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White House - Congressional Leadership Meeting, 10/7/69 (includes minutes and Ford notes)
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White House - Congressional Leadership Meeting, 10/7/69 (includes minutes and Ford notes)
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Robert T. Hartmann Papers
House of Representatives Subject Files
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Compulsory national service
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These documents were scanned from Box 106 of the Robert T. Hartmann Papers at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
E
Octpiner 15th Pres.for
REPUBLICAN LEADERSHIP MEETING
OCTOBER
7, 1969 - 8:30 a.m. - CABINET ROOM
AGENDA
may - 5 months-
8:30 - 9:00 a.m.
I. Draft Reform -
9:00 - 9:30 a.m.
II. Relations with Congress
R.N. -
B.H. -
1955-1961 Johnson 7 Raybon CatronyS
not ch. it lachgrand
1969 - me comich it Manofuld
Hanna - Nott the -
Bi Gastesan Foreign affair
GEEATE N. FORD
Aplits in Dim headership
Senate Dem Policy Com.
-
Maritime Policy -
Unemployment-
Take aim - Demo (WAR) shadow group
Rep. (conquies)
DIARY OF WHITE HOUSE LEADERSHIP
MEETINGS -- 91st CONGRESS
October 7, 1969
At 8:35 a. m., RMN introduced Laird, who said that he is
most encouraged that the House hearings on draft reform
will have favorable results. Senator Smith said that if the
House passes the bill, Chairman Stennis will arzange
Committee hearings and try to report the bill for floor
action, even in the face of the fears he has about floor
amendments.
Arends reported that the Democrats on the House Armed
Services Subcommittee will furnish enough votes to report
the bill to the Full Committee and act favorably and
promptly. Laird suggested that Scott and Ford say
plainly to the press that unless the Congress acts before
January, the Administration will act administratively.
The chief virtue of the plan is that it reduces the vulnera-
bility to draft from 7 years to 12 months. RMN interjected
to recall that the proposal had been messaged to Congress
some 5 months ago, and if there is no action by January,
the country will approve administrative action.
RMN turned to the second item on the agenda -- "relations
with Congress. He signed the first FY70 appropriation
bill October 1. This is an all-time record of dilatory action.
He said the time has come to develop a systematic program
of putting the blame on the Congress for frustrating the
legislative program. He asked Harlow to summarize the
problem. Harlow said that the problem was threefold.
First, there is a leadership problem. During the Eisenhower
Administration, Rayburn and Johnson were courted carefilly
and invited to conferences with the President in the family
quarters of the Mansion. Their influence was such that there
was no need for the President to deal with other Democrats
in Congress For their own part, Rayburn and Johnson trans-
FROM & LIBRARY 93V839
2
lated cooperation with the Administration into a political
advantage for Congressional Democrats by telling the
country that this was an example of Democratic bipartisan
responsibility. This was easy to do since the people of
the country never looked upon Eishmhower as a Republican
anyway. Mansfield and McCormick are not "vibrant paral-
lels. Second, in the Eisenhower years, foreign policy
matters were considered traditionally bipartisan. With the
new split in the Democratic Party, this is no longer true,
and this exacerbates the conflict between the White House
and the Capitol. Third, the ascendancy of the Senate Demo-
cratic Policy Committee is a new factor in the equation of
political power. That Committee has power today greater
than the power the old House Rules Committee once had.
It actually schedules bills for floor action and tells commit-
tee chairmen when to report what bills. The Committee
meets in Mansfield's office and decides in camera what to
do about each element of the President's program. Until
Chappaquiddick, Ted Kennedy was running the Committee
and Mansfield was merely functioning as a Kennedy legion-
naire. What the situation today is may be uncertain. He
announced that a message will be sent to Congress next week
dealing with the status of legislation.
Tower said it begins to be plain that the Democrats do not
intend to change the game plan, and if this is true, the
President will have to take the leadership in putting the
blame on Congress.
Ford said that a shadow group of Democrats in the philo-
sophical periphery of the Party has decided to take a big
gamble to use Vietnam as a vehicle to destroy the Republican
Party. The question now is whether Republicans should
take a similar gamble and attack the Democratic leadership
frontally. Ford, recognizing the consequences of such a
gamble, is willing to take it. Scott said the Party can go
more to the offensive if only because the country instinctively
wants to support the President and condemn the Congress.
FORD i LIBRARY GERALD
3
To exploit this instinct, we need the leverage of "Presi-
dential moral indignation." The Premident should become
righteously indignant of Congressional inactionsand vocalize
this to the country at large.
The Vice President expressed a word of caution about giving
offense to Democratic stalwarts who have givenus Republican
victories. He mentioned Stennis and Jackson. He said that
he was afraid a broad-gauge attack against Democrate will
drive them away, and this would be bad for the country.
RMN said that it might be well, rather than criticise all the
Democrats, to isolate the "super-partisans, 11 pointing out
that at every turn there are two different kinds of Democrats
in Congress. Anderson said that the Mitchell speech to UPI
concerning inaction on crime legislation received good
coverage. He suggested that Cabinet officers should be a
little bolder in criticizing Congressional inaction. Morton
cautioned that the difficulty with using Cabinet members is
that the day after they criticize, they may have to testify
before some Congressional committee.
Wilson said that he felt strongly that the foot-dragging theme
could become our greatest asset. Rhodes agreed that we
should attempt to further divide the divided Democrats by
concentrating on the "super-partisans."
Griffin suggested that the staff prepare a loose-leaf notebook
of the Presidential legislative package and Morton advised that
such a thing is already in progress.
Allen Smith raised again the question of postal reform. If
H. R. 13000, the pay bill now pending before the Rules Com-
mittee, is passed, postal reform is down the drain. He
suggested specifically the President should attempt to save
postal reform by announcing now that the pay bill, if passed
by the Congress in its present form, would be vetoed. Arends
GERALD LIBERT FORD
4
agreed. Rhodes suggested that the President may rather
let it be known that the pay bill would be vetoed unless
it was coupled with reform.
Allott suggested that the Cabinet can be used effect ively
to persuade reluctant Democrats to support the Admini-
stration program. He mentioned the power that Cabinet
members have with respect to projects in Members'
districts and states.
Ford suggested we need to survey the list of Presidential
legislative proposals, assemble a priority list and then
decide what tactics to use, that is, whom we should attack
and with whom we shopliffico-operate. RMN asked the
critical question, "Can you sustain vetoes He antici-
pates that the Congress may send him legislation purposely
drafted to force him to exercise the veto. By way of
example, he suggested that the social security bill, instead
of being 15%. may very well be 25%.
He then asked Moyaihan to give a bird's-eye-view of the total
legislative package the President has presented to Congress.
In 5 minutes, Moynihan made a summary about as succinct
and impressive as I have heard. He stated that in its total
impact, the Nixon program is the greatest reform program
since the days of Wilson. It includes:
1) draft reform
2) family assistance (welfare)
39)revenue sharing (restoring the creativity to state and
local governments which they lost when the federal
government monopolized revenue sources)
4) electoral college reform
5) Congressional representation for the District of Columbia
BERALD FORD LIBRARY
5
6) postal reform
7) transfer major responsibility for manpower training
back to the statehouse
8) alleviation of hunger and guaranteeing adequate diets
9) population control
10) tax reform
11) criminal law reform
RMN then announced that a legislative message would be
delivered to Congress on Monday but released to the press
on Sunday. It will take a temperate approach but will be
more than a simply laundry list of issues.
Ford said that he hopes we will continue to emphasize the
single theme, viz, reform. To make a graphic illustration
of Congressional inaction, he suggested that a picture be
made showing a pile of the bills and messages the President
has sent Congress compared to a stack of the bills Congress
has passed. Scott said that this will make every paper except
the New York Times.
Morton said that one of our problems in the Congress is the
close felendship which grows up over the years between the
Democratic chairmen and ranking Republican members. He
suggested that it would be well for the President to call
ranking Republican members together and impress upon them
the need to put the blame on the Democratic Congress for
Congressional inaction. Ford said that the relationship about
which Morton spoke was almost "incestuous."
Wilson suggested that it would be easier to merchandise our
product if we hired a few advertising experts to conjure up
6
a few attractive labels. (Really, there isn't musch sex
appeal in postal reform, is there ?) As the President
stood to leave, Harlow called for quiet and the President
announced that on Thursday he is meeting with the Chief
of Police of the District of Columbia concerning the crime
statistics and expects to make some dramatic gesture for
the sake of the press. I asked Moynihan after the meeting
what was involved, and it seemed that this has been
consciously kept secret. I certainly have not heard about it
before and no one around the table seemed to know anything
about it.
After the meeting, Nofziger reached me and told me that
efforts are underway to follow up on the suggestion I made
at the last meeting that a lawyer be signed to write some
grist on criminal law for one-minute speeches.
RICHARD H. POFF
RHPIMJ
LIBRARY GERALD ? FORD
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
OCTOBER 7, 1969
OFFICE OF THE WHITE HOUSE PRESS SECRETARY
THE WHITE HOUSE
PRESS CONFERENCE
OF
SENATOR HUGH SCOTT
AND
CONGRESSMAN GERALD R. FORD
THE ROOSEVELT ROOM
AT 10:45 A.M. EDT
CONGRESSMAN FORD: Good morning.
There were two major matters discussed at the Leadership
Meeting with the President this morning. I will discuss the
one and Senator Scott will discuss the second.
Secretary Laird was at the meeting and re-emphasized
the absolute need and necessity for Congressional action in
draft reform.
He pointed out that under existing law a young man
is in jeopardy, he is uncertain as to his military future
for seven years. And the President has requested of the Congress
that action be taken to amend the existing law so that a young
man reaching the age of 18 has one year where he knows whether
or not he is going to be called to military service.
The President said again and again, and the Republican
Leadership agreeswith him entirely, that one of the highest,
if not the highest, priority items on the Congressional
legislative agenda is draft reform. We are going to push
to the maximum to get some action in the Congress as soon as
possible.
SENATOR SCOTT: The other matter which occupied
a considerable amount of time is the fact that the President
will on Monday send a message to the Congress to be released
on Sunday.
This is in some ways an unprecedented message on the
status of legislation, pro and con. It will discuss -- and not
in a partisan spirit -- the problems of cities, crime, job
training, reform of the draft, and welfare and so forth, and
will, of course, make the point that the Congress can always
act on these measures and indicate some reasons as to why
action is most important and imperative.
I would like to add that this is a reform program
of the Administration and we are asking the help of responsible
Democrats and Republicans alike, that this is no time for
so-called super partisanship.
MORE
GERALD FORD LIBRARY
- 2 -
We recognize the two-party system and its general
operation. But there are 40-some Administration programs
pending, all of which have departmental reports attached; over
2,000 reports have been sent up altogether.
This message is likely to point out that the President
seems to restructure Federalism through reform of the draft,
reform of welfare, revenue sharing, electoral reform, which
is the first change there in over 50 years, a D. C. Delegate
in Congress which has passed the House, the commission to
draft Home Rule provisions for the District, postal reform,
the first major devolution of a public program to a corporation,
the hunger proposal with adequate diet for all persons, the
population message on which other Presidents have talked and
this President has acted, the crime bills, and special
emphasis on the need to do something about narcotics.
As I have said before, I think this is a most bold
and innovative program in many years. And I would add the
tax relief and reform proposals which were first submitted
by the President, I believe, in April, his peace proposal
of May 14 and other measures.
Q
Senator, did you discuss Judge Haynsworth and
his present status?
SENATOR SCOTT: We did not discuss Judge Haynsworth
in this meeting at all.
Q
Was there any discussion of Laos?
SENATOR SCOTT: There was no discussion of Laos.
Q
Senator, I am not quite clear on what this
Sunday message is. Is this a message in which the President
is appealing to the Congress to pass all of the programs
that he has sent up since he took office?
SENATOR SCOTT: We have not seen the message yet.
But I understand that the message will be a summarization in
categories of the legislative recommendations he has made,
that he will point out the necessity in the public interest
for the passage of this legislation, will discuss the
relative functions of the Presidency and Congress in this
regard, and will strongly urge that the Congress act as soon
as possible.
It will not be from his standpoint a message, as I
say, on a partisan spirit. Some of us feel that the Congress
has been slow. And, speaking for myself, I would define the
51st State of the Union, and it is the state of lethargy, which
is overwhelmingly Democratic.
Q
Senator, why do you think the Congress has been
slow? Has there not been enough push behind the Adminstration's
programs? Did they go up later than usual? What are the
causes?
MORE
GENALD FORD LIBRARY
- 3 -
SENATOR SCOTT: I think that is the opposition's
thesis, which cannot stand up. In the first place, the
Administration's proposals were accompanied by the Executive
Departmental reports.
So to complain that the reports weren't there doesn't
hold water.
If an individual Congressman submits a proposal for
the relief of John Smith, there may be a delay in getting the
report as it goes through. Individual Congressman at times
have not had all of their reports back. But insofar as the
Administration is concerned, and with many others as well,
there have been over 2,000 reports. So it is not the fault of
the Administration that the Congress hasn't acted.
The Congress is suffering not from a lack of material,
but from a sort of political indigestion.
Q
Senator, something like postal reform, Republican
leaders on the House Post Office Committee seem to be among
the biggest opponents of the program. What do you do about
that?
SENATOR SCOTT: I think I would rather have Congressman
Ford handle it since it is in the House.
CONGRESSMAN FORD: I don't think it is a fair accusation
to say that the Republican Leadership on the Committee on Post
Office and Civil Service are at fault. The ranking Republican,
Congressman Corbett of Pennsylvania, has voted to consider the
Nixon proposal for postal reform. And I think about 90 percent
of the Republicans on that Committee have indicated their
support for bona fide, legitimate, progressive postal reform.
We have had some Democratic support, but there are
not enough Democrats on the Committee on Post Office and
Civil Service who will go along with meaningful postal reform.
And the net result is the whole issue of postal reform is on dead
center in the House of Representatives.
I believe that the American people, being alerted as
they are by Thruston Morton and Larry O'Brien, are going to
demand some action. They will point the finger at the Congress
if we don't do something in postal reform.
Q Congressman Ford, there was a story in print
this morning that the White House and Republican Leaders have
agreed on a figure of $750 million for water pollution under
this bill that is coming up soon and are asking Members of
the House to support that. Could you tell us whether that
is correct?
CONGRESSMAN FORD: The House Committee on Appropriations
has approved a figure of $600 million, which is more money
than the Administration has asked for for water pollution.
It is my understanding that the Administration is
standing with its budget recommendation, which is the same that
was proposed in January by the Johnson Administration, and the
Congress, in the House this week, Wednesday or Thursday, will
fight it out on whether or not the $600 million is the right
figure.
GERALD LIBRARY FORD
MORE
- 4 -
I understand the Administration will stand by
their previous decision.
Q Which is what?
CONGRESSMAN FORD: $214 million.
Q
Congressman, did you discuss this morning the
movement in Congress to support the anti-war demonstrations
on the other side, and the movement to support the President's
program and what effect it might have on his policy?
CONGRESSMAN FORD: We didn't discuss that issue in the
Leadership Meeting.
I would make this observation: That some 100-plus
Members of the House yesterday endorsed a resolution that
had bipartisan support endorsing President Nixon's program
to phase out U. S. military personnel and phase in South
Vietnamese military personnel in Vietnam.
This bipartisan support of over 100 members, better
than 25 percent of the Members of the House, was a backing
of President Nixon's withdrawal program.
I might add, as another feature, that when we come to
October 15, I would hope that those who are protesting would
look at what has been accomplished by this Administration
since January 20.
President Nixon is for peace. He has proved it
by the de-escalation of our commitment in South Vietnam. He
has proved it by his constant efforts in Paris through the
eight-point peace plan, which was submitted in May.
I hope and trust that some of these professors will
point their finger and indicate their plea toward Hanoi and
support the President in his efforts toward achievement of
peace.
Q
May I ask, Senator Scott, there is a story this
morning, Senator, that Administration officials are concerned
with suggestions of a possible breakthrough like yours might
contribute to an atmosphere of false optimism. Are you concerned
about that?
SENATOR SCOTT: No, I am not concerned about false
optimism, because I am not encouraging false optimism.
I think that my suggestion of some 60 or 90 days
quiet period would indicate that the lessening of devisiveness
or partisanship would give us a far better chance to have
something happen in the Vietnamese negotiations.
In the demonstrations, I would be glad to offer anybody
a hand-made sign saying, "Hurry up, Hanoi," because that is the
problem here.
Q
Senator Scott, you referred to Congress suffering
from political indigestion. Do you think the Administration
has sent too many programs up there?
MORE
GERALD LIBRARY FORD
- 5 -
SENATOR SCOTT: We have not had any complaints to that
effect from the Congress. But what we have had up there is a
more lethargic attitude, that "if it is good, why hurry it,
because the Nixon Administration might get credit."
I hope that will be superseded. Not everybody is
super partisan on either side of the aisle. That is a relatively
small and knotty group. But you can spell knotty either way.
Q
Senator Scott, would you say that this is an attempt,
this message that the President is sending up, or will be a bad
report card on Congress?
SENATOR SCOTT: I wouldn't say that. I think it would
be a recognition of his responsibility as the Chief Executive
to call to the attention of the Congress and, of course, the
Nation, the fact that at his end of the Avenue, he is ready for
the legislation and has been in many cases for months.
He is curious -- I won't add any color to that -- that
so little has evolved. Parturient montes, nascetur ridiculus mus.
Q
What is that?
SENATOR SCOTT: The mountain has labored and given
forth a mouse.
CONGRESSMAN FORD: If I might add, Hugh, I haven't
seen the message. But as Senator Scott has indicated, the
President sent up 40 messages. All or most of them are in bill
form and the effect is that there is a specific recommendation
to the Congress for legislative action.
When you add up what has been sent up and you
look at what has been accomplished, you can't help but come
to the conclusion that there has been some foot-dragging, either
deliberate or otherwise. And the American people can't help
but come to the conclusion that the Administration has been
progressive in its advocacy of good programs aimed at reforming
the fabric of the American political system with new Federalism,
and that the Congress has been dilatory in its action on
this legislative program.
Let me just point out one thing. I said it last
week and there has been no change. The President has had one
appropriations bill for the current fiscal year on his desk
for signature. I think this is the poorest record of the
consideration of appropriation bills in the history of the
relationship between the Executive and the Congress.
Something has to be done affirmatively and the
President is going to remind the Congress that he has sent
up these messages and he hopes that for the benefit of the
country some affirmative action will be taken.
MORE
(OVER)
FORD i LIBRARY DERALD
- 6 -
SENATOR SCOTT: I would like to add there that the
Democratic control of Congress has been relaxed in action and
rather laxative in political reaction.
Q
When do you think the rest of the appropriations
bills will be down?
SENATOR SCOTT: Whenever Congress wakes up.
Q
Is this the first time that a President has
ever sent such a message to Congress?
SENATOR SCOTT: The President regards it as virtually
unprecedented in that it is sort of a reminder message
rather than a message containing necessarily new material.
Q Senator, I find it strange that the Republican
Leadership would not discuss this morning Judge Haynsworth's
status. Could you tell us why that wasn't discussed?
SENATOR SCOTT: It is a question better addressed to
the President, I think. But I assume that he feels that he
has made his position clear and, therefore, there is no need
for further discussion.
Q How about a report to him on a head-count
in the Senate? Wouldn't that be pertinent?
SENATOR SCOTT: I think you would have to ask the
Party Whips for that. I am not making a count.
Q
The President didn't want to know this?
SENATOR SCOTT: The President has his own means
of communicating with the Congress on these matters. If he
has been queried on that, I am sure he has an answer. But he
hasn't inquired of me.
Q What is your feeling today, Senator, on the
Haynsworth appointment?
SENATOR SCOTT: I have indicated that I think it will
be reported out of Committee and that he will be confirmed.
MORE
LIBRARY
- 7 -
2
Congressman Ford, you had said that there
has been some foot-dragging, you felt, and that the Congress
has been dilatory. Have you been discussing this problem
with Speaker McCormack regularly?
Have you been asking him to move faster and what
has his answer been?
CONGRESSMAN FORD: Of course, the Speaker knows
the number of messages that have been sent up. The Democratic
chairmen of the respective committees are familiar with bills
that have been introduced and are before their various committees.
They are alert to the problem, but when we look
at the result, we are disappointed. I hope and trust that before
we adjourn the major part of this legislative program, the
reform package of the President, will be approved.
All we can say is that when you look at what has
been sent and what has been produced, there isn't a great
deal of productive results so far.
This is particularly true in draft reform,
particularly true in the area of welfare reform, particularly
true in postal reform, particularly true in crime reform.
You go right down the list and the major reform measures
recommended by the President are still in limbo in the
Congress.
Something ought to be done about it.
Q
Is there a welfare bill operating?
CONGRESSMAN FORD: The welfare bill went up last
week.
Q
How can you expect Congress to act?
CONGRESSMAN FORD: They have known that it was
on the agenda. The bill went up last week and hearings
ought to be held, scheduled, and action taken.
Q
Some of these items have to start in Ways
and Means. Have they been dilatory and foot-dragging in welfare,
Social Security?
CONGRESSMAN FORD: They have not acted on welfare.
They have not acted on Social Security.
Q
They have been busy, though.
CONGRESSMAN FORD: I will just let the record speak
for itself.
2
I gather this is to be a written message
that is going to be released on Sunday and sent to the Hill
on Monday.
SENATOR SCOTT: Yes.
MORE
FORD & LIBRARY GERALD
- 8 -
Q
Did the President indicate whether he had
given any consideration to making this a non-written or
televised or other kind of report?
SENATOR SCOTT: He made no reference to that.
CONGRESSMAN FORD: As I understand it, it is a
regularly-submitted message to the Congress on Monday.
0
Did the President make any reference to
his trade policy in his talks with you or say anything about
his trade bill?
CONGRESSMAN FORD: Not this morning.
Q
On television, Senator Scott, on Sunday you
said, if I am not mistaken, that you sensed movement in Vietnam
on the political or the diplomatic or military fronts.
Today, you were merely suggesting that if the
country moots its criticism for a period of 60 to 90 days
there will be a greater chance of movement.
Are you pulling back slightly from your statement
of
Sunday? Do you see movement now or only the hope of
movement?
SENATOR SCOTT: I see both. I have the hope of
movement.
I have the feeling that there will be movement.
And I have the caution that I ought not to say any more than
that.
Q
Senator, did the comments by General Wheeler
come up this morning?
SENATOR SCOTT: No.
Q
Thinking specifically, he said that the
pace of Vietnamization cannot be pushed too far and that
American troops are likely to have to remain in Vietnam for
some time to come.
Do you believe that this is the Administration's
position?
SENATOR SCOTT: I have no way of knowing whether
that is the Administration's position or not.
The Secretary of Defense has made it clear many
times that the Administration is committed to Vietnamization
of the war and the inference is clear that that should
occur just as quickly as they are able to take on more and
more responsibility.
And President Thieu has recently made the same
point, that they are anxious to do SO.
MORE
GERALD LIBRARY FORD
- 9 -
CONGRESSMAN FORD: I would add that the Administration's
view is that the whole matter could be solved more quickly
if Hanoi would agree to peace in Paris.
That is the way to end it, without having to go
through this process of withdrawing American troops from
Vietnam, as the South Vietnamese take over the greater responsi-
bility.
Paris is where Hanoi can end the war most quickly,
from our point of view, and unfortunately, they have not had
any change of attitude since the first day.
Q
I was trying to check on whether the General's
statement today reflected a new estimate by the Administration
of the pace of this program.
CONGRESSMAN FORD: There was no discussion of that.
Q
It is a small, but maybe an important point,
Senator. With respect, I don't think you directly answered Mr. Semple's
question earlier, what is your position today about whether
there is movement or a hope of movement toward reaching
peace
in Vietnam.
Are you rolling back from your position of Sunday,
or do you stand by what you said Sunday? Is there any
change in your attitude?
SENATOR SCOTT: There has been no change in my
attitude nor has there been any change in my information.
What I said Sunday would still stand. I said
perhaps I should add the addendum of caution because I
don't want to indicate that more than I do, I know.
There is one temptation I would like to avoid.
I am not always successful.
2 You said yesterday that the reaction at the
White House to your hope for a breakthrough was not unfavorable.
Could you tell us if the President agrees with your
hope for a breakthrough?
SENATOR SCOTT: The President found no fault with
the program on which I spoke and indicated that he thought
it was a good program and that it properly presented good
answers to the questions and stressed the fact that no one
could be more for peace than he is.
Therefore, he could hardly be changed from pursuing
a path of peace.
That is an explanation of some statements
that he said he would ignore suggestions of the 15th of
October. He made it clear that all he said was that he
couldn't be affected by them because he couldn't be more
for peace. But these demonstrators will also be for peace
and therefore, perhaps we are all talking about the same
thing in that regard.
MORE
QERALO FORD LIBRARY
- 10 -
Q
Did he see the program?
SENATOR SCOTT: You never know. A number of
the White House Aides saw it and they called up and said the
President liked it.
And then the President says, "I liked the program."
Suppose you ask him whether he saw it. I didn't want to ask
him. He just said he likes the program. I hope he saw it.
Q
Senator, how long has this message of next
Monday been contemplated?
SENATOR SCOTT: I first heard of it last night
when I was told that the matter might be brought up today.
That is all I was told, a one-sentence notice, and then it
was discussed today. I didn't know anything until today
about it beyond that.
Q
A question for Mr. Ziegler:
You mentioned it going up to Congress on Monday.
Will it be for release for publication on Sunday?
MR. ZIEGLER: Yes, it will be.
Q
6:30 ?
MR. ZIEGLER: Yes.
THE PRESS: Thank you.
END
(AT 11:12 A.M. EDT)
GERALD R. FORD LIBRARY
I
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
DRAFT REFORM:
mg
Message dated and delivered to the Congress:
May 13
Introduced in the Senate on Aug. 13 by John Stennis
and Margaret Chase Smith
Introduced in the House on June 2 by Leslie Arends
FORD & QENALD LIBRARY
Message MONDAY
Unpricelented - message bill
/ , app.
roso 40 messages administration - inaction 7 Particans Impore
Angut
Tax
Postal
welfare
HOUSE ACTION, PERIOD SEPTEMBER 30 THROUGH OCTOBER 6, 1969
Tuesday, September 30, 1969
RAILROAD RETIREMENT ACT - TAX ACT
RULE (OPEN)
The House adopted by voice vote, H.Res.535, providing one hour
of debate.
PASSAGE
By a record vote of 372 yeas to 17 nays, the House passed H.R. 13300,
to amend the Railroad Retirement Act of 1937 and the Railroad Tax
Act to provide for the extension of supplemental annuities and the
mandatory retirement of employees.
RECOMMIT
By a voice vote, the House rejected a motion by Mr. Teague of California
to recommit the bill to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce.
Wednesday, October 1, 1969
MILITARY PROCUREMENT
RULE (OPEN)
The House adopted H.Res.561 which provided for four hours of debate,
by a record vote of 324 yeas to 61 nays.
Thursday, October 2, 1969
MILITARY PROCUREMENT Continued
The House continued reading H.R.14000 for amendment under the five
minute rule.
AMENDMENT ADOPTED
The House adopted by voice vote the Latta amendment that excluded
funds for the Sheridan M-551 tank.
LIBRATT GERALD P. FOR
- 2 -
Friday, October 3, 1969
MILITARY PROCUREMENT Continued
PASSAGE
By a record vote of 311 yeas to 44 nays, with one voting "present",
the House passed H.R. 14000, military procurement authorization
for FY 1970.
PREVIOUS QUESTION - RECOMMITTAL MOTION
Prior to passage, by a record vote of 223 yeas to 141 nays, the
previous question was ordered (Mr. Fraser) on the recommittal motion
(Mr. O'Konski).
DEFEAT OF RECOMMITTAL MOTION
The House rejected Mr. O'Konski's recommittal motion instructing the
House to eliminate funds for procurement, research and development
for the ABM, by a record vote of 93 yeas to 270 nays, with two
voting "present".
AMENDMENTS ADOPTED
Also prior to passage, the House agreed by voice vote to:
An amendment by Mr. Philbin that would establish a semiannual reporting
procedure on expenditures and programs for chemical and biological
warfare.
An amendment by Mr. Sikes that provided for three-star rank for the
Chief, Office of Army Reserve, and the Chief, Office of Air Force
Reserve.
An amendment by Mr. Stratton that struck title V from the bill (regarding
the Department of Defense keeping Armed Services Committees of Congress
fully informed with respect to the Department's activities.)
AMENDMENTS DEFEATED
Also prior to passage, the House defeated the following amendments:
An amendment by Mr. Jacobs that would require the Department of Defense
to submit quarterly reports on major weapons systems and projects
in R & D or production, and profit investigations on noncompetitive
bid contractors; this amendment was rejected by a teller vote of
89 yeas to 109 nays.
An amendment by Mr. Anderson of Illinois similar to the preceding but
stressing reporting on new programs, was rejected by a teller vote
of 97 yeas to 100 nays.
FORD is LIBRARY GERALE
- 3
Monday, October 6, 1969
CONSENT CALENDAR
SUSPENSIONS (7 BILLS)
By voice vote, the House passed S.1836, to amend the Federal Seed Act
(Consent Calendar).
By voice vote, the House passed H.R. 9857, to amend the Perishable
Agricultural Commodities Act (Consent Calendar).
By a record vote of 205 yeas to 148 nays, the House defeated H.R. 14127,
to carry out the recommendations of the Joint Commission on the
Coinage. (2/3 vote needed for passage)
By a record vote of 352 yeas to no nays, the House passed R.13304,
the Gifted and Talented Children Educational Assistance Act.
By a record vote of 351 yeas to 0 nays, the House passed H.R. 13310,
to provide for special programs for children with special learning
disabilities.
By a voice vote, the House passed H.R. 13576, to increase the rates of
dependency and indemnity compensation to widows of veterans.
By a record vote of 352 yeas to no nays, the House passed H.R.372,
amendments to the Non-Service Connected Pension Program for
veterans.
Tuesday and Balance of Week
H. R. 10878 To authorize appropriations for activities of the National
Science Foundation (Open Rule - One Hour of Debate)
H.R.14159
Public Works for Water, Pollution Control, and Power
Development and Atomic Energy Commission Appropriation
Act, 1970
H.R.8449
Hours of Service Act Amendments (Opem Rule - One Hour
of Debate)
H.R.7737
Educational Television and Radio Amendments of 1969 (Open
Rule - One Hour of Debate)
FOR RELEASE AT 6:30 p. m., EDT, OCTOBER 11, 1969
Office of the White House Fress Secretary
THE WHITE HOUSE
TO THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES:
In the nine months since Inauguration, a number of issues have arisen
clearly calling for the Congress and the Administration to work together.
One such issue was the extension of the surtax, where our economic
security was involved. Another was authority to build the Safeguard
ballistic missile defense, where the national safety was the issue. On
both occasions, when the time came to be counted, Congress subordinated
partisan concerns and voted the country's interest.
The continuance of this working partnership between a Congress
heavily Democratic and a Republican Administration, on occasions where
great issues are involved, is imperative for the good of our country. I
hope this partnership will survive the "spirit of party" that grows more
evident weekly in the national capital. Yet, in recent days, the call to
partisan combat has grown more compelling.
I am aware that members of the Administration have criticized the
Democratic-controlled Congress for "dragging its feet" in the enactment
of legislation, for holding hearings thus far on only half the Administration
proposals before it, for having enacted but a single appropriations bill for
fiscal 1970, a full quarter of the way through the fiscal year. From
Capitol Hill there have come similar charges -- that the Administration
has been laggard in proposing legislation, that the Executive Departments
have been slow in giving the Congress the reports it has requested, that
some of the most far-reaching Administration proposals have only lately
been sent to the Congress, and so cannot be acted upon by the end of the
year.
If a working partnership between men of differing philosophies and
different parties is to continue, then candor on both sides is required.
There may be merit in both charges; neither the Democratic Congress
nor the Republican Administration is without fault for the delay of vital
legislation.
But, in my view, the American people are not interested in political
posturing between the Executive Branch and Capitol Hill. We are co-equal
branches of government, elected not to maneuver for partisan advantage,
but to work together to find hopeful answers to problems that confound the
people all of us serve.
Both the Fresident and Congress have been commissioned by the same
American people, for a limited time, to achieve objectives upon which the
great majority agree. For our part, we are willing to travel more than
half-way to work with Congress to accomplish what needs to be done.
The time for staking out political claims will come soon enough.
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LIBRARY GERALD FORD
2
Let us resolve, therefore, to make the legislative issue of the
1970 campaign the question of who deserves greater credit for the
Ninety-First Congress' record of accomplishment, not which of us
should be held accountable because it did nothing. The country is
not interested in what we say, but in what we do -- let us roll up
our sleeves and go to work. Before us are urgent legislative
priorities.
The legislative program of this Administration differs fundamentally
from that of previous administrations. We do not seek more and more
of the same. We were not elected to pile new resources and manpower
on the top of old programs. We were elected to initiate an era of
change. We intend to begin a decade of government reform such as
this nation has not witnessed in half a century. Some months ago,
a Washington columnist wrote in some pessimism that if ours is not
to be an age of revolution then it must become an age of reform.
That is the watchword of this Administration: REFORM.
REFORM OF THE DRAFT. I have asked Congress to make the
most extensive changes in the way we select young men for military
service since the draft became an accepted feature of American life.
We have the administrative power and we will exercise it if Congress
fails to act to make far-reaching reforms in the selective service
system, reducing the period of prime vulnerability for young Americans
from seven years to 12 months. However, we need Congressional
approval to shift from the inequitable requirement of choosing the "oldest
first" to the more just method of random selection. I asked Congress
five months ago for this power; I ask again today. Basic fairness to
our young people is the prime reason for this recommendation. I see
no reason why this vital piece of legislation cannot be enacted now.
REFORM OF THE WELFARE SYSTEM. Last summer I asked
Congress to make the most sweeping changes in the American system
of welfare since the beginning of the New Deal. Last week legislation
went to Congress outlining the proposal I have made for a new family
assistance system to replace the demeaning and bankrupt system that
now exists.
Under the present system, sometimes a father must desert his
wife and children to make them eligible for benefits. Under the
present system, some mothers with three children must survive with
only $39 a month for the entire family to live on.
The family assistance system is built on a different set of
principles. It provides incentives for families to stay together. It
provides economic rewards for men and women on welfare who
enter training programs and search out jobs. It provides a floor
under income that assures the minimum necessary for food and
clothing and shelter.
The present system has led this country into a morass. It has
laid a heavier and heavier burden on the American taxpayer. It has
loaded the relief rolls with more and more families even in times of
rising prosperity and low unemployment. I ask that Congress begin
hearings on the new family assistance system at once. The welfare
system should be abandoned as quickly as we can discard it and a new
system established in its place.
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GERALD LIBRAST FORD
3
REFORM OF THE TAX CODE. In April I recommended to Congress
the most comprehensive set of tax reforms in many years. Subsequently
the House of Representatives responded with an even more far-reaching
proposal of its own. The national momentum behind tax reform to
make the code more fair and equitable, to shift part of the burden from
those who have borne too much for too long to the shoulders of others
who have not carried their fair share must not be allowed to dribble
away while a partisan wrangle goes on over who deserves the political
credit. We will give Congress as much assistance and as many hours
of labor as it requires to enact extensive and responsible reform in this
calendar year.
I do ask, however, that Congress, in acting on this major reform,
not compromise this Administration's effort to combat the most unjust
tax of all, inflation. Specifically, I ask that Congress not convert this
historic tax reform legislation into a sharp tax reduction that would
unbalance the Federal budget and neutralize our campaign to halt the
rising cost of living. I ask again that Congress repeal the seven per cent
investment tax credit, and extend for another six months the income tax
surcharge at one-half the present rate. To fail to take these steps would
be an abdication by Congress of its vital role in controlling inflation.
REVENUE REFORM. For the first time in the history of this
government, we have recommended a national policy of permanent sharing
of the Federal income tax revenues with the States and lesser political
units in the country. For years, political students and leaders have
contended that governments at the State, county and local levels have
lost their creativity and lost the capacity to respond because they lack
access to the great source of growing revenues available to the Federal
government. I have recommended that Congress set aside a rising
portion of Federal revenues each year and transmit them directly back
to the States and communities to spend as they see fit and not as Washington
sees fit. This concept has been debated by both parties and recommended
by their majorities for years. The time has come to move it off the plain
of discussion to make it a reality. I urge the Congress to move.
POSTAL REFORM. For more than a decade the American people
have complained increasingly of the rising cost of postal service
accompanied step by step with declining service. Today the United States
postal system is inferior to that of many countries of Western Europe; it
is grossly inadequate to the needs of our society. The nation has known
this for years. I have acted in that knowledge recommending that the
existing postal system be scrapped, that a government-owned corporation
replace the United States Post Office, that business principles replace
partisanship in its management, and that merit and performance
rather than political affiliation be the new criteria for appointment
and advancement. Three years ago this month the Chicago postal system,
a microcosm of the national system, collapsed under a flood of mail.
The rapid delivery of mail is not a partisan issue. Distinguished leaders,
of both parties, have endorsed the precise reform I have recommended.
There is no reason why the Congress cannot enact the most complete
reform of the United States Post Office in the nation's history -- by the
close of this session.
I am aware of the setback which postal reform sustained in a House
Committee on October 8. That action must be reversed. I shall persist
in behalf of both the taxpayers and the mail users in this country to press
for this urgently needed reform. I still believe enactment should come
by the end of this session of the Ninety-First Congress.
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GERALD FORD
4
Here I must again urge responsible Congressional action, and
promptly, on the proposed increase in postal rates for all three classes
of mail. When this Administration entered office in January, it confronted
a deficit in the postal budget for fiscal year 1970 of more than $1.2 billion.
We are already three months into that fiscal year -- and this deficit is
being underwritten by the taxpayers, rather than the users of the postal
service, who should rightly bear the cost. I recognize that such a measure
is hardly a political delight. Yet it is required in the interest of equity
and fiscal integrity. I request the Congress to face up to this task.
MANPOWER REFORM. The history of the 1960s chronicles an intense
political debate that has resulted in the old centralism of the thirties
losing converts to the new federalism of the seventies. More and more
progressive men in both parties have become convinced from the failures
of programs run from Washington that important areas of government
decision-making must be returned to the regions and locales where the
problems exist.
I have attempted to take that conclusion out of the forum of debate
and into the arena of action -- Congress. I have recommended that
management of a Federal program -- the multi-billion dollar manpower
training program be consolidated, and turned over in a three-stage
operation to the States and communities to run in a way that fits the needs
of the immediate areas involved. No reform of this magnitude has been
attempted since centralism became the dominant national trend at the
depths of the depression. This recommendation represents the beginning
of a revitalized federalism, the gradual transfer of greater power and
responsibility for the making of government decisions to governments
closest to the people. I urge swift Congressional action.
SOCIAL SECURITY REFORM. I have requested an across-the-board
increase of ten percent in Social Security benefits to compensate elderly
Americans for the losses they are suffering because of an inflation they
could do nothing either to prevent or avoid, In addition, I have proposed
a new reform, an escalator in Social Security to insure that benefits will
rise correspondingly whenever the cost of living goes up. When this
reform is enacted, never again will those Americans least able to afford
it be made to bear the brunt of inflation. These necessary steps can and
should be taken by Congress before the end of this year.
One word of caution. I know the political temptations here. Why not
balloon the benefits now, far above 10 percent, for political rewards in
1970? I remind the Congress that it is long since time that we stopped
the political over-reactions which fuel the inflation that robs the poor,
the elderly, and those on fixed incomes. I urge Congress to hold to this
ten percent figure and let the new escalator protect older Americans
against the possibility of future inflation.
A second reform I have proposed is to alter the system of social
security to encourage and reward the workers who want to go on working
past age 65 -- rather than discourage them. I ask Congress to enact
this measure without delay.
REFORM OF THE GRANT-IN-AID SYSTEM. Among the first major
pieces of legislation I asked of Congress was authority to make uniform
the requirements for participation in many grant-in-aid programs that
have proliferated in the last five years. If we are granted the power to
draw these programs together, to group them by function setting far
more simple regulations then States and communities will participate
more and Congress' original purposes will be better served. We need
that authority now. I know of no reason for delay.
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LIBRARY GERALD R. FORD
5
ELECTORAL REFORM. While I originally favored other methods
of reforming the electoral college system, I have strongly endorsed
the direct popular election plan approved by the House. I hope the
Senate will concur so that final favorable action can be completed
before the end of this session. This must be done if we are to have
this needed reform amended to the Constitution in time for the
presidential election of 1972.
D.C. GOVERNMENT REFORM. For years there has been broad
support for granting the people of Washington, D. C. the same right to
Congressional representation other Americans have always prized,
and the right to conduct their public business themselves. The Federal
city has been a federal colony far too long. Months ago I presented
to Congress a program to bring about the orderly transfer of political
power to the people of this community. I recommended a constitutional
amendment giving the District of Columbia at least one representative
in the House and such additional representatives as Congress may
approve, and providing for the possibility of two United States Senators.
I urged Congress further to grant the city one non-voting Congressional
representative in the interim, and recommended creation of a commission
to prepare and present to Congress and the Fresident a program to
improve the efficiency and competence of the District Government
looking to the day of complete self-government. Favorable action has
been taken by the Senate. I ask that this work be completed before the
end of the year.
CEO REFORM. I have provided the Office of Economic Opportunity
with a new director, a new structure, and added responsibilities as the
research and development arm of the nation's effort to deal with the
problems of the poor. CEC is now strengthening its present operating
programs, including the Community Action Agencies, VISTA, Legal
Services, Neighborhood Health Centers, Family Flanning, Emergency
Food, Rural, Older F ersons, Indian and Migrant Programs. In addition,
there is new emphasis on research, the evaluation of existing Federal
social programs, and developing and testing new approaches in community
and economic development, manpower and education, to assist the poor
to move into the economic life of the nation. I have asked for a two-
year extension of the existing legislation, without crippling amendments,
I believe that a reformed CEO has a major and continuing role to play
in our national life. Here again, there is no need or justification for
further delay.
In recent years the Federal Government has suffered a precipitous
decline in public confidence. The reason can be found in the chronic gap
that exists between the publicity and promise attendant to the launching
of a new Federal program and that program's eventual performance.
If confidence in government is to be restored, the gap must be closed.
This is the purpose of the foregoing proposals and great goal of
this Administration not to establish some new arithmetical record
for the number of programs proposed, but to do more than other
Administratioshave done --to devise new approaches, to make the
worthy old programs work, and to make old institutions responsive.
It is for this that we prize the mechanics and engineers of
government who retool and improve its machinery as much as we do the
planners and the idea men who develop new programs and new agencies.
There is little publicity and less glamor in the labor of the mechanics
and engineers of government but, with billions in tax dollars invested
in scores and scores of on-going Federal programs, the need is certainly
greater. Let us together make government's performance and
responsiveness more commensurate with its size.
FORD & GENALD LIBRARY
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6
REFORM OF FOREIGN AID. Our foreign aid program, sent to
Congress in May, differs from earlier programs in three significant
ways. First, it would place greater emphasis on technical assistance,
especially in the areas of agriculture, education and family planning,
where the return would be greatest when measured in terms of national
and human development. Second, the new program would create an
Overseas Private Investment Corporation to provide a greater thrust for
the channeling of private investment to the low-income countries. Third,
it would increase the share of our assistance contributed through multi-
lateral institutions.
I know of the economic miracles which foreign aid has helped create
in Western Europe and in parts of Asia. I know also that our program
is far from perfect. With this in mind, I have recently appointed a
Presidential Task Force on International Development, charged with
proposing new approaches to aid for the 1970s.
One fundamental question must be faced as Congress prepares to
vote on this issue: will we in the United States live out our lives in
comparative affluence, while denying reasonable help to those who
are our neighbors in the world community and who are struggling to
help themselves achieve a better life? To enable us to answer this
question positively, I have requested $2. 7 billion -- the smallest request
in the history of the U. S. aid program but an amount vitally needed to
maintain our relationship with the developing world.
In addition to the reforms already cited, I have made other recommen-
dations that call for new commitments by the Federal government, and
offer more hopeful avenues of progress than the paths of the past.
Specifically, I have asked Congress to:
establish a national computer Job Bank, which would enable the
unemployed and the employer to come together through a computer
matching system. The bank would have "branches" in every major
labor market in the country. No longer would men have to go without
work solely because they did not know where to find jobs.
-- commit this country to the most extensive improvement of the
nation's air facilities in history. Under this program, the annual Federal
appropriation for improving air facilities will rise from $93 million a
year the average of the last decade to $250 million annually over the
next decade. I have proposed further aid for airport development of
$2. 5 billion dollars in Federal funds in the next ten years to be matched
dollar-for-dollar by the States and local governments. This will mean
an added $5 billion in funds for airport development. It will mean a
running start on the national effort to build for the doubling of airline
traffic expected by 1975 and its tripling by 1980.
commit this country to the redevelopment of the nation's deteriora-
ting public transportation system by providing an unprecedented measure
of Federal support. In the six-year period ending with fiscal 1970, some
$800 million will have been authorized by Congress to aid the nation's
deteriorating public transit industry. I have proposed raising that commit-
ment to $3. 1 billion over the next five years and to a total of $10 billion
over the next twelve.
-- enact the most extensive improvements in the Federal-State unemploy-
ment system in a decade, with coverage extended to an additional 4.8 million
workers, mostly low-income, with an automatic extension of benefits to
workers during times of high unemployment.
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LIBRARY GERALD 1020
7
enact the strongest mine health and safety bill in history; one
which empowers the Secretary of the Interior to upgrade health and
safety standards for coal mines as the technology develops.
establish a national occupational health and safety board,
with power to set standards to protect workers.
empower the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission to
bring suit in a Federal District Court to enforce federal laws against
discrimination.
ban illiteracy tests as a prerequisite for voting throughout the
United States.
NEW INITIATIVES
THE HUNGRY. For many years, in this richest of societies, we
have heard rumors of malnourished children and hungry men and women.
Now we know these rumors are true. This realization has prompted us
to a commitment that we eliminate every vestige of hunger and mal-
nutrition from America. I have asked Congress to help us assure that
every American family will have a nutritionally complete diet; I have
asked that the poorest members of our national community be provided
with food stamps free of cost.
The Senate has shown a willingness to join in this commitment and
has acted with dispatch. I urge the House to move so as not to prolong
any further the day when this ancient curse of malnutrition and hunger is
eliminated in this most modern of nations.
POPULATION. There is a widely-recognized correlation between
population growth and poverty in the under-developed nations of the
world. I have asked Congress to support our endorsement of those
individuals and organizations seeking voluntary answers to this global
question in other lands.
To approach this question as it applies at home, I have called on
Congress to create a national commission to undertake now a study of
how the nation is to provide for the 100 million new Americans expected
before the turn of the century.
Beyond this, I have asked that a new philosophy become American
government policy. We will interfere with no American's freedom of
choice; we will infringe upon no one's religious convictions; but we shall
not deny to any American woman the family planning assistance she
may desire but cannot afford. That is the goal I ask Congress to support.
THE CONTROL OF CRIME
There is no greater need in this free society than the restoration
of the individual American's freedom from violence in his home and on
the streets of his city or town. Control and reduction of crime are among
the first and constant concerns of this Administration. But we can do
little more unless and until Congress provides more tools to do the job.
No crisis is more urgent in our society. No subject has been the matter
of more legislative requests from this Administration. Yet, not a single
one of our major recommendations on crime has been acted upon favorably.
I have not even received yet the budget appropriation for the Department
of Justice for this fiscal year which is three month's old. In light of the
rising crime statistics in the country -- and in the nation's capital -- I
again call upon Congress to become a full-fledged ally in this national
campaign.
LIBRARY GERALD P. FORD
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8
ORGANIZED CRIME. To intensify the national effort against organized
crime I have asked for an arsenal of new legal weapons:
a doubling of existing resources for the organized crime effort;
authority for Justice Department agents to enter any community
and shut down large-scale gambling operations;
a modern general witness immunity statute under which witnesses
in Federal criminal cases could be compelled to testify under threat of a
prison sentence for contempt;
finally, because organized crime would shrivel up without its
enormous gambling resources, and because illegal gambling on a large
scale cannot go on without cooperation of corrupt law enforcements, I
have asked Congress to make corruption of local authorities who are tied
in with such gambling operations a Federal crime. I must stress the
great urgency of these measures. Let the Congress act now.
D.C. CRIME. To deal with the increase in crime in the District of
Columbia I have asked for an expansion and strengthening of the entire
system of law enforcement and criminal justice, including a fundamental
reorganization of the courts. I have stressed the urgent need for more
police, more judges, more prosecutors, more courtroom space, a new
public defender's office, better penal and rehabilitation facilities and
reform in the procedures for dealing with juvenile offenders. Crime in
the District of Columbia continues to rise to new records with each month.
We cannot contain or control it with existing resources; we need more
men and money; we need a speedier trial system and, as important as
any other measure, the power to keep hard-core criminal repeaters in
the District of Columbia off the streets, so they are not committing five
and six crimes before they are ever brought to trial. The Congress
should act now.
NARCOTICS. In the Federal effort against the illicit narcotics
trade, I have submitted a major revision of all Federal narcotics laws
and requested more men and money to deal with a problem that long ago
outstripped the capacity of government at every level. Existing manpower
and resources are stretched to their elastic limits they are demonstrably
inadequate. We have to have the cooperation of Congress to attack this
terrible problem. Let's get at it now.
PORNOGRAPHY. To prevent the use of the nation's postal system
for the mailing of unsolicited sex-oriented materials to families that do
not want the material and to children to whom it might do psychological
harm, I offered three legislative proposals that will protect American
citizens from the barrages of the filth peddlers, and will also be
consistent with the decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court interpreting the
First Amendment. These bills are still in Congress. I ask that they be
promptly enacted.
These are among my major legislative proposals in these first nine
months in office. I believe they speak directly to the needs of a nation
in distress. I can see no legitimate reason why -- with good will and
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DERALO FORD LIBRARY
9
cooperation between us -- we cannot make the great majority of these
urgently needed programs law before the end of the year. We should
have all of them - -- as well as the others now pending -- on the statute
books well before the Ninety-First Congress enters the history books.
To that end, I again pledge the cooperation of this Administration.
RICHARD NIXON
THE WHITE HOUSE,
October 13, 1969.
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LIBRARY GERALD P. FORD