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Text of President's Address to Congress [Ford Speech or Statement]
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7335647
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Text of President's Address to Congress [Ford Speech or Statement]
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White House Press Releases (Ford Administration)
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Digitized from Box 1 of the White House Press Releases at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library
EMBARGOED FOR RELEASE
August 12, 1974
UNTIL 9 P.M., EDT
Office of the White House Press Secretary
THE WHITE HOUSE
TEXT OF AN ADDRESS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO A JOINT SESSION OF THE CONGRESS
TO THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES:
Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, distinguished guests and
dear friends:
My fellow Americans, we have a lot of work to do.
My former colleagues, you and I have a lot of work
to do.
Let's get on with it.
I am grateful for your very warm welcome.
I am not here to make an inaugural address. The
nation needs action, not words.
Nor will this be a formal report on the State of the
Union. God willing, I will have at least three more
chances to do that.
It's good to be back in the People's House.
But this cannot be a real homecoming. Under the
Constitution, I now belong to the Executive Branch. The
Supreme Court has even ruled that I am the Executive
Branch, head, heart, and hand.
With due respect to the learned Justices -- and I
greatly respect the Judiciary - part of my heart will
always be here on Capitol Hill. I know well the co-equal
role of the Congress in our Constitutional process. I
love the House of Representatives. I revere the traditions
of the Senate despite my too-short internship there. As
President, within the limits of basic principles, my motto
towards the Congress is communication, conciliation, com-
promise and cooperation.
This Congress will, I am confident, be my working
partner as well as my most constructive critic. I am not
asking for conformity. I am dedicated to the two party
system, and you know which party is mine.
I do not want a honeymoon with you. I want a good
marriage.
I want progress and problem solving which requires my
best efforts, and also your best efforts.
I have no need to learn how Congress speaks for the
people.
As President, I intend to listen.
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But I also intend to listen to the people themselves
all the people as I promised them last Friday. I want
to be sure we are all tuned in to the real voice of America.
My Administration starts off by seeking unity in
diversity. My office door has always been open and that is
how it is going to be at the White House. Yes, Congressmen
will be welcomed if you don't overdo it.
The first seven words of the Constitution and the most
important are these: We the People of the United States.
We, the people, ordained and established the Constitution
and reserved to themselves all powers not granted to Federal
and State governments. I respect and will always be conscious
of that fundamental rule of freedom.
Only eight months ago, when I last stood here, I told
you I was a Ford, not a Lincoln. Tonight I say I am still
a Ford, but I am not a Model T.
I do have some old-fashioned ideas. I believe in the
basic decency and fairness of America. I believe in the
integrity and patriotism of the Congress. And while I am
aware of the House rule that one never speaks to the galleries,
I believe in the First Amendment and the absolute necessity
of a free press.
But I also believe that over two centuries since the
First Continental, Congress was convened, the direction of
our nation's movement has been forward. I am here to confess
that in my first campaign for President of my senior
class in South High School in Grand Rapids, I headed the
Progressive Party ticket.
Now I ask you to join with me in getting this country
revved up and moving.
My instinctive judgment is that the State of the Union
is excellent. But the state of our economy is not so good.
Everywhere I have been as Vice President, some 118,000
miles into 40 States and through 55 news conferences, the
unanimous concern of Americans is inflation. For once all
the polls agree. They also suggest that people blame govern-
ment far more than either management or labor for the high
cost of everything.
You who come from 50 States, three territories and the
District of Columbia know this better than I. That is why
you have created since I left here your new Budget Reform
Committee. I welcome it and will work with its members to
bring the Federal budget into balance by fiscal 1976.
The fact is that for the past 25 years that I served
here, the Federal budget has been balanced in only six.
Mr. Speaker, I am a little late getting around to it
but confession is good for the soul. I have sometimes voted
to spend more taxpayer's money for worthy Federal projects
in Grand Rapids while vigorously opposing wasteful Federal
boondoggles in Oklahoma.
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Be that as it may, Mr. Speaker, you and I have always
stood together against unwarranted cuts in national defense.
This is no time to change that nonpartisan policy.
Just as escalating Federal spending has been a prime
cause of higher prices over many years, it may take some
time to stop inflation.
But we must begin now.
For a start, before your Labor Day recess, Congress
should reactivate the Cost of Living Council through passage
of a clean bill, without reimposing controls, that will let
us monitor wages and prices to expose abuses.
The American wage earner and the American housewife
are a lot. better economists than most economists care to
admit.
They know that a government big enough to give you
everything you want, is a government big enough to take
from you everything you have.
If we want to restore confidence in ourselves as
working politicians, the first thing we all have to do is
learn how to say "No."
The first specific request by the Ford Administration
is not to Congress but to the voters in the upcoming
November elections. It is this: Support your candidates,
Congressmen and Senators, Democrats or Republicans, con-
servative or liberal, who consistently vote for tough
decisions to cut the cost of government, restrain Federal
spending and bring inflation under control.
I applaud the initiatives the Congress has already
taken. The only fault I find with the Joint Economic
Committee inflation study authorized last week is that
we need its expert findings in six weeks instead of six
months.
A month ago the distinguished majority leader of the
Senate asked the White House to convene an economic con-
ference of members of Congress, the President's economic
consultants and some of the best economic brains from
labor, industry and agriculture.
Later this was perfected by resolution to assemble a
domestic summit meeting to devise a bipartisan action plan
for stability and growth in the American economy. Neither
I nor my staff have much time just now for letter writing.
So I will respond in person. I accept your suggestion and
I will personally preside.
Furthermore, I propose that this summit meeting be held
at an early date and in full view of the American public.
They are as anxious to get the right answers as we are.
My first priority is to work with you to bring inflation
under control. Inflation is our domestic public enemy No. 1.
To restore economic confidence, the government in Washington
must provide leadership. It does no good to blame the public
for spending too much when the government is spending too much.
I began to put my Administration's own economic house in
order, starting last Friday.
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I instructed my Cabinet officers and counselors and my
White House staff to make fiscal restraint their first order
of business, and to save every taxpayer's dollar the safety
and genuine welfare of the country will permit. Some economic
activities will be effected more by monetary and fiscal
restraints than other activities. Good government clearly
requires that we tend to the economic problems facing our
country in a spirit of equity to all of our citizens.
Tonight is no time to threaten you with vetoes. But I
do have that last recourse and am a veteran of many a veto
fight in this very chamber. Can't we do the job better by
reasonable compromise?
Minutes after I took the Presidential oath, the joint
leadership of Congress told me at the White House they would
go more than half way to meet me. This was confirmed in
your unanimous concurrent resolution of cooperation, for
which I am deeply grateful. If for my part I go more than
half way to meet the Congress, maybe we will find a much
larger area of national agreement.
I bring no legislative shopping list tonight. I will
deal with specifics in future messages and talks with you.
But here are a few examples of my seriousness.
Last week the Congress passed the Elementary and
Secondary Education bill and I found it on my desk. Any
reservations I might have about some of its provisions
and I do have - fade in comparison to the urgent needs of
America for quality education. I will sign it in a few days.
I must be frank. In implementing its provisions, I will
oppose excessive funding during this inflationary crisis.
As Vice President, I studied various proposals for
better health care financing. I saw them coming closer
together, and urged my friends in the Congress and in the
Administration to sit down and sweat out a sound compromise.
The Comprehensive Health Insurance Plan goes a long way
towards providing early relief to people who are sick.
Why don't we write a good health bill on the statute
books before this Congress adjourns?
The economy of our country is critically dependent on
how we interact with the economies of other countries. It
is little comfort that our inflation is only part of a
world-wide problem, or that American families need less
of their paychecks for groceries than most of our foreign
friends.
As one of the building blocks of peace, we have taken
the lead in working toward a more open and equitable world
economic system. A new round of international trade nemo--
tiations started last September among 105 nations in Tokyo.
The others are waiting for the United States Congress to
grant the necessary authority to proceed.
With modifications, the Trade Reform bill passed by
the House last year would do that. I understand good
progress has been made in the Senate Committee. But I am
optimistic, as always, that the Senate will pass an accept-
able bill quickly as a key part of our joint prosperity
campaign.
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I am determined to expedite other international economic
plans. We will be working together with other nations to
find better ways to prevent shortages of food and fuel. We
must not let last winter's energy crisis happen again. I will
push Project Independence for our own good and the good of
others. In that too, I will need your help.
Successful foreign policy is an extension of the hopes
of the whole American people for a world of peace and orderly
freedom. So I would say a few words to our distinguished
guests from the governments of other nations where, as at
home, it is my determination to deal openly with allies and
adversaries.
Over the past five and a half years, in Congress and
as Vice President, I have fully supported the outstanding
foreign policy of President Nixon. This I intend to continue.
Throughout my public service, starting with wartime
naval duty under the command of President Franklin D.
Roosevelt, I have upheld all our Presidents when they
spoke for my country to the world. I believe the Con-
stitution commands this. I know that in this crucial area
of international policy I can count on your firm support.
Let there be no doubt or misunderstanding anywhere.
There are no opportunities to exploit, should anyone so
desire. There will be no change of course, no relaxation
of vigilance, no abandonment of the helm of our Ship of
State as the watch changes. We stand by our commitments
and will live up to our responsibilities, in our formal
alliances, in our friendships and in our improving rela-
tions with any potential adversaries.
On this, Americans are united and strong. Under my
term of leadership I hope we will become more united. I
am certain we will remain strong.
A strong defense is the surest way to peace. Strength
makes detente attainable. Weakness invites war, as my
generation knows from four bitter experiences.
Just as America's will for peace is second to none,
so will America's strength be second to none.
We cannot rely on the forbearance of others to protect
this nation. The power and diversity of the Armed Forces,
the resolve of our fellow-citizens, the flexibility in our
command to navigate international waters that remain troubled
all are essential to our security.
I shall continue to insist on civilian control of our
superb military establishment. The Constitution plainly
requires the President to be the Commander-in-Chief, and
I will be.
Our job will not be easy. In promising continuity,
I cannot promise simplicity. The problems and challenges
of the world remain complex and difficult. But we have
set out upon a path of reason and fairness, and we will
continue on it.
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As guideposts on that path, I can offer the following:
To our allies of a generation, in the Atlantic
community and Japan, I pledge continuity in the loyal
collaboration on our many mutual endeavors.
To our friends and allies in this hemisphere, I
pledge continuity in the deepening dialogue to define re-
newed relationships of equality and justice.
To our allies and friends in Asia, I pledge a
continuity in our support for their security, independence,
and economic development. In Indochina, we are determined
to see the observance of the Paris Agreement on Vietnam and
the cease-fire and negotiated settlement in Laos. We hope
to see an early compromise settlement in Cambodia.
To the Soviet Union, I pledge continuity in our
commitment to the course of the past three years. To our
two peoples, and to all mankind, we owe a continued effort
to live, and where possible, to work together in peace; for,
in a thermo-nuclear age, there can be no alternative to a
positive and peaceful relationship between our nations.
To the People's Republic of China, whose legendary
hospitality I enjoyed, I pledge continuity in our commitment
to the principles of the Shanghai Communique. The new
relationship built on those principles has demonstrated
that it serves serious and objective mutual interests and
has become an enduring feature on the world scene.
To the nations of the Middle East, I pledge con-
tinuity in our vigorous efforts to advance the process
which has brought hopes of peace to that region after 25
long years as a hotbed of war. We shall carry out our
promise to promote continuing negotiation among all parties
for a complete, just and lasting settlement.
To all nations, I pledge continuity in seeking a
common global goal: a stable international structure of
trade and finance which reflects the interdependence of
all peoples.
To the entire international community --- to the
United Nations, to the world's non-aligned nations, and to
all others I pledge a continuity in our dedication to
the humane goals which throughout our history have been so
much a part of our contribution to mankind.
So long as the peoples of the world have confidence
in our purposes and faith in our word, the age-old vision
of peace on earth will continue to grow brighter.
I pledge myself unreservedly to that goal. I say to
you in words that cannot be improved upon: Let us never
negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.
As Vice President, I addressed myself to the individual
rights of Americans in the area of privacy. There will be
no illegal tapings, eavesdropping, buggings, or break-ins by
my Administration. There will be hot pursuit of tough laws
to prevent illegal invasions of privacy in both government
and private activities.
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On the higher plane of public morality, there is no
need for me to preach tonight. We have thousands of far
better preachers and millions of sacred Scriptures to guide
us on the path of personal right-living and exemplary
official conduct. If we can make effective and earlier use
of the moral and ethical wisdom of the centuries in today's
complex society, we will prevent more crime and corruption
than all the policemen and prosecutors governments can ever
deter. This is a job that must begin at home, not in
Washington.
I once told you that I am not a saint, and hope never
to see the day that I cannot admit having made a mistake.
So I will close with another confession.
Frequently along the tortuous road of recent months,
from this chamber to the President's House, I protested that
I was my own man.
Now I realize that I was wrong.
I am your man, for it was your carefully weighed
confirmation that changed my occupation.
I am the people's man, for you acted in their name,
and I accepted and began my new and solemn trust with a
promise to serve all the people, and to do the best I can
for America.
When I say all the people I mean exactly that.
To the limits of my strength and ability, I will be the
President of the black, brown, red and white Americans, of
old and young, of women's liberationists and male chauvinists
and all the rest of us in between, of the poor and the rich,
of native sons and new refugees, of those who work at lathes
or at desks or in mines or in the fields, and of Christians,
Jews, Moslems, Buddhists and Atheists, if there really are
any Atheists after what we have all been through.
Fellow-Americans, a final word:
I want to be a good President.
I need your help.
We all need God's sure guidance.
With it, nothing can stop the United States of America.
GERALD R. FORD
THE WHITE HOUSE,
August 12, 1974
* # # #