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1550968
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White House - Congressional Leadership Meeting, 3/6/69 (includes minutes)
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1550968
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White House - Congressional Leadership Meeting, 3/6/69 (includes minutes)
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Robert T. Hartmann Papers
House of Representatives Subject Files
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Electoral college
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1969-03-31
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1969
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1969-02-01
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1969
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These documents were scanned from Box 106 of the Robert T. Hartmann Papers at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
DIARY OF WHITE HOUSE LEADERSHIP
MEETINGS -- 91st CONGRESS
March 6, 1969
Since the President returned from the European trip late
Sunday night, the Tuesday morning Leadership meeting
was shifted to March 6 at 6:00 p.m. At that hour, five
members of the Senate and four members of the House
assembled with the President and several members of
the White House staff in the library on the lower level
of the White House. A studied effort was made to
achieve informality and with some sonsiderable success.
We had a blazing fire in the fireplace. One of the attend-
ants told me that the fireplaces had been made functional
only when the White House was renovated during the
Truman Administration and had been used only since the
Kennedy Administration.
The President seemed supremely relaxed and confident.
His method is soft, easy-spoken, no-hard-sell. He spoke
briefly of his trip and personalities but repeated his public
assurance that personal conversations with heads of state
would not be disclosed. He invited Members of Congress
to suggest subjects to be considered. One was the
Electoral College reform. RMN repeated the position
reflected in the Presidential Message. Ford said that
although he had always favored the direct popular phan,
he had issued a statement approving the President's posi-
tion. He suggested the President might want to consider
the political impact of making a bold public announcement
embracing the direct plan unequivocally. I said that I
disagreed with the Minority Leader; that the Republican
Party had the right to consider the impact the particular
plan chosen might have upon the future of the Republican
Party as one of the principal vehicles in the two-party
system; that the Republican Party's only opportunity for
growth lies in the possibility of attracting the disaffected
elements of the Democratic Party; that the direct popular
plan with the 40% runoff provision would encourage the
GERALD R. LIBRARY FORD
2
growth of a third party which might hope to deny one of
the principal candidates 40% in the general election and
thereafter coalesce and wheel and deal, looking to the
runoff election. RMN nodded and suggested that a fourth
party might emerge. I replied that this was true and that
if the third and fourth combined, the likelihood of denying
40% to one of the principal candidates was even greater.
RMN suggested to Harlow that he ask Attorney General
Mitchell to meet with McCulloch and me before he prepares
his Judiciary Committee testimony scheduled to be
delivered March 13.
Ford expressed the hope that Republicans could win the
seat vacated by the death of Everett of Tennessee. He
called attention to the pendency of a dispute concerning
federal fund cutoffs in a school district in a county
adjoining this Congressional District.
RMN urged that Republican Senators approve the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty. Dirksen pledged support on
moral grounds. Tower said that he had made a public
announcement in opposition and would be obliged to vote
"no." RMN assured him that he understood. Allott argued
against the treaty.
The Vice President raised the question of taking a firm stand
concerning campus riots. The issuance of new regulations
under the amendments to the appropriation bills authorizing
fund cutoffs to students involved in riots was suggested.
RMN asked Taft if he would go that far. Taft said that he
had voted against the amendments but that he felt this would
be publicly acceptable.
It happened that Tower, Cramer and I were seated together.
RMN referred to us as his "thin grey line." I suggested that
he amend that to be "short grey line."
The President slapped his knees and started to rise, which all
took as a signal that the conference was concluded. We left
about 7:50 p.m.
FORD & LIBRARY 079836
FOR RELEASE ON DELIVERY TO
February 20, 1969
THE SECRETARY OF THE SENATE OR
THE CLERK OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Office of the White House Press Secretary
THE WHITE HOUSE
MESSAGE ON ELECTORAL REFORM
TO THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES:
One hundred and sixty-five years ago, Congress and the several
states adopted the Twelfth Amendment to the United States Constitution
in order to cure certain defects -- underscored by the election of
1800 in the electoral college method of choosing a President. Today,
our presidential selection mechanism once again requires overhaul to
repair defects spotlighted by the circumstances of 1968.
The reforms that I propose are basic in need and desirability.
They are changes which I believe should be given the earliest attention
by the Congress.
I have not abandoned my personal feeling, stated in October and
November 1968, that the candidate who wins the most popular votes
should become President. However, practicality demands recognition
that the electoral system is deeply rooted in American history and
federalism. Many citizens, especially in our smaller states and their
legislatures, share the belief stated by President Johnson in 1965 that
"our present system of computing and awarding electoral votes by States
is an essential counterpart of our Federal system and the provisions of
our Constitution which recognize and maintain our nation as a union of
states. " I doubt very much that any constitutional amendment proposing
abolition or substantial modification of the electoral vote system
could win the required approval of three-quarters of our fifty states by
1972.
For this reason, and because of the compelling specific weaknesses
focused in 1968, I am urging Congress to concentrate its attention on
formulating a system that can receive the requisite Congressional and
State approval.
I realize that experts on constitutional law do not think alike on
the subject of electoral reform. Different plans for reform have been
responsibly advanced by Members of Congress and distinguished
private groups and individuals. These plans have my respect and they
merit serious consideration by the Congress.
I have in the past supported the proportional plan of electoral reform.
Under this plan the electoral vote of a state would be distributed among
the candidates for President in proportion to the popular vote cast. But
I am not wedded to the details of this plan or any other specific plan. I
will support any plan that moves toward the following objectives: first,
the abolition of individual electors; second, allocation to Presidential
candidates of the electoral vote of each State and the District of Columbia
in a manner that may more closely approximate the popular vote than
does the present system; third, making a 40% electoral vote plurality
sufficient to choose a President.
GERALD FORD LIBRARY
The adoption of these reforms would correct the principal defects
in the present system. I believe the events of 1968 constitute the clearest
proof that priority must be accorded to electoral college reform.
more
2
Next, I consider it necessary to make specific provision for the
eventuality that no presidential slate receives 40% or more of the
electoral vote in the regular election. Such a situation, I believe, is
best met by providing that a run-off election between the top two
candidates shall be held within a specified time after the general
election, victory going to the candidate who receives the largest
popular vote.
We must also resolve some other uncertainties: First, by specifying
that if a presidential candidate who has received a clear electoral vote
plurality dies before the electoral votes are counted, the Vice-President-
elect should be chosen President. Second, by providing that in the event
of the death of the Vice-President-elect, the President-elect should,
upon taking office, be required to follow the procedures otherwise
provided in the Twenty-Fifth Amendment for filling the unexpired term
of the Vice-President. Third, by giving Congress responsibility, should
both the President-elect and Vice-President-elect die or become unable
to serve during this interim, to provide for the selection by a new
election or some other means -- of persons to serve as President and
Vice-President. And finally, we must clarify the situation presented
by the death of a candidate for President or Vice-President prior to the
November general election.
Many of these reforms are noncontroversial. All are necessary.
Favorable action by Congress will constitute a vital step in modernizing
our electoral process and reaffirming the flexible strength of our
constitutional system.
RICHARD NIXON
THE WHITE HOUSE,
February 20, 1969.
####
GERALD GUAA
No Ford- Dirksen
Press Conference
GERALD LIBRARY R. FORD
CONGRESSMAN
NEWS
GERALD R. FORD
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER
RELEASE
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
February 21, 1969
Statement by Rep. Gerald R. Ford, Republican Leader, U. S. House of Representatives
I hope Congress will be as realistic about Electoral College Reform as
President Nixon has been in his Message on the subject.
I think the President has taken exactly the right approach to the problem.
It is unrealistic to expect that a Constitutional Amendment proposing direct
popular election of the President will receive two-thirds approval in the Congress
and approval by three-fourths of the states. Therefore the most sensible way to
proceed is to draft an alternate plan which abides by the original concept of
federalism and will attract the broadest possible support.
While I personally have leaned toward direct popular election of the
President, I have consistently contended that inability to achieve that change
should not stand in the way of improving the manner in which the American people
elect a President.
I therefore heartily endorse the basic point made by President Nixon-that we
should proceed to achieve a solution to the fundamental problems involved rather
than get tangled in interminable controversy.
#########
FORD LIBIAST