
Expenses: J.L. Auspitz, 17 Chapel Street, Somerville, Mass. 0214
Round trip BostongWashington-Boston
108.00-
Taxis
27.00
SUB- TOTAL
135.00
Services:
4 days at $150 per diem
600.00
TOTAL
$ 735.00
FORD & LIBRARY 9ERALD
ENDORSEMINTS/RESTRICTIONS (CARBON)
ORIGIN
DESTINATION
PROM/TO
CARRIER
FARE
See below for Airline
CALCULATION
Form, Serial Number
CONJUNCTION TICKET($).
PLACE OF 15301 AGENC
NAME OF PASSPIRTER
ISSUED IN EXCHANGE FOR
9 SEP 76
PASSENGER'S
CRANE TRAVEL
NOT TRANSFERABLE
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AGENCY
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VALID
CARRIER
FORM 1 SERIAL
PLACE
DATE
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22 61461 1 B
birther
TOW FIFE
TIME
STATUS
FLIGHT/CLASS
DATE
/10
NOT GOOD FOR PASSAGE
FARE BASIS
ALLOW
CARRIER
FROM
IU
IT 15 UNLAWFUL TJ message OR RESELL T-11
TICKET FROW T. OTHER MATHER Than --E THAN THE
- MIDDIF AUTHORIZED AGENT
/
AA
4991
FOR
FARE
7
-
00
FORM OF PAYMENT
ION
GOOD
TO
Cheen
Y
Sep
20
CK
PASSENGER TICKET & BAGGAGE CHECK ISSUED BY
UNCK
UNCK
PCS.
PCS.
WT
American Airlines
110
BAGGAGE
001 1
CHECKED
UNCHECKED
SUBJECT TO CONDITIONS OF CONTRACT ON PASSENGERS COUPON CK
WT
AIRLINE CODE
FORM
SERIAL NUMBER
WT
CPN
ENCODE
ROUTE CODE
FARE
EQUIV. AMT. PD
110.00
001 8251850129 5 0
TAX
TOTAL
170
October 4, 1976
MEMORANDUM FOR:
ROY HUGHES
FROM:
MIKE DUVAL mike/nja
SUBJECT:
LEE AUSPITZ
Lee Auspitz spent an equivalent of four days consulting
with us concerning the debates.
Accordingly, he should be reimbursed in the amount of
$600.00 (at $150.00 per day consulting fee) in addition
to his out-of-pocket expenses which are included in the
attached voucher.
Please send a check directly to Lee at:
17 Chapel Street
Somerville, Massachusetts 02144
Thank you.
FORD : LIBRARY
TO: THE PRESIDENT FORD COMMITTEE, WASHINGTON D.C.
Bill for Services and Expenses
Expenses: J.L. Auspitz, 17 Chapel Street, Somerville, Mass. 0214
Round trip BostongWashington-Boston
108.00-
Taxis
27.00
SUB- TOTAL
135.00
Services:
4 days at $150 per diem
600.00
TOTAL
$ 735.00
FORD LIBRARY & OERALD
ENDORSEMENTS/RESTRICTIONS (CARBON)
ORIGIN
DESTINATION
FROM/TO
CARRIER
FARE
See below for Airline
CALCULATION
Form. Serial Number
CONJUNCTION TICKET(S)
PLACE OF 15311
ACENCY
HAME OF PASSPINGER
ISSUED IN EXCHANGE FOR
/
9 SEP 76
PASSENGER'S
CRANE TRAVEL
NOT TRANSFERABLE
DATE OF ISSUE
COUPON
AGENCY
1112
SOMERVILLE MASS
LEFORE
CARRIER
FORM & SERIAL
PLACE
DATE
AGENTS NUMBER COLL
22 61461 1 B
butched
FOR FIFA
PASSAGE
IT 15 UNLAWFUL MANAGE GR RESELL T-14
TICKET FROW TJA : OTHER THAN --E THAN THE
- AGENT
DATE
TIME
not GOOD FOR PASSAGE
FARE BASIS
ALLOW
CARRIER
NO
10
FROM
/
AA
4994
FOR
FARE
GOOD
7
00
FORM OF PAYMENT
TO
Y
ION
Cheen
Sep
2
CK
PASSENGER TICKET & BAGGAGE CHECK ISSUED BY
UNCK
UNCK
PCS.
PCS.
WT
American Airlines
110
BAGGAGE
001 1
CHECKED
UNCHECKED
SUBJECT TO CONDITIONS OF CONTRACT ON PASSENGERS COUPON CK
WT
AIRLINE CODE
FORM
SERIAL NUMBER
WT
CPN
ENCODE
ROUTE CODE
FARE
EQUIV. AMT. PD
110.00
001 8251850129 5 0
TAX
TOTAL
17 Chapel Street
Somerville, Massachusetts 02144
September 21, 1976
Mr. Mike Duval,
The White House
Washington, D.C.
Dear Mike,
As we discussed, I have made up a bill for four days of
services plus travel. In the event it is the practice of the
PFC to pay travel tickets directly to the agent, I have also
enclosed an invoice from my travel agent made out directly
to the PFC. Throw it away if my own invoice suffices.
I am very much looking forward to the first debate.
Yours,
In
FORD LIBRARY & GERALD
AMERICAN ASTA SOCIETY
10
CRANE TRAVEL AGENCY
TRAVEL
SIN39V
Complete Travel Arrangements
19 College Avenue (Davis Square)
P.O. Box 330
To: President Ford's Committee
Somerville, Mass. 02144
Washington, D.C.
625-7474
Date: 9 Sept. 76
TERMS: NET 10 DAYS
PASSENGER NAME: Mr. J. L. Auspitz
DATE: 10 Sept. 76
TICKET NO.
ROUTING: Bos DCA Bos
001 8251850129
This is
Your Invoice
RT Boston-Washington D.C. (National) Economy Fare
$100.00
8% Transportation Tax
8.00
No. 3516
$108.00
We-appreciate your business
FORD LIBRARY & GERALD
Thank You!
September 6, 1976
MEMORANDUM FOR:
JIM BAKER
FROM:
MIKE DUVAL Whe
I'd like to have Lee Auspitz come to Washington on
Thursday and Friday (at a minimum) to help us prepare
the debate briefing materials.
Lee is very familiar with Pat Caddell's polling techniques
and he also has indepth experience in political matters.
For example, he was the consultant in a recent poll con-
cerning the number of Americans likely to vote. (Stu
knows him.)
I'd like your permission to bring Lee down at the standard
consultant rate. I anticipate using him a total of four
to seven days between now and the first debate.
Approve 9/9 July Disapprove
Whalisit?
In dollar-
150.00 per day
FORD LIBRARY & GERALD
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